67 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 68

J. Janssen (Carrying Torches) propose de traduire par «porter des flambeaux» une expression rare des ostraca de Deir el Medineh (fj mhd) qui apparaît parfois en relation avec des manifestations de protestation. L. Kákosy (Ouroboros on magical healing statues) réunit FARAONISCH EGYPTE quelques exemples du motif du serpent qui se mord la queue, dont deux inédits d’une statue de Naples. HERMES AEGYPTIACUS. Egyptological Studies for B.H. M. Malaise (Le persea, l’olivier, le lierre et la palme dans Stricker on his 85th birthday. Edited by Terence la religion égyptienne tardive) rassemble une abondante DuQuesne, Oxford, DE Publications, 1995 = Discussions documentation sur l’usage que l’on fait de ces quatre végé- in Egyptology Special Number, 2. (15 ≈ 21 cm; 189 p., taux dans la symbolique funéraire par suite de leur caractère frontispiece = portrait, fig., ill.). ISBN 0-9510704-6-0; sempervirent. Pr. £ 40. D. Meeks (Le foie, Maât et la nature humaine) étudie la signification du foie (mizt) dans la mythologie et la métapho- Ce recueil consacré par les soins de Terence Duquesne rique égyptienne. Il note l’équivalence de Maât et du foie de aux 85 ans de B.H. Stricker porte un titre significatif: l’Her- Râ, la fonction de l’organe comme siège de la personnalité mès égyptien, en fait, ne serait-il pas le Jubilaire lui-même, intime et de la vitalité. Le foie, sans être mentionné expressé- qui a consacré tant de travaux subtils à l’interprétation des ment, semble être la relique osirienne du 11e nome de HE, et écrits les plus «hermétiques» de la littérature religieuse est apparemment attribué à la 7e heure de la nuit dans une liste égyptienne? Il ne saurait être question dans le compte rendu décrivant le passage du soleil à travers le corps, selon une de ces mélanges que de signaler rapidement le contenu des inscription astronomique de l’Osireion d’Abydos. articles. J. Quaegebeur ( ) Pour J. Assmann ( Diodore I, 20 et les mystères d’Osiris Die Unschuld des Kindes. eine neue compare la dissertation de Diodore sur le mythe osirien aux ), les dix années Deutund der Nachschrift von CT spell 228 sources égyptiennes, en particulier les Livres des respira- d’innocence ajoutées aux cent années de vie, dans la des- tions et les décrets d’Amon-Râ en faveur d’Osiris. Il cription de l’âge idéal de l’Égyptien, représentent la période explique dans quelle relation Isis, qui a «commandé» le pre- de l’enfance, au cours de laquelle personne ne peut être mier livre, et Hermès, qui a rédigé, se trouvent comme ceux rendu responsable de ses actes, telle qu’elle est décrite par qui instituèrent les «mystères», se préoccupe de désigner la plusieurs documents. divinité responsable du second livre et précise enfin les rap- M. Bilolo ( sw- : w{ jr(jw) sw m Zur Semantik in dem Satz ports de Thoth et d’Osiris, pour conclure à la qualité de l’in- ÌÌ(w)) se livre à d’aventureuses manipulations grammati- formation de Diodore. cales pour tenter de démontrer qu’il faut décomposer la for- W. Vychichl (oeij(S) = ) mule en deux éléments distincts et comprendre, au lieu de (1) «appel», (2) «héraut» explique par l’évolution phonétique la double signification «l’un qui se fait millions», «l’unique créateur, il est dans les active et passive du mot étudié. Hehou». Le recueil est précédé de la bibliographie des œuvres de Borghouts ( Rethinking the Papremis ritual (Herodot II Stricker, qui comprend neuf pages et s’étale sur plus de recherche les divers éléments de la description d’Héro- 63)) soixante ans. dote, et conclut qu’il devait s’agir d’un rituel de renouvelle- On regrettera le peu de soin de la présentation. Le volume ment, comparable sans doute à ceux de la régéneration des a visiblement été baclé. On y avait sans doute pensé trop statues par l’«Union au disque» ou d’une manière générale tard. Les manuscrits ont été reproduits tels qu’ils avaient été à ceux du Nouvel-An. livrés, composés dans les fontes les plus variées, et sans L’article de T. Duquesne ( ), qui Raising the serpent power tenir compte du fait que le format choisi pour la publication compare des faits égyptiens au tantra indien, excède ma allait dans certains cas réduire les notes à la limite de la lisi- compétence. bilité. M. Heerma van Voss (Eine dunkle mythische Episode im Totenbuch) commente deux lignes du chap 82 du Livre des Mai 1996 PHILIPPE ERCHAIN Morts, où l’on raconte que la tête de Nout a été fracassée D pour un crime qu’elle avait commis. ** E. Hermsen (Die Bedeutung des Flammensees im Zwei- * wegebuch) résume une partie de sa thèse (Die zwei Wege des Jenseits, OBO 112, 1991), en insistant sur l’ambivalence du feu, à la fois destructeur et régénérateur, et tente de situer HUSSON, Geneviève, Dominique VALBELLE — L’état et le «Lac de feu» dans la théorie funéraire et ce qu’il consi- les institutions en Égypte des premiers pharaons aux dère encore comme la théologie hermopolitaine. empereurs romains, Paris, Armand Colin, 1992 = His- toire ancienne. (17 ≈ 23 cm; 368 p.). ISBN 2-200- S.T. Hollis (Anubis’s mortuary Functions in «The tale of 31310-1. Two Brothers») reprend quelques idées qu’elle a exprimées dans une dissertation de 1986 au sujet du rôle d’Anubis dans The volume by Husson and Valbelle attempts to continue le Conte des Deux Frères, où il remplit tour à tour les the long time discussions in the field of ancient history on diverses fonctions, généralement distinctes dans la littéra- the nature of the state and the development of bureaucratic ture, d’agresseur, d’embaumeur et de prince héritier. institutions. Husson and Valbelle have divided their volume La contribution d’E. Hornung (Thomas Mann, Akhnaton into two parts. Valbelle begins the study with a description and the Egyptologists) est la traduction anglaise d’un article of the pharaonic state, followed by Husson’s second part on paru en allemand dans le Thomas Mann Jahrbuch, 1993. the state in Egypt under the Ptolemaic and Roman dynasties. 69 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 70

In Valbelle’s chapters on pharaonic Egypt we find the history (possibly prior to Dynasty 1). From there we have basics of the study as well as its strengths. Valbelle’s analy- often described the state in terms of a system of centralized sis of the state has led her to examine individually a series of authority vested in pharaoh (a semi/pseudo divine character) aspects of Egypt. Her chapters include discussions on in a very hierarchical structure. Descriptions of Egypt as a pharaoh (chapter 1), the organs of authority (chapter 2), very bureaucratic state also are found suggesting that the administrative sections of the government (chapter 3), the Egyptians, with this hierarchical state, developed early a economy (chapter 4), the administration of the natural centralized bureaucracy to handle the affairs of state. Thus, resources (chapter 5), personnel and status (chapter 6), law Husson and Valbelle utilize the ancient sources in describ- (chapter 7) and the military (chapter 8). She finishes with a ing such a ‘state’ and the differences within. discussion of institutions during the first millennium BC. In I would like to suggest four interrelated points of variance each chapter the author details in short sections the essential with Husson and Valbelle’s undertaking. The first involves features of the Egyptian realm. the nature of Egyptian society. Husson and Valbelle’s dif- In Husson’s chapters on the nature of the state in Ptole- ferent areas of administrative structure suggest that Egypt maic and Roman times, a similar format is used. She was primarily a secular society within which are found includes chapters on sources (chapter 1), the use of Alexan- notable religious areas. I would rather see Egypt as a ‘reli- dria as a center for power (chapter 2), Greek cities (chapter 3), gious’ society in which we cannot separate the understand- administrative divisions (chapter 4), fiscal practices (chapter ing of the ‘state’ without discussing the nature of the divine. 5), law (chapter 6), the role of the clergy and the temples The concept of Maat is one expression of this. Maat was a (chapter 7), the military (chapter 8) and money and banking description of the world at the time of creation with a built- (chapter 9). Many of the chapters are subdivided into sepa- in idea of conflict understood and expressed in the dual con- rate sections dealing with Ptolemaic versus Roman times. flicts between Horus and Seth as well as the battle between The different chapter topics illustrate for the reader the the correct world order symbolized by Maat and the forces differences suggested between the nature of the state during of chaos/evil (Isfet). A clear understanding of such a world pharaonic times and Egypt after the conquest of Alexander. view is important to understand the Egyptian’s own under- Thus, the systems found for each period are offered as dis- standing of their world. tinct items with an emphasis on their separate natures. The When Husson and Valbelle give separate sections dealing centralized pharaonic kingdom is contrasted with a kingdom with the clergy and temples, I would object in that we of Greeks and later Romans. While both utilize similar should not see these individuals and institutions as separate structures, they are seen as different kingdoms. or distinct from the administration of Egypt. What role did M. Campagno (Internet discussion) raises some important the clergy and temples play in the administration of the points concerning the nature of the Egyptian state (which I country? In many cases we cannot distinguish a clear sepa- paraphrase herein). He wonders whether we as scholars are ration. Did not many nobles hold both ‘civil' and ‘religious' approaching the issue from an “etic" versus “emic" point of titles? Did not whole sections of the country during the New view. These are anthopological terms with etic being the Kingdom belong to temple estates? Was not the king dele- imposition of modern categories, like “state" and emic gated the authority to oversee all rituals in Egypt? Was not being an attempt to understand society through its own con- the pharaoh’s divine status symbolic of the pervading reli- ceptual framework. While both are valid approaches, they gious nature of the Egyptian state? These aspects of describ- each can restrict our understanding. Campagno continues ing the nature of the Egyptian state are lacking from both “The Egyptian conception of the ‘state' … clearly cannot be Husson’s and Valbelle’s discussion. understood without dealing with the nature of kingship and Second is the changing nature of the Egyptian state over Maat. Seeing things only from the perspective of the ancient time. For the ancient Egyptians, time was cyclical. For mod- culture, however, is limiting, especially given the biases in ern westerners, time is linear. We divide our historical stud- the historical and art historical record. The king’s cosmolog- ies into linear eras, such as the Old Kingdom and Middle ical role and the place of Egyptian institutions and inter- Kingdom. To the Egyptians the ‘state’ did not change. As nal/external relations within that, for example, is often very symbolized by the king, the ‘state’ was, is, and would be, different from the day to day administration and organiza- just as the gods continued forever. The ‘state’ would change tion of the ‘state’. Thus, the Nubian prince Hekanefer cyclicly only if we think of change in terms of the ebb and appears in the Tomb of Huy (temp. Tutankhamun) in typical flow of Maat versus chaos/evil. When we speak of historic Nubian dress, skin tone, etc., but in his own tomb as com- eras, these would not be Egyptian eras, but our own super- pletely Egyptian, and indeed, Lower Nubia had been com- imposed on the Egyptian milieux. pletely incorporated into the Egyptian ‘state’ by this time. The model of the Egyptian state, as described by Val- The king’s role as upholder of Maat, however, required that belle, suggests that the state did change over time (and it did Nubia be a subdued ‘foreign’ enemy, part of the forces of from a linear point of view). Her method of examining the Isfet (evil/chaos) that threatened the cosmological order. structure proposes that while the individual areas of the state Thus, Hekanefer had to appear in the ‘Tribute’ ceremony as may have changed some, there was a large measure of con- Nubian". tinuity over time. From the Egyptian view, this makes a When we examine Husson and Valbelle’s volume, we are great deal of sense. From a linear point of view and as mod- struck by the seeming mixed approaches to the issue of ern historians, the notable thing about the three millennia of institutions in ancient Egypt. The primary method used ancient Egyptian history is the vast array of change that did seems to be that of applying modern terminology to a state take place. The development of the early centralized struc- system much different from modern systems. For many his- tures, the strong centralized government of the Old King- torians it has seemed reasonable to articulate the formation dom, the collapse of the country at the end of Dynasty 6, the of an Egyptian ‘state’ on a national scale early in Egypt’s reformation of a centralized state with the Middle Kingdom, 71 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 72 the conquest of Egypt by the Hyksos, the military empire of change or that a single office holder within an institution the New Kingdom, the ‘Amun theocracy’, the divisions of likewise was incapable of change. We should note that indi- the third intermediate period, the Saite Revival, and the con- viduals (and their families) have significant impact upon any quests of the Assyrians, Persians, Greeks and Romans, each office and institution. Individualism, or