Sayyid Ammar Al Hakim Receives Sheikhs and Leaders of the Zawalem Tribes

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Sayyid Ammar Al Hakim Receives Sheikhs and Leaders of the Zawalem Tribes Sayyid Ammar Al Hakim Receives Sheikhs and Leaders of the Zawalem Tribes The Head of the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq, Sayyid Ammar Al Hakim, stressed that Iraqi tribes are the safety valve which maintains the country’s stability and security, thanks to the values inherited acroos generations. His Eminence added that Iraqi tribes represent the nerve of life and the solution key to all forms of disputes and conflicts, because of its interlaced structure representing the Iraqi people. He insisted that the merits of progress, modernization and future vision in the country are attributed to the tribes, unlike some people might think. His Eminence urged sheikhs and leaders to support and assist officials who have competence and good management skills regardless of their tribal, partisan and nationalist affiliations, indicating that an employee who is not competent should be sacked even if he was upright, for the country is in dire need for competent men with managerial skills able to invest the country’s immense budgets in order to provide services to citizens. Sayyid Al Hakim explained that the essence is the provision of services to all citizens on the basis of justice and equal opportunities. His Eminence also praised during the meeting the role of Zawalem tribes in Iraq, especially in supporting the country’s fair demands and in supporting the religious authority, as well as holding on to authentic Islamic values throughout all the phases of Iraq’s long history. From his part, Sheikh Hatem Al Shaalan commended the role of the Hakim family, starting from the highest authority and chief of sect Imam Sayyid Mohsen Al Hakim (May Allah sanctify his soul) to our present day, as they played a vital role in sacrificing and sparing no effort to promote the status of religion and hold up high Iraq’s reputation. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org).
Recommended publications
  • U.S. Detention of Key Shiite Raises Ire BRIAN MURPHY Associated Press
    U.S. detention of key Shiite raises ire BRIAN MURPHY Associated Press BAGHDAD, Iraq - U.S. troops detained the eldest son of Iraq's most influential Shiite politician for nearly 12 hours Friday as he crossed back from Iran - the same route Washington believes is used to keep powerful Shiite militias flush with weapons and aid. Even though the U.S. ambassador issued a rapid apology, the decision to hold Amar al-Hakim risks touching off a backlash from Shiite leaders at a time when their cooperation is needed most to keep a major security sweep through Baghdad from unraveling. It also highlights the often knotty relationship between U.S. military authorities and Iraq's elected leaders, whose ties to neighboring patrons - Syria backing Sunnis, and Iran acting as big brother to majority Shiites - add fuel to sectarian rivalries and bring recriminations from Washington about alleged arms smuggling and outside interference. Shiite reaction to the detention was quick and sharp, with some officials suggesting it was a veiled warning about the limits of ties to Iran. "What happened is unacceptable," Shiite lawmaker Hamid Majid Moussa told Al-Forat television. "The Iraqi government and the American forces must put an end to such transgressions," Shiite lawmaker Hamid Majid Moussa told Al-Forat television. The station is just one part of the multilayered clout of the al-Hakim family. Al-Hakim's father, Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim, met with President Bush at the White House in December. He is the leader of the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, or SCIRI, the country's largest political force.
    [Show full text]
  • Shia-Islamist Political Actors in Iraq Who Are They and What Do They Want? Søren Schmidt DIIS REPORT 2008:3 DIIS REPORT
    DIIS REPORT 2008:3 SHIA-IsLAMIST POLITICAL ACTORS IN IRAQ WHO Are THEY AND WHAT do THEY WANT? Søren Schmidt DIIS REPORT 2008:3 DIIS REPORT DIIS · DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 © Copenhagen 2008 Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK -1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover Design: Carsten Schiøler Layout: mgc design, Jens Landorph Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN: 978-87-7605-247-8 Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk. 2 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 Contents Abstract 4 1. Introduction 5 2. The Politicisation of Shia-Islam 7 2.1 Introduction 7 2.2 The History of Shia-Islamism in Iraq 8 3. Contemporary Shia-Islamist political actors 15 3.1 Ali Husseini Sistani 15 3.2 The Da’wa Party 21 3.3 SCIRI 24 3.4 Moqtada al-Sadr 29 4. Conclusion: Conflict or Cooperation? 33 Bibliography 35 3 DIIS REPORT 2008:3 Abstract The demise of the regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq in 2003 was an important wa- tershed in Iraqi political history. Iraq had been governed by groups which belonged to the Arab Sunni minority since the Iraqi state emerged out of the former Otto- man Empire in 1921. More recently, new political actors are in the ascendancy, rep- resenting the Kurdish minority and the Shia majority in Iraq.