maybe ‘family-ism’, of these represents a quite different situation vis à vis the provided for different contemporary perspectives on a single state and its accompanying institutions. It is not possible to institution. say from a modern historical point of view that the govern- In summary, the volume offered by Husson and Valbelle ment structure of each of those periods was the same. Each has achieved its stated purpose. It provided us with a means was a reflection of the country at a different time. When to continue the discussion on the nature of the state and Valbelle adds her chapter 9 to discuss Egypt during the first institutions in ancient Egypt. While this reviewer may dis- millennium BC, it becomes clear that the ‘state’ and its insti- agree with the authors on some of their approaches, the end tutions are not the same as in earlier periods and the sense of result allows for significant discussion. continuity may have been broken. The third area to comment upon is the nature of the ‘state’ BIBLIOGRAPHY: from the Egyptian point of view. In ‘official’ documents, the Cruz-Uribe, E. 1994. “A Model for the Political Structure of ancient Egyptians attempted to portray their government and Ancient Egypt", in D. Silverman, ed., For His Ka, Essays its institutions as generally benevolent. The story of Sinuhe Offered in Memory of Klaus Baer. SAOC 55, Chicago, Pp. (and similar propagandistic pieces from the Middle King- 45-53. dom) demonstrates to the literate that the central aim of the government was to provide for its citizenry in whatever Northern Arizona University, EUGENE CRUZ-URIBE means possible. The king extends a personal message to February 1996 Sinuhe to return home to enjoy the benefits of a ‘popular’ government. Other Middle Kingdom pieces show similar ** themes. Even in the Teachings of Merikare when things are * not going well, there is an ideal expressed about govern- mental responsibility and a general yearning to achieve that VLEEMING, Sven P. - Papyrus Reinhardt; an Egyptian goal. To some this could be interpreted as signifying Maat. Land List from the Tenth Century B.C. Hieratische Whatever the term, the Egyptians saw their government as Papyri aus den staatlichen Museen zu Berlin - Preussi- beneficial. In most official documents it is the king as sym- scher Kulturbesitz, 2. Akademie Verlag GmbH, Berlin, bol of the government who acts as the good shepherd. In 1993 (31 cm, 90 + 15 pp Abb.) ISBN 3-05-002005-9; other cases it might be a nomarch, such as Ankhtify, who Gesamt ISBN 3-05-002280-9. DM 238,-. promotes local goodwill. Another means of seeing the role of the government is to Papyrus Reinhardt (1993) is an updated version of investigate the ‘instructional’ literature. The Teachings of Vleeming’s dissertation on P. Berlin 3063 (or P. Reinhardt), Ptahhotep suggest a model for bureaucratic behavior, just as a fragmentary 21st dynasty list of fields in the 10th Upper does the Instructions of Onchsheshonqy dating from twenty Egyptian nome, which was submitted in Leiden in 1983. It five hundred years later. The latter is also a good example of has had to wait for 10 years before actually being published the benevolent nature of the king. The preamble/story before as a book, owing to circumstances outside the author’s con- the actual ‘instructions’ shows a king who is merciful and trol. The addendum to the Preface shows that in the inter- one who cares for his subjects, even one who may have been vening years only one major work has appeared that has necessitated any additions to be made to Vleeming’s publi- involved in a plot to kill the king. 1 Fourth, we must allow for other options in interpreting the cation, ) which is partly explained by the extreme difficulty past. One model would be Husson and Valbelle’s. In a sep- of Papyrus Reinhardt. arate publication (Cruz-Uribe 1994) I had suggested that a The book is divided into several parts: Introduction, different view needed to be expressed concerning the nature Chapter I: Description, Chapter II: Transcription and Trans- of political structures within Egypt. In that model I encour- lation, Chapter III: Commentary, Chapter IV: Conclusion. aged the view that the family (nuclear and extended) pro- Two appendices cover the congress-paper ‘Papyrus Rein- vided the best means of understanding power relations hardt' delivered by Michel Malinine in Munich and a Sur- vey of related texts from the Third Intermediate Period, throughout time. For myself, the role of an individual hold- 2 ing the office of ‘Priest of Amun’ would be entirely depen- respectively. ) The book concludes with Indexes. The plates, dent upon what family one belonged to and not to a ‘simple’ numbered from 1 to 15, are loose plates. This greatly facili- institutional definition. The office may have greater or lesser tates checking the transcriptions into hieroglyphs without power/status depending upon who were your relatives. Thus, the individual office may mean much different things to 1) A. Gasse, Données Nouvelles Administratives et Sacerdotales sur contemporary holders of the same office due to their fam- l’Organisation du Domain d’Amon, XXe-XXIe Dynasties, à la Lumière des ily’s status. In addition, the nature of the office was fluid Papyrus Prachov, Reinhardt et Grundbuch (avec Édition Princeps des because over time the amount of status and influence one Papyrus Louvre AF 6345 et 6346-7), I-II, Le Caire 1988. Gasse, Données family might and did have, could change dramatically. Nouvelles (1988) contains an edition of parts of P. Reinhardt which is rendered obsolete by the book under review here. A review of Données For Husson and Valbelle’s model, institutions could be Nouvelles (1988) by Vleeming appeared in Enchoria 18 (1991), p. 217-227. defined in strict terms and, while they might change over 2) Apart from references to Gasse, Données Nouvelles (1988), one time, they were inherently stable. In my view we may be other difference between the dissertation and the book is that the disserta- able to generally define an institution, but we must be care- tion contains a handy list of hieratic signs used in Papyrus Reinhardt whereas the book does not. To the reviewer it would have made sense to ful not to assume that that institution was incapable of have added this list as an appendix. 73 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 74 too much effort (although this is perhaps a matter of per- were slightly polished to make them flow more smoothly. sonal taste). E.g. p. 10a: “The island of Amon-on-the-road-[....(?): Papyrus Reinhardt (1993) is a slim volume, containing land)] belonging to (?) this place of the Domain of Amon" only 90 pages of text. This was achieved by providing the has become “The island of Amon-on-the-road-[...... ] book with a lay-out which filled each page with as many let------this place of the Domain of Amon" on p. 18. ters as possible. Also, and for no apparent reason, the text is Although this is not very alarming in itself, it is confusing, divided into two columns. A standard lay-out of single lines because if this is the way the text is to be understood why with a wider margin to the left and the right of the text not use these ‘polished' versions opposite the transcription would have made reading much easier. as well?

Introduction Chapter II. Transcription and Translation In a short introductory chapter the author deals with the A text as difficult as P. Reinhardt could hardly have been history of Papyrus Reinhardt (P. Berlin 3063), its acquisi- put into the hands of someone more up to the task. As tion3) and the previous study, of which Malinine’s congress- Vleeming himself states rather diplomatically (p. 13a), he paper ‘Papyrus Reinhardt’ would appear to have been the has not seen fit to annotate the difference between his tran- only serious step in the right direction.4) In a short paragraph scriptions and those offered in Données Nouvelles (1988) of at the end Vleeming proposes to limit the subject to the several columns of P. Reinhardt, but this is false modesty papyrus kept in Berlin under the inventory number P. 3063 (see above n. 1). His edition is nearly flawless. Only very (and not 3036 as stated on p. 4b)5) which he proposes to few errors occur, e.g. in II 33, where Vleeming’s «lagoon study as P. Reinhardt. Other fragments kept under the same ar. 1/2, result ar. 2 1/2, estimated lagoon 2» should be read inventory number, which are not published in the book, «lagoon ar. 1/2 1/8, result ar. 2 1/2, estimated lagoon ar. 2». should henceforth be referred to as P. Berlin 3063-B. Mistakes in the translation are also few, but they do occur, e.g. in II 42, where 1 1/4 1/8 of the transcription has become Chapter I. Description 1 1/8 in the translation, or in VIII 6, where 1/8 and 1/4 are transcribed correctly, but have changed places in the transla- In view of the fact that P. Reinhardt consisted of many tion.7) The reviewer would, however, have expected many separate fragments, when Vleeming first started studying it, more notes. E.g. II 10, where the second part of the hieratic the reconstruction presented by him on p. 7, although still animal tail determinative is idiosyncratically rendered ‘à showing a sadly battered papyrus, shows what a keen eye l’hiératique’, whereas the translation gives “horses", which can do.6) Note that his loose fragments A-E probably belong this reviewer understands, although he is not certain if to columns V-X, although Vleeming decided to transcribe everybody will. Or II 45, where the portion left unread by them separately because “their exact position cannot be Vleeming receives neither note nor fac-similé. The fac- ascertained" (p. 6). similés which are provided are all painfully small, but this The following sections deal with the date of P. Reinhardt again I fear is due to factors outside the author’s control. (during or shortly after the reign of Psusennes II), its prove- The fac-similés in his dissertation are on a more acceptable nance (although the text deals with fields in the 10th Upper scale. Egyptian nome it could have been found at Thebes), and the If the transcription provided by Vleeming is nearly flaw- description of the text, which goes deep into its subdivision less, some of the plates are not. For the staggering amount into “paragraphs of type-a", “paragraphs of type-b" and one will have to pay for this book one expects plates to “paragraphs of type-a/b". The difference between “type-a" match the quality of the transcription, which is not the case. and “type-b" is that, while the first provides the surface area Those wanting to check Vleeming’s transcription of column calculation of fields, the second contains summaries of the III will have a hard time doing so from Plate 3. Perhaps in “type-a" paragraphs and calculates the quantity of grain this case Plate 2 may be of help, even if the fragment con- these surfaces yield. Vleeming’s “type-a/b" represents a taining the first part of col. III looks different from the mixture between the two preceding types. In a table on one on Plate 3. Parts of col. VIII cannot be made out from p. 12 the various types have been collected. b Plate 7, although in this and the above case a fac-similé In the section dealing with the “paragraphs of type-a" would have helped. (p. 10-11 ) Vleeming uses several examples from the text to a A more serious objection to the transcription and transla- illustrate his train of thought. If one compares the transla- tion of P. Reinhardt is to be made in connection with the tions of the passages III 23-26 and II 35-39 used by him on personal names of the people mentioned in it. For instance, p. 10 to the translations appearing opposite the transcrip- in VII 27 mention is made of the «agent s (son of) tions, one finds that the translations used here in this section M -nfr {-sfjt-[....]". Could this by any chance be the same man who is mentioned in V 18 or in V 25? Or in V 31, which mentions an “agent P-wÌ son of Ms-nfr"? Vleem- 3) The author lists two acquisition dates for P. Reinhardt: 1887 (p. 2b ing himself on p. 11b connects the agent Ms-nfr of VII 27 and n. 9) and between 1886-1888 (p. 9b and n. 16). 4) On p. 1 n. 3 a reference to the pages where Malinine, ‘P. Reinhardt', with the man in V 25. One note connecting all instances is to be found (viz. p. 76-77) would have been helpful. would have been useful. The index of personal names does 5) Papyrus Reinhardt (1993) contains a number of misprints of which not help here, because the names have not been arranged this one is confusing. 6) The remark on p. 6b: “By the reconstruction described in the previ- ous section, we have won a papyrus measuring, lacunae included, over 110 cms in length and averaging 32 cms in length and averaging 32 cms in 7) The same is the case on p. 63a in Vleeming’s section on Accounting height", which was comprehensible in the dissertation (“and averaging Procedures where the transcriptions of 1/8 and 1/4 feature alongside hier- 32 cms in length" is missing there) is another misprint. atic 1/4 and 1/8, respectively. 75 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 76 prosopographically.8) Another example concerns the “water- p. 59b (and n. 174): in the discussion of ss n tm “scribe chief ∆d-Mw.t son of Wiw [....] or Wr [....]" in IV 36, of the mat" the most pertinent note written about this func- X 22 and 23. To me it seems that he could be the same as tionary is missing; see Van den Boorn, The Duties of the the man who appears in III 25 as the “water-chief ∆d-Mw.t Vizier (1988), p. 157-161. son of [....]". In fact, Vleeming himself is of the same p. 60 n. 184: the observation that in the 25th dynasty wit- opinion, but for this one has to look at p. 11b. Yet no note to nesses “appear to have been fond of providing their grand- III 25 makes mention of this nor is the lacuna filled out (or fathers’ names as well" whereas from the 26th dynasty in this case, partly). Also in III 27 mention is made of a onwards the witnesses only provided their fathers’ names is “scribe Nsi-p-pr-nwb son of ∆d-Mw.t". In view of the fact not quite true; see the verso of 26th dynasty early demotic that the water-chief ∆d-Mw.t occurs in III 25 the question P. Louvre 7832 (see the plate in Pestman, P. Tsenhor [Studia arises whether these men could be a father and a son (cf. the Demotica IV, Leuven 1994], p. 28), where several witnesses similar case of P-wÌ and Ms-nfr above). By carefully also provide their grandfathers’ names. Likewise the verso going through the text many a personal name may thus be of P. Strasb. 4 (487 B.C.), for which see Vleeming, The supplied into the lacunae where the transcription and trans- Gooseherds of Hou (Studia Demotica III, Leuven 1991), lation now have [...... ]. A few more examples are: p. 188. In VIII 8 “[.....]sw son of ∆nini-nfr" can easily be p. 60b (and n. 191): P. Loeb 45 was republished in emended into “[P-sd-În]sw son of ∆nini-nfr (as in X 26). Vleeming, The Gooseherds of Hou (1991), p. 72-93. Just “[.....]sw" without annotation is confusing. Only the p. 60-61a: the discussion of the group mj-nn “ditto" is P-sd-Însw of X 26 is to be found in the Index of personal continued in Vleeming, The Gooseherds of Hou (1991), names, whereas VIII 8 has to be looked for in the Index of p. 251-252 § 89. damaged personal names (compare the case of the damaged p. 67b: for sw «dry land", cf. Kaplony-Heckel, in Encho- name of Ms-nfr, which must be looked for in the Index of ria 3 (1973), p. 15-16 and Pestman, P. Tor. Amenothes personal names and not in the Index of damaged personal (1981), p. 143 and 145-146 n. 5. names; see footnote 8). In VIII 14 the translation has «....P-I]s son of Iry-SÌm.t- Chapter V. Conclusion È ", whereas VIII 20 has “- -, son of Ì È " and VIII ny Iry-S m.t- ny Here Vleeming sums up what has been gleaned from 28 has “Agent son of Ì È ". If there is room at P-Is Iry-S m.t- ny P. Reinhardt. The reviewer disagrees with the remark on the beginning of VIII 14 to supply one word as the dots seem p. 73 that the rent in the Saite period constituted half or to suggest, why not supply “agent" there as well? b one-third of the yield of a plot. It seems more likely to have For the lacuna [...] at the beginning of X 30 one may been a quarter or one-third, a rent of half the yield probably look at VIII 34 and supply [iÌw ] in X 30. † being the result of a special arrangement; see Vleeming, The Fragment A line 3: for “]-Ìtp son of {nÌ=f-(n-)Mw.t" Gooseherds of Hou (1991), p. 83 n. mm. compare X 12 which has “the scribe Imn-Ìtp (and not Imn- Ì as on p. 32 ) son of Ì "? tp b {n =f-(n-)Mw.t After two Appendices there follow Indexes, which have In itself this is not an essential point, but perhaps a small already been remarked upon above. An Index of Sources chapter on the people featuring in P. Reinhardt and their might have been handy but is not really missed. (possible) interrelations could have been of help in further If from the above minor criticisms the reader gets the understanding the mechanisms underlying this text. impression that P. Reinhardt could have been published in a better way, he is very much mistaken. Vleeming, Chapter III. Commentary P. Rein- hardt has succeeded in making a very difficult hieratic doc- In his Commentary (p. 45-70) Vleeming has systemati- umentary source accessible. The book will undoubtedly cally grouped and discussed most of the difficulties con- serve Egyptologists for many years to come, with fruitful tained in P. Reinhardt, including Islands and New Land, the results it is presumed.9) Landholders (who show an interesting range of professions), the Accounting Procedures, etc. In the reviewer’s opinion August 1995 K. DONKER VAN HEEL here the most headway has been made. In no more than 25 pages the problems in P. Reinhardt are meticulously taken apart, discussed and made understandable. In fact, the ** reader is advised to start with Chapter III first, after which * he will find Chapter II (Transcription and Translation) much easier going. A few remarks: HENDRICKX, Stan — Analytical Bibliography of the Pre- p. 50a: the verb grg has been translated as “prepare", in history and the Early Dynastic Period of Egypt and grg Ìtrj “preparing taxes". The reviewer is not sure what is Northern Sudan, Leuven, Leuven University Press, meant here. Could it be that grg is to be understood as 1995 = Egyptian Prehistory Monographs, [1]. (21 ≈ 30 “establish" in a sense of “assess"? A note explaining this cm; 328 p., loose maps in jacket). ISBN 90-6186-683- translation would have been helpful. 9; Pr. BF 1600. Stan Hendrickx has compiled a bibliography that seeks to cover all books, articles, and notes that record archaeologi- 8) The occurrence of an “agent M [...... ]" in V 10 according to cal, historical, and cultural research relating to the Lower Vleeming’s Index of personal names should be read as “agent M [s-nfr]" (although a question-mark was cautiously added) and therefore probably concerns the same man. I would have expected the translation to read “agent M [s-nfr]" therefore or this instance to have been put in the Index 9) I am grateful to Cary J. Martin who corrected the English of this of damaged names, which is not the case. review. 77 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 78

Palaeolithic to Early Dynastic periods within the present and non-Egyptological, indicate the thoroughness of his borders of Egypt and most parts of the Sudan north of Khar- research. Typographical errors are few in number for a work toum, as well as related finds from southern Palestine. His of this sort. Like many other scholars and publishers, Hen- decision to include the Early Dynastic Period makes this drickx erroneously hyphenates Gertrude Caton Thompson’s volume especially useful to anyone who wishes to study the surname. It is unfortunate that the thematic index does not development of Egyptian civilization prior to its first cultur- have a separate entry for “domestication of animals and ally mature manifestation in the Old Kingdom. The Naqada plants" that would have drawn together the many entries culture persisted beyond the beginning of the First Dynasty related to this important topic (these appear under “fauna" as did the A-Group and related cultures farther south. While and “flora"). important symbolically and politically, the unification of Bibliographies rarely receive the public praise that the Egypt does not constitute an appropriate cultural marker. I labour expended on them deserves, but the many scholars personally regret that Hendrickx chose to omit literature who will use this bibliography will be grateful for the work referring to sites along the Atbara River and in the area of Hendrickx has done. I hope the promised supplements will the Gash Delta. The latter region is now a major focus of appear regularly and eventually expand their coverage to research relating to early cultural development in the Sudan include the central as well as the northern regions of the and adjacent parts of Ethiopia. The bibliography includes Sudan. works dated prior to the end of 1993 that were available before August 1994. Titles of books and articles published McGill University, Montreal, BRUCE G. TRIGGER in non-latin scripts, such as Arabic, Hebrew, Chinese, and April 1996 Japanese, or in scripts that use special signs, such as Polish and Czech, are presented only in English or French transla- ** tion. Reviews, as well as dissertations not available in * microfilm, are not included and no annotations of individual entries have been attempted. Hendrickx plans to update this BECKERATH, Jürgen von — Chronologie des ägyptischen bibliography by means of supplements to be published in the Neuen Reiches. (Hildesheimer ägyptologische Beiträge; journal . Archéo-Nil 39). Gerstenberg Verlag, Hildesheim, 1994 (23 cm, Hendrickx’s bibliography presents 7407 alphabetically XVI, 130, Tab.). ISBN 3-8067-8132-X: DM 48,-. ordered and sequentially numbered entries. Approximately 2065 of these were also included in An Historical Bibliogra- This is a wonderful book: compact, easily readable, phy of Egyptian Prehistory compiled by Kent Weeks replete with cross-references, and containing extremely use- (Winona Lake, 1985). However, Hendrickx has omitted ful summary tables and charts (pages 117-29). It is as much nearly 450 titles that appeared in Weeks’ bibliography that a triumph to the author’s success as a first-rate chronologist deal mainly with the rock art of Gebel Uweinat, Libya, and as it is a fitting pyramidion to his Egyptological career. 19th-century (and earlier) theories relating to Egyptian ori- Indeed, since Von Beckerath entered the thorny and often gins. Hendrickx’s entries are indexed according to author, incomprehensible arena of chronology and calendrics, an theme, and the geographical locations examined in each extremely ample number of preliminary studies concerned work. The author index is essential for locating co-authors. with New Kingdom dating have been presented by him, all Hendrickx has compiled an excellent bibliography that of which have been as judicious and carefully worked out as will henceforth be the essential reference work for all who is this volume. Needless to say, this German scholar’s work study Egypt and the Sudan prior to the Old Kingdom. depends upon the 1950 paradigmatic study of R.A. Parker Among its particularly useful features is the separate record- (The Calendars of Ancient Egypt, Chicago [1950]) although ing of each of the regional sections that deal with prehistoric by no means does it copy slavishly what the earlier Ameri- and Early Dynastic times in the annual instalments of Jean can researcher had presented. Leclant’s (more recently Leclant and G. Clerc’s) “Fouilles There are many interesting reevaluations of chronological et travaux en Egypte et au Soudan". This effort alone systems in Von Beckerath’s new book. All of these, of required 428 references. Most general books are cited by the course, depend upon a handful of astronomically-determined chapters that are related to the theme of the bibliography or events such as two key Sothic references in addition to two their relevant sections are indicated by page numbers. very useful lunar-civil equivalencies. Unless these supports Checking through citations of the work of Canadian scholars are understood at the beginning, the reader will be lead yielded entries beginning with early researchers such as astray into thinking that mere chronology is a dry-as-dust J.W. Dawson (geologist), C.T. Currelly (museologist), and profession, one that is basically concerned with the juggling Winifred Needler (Egyptologist) and continuing with more of figures and the attempt to bring in Manethro after all recent scholars such as J.E. Anderson (anatomist), Wendy problems have been reasonably explained. Hence, Von Anderson (anthropological archaeologist), R.L. Carlson Beckerath’s opening chapter covers in a clear and concise (anthropological archaeologist), C.S. Churcher (zoologist), manner the presumed “fixed" data such as the references to K.A. Grzymski (African archaeologist), M.R. Kleindienst the heliacal rising of Sothis. (anthropological archaeologist), Mary McDonald (anthropo- At this point, however, the reviewer must present some logical archaeologist), N.B. Millet (Egyptologist), A.J. Mills cautionary advice. Ancient Egyptian astronomical refer- (Egyptian archaeologist), P.E.L. Smith (anthropological ences were not as exact as ours. In fact, any lunar date — archaeologist), and myself, and a few other reports dealing whether or not it has a civil equivalent is not important at with the Dakhleh Oasis Project and the Wadi Tumilat Sur- this point — was determined by naked eye observation. vey. The many publications that Hendrickx has succeeded in Without going into the problematics of such information, I tracking down in Canadian publications, both Egyptological feel that the material does not warrant the complete trust that 79 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 80 many have placed upon them. For example, any reference to arrival of the next lunar month. Oddly enough, no one has an ancient Egyptian lunar determined event should be fol- stressed the significant nature of the exact timing; namely, lowed, in modern scholarship, by a remark stating that ± one that one half of the civil year was virtually over and the sec- day may, in fact, be necessary. In similar fashion, the con- ond half was to begin. (One can safely ignore the five extra tinual reliance upon a Sothic Cycle is inappropriate and the days in the Egyptian civil year; i.e., the epagomenals.) To actual sighting of a heliacal rising of Sothis/Sirius is not that dig somewhat deeper into the background of the reference, it self-evident. One has but to read the difficulties that Bor- would have been useful for the author to prove that the chardt and P.V. Neugebauer encountered to see the inherent Egyptian word sw specifically implies, in this context, that difficulties that are entailed when modern instruments come the following day was meant. That is to say, how much into play. True to his profession, Von Beckerath does not validity can one place on the Egyptians’ actually knowing ignore this situation: see, in particular, his remarks on pages when the first day of any lunar month occurred, there being 8-13, especially with regard to the suppositions of arcus no mathematical rules at hand? (We can safely maintain that visionis of the star as well as the location of the Sothic sight- the 25-year cycle of P. Carlsberg 9 was not available to ing