    [Show full text]
  • The Hawza Under Siege
    Boston University Institute for Iraqi Studies IISBU Occassional Paper | No. 1 | June 2013 The Hawza Under Siege A Study in the Ba‘th Party Archive Abbas Kadhim IISBU Occasional Paper | No. 1 | June 2013 The Hawza Under Siege A Study in the Ba‘th Party Archive Abbas Kadhim Boston University Institute for Iraqi Studies The Occasional Papers feature inter-disciplinary scholarship focusing on Iraq by leading and emerging scholars. All papers are refereed. Series Editor: Professor Augustus Richard Norton The Institute for Iraqi Studies at Boston University serves as a catalyst for research on contemporary Iraq. The Institute was founded in 2010 and periodically sponsors workshops, visiting fellowships, lectures, film series and conferences, in addition to the Occasional Papers. The Institute for Iraqi Studies at Boston University 232 Bay State Road Boston, Massachusetts 02215 Tel: +1 (617) 358-4648 Fax: +1 (617) 358-4650 http://www.bu.edu/iis/ Email: [email protected] Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/pages/Institute-for-Iraqi-Studies-at-Boston- University/353124494699062 Twitter: @IISBU Google+: https://plus.google.com/b/111085246710214157780/111085246710214157780/posts Cover photo courtesty of Mustafa Al-Kadhimi The views expressed in this paper represent those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the Institute for Iraqi Studies or the Trustees of Boston University. Produced by IIS at Boston University © 2013 Institute for Iraqi Studies ISBN 978-0-9895097-3-2 (PDF) ISBN 978-0-9895097-1-8 (Kindle) Printed on recycled paper About the Author Abbas Kadhim is a Senior Fellow at the Boston University Institute for Iraqi Studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Demagoguery Or Diplomacy
    Demagoguery or Diplomacy The Case for Engaging Moqtada al-Sadr By Jeffrey Coonjohn Demagoguery or Diplomacy: The Case for Engaging Moqtada al-Sadr 1/13 The House of Hakim and the House of Sadr have both been long revered among the world’s Shia population. However, there are basic philosophical differences between the two houses that have historically balanced them very well. Simply speaking, the House of Hakim is akin to the Republican Party while the House of Sadr is reminiscent of the Democratic Party. Both of these stalwarts of Iraqi domestic politics are necessary for a stable government. However, for the last six years American foreign policy in Iraq has been directed toward diminishing the power of Moqtada al-Sadr—if not destroying it. This has thrown the balance of power out of kilter and like a top losing momentum; Iraq is wobbling toward an uncertain future. Understanding the House of Sadr and the House of Hakim in the Modern Context IRAQ AND THE RISE OF BAKR AL-SADR Historically, Iraqi Shia have tended toward commerce and trade while Iraqi Sunni often led the affairs of state. During the Ottoman Empire, the Turks appointed a Sunni-dominated government in order to balance the economic power of the Shia majority. With the British colonization in the latter part of the 19th and early 20th century, the Shia again found themselves with a Sunni- dominated government. Given their historical underpinnings, the Shia were generally ambivalent toward Sunni governance, yet roiled at the British occupation1. In 1920, the religious leader of the Shia, Supreme Grand Ayatollah al-Shirazi, issued a Fatwa that prohibited Shia from cooperating with or working for occupation governments under non-Muslim control2.