itself. Although a detailed critical-historical analysis of them at this time.) the various sources (lunar and Sothic) is not presented by The word sw itself is not specific enough. English “to the author, this appears not to have been that important since wait" / “wait for", as in French (“attendre ± à") or German Von Beckerath has provided lengthy footnotes wherein all (“warten ± auf") is unclear. Helck, who had already shown the recent literature is discussed. One wonders, however, if great scepticism in equating the date of III prt 1 with the scholar’s total reliance upon a yet to be proven hypothe- ps∂ntyw (GM 69 [1983] 40-42), did not follow Von Beck- sis concerning the beginning of the Egyptian day (see page erath’s earlier analysis in MDAIK 37 (1981) 41-49, albeit for 10 with note 46 in particular) is stretching matters a bit. slightly different reasons than presented here. Although I Since Von Beckerath follows Leitz in assuming that the believe that a useful “rule of thumb" in determining the first ancient Egyptians reckoned their day from sunrise to sunrise day of a lunar month might have operated in Pharaonic (“Sonnenaufgang zu Sonnenaufgang"), I would have liked Egypt in the reign of Thutmose III (Revolutions in Time. him to provide conclusive proof for this assumption. Studies in Ancient Egyptian Calendrics, San Antonio [1994] Clearly, if this position is followed, then the heliacal rising Chapter 4), this is moot. The key question still remains: how of Sothis must precede the commencement of the day; did the Egyptians on II prt 30 know that their following civil hence, a date change is necessary to take into consideration. day (III prt 1) concided with lunar day 1? In my view this But the author must present his supporting data, especially query has yet to be satisfactorily answered. as this simple point is so significant for any attempt to pro- Such problems associated with Pharaonic lunar dates vide an absolute chronology for the civilization of Ancient clearly were not part of the Von Beckerath’s theme in this Egypt. Moreover, did the Egyptian morning epoch system volume, and it is unfortunate that so many interesting albeit ever change? I.e., from the Old-Middle Kingdom to the Late hidden aspects of native Egyptian calendrics have been Period did an alteration occur from a morning twilight situ- bypassed. One might mention the all-too-brief discussion ation of that of a sunrise one? centered on the problem of the civil months names and their Chapter II of this work turns from the schematic back- equivalences with various festivals (see pages 6-8). On the ground of Ancient Egyptian calendrics to possible synchro- other hand, one must be fair to the author’s intent. When he nisms between Egypt and other Ancient Eastern Civiliza- provides such an able and far-sighted approach concerning tions. This section of Von Beckerath’s study bears careful New Kingdom chronological matters, it is readily clear that reading as the author reveals his sharp understanding of the his purpose was something else. For example, Von Beck- various pitfalls that the unwary might fall into. I feel that erath effectively removes the possibility of a regnal year 18 none of these synchronisms, by themselves, can settle spe- associated with Thutmose II (as argued, incorrectly I would cific chronological problems concerning New Kingdom his- say, by Wente and Van Siclen). In similar manner, his tory. Nevertheless, as can be seen from the conclusion pre- lenghty discussion on the Amarna Period (pages 97-103) is sented on page 34, such data from other cultures help us to simply as straightforward and as clear as possible. The same no small extent in determining useful intervals (skipping the can be said with regard to the persistent attempt of art histo- reign of Ramesses II) into which more exact data can be rians and their hangers-on to argue that there was a core- placed. gency (of any merit) between Amunhotpe III and Akhenaton Von Beckerath, following Wente’s reinterpretation of a (see pages 96-97 with page 45). Although some chronolo- famous inscription of Thutmose III dated to the latter’s gists will demur here and there with regard to certain thorns twenty-forth regnal year (Urk. IV 833-38), feels that the text of present research — viz., the Merenptah-Amenmesse-Seti conclusively indicates that a lunar date (ps∂ntyw in this II situation or the situation of Smenkhkare — I prefer to case) can be set on civil III prt 1. This crucial reference stand aside from the (expected) controversy. (Urk. IV 835.17-836.3) occurred, as the inscription states, in By and large, Von Beckerath’s relative chronological par- “regnal year twenty-four, second month of prt, last day, the adigm is sober, well-reasoned, and persuasively argued. I day of the festival — (namely) the tenth day — of Amun in differ from him on matters concerning the reliability of Karnak". (In this case the words hrw mÌ-10 are in apposi- exact dating. In other words, I am more sceptical than he tion to hrw Ìb. Von Beckerath in MDAIK 37 [1981] 44 pre- with regard to the efficacy of Sothic dates as well as lunar sented a slightly different translation; I follow some helpful ones when exactitude demands precision. This position of comments of A. Loprieno at this point.) For Von Beckerath, mine is not merely a product of a narrow-minded empiricist. following Wente’s improved analysis of the passage, the Quite to the contrary, I feel that caution is always warranted, “awaiting" (sw) for lunar day one (ps∂ntyw) at the close of especially in situations where mathematical precision is civil month six must indicate that III prt 1 witnessed the required. Nevertheless, a few more lunar-civil equivalences 81 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 82 as well as additional Sothic references would prove very forest of mutually conflicting assertions, truly akin to the handy, if only to bolster up the extremely few fixed points recent volumes titled High, Middle Or Low? (ed. Aström, that we have. The reader might well smile: after all, more Gothenburg [1987-89]). Cannot a different approach, stand- data is always useful, if only to resolve knotty problems. But ing somewhat apart from numerological matters, be for- with the controversy surrounding the location of Sothic warded as a worthy rival to the tradition of Borchardt and sightings during the New Kingdom still somewhat open, and Parker? Equally, cannot the intellectual contribution of that of the earlier periods as well, can we automatically Ancient Egypt’s priests and other thinkers be brought into argue that one key reference at Elephantine (Urk. IV 827.8) consideration when dealing with calendrics. One has only to was derived from a Heliopolitan sighting? Can simple mention the famous Ebers insert to see that all is not so propinquity be brought into the modern discussion, espe- obvious, even when one deals with “pure" integers or cially as Krauss and Wells have proven that Elephantine Sothic risings. Cannot there be assumed a connection also served as a center for Sothic sightings? (When, of between the Egyptian’s conception of time and their calen- course, is another question.) In fact, two other recently-pub- dric models? The notable alterations at the beginning of lished references to the heliacal sighting of Sothis during Dynasty 18 are rarely invoked; e.g., the new night system the New Kingdom (Dynasty 18 in particular) are clearly revealed from the Ramesside royal tombs though dated to copies from an earlier age: Three Studies on Egyptian ca. 1500 B.C. How truly odd is the well-known ceiling of Feasts, Baltimore (1992) Chapter 1; Bedier, Bulletin of the Senenmut! One does not have to invoke seemingly apparent Center of Papyrological Studies 10 [1994] 1-23. Moreover, mathematical constructions as Leitz does in order to inter- the reference to prt Spdt in the festival calendar of Medinet pret this non-royal representation: Studien zur ägyptischen Habu is not really useful, merely presenting the interval of Astronomie, 35-41; cf. Von Beckerath’s positive review in I Ìt. ZDMG 141 [1991] 387-91 with those in BiOr 49 [1992] In fine, the calendrical outlook of the ancient Egyptians 723-28 and OLZ 87 [1992] 23-26). Instead, all that is neces- needs be reexamined, and from a viewpoint or direction that sary is to remark upon the drawing, the fact that a major sec- is not the one which Von Beckerath has chosen. Such an tion of the system on the ceiling was never repeated — the approach must turn to the religious as well as other intellec- circles or “pies" with the names of the civil months, and the tual outlooks (e.g., economic) of the natives themselves, and presence of the depiction in a non-royal context. Surely the not from a modern mathematical viewpoint which scholars latter fact ought to provoke someone to refer to an interest- such as Leitz seem to prefer: see Studien zur ägyptischen ing parallel; namely, the text of the Amduat and its early Astronomie, Wiesbaden (1989) and BSEG 18 (1994) 49-59. presence in a non-royal tomb (vizier Wsr). See, as well, the It is a pity that questions connected with the underpinnings style of writing in both. Perhaps we are witnessing in two of chronology are all too frequently left alone or, perhaps separate contexts — one purely religious and associated more significantly, never challenged. The one associated with the Afterworld, the other calendrical — a sign of the with the Egyptian morning epoch, to take a good case, was intellectual activity at the beginning of the 18th Dynasty. previously touched upon in this review. At present, it is fair Can the early New Kingdom ferment in the solar religion be to state that quite a number of scholars are exhausted with connected to one concerned with time and time keeping? (Is the continual spate of “noch einmal" studies connected with Hornung correct and Altenmüller not; i.e., that the Amduat the exact beginning of the Egyptian day. The ancients, of has its origins at this time and not earlier? Cf. Assmann’s course, were far less worried about such matters than chro- useful remarks in his Egyptian Solar Religion in the New nologists, as I dare say most present-day Egyptologists. Kingdom, London-New York [1995] 7 and note 32.) Von Beckerath has followed a direction that, in essence, My approach to calendrical material is of an overtly intel- began with Borchardt and was refined and considerably lectual nature and clearly at odds with the methodology of improved by Parker. (I am referring to precise astronomical many researchers in this area, Von Beckerath included. dating dependent upon Sothis plus lunar-civil equivalences Despite all of its power, efficacy, and triumphs as well as well a collection of numerous dated material at the side.) — this book is a good example indeed! — chronological Simply by reading over his final charts (pages 117-24) one work tends to end up with a series of sharp and often self- will quickly gather the results of the author’s lifetime work. defeating conflicts. One has but to read the contributions in The list of accession dates on page 117, for example, cannot Ägypten und Levante 3 (1992) to see what can or cannot be be left unnoticed; many will find it highly useful. Moreover, done with the all-too-narrow approach hitherto advocated. it is interesting to see, simply by comparing the figures on In this case I do not only mean research results but rather page 124, who the expert chronologists were and where the considerable scholarly rivalry. An attempt at a reconstruc- non-specialists showed their eccentricity, literally speaking. tion of the intellectual background of our sources ought to The table of Julian-Egyptian (civil system) dates might provide a fresh perspective on the material. In essence, prove to be a boom to some, or at least to those who have no howsomuch I can praise this work — and I do so computer at hand. (With a home computer, a complete chart unashamedly — I nevertheless feel that much that is chal- from -3000 to +3000 takes some time to print, but little to lenging about the intellectual side of Egyptian civilization devise.) has been omitted. This need not have been just because Yet a return to the presuppositions of chronology — chronology was covered. The path is still open. namely, calendrical foundations — ought at least to provide a new approach to the material, if not present a springboard February 1996 ANTHONY SPALINGER for a deeper understanding of Egyptian intellectual thought. At present, chronological studies seem repetitive. Unless ** new dated inscriptions or additional astronomical phenome- * non are found, this subfield of Egyptology will resemble a 83 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 84

GUNDLACH, Rolf und Matthias ROCHHOLZ (Hrsg.) — pouvoir d’un «chef» de société tribale. Les cultes et sanc- Ägyptische Tempel — Struktur, Funktion und Pro- tuaires primitifs que l’on attribue à Thoth, Herishef, Min ou gramm (Akten der Ägyptologischen Tempeltagungen Ptah seraient les survivances de particularismes religieux in Gosen 1990 und in Mainz 1992). (Hildesheimer locaux résultant de l’extension de l’institution monarchique Agyptologische Beiträge; 37). Gerstenberg Verlag, Hil- nouvelle à tout le territoire. Sans le dire expressément, Mme desheim, 1994 (24 cm, VIII, 332, Abb. + 1 Taf.). ISBN Endesfelder nous ramène donc à la Kulttopographie de 3-8067-8131-1: DM 68,-. Sethe et de Kees. Venons-en à l’Ancien Empire. P. Janosi (pp. 143-173) Edité conjointement par R. Gundlach et M. Rochholz le ouvre le dossier délicat de la place et de la nature de l’es- trente-septième tome des livre la teneur de vingt-trois HÄB pace dévolu à l’offrande dans les complexes de des communications présentées lors des sessions consacrées funéraire pyramides de la IVe dynastie, Meïdoum et Dahshour. Il au temple égyptien, en 1990 et 1992, par les égyptologues s’agit, en fait de simples chapelle du flanc est du massif, et allemands et leurs invités. Celles-ci couvrent toutes les l’on ne peut qu’adhérer à l’opinion voyant dans ces «sanc- périodes de l’Egypte antique ou presque, du prédynastique à tuaires à stèles» un moyen de représentation et de magnifi- Méroé, et leur contenu rassemblé, quoique très divers, four- cation de la royauté d’essence divine; mais est-ce là une nit un ouvrage riche de matière et de réflexion. Des index zone de culte ? L’absence de sépulture sur ces très détaillés (pp. 319-331) permettent fort heureusement de funéraire deux sites, comme d’ailleurs sur les autres, renforce l’idée manier utilement l’ouvrage; la présentation alphabétique, en du «cénotaphe» parfois émise; la pyramide «rouge» elle- effet, éparpille quelque peu la cohérence chronologique et même, contrairement à ce que l’A. indique (p. 146), avait l’importance, parfois inégale, des apports. sur son flanc oriental un sanctuaire à stèles en briques de Sur la fonction et la signification du temple égyptien, en terre crue, qui, dans le second état, fut transféré au sud (litt. général, hors de toutes distinctions chronologiques, l’exposé dans D. Arnold, , München, de D. Van der Plas (pp. 239-254) s’articule sur deux lignes Lexikon der ägypt. Baukunst Zürich, 1994, p. 215). Sans entamer ici une discussion qui directrices. Il tente, d’une part, de définir la place que ne peut y trouver place, l’épithète ne devrait être devrait occuper la connaissance du temple pharaonique dans funéraire accolée aux termes «temple royal» que lorsque la pyramide les réflexions sur la perspective générale des études de phi- s’avère présenter les caractères d’une sépulture (sarcophage, losophie des religions et, d’autre part, développe son point cuve à canopes, etc.) et que ses lieux de culte, outre la de vue sur l’édifice cultuel de la Vallée comme habitat du statue, font apparaître la table d’offrandes et, surtout, la dieu sur terre et sur ce que viennent y chercher les humains. fausse-porte. Le fait ne peut alors être bien établi qu’aux Ve L. Kákosy (pp. 165-173), pour sa part, explore une des voies et VIe dynasties. Sous cet angle, la contribution de M. Roch- de la quête humaine de la divinité dans sa demeure terrestre, holz déjà évoquée (pp. 255-280) établit clairement les don- par le biais de la piété personnelle, des supplications à la nées du problème pour ces deux dynasties; alors, les com- «porte de transmettre Maât» des sanctuaires récents et la plexes de pyramides englobent, à partir du temple de culte pseudo-notion des «mystères» égyptiens dont le vrai secret de la face orientale, des lieux palatiaux/jubilaires, des aurait été la révélation de la vision du soleil. G. Haeny, enfin espaces voués au culte solaire, au culte funéraire, aux ser- (pp. 101-106) revient sur le sens du terme et des festivi- ipt vices. L’exemple bien choisi de Pépi II à Saqqara met en tés qui s’y rattachent, à propos de la fonction des temples de évidence l’ensemble palatial comportant les lieux de com- millions d’années. Révisant ses positions de 1979, il adopte mémoration du couronnement comme du jubilé et les décors les vues de L. Bell à propos de Louqsor, temple de culte du à fonction théorique qui accompagnent cette définition royal; mais le problème demeure toujours le même, celui Ka matérielle de la destination. Si la comparaison établie avec de savoir ce qu’est le , question qui se pose tout aussi cru- Ka Louqsor, les temples solaires et le culte du , sont sédui- cialement pour M. Rochholz (pp. 269-271, ) dès la Ve Ka infra santes, il est à regretter qu’on y perde de vue tout ce qu’est dynastie avec les complexes de pyramides, prototypes des la signification originelle de la pyramide, par sa forme et son temples de millions d’années du Nouvel Empire ou des caractère solaire de réplique du d’Héliopolis. Le temps ptolémaïques. Sur ce dernier point, G. Haeny aurait benben fonctionnement matériel et économique des complexes de dû préciser que seuls deux temples répondent au critère de pyramide de l’Ancien Empire pourrait peut être, d’ailleurs, l’exaltation de la fonction royale après la XXXe dynastie, se rattacher dans ses mécanismes et son personnel à ce Edfou et Philae. qu’étaient ceux du premier sanctuaire dynastique d’Héliopo- Dans l’Egypte des origines, le sanctuaire, même si on le lis. Lorsque P. Andrassy (pp. 3-12) rouvre le dossier déjà connaît fort mal, est un fait acquis et irréversible. En étu- lourd des Ì s, dont les acteurs subalternes étaient direc- diant les fragments du Caire et de Turin ayant appartenu à ntj.w- tement rattachés à la personne royale et que l’on voit œuvrer un édifice de culte protodynastique de Gebelein, L. Morenz dans une étroite relation avec le palais royal et les villes de (pp. 217-238) fournit une contribution utile à la connais- pyramide, on se pose aussitôt la question: si le dogme du sance du temple égyptien «primitif»; par l’écocation des «fils de Rê», pharaon, n’avait pas été institué, y aurait-il eu effigies royales dites des «barbus de Lyon» que fait l’A., on de telles corporations? et ne sont-elles pas, au départ, l’ex- se trouve introduit directement dans l’interrogation que pose clusivité du Seigneur de l’Univers, Rê? E. Endesfelder (pp. 47-54) sur le rôle de l’idéologie dans la Pour le Moyen Empire, on passera rapidement sur la com- constitution du dogme monarchique de l’Egypte. Faisant paraison établie par M. Bietak entre la structure du temple V sienne les thèses de M. Godelier, Mme Endesfelder, après d’Ezbet Rushdi/Tell el-Dab’a, le temple de Ptah de Thout- une relecture de la palette de Narmer, conclut que le prin- mosis III à Karnak et l’habitat privé du Moyen Empire, dans cipe royal serait la conséquence d’un besoin de stabilité éco- la mesure où ce travail a été republié depuis dans les nomique, en un temps d’accroissement des besoins des Mél. (IFAO 106/1, 1994, pp. 413-435). L’analyse, sédentaires, entrainant un dépassement de l’aire locale de Leclant Bd’E fouillée mais à vrai dire décevante, que Mme Strauß-Seeber 85 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 86

(pp. 217-318) conduit à propos du décor des piliers de la Deir el-Bahari et montre que les scènes obtenues, pour la chapelle «blanche» de Sésostris I à Karnak, tend à recons- paroi sud en particulier, montrant le roi devant des tables truire un itinéraire cultuel théorique, harmoniser la succes- d’offrandes, excluent un contexte funéraire et développent le sion des scènes, utiliser (p. 315) l’organisation des figures contenu d’un programme lié à la fête de la Vallée et à l’ins- emblématiques faucon/vautour au-dessus des figures tallation finale d’un sanctuaire de barque. S’il est hasardeux royales. Outre le passage trop rapide sur la raison d’être du (p. 38) d’avancer qu’aucun texte ne permet de donner le socle de l’édifice et de sa liste de nomes, le rejet en note et véritable sens de la fête de la Vallée (ceux rassemblés jadis sans argumentation précise (p. 317 n. 8) du point capital par S. Schott semblent oubliés), beaucoup plus avisés s’avè- — mais déjà exprimé —, établissant que cette construction rent les paragraphes suivants établissant la relation logique ne pouvait absolument pas être un reposoir de barque, a de avec les temples de millions d’années postérieurs et, surtout, quoi surprendre. Tout autant que la conclusion. Si la cha- Amon en sa statue de Djeser-akhet auprès de qui venait en pelle «blanche» n’est qu’un «modèle réduit» grandeur visite son modèle de Karnak. Et il est vraisemblable, comme nature, élément de propagande ou livre «dogmatique» sans le propose l’A., que l’abandon des stations de la fête de la utilisation rituelle, alors, pourquoi eut-elle des copies au Vallée à Deir el-Bahari à partir de la XXe dynastie ait eu Nouvel Empire et comment comprendre sa position en avant une cause matérielle, la destruction par un séisme des du sanctuaire du Moyen Empire, si ce n’est parce qu’elle temples de Montouhotep et de Thoutmosis III, anéantissant ponctuait un itinéraire de sortie de la statue d’Amon, comme du même coup la statue sacrée. Toujours à propos de Deir c’était encore le cas sous Thoutmosis III alors que la barque el-Bahari, J. Karkowski (pp. 175-186) fait part de la création processionnelle était bien en usage? L’A. devrait peut-être d’une base de données informatisée consacrée aux textes et reconsidérer sa position au regard des liturgies de statue reliefs du temple de la Reine, programme fort irrévérencieu- effectivement possibles et attestées (Karnak, le temple sement baptisé «Hatty»; l’informatique, certes, a des avan- d’Amon-Rê restitué par l’ordinateur, Paris, 1989, pp. 56-59, tages de mémoire et plaît à la jeunesse. Soit! Mais le type de 95sq.). De même, lorsque E. Hirsch examine la politique fiches présenté (p. 184), outre qu’il est rébarbatif, a peu de cultuelle d’Amenemhat I à Thèbes (pp. 137-142; lire Lauf- chances de remplacer jamais l’édition de Naville ou même fray, p. 139 et Sesostris, p. 141) et dresse le bilan de l’œuvre les Urkunden pour un lecteur moyen. architecturale de Sésostris I, on ne peut que rester sceptique Un article fort bien documenté de W. Guglielmi (pp. 55- sur la portée des conclusions, dans la mesure où aucun des 68) clot cette partie «métropolitaine» des notes sur le travaux récents publiés du CFEETK n’est pris en compte, temple au Nouvel Empire. A partir des stèles «populaires» même pas la colonne polygonale d’Antef II au protocole de cette époque provenant de la région memphite comme d’Amon-roi pourtant publiée in-extenso dans Karnak VIII d’Assiout ou de Thèbes, utilisant les emblèmes du divin, (1987), 294-297 ainsi que les montants des portes d’enceinte animaux surtout: lion, canidé, bélier/oie pour Amon, comme de Sésostris I (ibid., 297-302) et ainsi de suite, tous éléments symboles de piété personnelle, l’A. démontre habilement neufs et importants ayant servi d’arguments pour la restitu- comment les abords des sanctuaires et les temples adossés tion du sanctuaire du Moyen Empire dans l’ouvrage cité (contre-temples) sont devenus des lieux de prière très fré- plus haut. quentés et ne cesseront pas de l’être jusque tard dans l’his- De Thèbes à la Moyenne Egypte, le volet dévolu au Nou- toire de l’Egypte. vel Empire, est d’inégale valeur. J.-L. Chappaz (pp. 23-31) Sans la Nubie basse et moyenne, l’Egypte des XVIIIe à donne un bref bilan des travaux épigraphiques de la mission XXe dynasties ne saurait être complète. R. Gundlach helvétique au Spèos Artémidos à travers une présentation (pp. 69-87) le démontre par son analyse de l’histoire d’Elle- des programmes décoratifs d’Hatshepsout à Séthi I, celui-ci siya à travers son programme théologique et monarchique complétant la mise en page originelle de façon cohérente traduit par la mise en scène des tableaux du décor. Le spèos, sans invalider les thèmes. On ne peut qu’approuver le desti- creusé sous Thoutmosis III dans un secteur du ressort direct nation définie alors par l’A.: le spèos est un sanctuaire de du siège administratif de la Vice-Royauté de Koush, est une carrière, lieu cultuel périodique de conciliation des fureurs affirmation solennelle de la prise en main par le roi des ter- de Pakhet/Sekhmet, l’eau dangereuse du désert dont l’itiné- ritoires nubiens. Théologiquement, le programme associe au raire s’ouvre au fond du profond oued caractéristique du site premier rang Sésostris III et Amon-Rê, deux modèles avec la petite grotte-chapelle du Batn-el-Baqara. Peut-être royaux synonymes d’empire sur le sud, pour marquer le l’A. a-t-il raison d’attribuer à Hatshepsout l’ouverture de durable établissement d’un culte monarchique d’ordre, carrières et le percement du spèos comme des actes de intrinséquement lié au dogme du pharaon «fils de Rê», héri- reprise en main des accès caravaniers vers le désert de l’Est tier d’Amon-Rê, dont les dieux de l’Egypte, de la cataracte, après leur déshérence des temps hyksôs. Mais, selon la reine les Horus «locaux» et l’énigmatique Dedoun sont garants. elle-même dans le texte de dédicace, il y avait un sanctuaire Et il est juste, croyons-nous, de considérer avec l’A. que la avant! Et au Moyen Empire, de multiples problèmes politique de bâtisseur suivie plus tard par Aménophis III, en existaient avec les bédouins de l’Est. Enfin, pourquoi Séthi Egypte comme en Nubie, s’inspire en droite ligne des I? Pensait-il rouvrir une route de l’or, comme à Kanaïs? mêmes éléments dogmatiques. Le mode de pensée révélé Il n’en dit rien, pourtant. Suggèrons donc pour de futures par la confrontation des textes de la stèle de Souty et Hor recherches que l’implantation du spèos correspond à un avec ceux gravés sur la stèle CG 34025, consacrant la pri- point délicat de relance de la crue — qui est, aussi, mauté d’Amon-Rê en sa nature solaire et non «politique- Hathor/Pakhet/Sekhmet — et que la raison d’être du lieu de ment» thèbaine et nationale, est un argument de poids mis culte devient, de ce fait, fort naturelle à cette place. en évidence par R. Gundlach. Beaucoup moins convaincante M. Dolinska (pp. 33-39 dessins pp. 40-45) donne la est la prestation de I. Hein (pp. 131-135). Partant des don- reconstruction par le dessin, à partir des blocs recueillis lors nées topographiques et du relevé des distances respectives, du dégagement, de parois du ∆sr-Ìt de Thoutmosis III à depuis Assouan, des implantations de temples et spèos 87 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 88 effectuées sous Ramsès II, avec point d’arrêt au Km 294, des textes des procession géographiques si ces textes ne sont l’A. conclut à un jalonnement intentionnel des points d’ins- ni lus ni traduits simultanément? Faire des listes? Mais de tallation de postes de contrôle de la voie fluviale par les