    [Show full text]
  • Shiite Politics in Iraq: the Role of the Supreme Council
    SHIITE POLITICS IN IRAQ: THE ROLE OF THE SUPREME COUNCIL Middle East Report N°70 – 15 November 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. SCIRI BEFORE 2003...................................................................................................... 1 A. FOUNDING.............................................................................................................................1 B. THE IRAN-IRAQ WAR: TEHRAN’S PROXY ................................................................................3 C. THE SANCTIONS DECADE: SPREADING ITS WINGS ...................................................................5 II. SCIRI IN POWER........................................................................................................... 9 A. HOMECOMING .......................................................................................................................9 B. SCIRI IN GOVERNMENT .......................................................................................................11 III. FACING THE FUTURE............................................................................................... 15 A. METAMORPHOSIS.................................................................................................................15 B. RULING A “SHIASTAN”? .......................................................................................................17 C. FACING A DIFFERENT REVOLUTION ......................................................................................18
    [Show full text]
  • Letter to Shaykh Abu Muhammad 17 August 2007
    Page 1 To the kind Shaykh Abu Muhammad, Allah protect him, Peace be upon you, and mercy of Allah, and his blessings. I hope that this message will reach you, and that you, the family, and all the brothers are in health and prosperity from Allah almighty. Please inform me of your condition and the brothers, in-laws, and offspring. I apologize for the delay in sending messages to you, due to security issues seen by the brothers accompanying me and which may last, whereby there will be a message every several months, so please excuse me in that regard, knowing that all of us, praise Allah, are in good condition and health, and hopefully things will ease up and I will be able to meet you and benefit from your opinions. I was following up with the brothers your kind words in supporting people of the right, and confronting people of the evil, which an observer would find as a positive development, Allah reward you and make that in your good deeds balance, due to performing that great duty. Please inform me about the conditions on your side and your future programs, and provide me with your opinions and counsel. - I present to you a very important subject that needs great effort to remove ambiguity around the subject of the Islamic state of Iraq (ISI), since there is easier contact between you, the media, and the information network, so you have to plug that Page 2 gap, whereby the main axis for your work plan in the coming stage would be the continued support for the truthful Mujahidin in Iraq headed by our brothers in ISI, and defending them should be the core issue and should take the lion’s share and the top priority in your speeches and statements, and mobilizing people, and uncovering the opponents’ conspiracies in an open and clear manner, in other words, your support for ISI must be overt and obvious.
    [Show full text]
  • Economie and Social Council
    UNITED NATIONS E Economie and Social Distr. Council GENERAL E/CN.4/1992/52 18 December 1991 ENGLISH Original: ENGLISH/FRENCH/ SPANISH COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS Forty-eighth session Item 20 of the provisional agenda IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DECLARATION ON THE ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS OF INTOLERANCE AND OF DISCRIMINATION BASED ON RELIGION OR BELIEF Report submitted by Mr. Angelo Vidal d'Almeida Ribeiro. Special Rapporteur appointed in accordance with •Commission on Human Rights resolution 1986/20 of 10 March 1986 GE.91-14269/4156B E/CN.4/1992/52 page ii CONTENTS Paragraphs Page Introduction 1-9 1 I. MANDATE AND WORKING METHODS OF THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR 10-16 2 II. SPECIFIC INCIDENTS IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES EXAMINED BY THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR 17-75 4 1. China 20-22 4 2. Cuba 23 10 3. Dominican Republic 24-25 10 4. Egypt 26-32 11 5. El Salvador 33-36 19 6. France 37-38 25 7. Ghana 39-41 26 8. Greece 42-46 27 9. India 47-48 31 10. Indonesia 49 33 11. Iran (Islamic Republic of) 50-51 33 12. Iraq 52-55 39 13. Malawi 56 73 14. Mauritania 57 73 15. Morocco 58-59 73 16. Pakistan 60-63 74 17. Philippines 64 80 18. Saudi Arabia 65 81 19. Sudan 66 81 20. Switzerland 67 82 21. Syrian Arab Republic 68 82 22. Thailand 69-70 83 23. Turkey 71 86 24. United States of America 72 - 74 86 25. Zaire 75 88 III. CONSIDERATION OF GENERAL INFORMATION RELATING TO THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DECLARATION ON THE ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS OF INTOLERANCE AND OF DISCRIMINATION BASED ON RELIGION OR BELIEF 76-164 89 A.