quelle utilité? On est consterné de voir annoncer un sem- Egyptiens, ce qui est plausible. L’autre explication avancée blable travail sans valeur ni portée, n’apportant rien pédago- nous est apparue en revanche totalement sybilline: il s’agi- giquement parlant ou pour une meilleure connaissance de rait de l’application d’un programme de «présentation systé- l’harmonie de la grammaire du temple, alors que des cen- matique des cultes essentiels de l’Egypte en terre étrangère taines de mètres d’inscriptions importantes, géographiques (sic), non uniquement fondée sur des impératifs religieux comprises, demeurent encore inédites — ou accessibles seu- (re-sic), mais avec une volonté d’une mise en place pragma- lement à travers Dümichen, Brugsch ou Mariette, à Dendara tique». Comprenne qui pourra! et Philae. L’ordinateur n’apporterait réellement quelque Ne quittons pas encore le Sud lointain afin d’évoquer chose de valable que si la totalité des informations était une l’unique contribution du volume vouée aux lointains succes- bonne fois réunie, analysée la plume à la main, toutes les seurs napatéens des Thoutmosis et Aménophis durant la versions similaires classées et copiées parallèlement, tra- XXVe dynastie. E. Kormysheva (pp. 187-209) donne un duites et commentées! On est bien loin du compte et la dis- aperçu du contenu des textes des stèles qui évoquent les cipline n’a nul besoin de jongleries mathématiques si elle se actes du couronnement des rois méroïtiques, y voyant les meurt faute de pratiquants. Admettons avec J. Hallof que les traces d’un rituel d’intronisation qu’elle semble considérer renvois à Esna et ses grands textes hymniques et cosmogo- comme sinon «neuf», du moins sous l’influence du milieu niques manquent cruellement aux Belegstellen, mais une local. On en doutera, car une consultation, même rapide, du banque de données est-elle la solution? Il faut d’abord Pharaon, les secrets du pouvoir (Paris, Colin, 1988) de mes- savoir lire les textes, et je doute que l’A. puisse le faire à en dames Bonhême et Forgeau aurait pu épargner à l’A. bien juger par son commentaire en notes (p. 109, n. 14) sur les des lignes et des bévues. volumes parus des Valeurs Phonétiques; deux autres tomes, Place, maintenant, aux temps ptolémaïques et romains. La 3 et 4 sont disponibles, que va suivre un volume de complé- réfutation par D. Kurth (pp. 211-216) de la matérialité du ments et rectificatifs; Esna y tient une bonne place, mais il y voyage d’Hathor de Dendara jusqu’à Edfou à l’occasion de a encore beaucoup à faire, d’autant plus que, et J. Hallof ne la fête de la «Bonne Réunion» de la néoménie d’Epiphi, paraît pas s’en douter, la publication tragiquement arrêtée analysée jadis avec brio par M. Alliot, est fort péremptoire. par la mort de S. Sauneron en 1976 attend toujours sa fin. Probablement trop! A l’en croire, la fête n’était qu’un épi- Encore un temple incomplet… Quant au fichier personnel sode spécifique du comput régional d’Edfou ne se déroulant d’Esna du grand savant que fut Sauneron (p. 111, n. 24), qu’à l’échelon local, dans et au voisinage du temple d’Ho- l’A. en apprendrait probablement la localisation s’il s’adres- rus. Ses arguments «tuant les vaches sacrées», selon sa sait à Mme N. Sauneron au Caire ou à D. Meeks à Aix-en- propre expression, ne peuvent paraître convaincants que Provence. Enfin, et là n’est pas le moindre écueil, qui va pour ceux qui n’ont pas la pratique des textes en écriture traduire, pour mener à bien l’ambitieuse proposition émise ptolémaïque. Confondre deux épisodes bien distincts, l’arri- (p. 110), tout ce que Sauneron n’a pas lui même traduit? Ce vée et le séjour d’Hathor = la Bonne Réunion et la fête de qui demande un énorme travail de déchiffrement d’abord, de Behedet l’amène à s’inquiéter (p. 216, n. 31) de la présence mise en parallèle ensuite, et de compréhension analytique d’Hathor, pour lui insolite mais qu’il n’est pas en mesure de enfin, qu’on veuille bien en croire la longue expérience du nier. Qu’en pratique, D. Kurth puisse avoir raison pour les lecteur assidu que nous sommes, ne trouvera pas sa panacée époques récentes, la chose est possible; mais encore aurait- miraculeuse dans un logiciel informatique ni dans un pro- il fallu penser aux temps antérieurs, quand furent rédigés gramme aussi perfectionné soit-il. rituels et livrets, exploiter les données des inscriptions de Dendara, il y en a, et, enfin, examiner ailleurs les données Institut d’Egyptologie V. Loret, J.-Cl. GOYON calendériques avant de conclure aussi brutalement et, à coup université Lumière, Lyon II, mai 1996 sûr, à tort. Ne nous attardons pas sur ce qui n’est qu’un pro- jet de thèse de doctorat lancé par S. Schloz (pp. 281-286) et qu’il sera temps d’examiner s’il porte ses fruits. Il est coura- ** geux de vouloir rassembler tout ce qui peut exister comme * documents afférents pour reconstruire la politique religieuse des Ptolémées en matière d’édification de temples indi- GRAINDORGE-HÉREIL, Catherine — Le Dieu Sokar à gènes. Mais, comme le dit l’adage «il ne faut pas vendre la Thèbes au Nouvel Empire. Tome 1: Textes + Tome 2: peau de l’ours avant de l’avoir tué». Planches, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz Verlag, 1994 = Étant donné qu’elle a déjà été réutilisée sous le titre Göttinger Orientforschungen. IV. Reihe: Ägypten, «Gaugötterprozessionen in Texten der gr.-röm. Zeit als 28/1-2. (17 ≈ 24 cm; Vol. 1: XXXVII, 555 p., plans, Begriffsverbände» dans Mél. Leclant (IFAO Bd’E 106/4, fig.; Vol. 2: XVI p., 140 pl.). ISBN 3-447-03476-9; 1994, 108-123 avec renvoi p. 123 au présent volume des Pr. DM 198. HÄB), il aurait été tentant de se borner a simplement men- It is now nearly 30 years since Dr. G.A. Gaballa and this tionner la prestation première de H.G. Bartel et J. Hallof reviewer attempted a comprehensive synthesis of the data (pp. 115-129), si elle n’avait un répondant avec l’entreprise for the Festival of Sokar throughout Egyptian history prônée par le second auteur, J. Hallof (pp. 107-113, qui (replacing the unpublished dissertation by G. Wohlgemuth ambitionne d’établir une banque de données informatisées of 1957). We would have liked to have done a fuller study sur les textes d’Esna! of the God Sokar, but circumstances dictated otherwise. A quoi peuvent bien servir tous les schèmas savants où Therefore, it is a special pleasure to welcome just such a s’entrecroisent sigles et lignes, la théorie «mathématique» work here. Technically, this book is limited to Sokar at 89 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 90

Thebes — but, before the Graeco-Roman period, most of In den letzten Jahren ist eine Reihe von Veröffentlichun- our data comes from Thebes in any case — so little is pre- gen erschienen, die sich mit dem Bildprogramm aus den served from the ruins of Memphis on this or any other topic. Privatgräbern des Alten Reiches generell oder schwerpunkt- And in any case Graindorge does utilise non-Theban refer- mäßig mit einzelnen, ausgewählten Szenen befassen. In ences where pertinent. ihnen werden z.B. Fragen untersucht über Inhalt, Aussage, The text-volume falls into five main divisions, while the Komposition, Variation, Ausführlichkeit, Beischriften, plates-fascicle collects much of the pictorial data and prints Datierungskriterien einer Szene, wie auch nach deren Ent- appropriate hieroglyphic texts. The first main section of the wicklung über mehrere Generationen. Neben grundlegen- book reviews the name Sokar (still obscure in meaning), and den, empirischen Publikationen (z.B. Y. Harpur, Decoration the deity’s nature (essentially Memphite, chthonic associa- in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, Studies in Egypto- tions, then links with the Osiris-cult, and then also with the logy, London/New York 1987; N. Cherpion, Mastabas et solar cult). Then comes a study of the features of Sokar’s hypogées d’Ancien Empire, Brüssel 1989) gibt es vermehrt Henu-barque and oft-mentioned cult-foci at Ro-Setjau Beiträge, die sich in großer Vielfalt um Interpretationen der (Giza) and Pedjtiushe (Abusir), then the Shetayet and Per- dargestellten Themen bemühen (Lit. dazu s. H. Buchberger, Henu shrines at Memphis itself. Dr. Graindorge seems to in: Gedenkschrift für Winfried Barta, Münchener ägyptolo- hva missed the present reviewer’s attempt at a hypothetical gische Untersuchungen 4, 1995, S. 118 ff.). Besonders im reconstruction of these two shrines, based on the lists of Blickpunkt stehen dabei die Bewertung des Komplexes Memphite deities and sanctuaries preserved at Abydos, see »Szenen des täglichen Lebens« (Ackerbau, Viehzucht, Kitchen in «Towards a reconstruction of Ramesside Mem- Fisch- und Vogelfang, Jagd, Bootsbau usw.) und die Suche phis», in E. Bleiberg and R. Freed (eds.), Fragments of nach einer Begründung, warum dieser Themenkomplex seinen a Shattered Visage, the Proceedings of the International Niederschlag in Bildprogramm der Gräber gefunden hat. Symposium on Ramesses the Great, Memphis (Tenn.), 1991, Fast allen Autoren ist gemeinsam, diese Szenen in ihrer 87-104, especially 93-94, 98, and 104, fig. 6. Her response realen Bildaussage (tägliches Leben) zu verneinen bzw. den to that particular flight of scholarly fancy might have realen Bezug zu dem Grabinhaber abzulehnen, um sie statt- been interesting! She then passes on to the Akh-menu sanc- dessen mit einer anderen Deutung — mit einem religiö- tuary of Tuthmosis III and the Sokar-chapel of Amenophis sen/kultischen/rituellen Hintergrund — zu interpretieren. III in E. and W. Thebes respectively. As for the Festival of Hieraus resultiert die Praxis, diesen Szenenkomplex übli- Sokar in the memorial temple of Ramesses III (Medinet cherweise als »sogenannte Szenen des täglichen Lebens« Habu), this was no new «implantation» (her page 53), zu bezeichnen. but simply followed what Ramesses II had done at the Mit seiner hier zubesprechenden Veröffentlichung bietet Ramesseum, where the data are now inferrable only El-Metwally eine weitere neue Interpretation der gesamten from fragments of the calendar of feasts from there — cf. Grabdekoration an, indem er sämtliche Darstellungen in Gaballa and Kitchen, Orientalia NS 38 (1969), 30-31 and dem von ihm behandelten Zeitraum generell und ausschließ- references. lich dem Totenkult zuordnet und in drei zentrale Kompo- The substantial section 2 (pp. 79-167) systematically nenten gliedert: 1.) Opferempfang – 2.) Opfertransport – collects mentions and scenes of Sokar on the Theban mon- 3.) Opferherstellung. In diesen drei Schritten und in dieser uments, in catalogue-format. The third main section works Abfolge entsteht die Genese der Grabdekoration und — so through the great Festival of Sokar itself, in some detail. lautet seine These — unter diesem Aspekt lassen sich alle In section 4, the author expounds what, in her view, is the Szenen und Themen einschließlich der Szenen des täglichen significance of the rites of Sokar, with special reference to Lebens sowie die mit ihnen verbundenen Entwicklungen im the status of kingship, parallel with the death and resurrec- Laufe der Zeit der rituellen Versorgung des Grabbesitzers tion of Osiris in the mythical world, providing convenient zuweisen und deuten. translations of pertinent texts at intervals. Section 5 covers Ausgangspunkt für diese Überlegungen ist das Motiv complementary issues, relating Sokar to features in West- »Verstorbener vor dem Opfertisch«, das in archaischer Zeit Theban temples and tombs. It has to be said that, to some ausschließlich als statische Darstellung vorkommt und extent at least, her work is somewhat speculative, rather than während der 3./4. Dynastie zu einer dynamischen Bildfolge being closely tied to explicit data. The book is a useful con- mit Handlungsmomenten und handelnden Personen zuneh- spectus of our data on Sokar, and a point of departure for mend erweitert und bereichert wird. Dieser Prozeß vollzieht any further study of Sokar. sich inhaltlich und gestalterisch nach El-Metwally in drei Schritten: Opferempfang – Transport – Herstellung. Er zeigt Woolton, February 1996 K.A. KITCHEN die Entwicklung auf beginnend mit archaischen Rollsiegeln, die den Toten am Opfertisch zeigen bzw. ihm die Opfer sichern sollen, und anschließend in direkter Fortsetzung die ** als Opferplatte oder Opferstele (in der 2. Dyn.) bekannte * Darstellung des Verstorbenen am Speisetisch. Eng verbun- den ist damit die auf diesen Platten aufgezeichnete Opferli- el-METWALLY, Emad — Entwicklung der Grabdekoration ste, die schon frühzeitig zu trennen ist in Ritualopferliste in den altägyptischen Privatgräbern. Ikonographische (täglich durchgeführte Speisung) und Inventarliste (einma- Analyse der Totenkultdarstellungen von der Vorge- lige Grabausstattung, Hausrat). Dieses Motiv »Opferemp- schichte bis zum Ende der 4. Dynastie, Wiesbaden, Otto fang« bildet entwicklungsgeschichtlich den Nukleus und ist Harrassowitz, 1992 = Göttinger Orientforschungen. IV. deswegen zeitlich-thematisch die erste (früheste) Darstel- Reihe: Ägypten, 24. (17 ≈ 24 cm; XXVI, 251 p., plans, lung, weil Ziel des Opfers sein Empfang durch den Toten ist fig., tables, pl.). ISBN 3-447-03270-7; Pr. DM 98 (S. 17). 91 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 92