    [Show full text]
  • Suddensuccession
    SUDDEN SUCCESSION Examining the Impact of Abrupt Change in the Middle East ALI MAMOURI MEHDI KHALAJI Shia Leadership After Sistani AYATOLLAH ALI AL-SISTANI is a transnational marja Khalaji. These analyses both address Sistani’s succession (Shia source of emulation) who is based in Najaf, Iraq. and the Shia leadership vacuum that will result not only He was born in 1930 in the Iranian city of Mashhad. in Iran and Iraq but in the worldwide Shia community. In Although no official statistics are available, strong evi- particular, these authors examine how dynamics could dence suggests that alongside Iran’s Supreme Leader, change in the absence of Sistani’s political role, while Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Sistani is the most followed marja also looking at Khamenei’s political-religious clout, Iran’s in the Shia community, with a vast gulf between him and interference in Shia affairs across the Middle East, and the next contestant. In Iraq’s post–Saddam Hussein era, its dominance of transnational Shia religious networks Sistani has played a bold reconciliatory role, supporting a and resources. The jostling for power among clerics constitution-based society and the Iraqi electoral process. that will inevitably follow Sistani therefore warrants close What follows are two distinct treatments of Sistani attention, as do potential related opportunities for Iran and what could follow him by former seminarians within to expand its influence in Iraq and elsewhere in the the Shia clerical establishment, Ali Mamouri and Mehdi Middle East. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY POLICY NOTE 67 SEPTEMBER 2019 SUDDEN SUCCESSION: TRANSNATIONAL MARJA The Najaf Seminary as an Enduring Check on Shia Political Islam By Ali Mamouri Sistani’s rejection of clerical guardianship is deeply Under the leadership of Ali al-Sistani, the seminary in rooted in the Najaf school.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Introduction A visitor entering the foyer of the Imam Al-Khoei Islamic Centre in New York, with its crystal chandelier and frieze of gilded verses from the Qur’an, will also certainly notice the framed portrait of an ageing, white-bearded, black-turbaned Shi‘i cleric. During the research conducted for this book, I have encountered the same picture many times in many places: the library of a theological college in the Iranian seminaries of Mashhad, an orphanage in Beirut, a small religious school in Bangkok, the prayer room of a community centre in Paris, the website of a charitable association operating in India and the cover page of an Arabic magazine published in London. The face of Grand Ayatullah Abu al-Qasim al-Khu’i adorns the walls of places he never went to. From his classroom in the holy city of Najaf in Iraq, his teachings influenced millions of Shi‘i followers across the world. An eminent scholar, spiritual leader and philanthropist, his legacy traverses time and borders. Any considered assessment of Shi‘i Islam requires looking with a transnational lens beyond the national framework. For centuries, reli- gious networks defined by common affinities have been sustained across localities by the movement of peoples, the exchange of ideas and com- munal practices. The ‘ulama’ (sing. ‘alim; religious scholar) have come to represent the quintessential transnational actor and their continued visibility in the worldwide geography of Shi‘ism is the focus of this book. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, clerics from today’s Lebanon, Bahrain and Iraq settled in Persia at the invitation of Safavid rulers who were converting the country from Sunnism to Shi‘ism.1 Scholarly migration also reinforced the development of major centres of learning in the Iraqi and Iranian shrine cities where the most prominent religious scholars have offered guidance to believers worldwide.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq in Crisis
    MAY 2014 Iraq in Crisis ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN AND SAM KHAZAI AND SAM ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW| Washington DC 20036 t. (202) 887-0200 | f. (202) 775-3199 | www.csis.org Iraq in ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Lanham, MD 20706 t. (800) 462-6420 | f. (301) 429-5749 | www.rowman.com Crisis AUTHORS Cover photo: Photo by Kaveh Seyedahmadian. http://www.flickr.com/photos/samanvari/3388535986/. Anthony H. Cordesman ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD ISBN 978-1-4422-2855-9 Sam Khazai Ë|xHSLEOCy228559z v*:+:!:+:! A Report of the CSIS Burke Chair in Strategy Blank Iraq in Crisis Authors Anthony H. Cordesman Sam Khazai A Report of the CSIS Burke Chair in Strategy May 2014 ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK About CSIS For over 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has worked to develop solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. Today, CSIS scholars are providing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration.
    [Show full text]
  • In the Occasion of the Iraqi Martyr'S Day, Sayyid Ammar
    In the Occasion of the Iraqi Martyr's Day, Sayyid Ammar al-Hakim Calls for Engaging in Dialogue and Warns that if the Strong Barrier of Unity Falls Apart, Everyone Would Get Drowned with It. In a speech delivered in commemoration of the 10th anniversary of the 2 Rajab assassination of Sayyid Mohammad Baqir al-Hakim (may Allah sanctify his soul) and in the occasion of the Iraqi Martyr's day in his Eminence's office in Baghdad, Saturday May 11, 2013, Sayyid Ammar al-Hakim, head of the Islamic Superior Council of Iraq, said tolerance, acceptance of the other, finding common grounds and limitation of intersections marked the course of the Martyr of the Niche, Mohammad Baqir al-Hakim (may Allah sanctify his soul) and his brother, the Iraq's Aziz, Abdul Aziz al-Hakim, which his Eminence considers as that of the great leaders who work for their countries and peoples. The Martyr of the Niche and the Iraq's Aziz would not, however, tolerate with any prejudice to the doctrine or any violation of the national principles, according to his Eminence. Without being turned into carelessness, their tolerance was based on a well-defined vision about building a united nation and a free country while maintaining the national and religious values. His Eminence called on the political leaders to get over their differences, reduce intersections, have the courage to come to dialogue table in the shadow of the country and offer solutions to the people. He also warned that if the strong barrier of unity falls apart, everyone would get drowned with it, maintaining that the Martyr of the Niche movement is moderate and does not embrace the impartiality policy; yet it believes that policy is about taking as much as giving and describes extremism as injecting poisoned ideas and claims.
    [Show full text]
  • Collective Identity & Alliance Formations in Iraq
    Socializing Realism’s Balance of Power: Collective Identity as Alliance Formation in Iraq A Senior Honors Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for graduation with research distinction in Politica l Science in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Ramzy Mardini The Ohio State University August 2008 Project Advisors: Alexander Wendt, Department of Political Science Randall Schweller, Depart ment of Political Science 1 Socializing Realism’s Balance of Power: Collective Identity as Alliance Formation In Iraq1 Ramzy A. Mardini2 The Ohio State University, USA What is perhaps missed when observing alliances found in international politics is the social residue of partnerships. This anthropocentric claim occupies a social epistemology, is constructed and motivated by culture, and fostered towards collective ontological maintenance. Though operating as metaphysical, how would such reification modify the objectivism reflected in realist alignment theories, particularly the balance-of-power, balance-of-threats, and balance-of-interests? In confronting this question, the Shiite- Kurdish alignment in post-Saddam Iraq is examined, to which each realist proposition ends up exhibiting a degree of surfeit imbalances. Yet rather than exclusively focusing on material and individualistic properties, this article attempts to promote the aspect of social alliances, suggesting that mutual desire towards stabilizing ontological status may conflict with the implications of external physicalist disparities. In this regard, key Shiites and Kurds, through the process of culturizing their collective traumas and historical memories had both accomplished basic trust, inter-subjectively putting into practice their Kantian 'friendship', skewing realism’s objective fix on alliances. In attempting to systematically incorporate an identity function in alliance formation, a dualistic balance-of-identities theory is offered, underlining a holistic condition corresponding to any realist thought on alignment patterns.
    [Show full text]