In den 3. Dyn. wird die Szene in die Scheintür(nische) diesseitigen »Lebensraum« zubilligen mit einem profanen integriert, und als nächster Schritt (Ende 3./Anfang 4. Dyn.) Alltag? Sind nicht sogar die Ritualopferszenen hier einzube- werden jetzt Opferbringer vor dem Grabherrn dargestellt; ziehen, weil sie auf tägliche Praktizierung im Diesseits kon- die hierfür herangezogenen Belege (Hesire, Ha-bau-Sokar) zipiert sind? sind allerdings wegen der unvollständigen Befundlage unge- Abschließend sei noch bemerkt, daß die vom Autor eignet. Diese Sachlage findet sich aber im Grab FS 3078 gewählte Nomenklatur wie z.B. Speiseritualopferbringer, (Saqqara), und hier sieht El-Metwally seinen Entwicklungs- Grabbeigabenopferbringer etwas langatmig geraten sind. gedanken erfüllt, indem neben dem Verstorbenen (1: Opfer- empfänger) und Speiseritualopferbringer (2: Opfertransport) Kestner-Museum Hannover, ROSEMARIE DRENKHAHN außerdem ein Domänenaufzug dargestellt ist. Die Domänen Januar 1996 verkörpern nämlich nach ihm sowohl den Opfertransport (2) durch die mitgebrachten Gaben wie auch die Herstellung der ** Opfer (3: Opferherstellung) durch den beigefügten Domä- * nennamen. Damit sind hier alle drei Phasen als wichtigste Voraussetzung zum Vollzug des Totenkultes erfüllt. Bemer- DEBONO Fernand & MORTENSEN Bodil — El Omari. A kenswert ist, daß die chronologische Entwicklung der Dar- Neolithic Settlement and Other Sites in the Vicinity of stellung (1,2,3) sich gegenläufig verhält zu dem folgerichti- Wadi Hof, Helwan. With Appendixes on geology by gen Handlungsgeschehen (3,2,1). H.A. HAMROUSH & H.A. ZIED, on human remains Den nächsten Schritt der Weiterentwicklung (4. Dyn.) by D.E. DERY, on animal bones by J. BOESSNECK & sieht El-Metwally in den Grabdarstellungen des Nefermaat A. v.d. DRIESCH, on plant remains by H. BARAKAT, und seiner Frau ltjet in Medum; in ihrem Grab befinden sich V. TÄCKHOLM & K. HOLMEN, on petrological and Jagd- und Vogelfangszenen. Diese bewertet er als »Schlüs- chemical analyses of pottery by H.A. HAMROUSH & seldarstellung«; sie sind nicht »Szenen des täglichen H.A. ZIED. Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Abtei- Lebens«, sondern dokumentieren primär das Gewinnen von lung Kairo — Mainz am Rhein, Verlag Philipp von Erzeugnissen (Fische, Vögel, Wild), die den Grabbesitzer Zabern, 1990 (35,5 cm., 154 pp., LII pls., 4 plans) = oder -besitzerin mit Opfer versorgen sollen. Diese Überle- Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 82. ISBN 3-8053- gung, die an weiteren, zeitlich anschließenden Beispielen 1119-2. aus Gräbern in Medum, Saqqara, und Giza vertieft wird, La publication discute les anciennes fouilles de Fernand erklärt vergleichbare Szenen und Themen (z.B. Ackerbau, Debono, pour le compte du Service des Antiquités de Tierzucht, Schlachtung) als Vorstufen mit dem Ziel der l’Egypte, pendant trois campagnes de fouilles (1943-1944, Opferversorgung. Nach El-Metwally sind Sinn und Zweck 1948, 1951) sur les sites d’el Omari. Elles se situent à der Szenen des täglichen Lebens nur unter dem Aspekt der quelque cinq kilomètres au nord d’Hélouan et le nom du site Totenopferversorgung zu sehen: Eine Schlachtungsszene a été attribué par Bovier-Lapierre en souvenir du découvreur dient nur dazu, Rinderschenkel und -herz zu opfern; eine Amin el Omari. Un certain nombre d’observations, concer- Vogelfangszene, um Geflügel zu bringen und zu opfern nant les fouilles de Bovier-Lapierre en 1925, sont également usw. Die im Grab des Meten zum ersten Mal dargestellten inclus. Les résultats des fouilles de Debono ont déjà depuis »Grabbeigabenopferbringer«, die Kasten, Bett, Kopfstütze longtemps été publiés de façon préliminaire et ont été inté- usw. bringen, sowie die im Grab der Meresanch III. zum grés dans tous les ouvrages traitant la fin de la préhistoire et ersten Mal wiedergegebene Herstellung von Grabbeigaben les débuts de l’histoire en Egypte, sous la rubrique de «cul- und Grabausrüstung sind analog lediglich als eine Erweite- ture d’el Omari». Pourtant, bon nombre d’auteurs regret- rung der Inventarliste zu deuten. So faßt El-Metwally sein taient le manque d’informations détaillées.1) La division de Fazit zusammen (S. 169): »Die gesamte Grabdekoration ist la culture d’el Omari en deux périodes (Omari A et B), sou- in ihren Grundelementen nichts anderes als die ausführliche vent mentionnée, est rejetée dès l’abord par les auteurs. Le Darstellung einer Opfertischszene«. livre discuté ici comble donc une lacune dans nos informa- Mögen die von El-Metwally dargelegte These und ihre tions. Le fait que les sites, à l’exception de celui du Gebel konsequente Anwendung an dem Bildmaterial im einzelnen Hof qui se trouve en territoire militaire, soient à présent schlüssig erscheinen, ergeben sich dennoch kritische Beden- détruits et recouverts par l’expansion de la ville actuelle ken an der Vorgehensweise. Die unreflektierte Übersetzung d’Hélouan, ajoute encore à l’importance de la publication. von ∂ als »Totenstiftung« führt zu dem Fehlschluß, daß pr- t Celle-ci est le fruit de la collaboration du fouilleur lui- alle mit ∂ kombinierten Angaben zwangsläufig für den pr- t même, Fernand Debono, avec Bodil Mortensen qui a réexa- Totenkult ausgewertet wurden. Mag ∂ auch in vielen pr- t miné le matériel archéologique conservé au Musée du Caire Veröffentlichungen als »Totenstiftung« üblich sein, so wird et dans le magasin de l’inspectorat du Service des Antiquités sie dadurch nicht richtiger; ∂ bedeutet »zugewiesener pr- t à Gizeh. Besitz(stand)« und ist in seiner Auslegung sehr komplex En introduction, l’histoire de la recherche aussi bien (vgl. Lit. bei R. Drenkhahn, die Handwerker und ihre Tätig- qu’un aperçu général des sites connus situés autour d’Hé- keiten im Alten Ägypten, Äg.Abh. 31, 1976, S. 136 f.). louan, sont présentées. L’accent est particulièrement mis sur — Die pauschale Ablehnung gegen die Szenen des täglichen quelques sites qui pourraient dater de la culture d’el Omari. Lebens in ihrem bildlichen Selbstverständnis ist nicht nach- Une publication qui traitera des trouvailles plus anciennes vollziehbar. Es sind und bleiben primär Szenen des tägli- chen Lebens, was nicht gleichbedeutend ist mit biografi- scher Authenzität. Wie sonst sollten die Ägypter gejagt, geerntet, geschlachtet, gebacken, usw. — überhaupt gelebt 1) E.g. M.A. HOFFMAN, Egypt before the Pharaohs. London, 1980, p. 192; L. KRZYZANIAK, Early Farming Cultures on the Lower Nile. haben? Sollte man den Alten Ägyptern nicht auch einen Warszawa, 1977, p. 98. 93 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 94 est annoncée. Quelques références à des publications en un nombre plus important d’enterrements, un grand anciennes peuvent néanmoins y être ajoutées.2) nombre dans des puits remployés. La dernière phase d’occu- Le corps de la publication est occupé par le rapport de pation (phase 8) diffère complètement des autres puisque on fouille sur le site d’habitation d’el Omari. Celui-ci avait une y retrouve maintenant des éléments d’habitation. Il y a des extention d’environs 750 m sur 500 m, et se situe dans la foyers, des jarres de stockage et des poteaux, mais ces der- plaine au sud du Ouadi Hof. Le site comprend deux aires niers ne permettent malheureusement pas de reconstruire de fouillées, Areas A et B, tandis que cinq autres (Areas D-H) façon certaine les structures d’habitation. Pourtant, comme ont seulement été prospectées. La publication traite les les grands puits sont entourés de plus petits, avec des traces differents aires de fouille séparément. Les Areas A et B se de constructions légères entre eux, on a tendance à y recon- présentaient comme une série de dépressions, signalant la naître des unités familiales. présence de puits creusés dans les dépoˆts de ouadi et parfois Parmi les objets retrouvés en fouille, la céramique prend même dans la roche-mère calcaire sous-jacente. Malgré le une place priviligée. L’étude est rendue difficile puisqu’une fait que le contenu des puits n’offre pas une image claire, il grande partie du matériel n’a pas été conservée. La céra- y a peu de doute qu’il s’agit d’une zone de stockage et de mique est de fabrication locale, et semble peu standardisée. dépotoir. Les puits sont généralement de forme ronde et L’argile utilisée est de deux types, une argile marneuse et mesurent de 50 à 250 cm. de diamètre pour une profondeur une argile grise, toutes les deux d’origine locale, comme allant de 50 à 110 cm. Les parois sont souvent aménagées décrit par H.A. Hamroush et H.A. Zied (Appendix VI), avec de l’argile, dans laquelle se trouvent régulièrement des d’après l’analyse pétrologique et chimique. Ces argiles impressions de nattes. La grande majorité des puits ne se étaient utilisées tantôt séparément, tantôt mélangées. La sur- trouvent pas isolés mais se sont associés. Il n’y a pas de face des poteries était en général lissée ou bien recouverte vraie stratigraphie verticale entre les puits, mais des élé- d’un engobe rouge, normalement poli. Un dégraissant végé- ments de chronologie relative sont quand même présents tal est toujours présent. D’après l’étude de K. Holmen grâçe à des remplissages différents. Il s’agit d’une argile (Appendix VII), il s’agit de particules de la fleur du papyrus. noire provenant probablement de niveaux d’occupation, et Les dimensions et la quantité du dégraissant n’étaient pas du sable éolien, aussi bien que de la présence de niveaux toujours en rapport avec les dimensions des poteries, ce qui endurés de sel causés par l’évaporation de l’eau qui, de confirme le caractère peu standardisé de cette production. La temps en temps, remplissait les puits. Ces niveaux aussi bien variation des formes est assez limitée, il s’agit surtout de que le matériel archéologique y associé ne reflètent pas l’uti- jarres renfermées de dimentions diverses, de coupes et bols lisation primaire des puits mais plutôt les activités prati- assez profonds, de petits gobelets et de jarres à grande quées plus loin, pour lesquelles les puits servaient comme ouverture. A l’exception de quelques grandes jarres, tous les lieu de dépotoir. A partir de ces données huit phases d’occu- fragments de poteries ont été retrouvés en position secon- pation ont été identifiées. Celles-ci permettent une recons- daire dans les trous. Il n’y a donc pas moyen d’établir une truction du développement du site. La phase la plus chronologie relative. D’après les conclusions des auteurs, ancienne se situe dans l’Area BIII et consiste en trous de cette céramique serait liée à celle de Mérimdé II-IV et à stockage de dimensions réduites (phase 1). Le niveau de celle de Jéricho (Pottery Neolithic A et B). Par contre, il n’y sable éolien recouvrant les éléments de la phase 1 représente a pas de relations avec la Haute-Egypte. l’abandon temporaine (partiel?) du site (phase 2). Ensuite, il L’industrie lithique est une industrie sur lamelles et y a eu une nouvelle phase dans l’Area BIII consistant de éclats, à laquelle s’ajoutera progressivement un certain nouveau en trous de stockage (phase 3). Quelques enterre- nombre de pièces bifaciales. La matière première consiste en ments dans des puits préexistants représentent la phase 4. majorité de petits galets provenant des terrasses locales. Des Après un intervalle humide pendant lequel le niveau de sel nodules plus grandes, probablement de forme tabulaire, pro- s’est formé (phase 5), vient la période d’occupation suivante viennent éventuellement d’Abou Roach. Finalement il y a (phase 6), qui marque un changement important. Les activi- un silex gris, importé sous forme de grandes lames. Des tés se sont transferrés vers la totalité des Areas A et BI. Il microlithes de tradition épipaléolithique, dont les trouvailles s’agit toujours de trous de stockage, mais beaucoup d’entre sont bien attestées dans la région d’Hélouan, sont éventuel- eux sont maintenant pourvus de paniers. La phase 7 consiste lement preuve d’évolution locale. La majorité des outils sur lamelles est peu soignée et consiste en racloirs, burins et pièces composites. Les pièces bifaciales, plus soignées, sont 2) A.J.J. BROWNE, On the Flint Implements found at Helwan, near caractérisées par des petites haches dont le tranchant subit Cairo, Cambridge Antiquarian Society 4 (1877): 85; E. MANTY, Die souvent un polissage, des flèches à base concave, des fau- Feuersteinfunde von Helwan. Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte 11 (1879): 351-353. R.P. cilles et des triangles épais. Très caractéristiques pour la cul- GREG, Neolithic Flint Implements of the Nile Valley and Egypt, JRAI 10 ture d’el Omari sont les couteaux pédonculés dont le bord (1881): 424-429; H.W. HAYNES, Discovery of Palaeolithic Flint Implements coupant est très souvant non retouché. Ce sont surtout ces in Upper Egypt, Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 1 couteaux qui sont faits sur les plus grandes lames importées. (1882): 357-361; F. JAGOR, (Steingeräte), Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte (1882): 560- L’industrie lithique d’el Omari semble surtout apparentée à 561; G.A. SCHWEINFURTH, Kieselartefakte aus der arabischen Wüste und celle des phases anciennes de Mérimdé. von Helwan, Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Parmi les trouvailles diverses on retrouve un bon nombre Ethnologie und Urgeschichte (1885): 302-306, 406-407; C. DE MARCHE- de coquilles, pour la plupart utilisée comme ornements. SETTI, Fundstätten altägyptischer Steingeräthe und das Museum von Gizeh, Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie Elles proviennent aussi bien du Nil que de la Mer Rouge et und Urgeschichte (1898): 260; G. SENN, Ein Tannzapfenariges Kiesel- de la Méditerranée. Les perles, les palettes et les vases en fragment aus der Wüste bei Heluan, Verhandlungen der Naturforschenden pierre, par contre, sont très rares. Gesellschaft in Basel 22 (1911): 240-246. See also: S. HENDRICKX, Ana- Les sépultures sont au nombre de quarante-trois, toutes de lytical Bibliography of the Prehistory and Early Dynastic Period of Egypt and Northern Sudan. Leuven, 1995: 311. simples fosses ovales. Les tombes ont été creusées dans des 95 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 96 secteurs abandonnés, souvent il s’agit de remplois d’anciens (Appendix IV). Les plantes cultivées sont principalement trous de stockage. Deux tombes étaient entourées de trous l’amidonnier, l’orge, l’ivraie et la vesce. de poteaux, témoins d’une superstructure, soit un enclos, Notons enfin que les études annexes concernant la céra- soit une construction légère couverte. Les corps se trou- mique ont déjà été mentionnées plus haut. vaient en position contractée, dans la plupart des cas sur le Ce travail très soigné est accompagné de nombreuses côté gauche, la tête au Sud. Le mobilier funéraire est pauvre, illustrations de très bonne qualité. Il manque seulement un mais presque toutes les tombes contenaient un petit pot. Le plan indiquant la localisation exacte et la position relative cimetière se trouvait certainement à proximité de l’habitat. des Areas qui figurent sur les plans 1-4. Evidemment ceci ne De toute évidence, il n’y avait pas de plan préétabli pour diminue en rien l’importance de l’ouvrage qui non seule- l’organisation spatiale de ce cimetière. En tout cas, les don- ment clarifie notre vision de la culture d’el Omari, mais qui nées ne nous permettent pas de reconnaître un système dans en plus donne un exemple de la façon selon laquelle une les inhumations. culture néolithique se serait developpée à partir de l’épipa- Dans leurs conclusions générales les auteurs donnent un léolithique local. aperçu de l’occupation humaine à Hélouan depuis le paléo- lithique final. Ils mettent en évidence qu’il reste bien des Werchter, août 1995 STAN HENDRICKX questions ouvertes. Concernant la position d’el Omari dans le cadre général des cultures prédynastiques de la Basse-Égypte, ** les auteurs suggèrent deux possibilités. Si on situe el Omari * chronologiquement entre Mérimdé et Maadi, el Omari devrait être une évolution locale d’une culture liée à celle de RIZKANA Ibrahim & SEEHER Jürgen — Maadi IV. The Mérimdé. Ou bien si el Omari est approximativement Predynastic Cemeteries of Maadi and Wadi Digla. With contemporain de Mérimdé II-IV, alors il faudrait supposer an Appendix on the Physical Anthropology by Karl- une origine et une évolution différentes de celles de Georg BECK and Stefan KLUG. Deutsches Archäolo- Mérimdé. D’après les datations au C14, cette seconde solu- gisches Institut, Abteilung Kairo — Mainz am Rhein, tion est à préférer. Dans ce cas rien ne contredit une évolu- Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1990 (35,5 cm, 178 pp., tion en partant des cultures épipaléolithiques de la région XXXVII pls.) = Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 81. d’Hélouan. ISBN 3-8053-1156-7. Mentionnons quand même pour les conclusions que les résultats des études annexes ne sont pas tourjours intégrés Le volume final des publications sur les fouilles exécutées de manière adéquate. Il est par exemple remarquable que entre 1930 et 1953 à Maadi par l’Université égyptienne et les auteurs continuent à décrire la pottery comme «straw dirigées par Mustaffa Amer avec d’abord Oswald Menghin tempered», malgré l’affirmation avec laquelle Holmen et puis Ibrahim Rizkana, traite des cimetières de Maadi et décrit le dégraissant de la céramique comme des particules Ouadi Digla. L’importance de la série de publications de la fleur du papyrus. concernant les fouilles de sites prédynastiques de la Basse- Viennent ensuite les études annexes. La majorité de Egypte (Mérimdé, Maadi, Héliopolis), publiés grace aux celles-ci ont été faites récemment, si on en excepte deux, efforts de l’Institut Allemand du Caire, a déjà été souligné datant encore de l’époque des fouilles. Il s’agit première- maintes fois à l’occasion des comptes rendus des volumes ment du rapport sur l’anthropologie physique par D.E. Derry précédents. Les cimetières publiés dans le présent volume (Appendix II), qui n’a pas été repris puisque seule une petite sont ceux de Maadi (Maadi-nord) et de Ouadi Digla (Maadi- partie du matériel est encore à la disposition des chercheurs. sud). Le premier appartenait à l’habitat de Maadi, ce qui Ensuite, il y a l’étude botanique de V. Täckholm (Appendix n’était très probablement pas le cas pour le cimetière V), dont l’élément le plus remarquable est l’identification d’Ouadi Digla, dont le site d’habitat nous reste inconnu. d’une fleur (Pulicaria undulata) mise intentionnellement Dans une première partie du travail les données archéolo- dans une tombe. Parmi les études récentes, la géologie et giques des deux cimetières sont présentées (pg. 15-96), avec géoarchéologie sont traitées en premier (Appendix I). La un résumé concernant surtout la chronologie et les caracté- conclusion la plus importante de H.A. Hamroush et H.A. ristiques des deux phases distinguées (p. 97-105). La Zied est que l’implantation du site est unique pour l’Egypte seconde partie (p. 106-178) est due à Karl-Georg Beck et à prédynastique puisqu’il se situe à plus courte distance du Stefan Klug, qui ont fait l’examen des restes humains. débouché de l’ouadi que des abords de la paine aluviale. Dans la préface du volume, les auteurs attirent à juste titre L’élement fondamental qui a dû jouer dans le choix de cet l’attention sur le fait que l’étude des cimetières est particulè- emplacement est la présence de sources. De cette façon, rement importante pour notre connaissance de la chronolo- selon les auteurs, el Omari avait accès au ressources du gie relative de la période concernée. Il va de soi que publier désert tandis que la plaine alluviale n’était quand-même pas une fouille faite il y a plus de quarante ans pose des pro- trop éloignée. Pourtant les résultats de l’analyse des restes blèmes pratiques. Ceux-ci sont discutées dans l’introduction, d’animaux par J. Boessneck et A. von den Driesch (Appen- en même temps que la localisation des cimetières. dix III) démontre que la pêche aux abords et dans le lit du Le cimetière de Maadi, situé à moins de deux-cent mètres Nil jouait un grand rôle à el Omari tandis que la chasse dans au sud de l’habitat, n’a été trouvé qu’en 1942, au moment où le désert était d’importance négligeable. Tout de même l’im- il y avait déjà eu un bon nombre de campagnes de fouille plantation du site pourrait se justifier non seulement par la dans le secteur de l’habitat. Les fouilles ont principalement présence déjà mentionnée d’eau, mais aussi par les possibi- été menées en 1946 et 1947. Au total, 76 tombes ont été lités d’agriculture et d’élevage, offertes par l’ouadi (princi- trouvées. Originellement le cimetière était plus étendu ou palement le porc et le bœuf). L’importance de l’agriculture consistait en différentes zones, puisque plusieurs dizaines de est confirmée par l’analyse botanique, faite par H. Barakat tombes ont été trouvés par le Service des Antiquités de 97 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 98 l’Egypte entre 1983 et 1986. Toutes les tombes sont des Digla II se retrouvent surtout à l’ouest et au nord-est. Cela simples puits de dimensions assez réduites (100 ≈ 80 cm en correspond bien avec une évolution spatiale en partant d’un moyenne). Le défunt se trouvait toujours en position noyau. Il est quasiment exclu que ces deux groupes aient eu contractée, dans l’attitude bien connue pour les cultures pré- une signification autre que chronologique. Il n’y a pas d’in- dynastiques, mais contrairement aux enterrements naqadiens dice que des différences sociales ou sexuelles en seraient la de la Haute-Egypte, on ne trouve pas toujours l’orientation cause. de la tête vers le sud avec le corps sur le côté gauche. Le L’interprétation des auteurs est très convaincante, mais il matériel funéraire trouvé dans les tombes est peu abondant. faut se méfier d’extrapolations et c’est eux-mêmes qui Il n’y a que 27 poteries pour les 76 tombes, ce qui pourrait veillent à ne pas utiliser ces caractéristiques comme critère partiellement être dû aux 18 enterrements d’enfants ou sub- aveugle pour la datation des cimetières de la première moi- adultes, très rarement accompagnés d’objets. Les types des tié du cinquième millénaire en Basse-Egypte. Il reste que la poteries présents dans le cimetière sont aussi connus pour le validité des deux périodes chronologiques est confirmée par secteur de l’habitat. Comme leur typologie a déjà été discu- le fait que le cimetière de Maadi reflète fortement les carac- tée dans le premier volume des rapports de fouilles sur téristiques du Digla I, tandis que le cimetière de Héliopolis Maadi, les auteurs renvoient à cette publication. Pour renvoi correspond quasiment intégralement au Digla II. Les compa- vite à la typologie, une planche avec les types principaux est raisons avec d’autres sites sont d’ailleurs par la force des inclue (fig. 24). Remarquons qu’il y a une confusion d’im- choses fort limitées en nombre. portance mineure entre les figs. 9 et 24 due au fait que pour L’illustration accompagnant le rapport de fouilles des fig. 24 les types 1 et 5 sont en réalité les types 1a et 5a. Le deux cimetières est abondante. Tous les objets retrouvés rapport du cimetière de Maadi s’achève avec la description dans le magasin de fouille de Maadi sont présentés en des- de la seule tombe non-humaine, une tombe de chien, trouvée sin. De plus, une grande partie des tombes est présentée par à l’écart dans la partie ouest du cimetière. des photographies d’excellente qualité, réalisées à partir des Le cimetière de Ouadi Digla se situait sur une petite élé- anciens clichés faits par les fouilleurs. vation dans le débouché de l’Ouadi Digla. A présent, tout a La partie concernant l’anthropologie physique part d’une disparu sous le village moderne de Maadi. Deux zones ont étude de Beck et Klug, faite en 1984, c.-à.-d. plus de trente été fouillés séparément entre 1951 et 1953, la partie majeure ans après la fouille, ce qui explique qu’un certain nombre de du cimetière contenant 434 tombes humaines et 14 tombes données ont été perdues entre-temps. Cela est particulière- d’animaux (1 chien, 5 chevreaux, 2 agneaux/chevreaux, ment vrai pour le cimetière de Ouadi Digla, où seulement 6 quadrupèdes indéterminés), à l’est de laquelle se trouvait 134 squelettes ont été étudiés sur un total de 463 tombes. encore un groupe de 29 tombes. Ces deux zones sont en fait Puisqu’en outre les cimétières n’ont pas été fouillés de façon dues à la présence d’une route moderne, et il faut donc exhaustive, aucun d’entre eux ne peut être considéré comme considérer le tout comme un seul cimetière. Les tombes et la représentatif de la démographie ancienne. Outre le matériel manière d’enterrer sont du même genre qu’à Maadi. des deux cimetières, les restes très fragmentaires des sque- Comme non seulement le nombre de tombes est large- lettes provenant de l’habitat sont également étudiés. Le ment supérieur à celui du cimetière de Maadi, mais comme matériel étant en mauvais état, toutes les observations dési- en plus le mobilier funéraire est relativement plus abondant, rées n’ont souvent pas pu être faites, ce qui limitait aussi les malgré le fait que plus que la moitié des tombes à Ouadi possibilités de mener une étude statistique. Pour les sque- Digla ne contient pas de poterie du tout, il était possible lettes provenant de l’habitat, une détermination précise des pour les fouilleurs de différencier entre deux groupes chro- âges et sexes était exclue. Malgré ces problèmes heuris- nologiques (Digla I & II). Ceux-ci étaient premièrement dis- tiques, la structure des âges montre tout de même de façon tingués manuellement, mais ensuite étudiés à l’aide d’ana- évidente que les enfants en dessous de 6 ans étaient princi- lyse correspondentielle, pour laquelle on tenait compte palement enterrés dans l’habitat. De plus, dans le cimetière seulement des informations connues pour toutes les tombes, de Maadi, il y a une séparation géographique entre adultes et c.-à.-d. le mobilier funéraire, sa position dans la tombe ainsi subabdultes, ce qui ne s’observe pas à Ouadi Digla. En envi- que la position du corps. Enfin, la localisation dans le cime- sageant l’habitat et le cimetière de Maadi comme un tière était prise en considération. Les deux groupes distin- ensemble, la moyenne d’âge est de 24 ans, et elle monte à gués ne montrent pas d’hiatus mais sont le résultat d’une 30 ans pour le cimetière de l’Ouadi Digla. Pour les deux évolution graduelle, mise en évidence grâce à un certain ensembles, on observe une domination marquée des sque- nombre de tombes «intermédiaires» difficiles à classer. lettes mâles. Finalement, les auteurs ont essayé de faire une La première partie de l’ouvrage s’achève par un chapitre comparaison multivariante en partant des données métriques de synthèse. Les résultats concernant la chronologie relative connues pour des séries de squelettes provenant de l’Afrique se laissent résumer de manière suivante. La phase Digla I est du Nord et la Palestine. Faute de représentativité sûre des caractérisée par des jarres des types 1 et 3a, le groupe tech- données, des conclusions définitives ne sont pas possibles. nologique II et la présence des mollusques aspatharia et Toutefois, il y a quand-même de fortes ressemblances avec d’un mineral gris foncé, probablement pyrolusite. Typique la région palestinienne en ce qui concerne la partie faciale de la phase Digla II sont les jarres des types 3, 4a-c, le du crâne, tandis que les autres caractéristiques métriques groupe technologique III et la présence d’outils en silex, de montrent une relation évidente avec les groupes de réfé- palettes et de minerai de cuivre. De plus, le nombre d’objets rences égyptiens. retrouvés dans les tombes augmente pour le groupe Digla II Face à cette étude anthropologique très valable, on pourait aussi bien que le nombre d’inhumations sur le côté droit et seulement critiquer un trop grand luxe de détails. Les fiches orientées vers le sud. En prenant les deux parties du cime- descriptives et la série de planches, illustrant les éléments de tière comme un tout, les enterrements du Digla I se situent squelette présents pour chaque individu étudié, occupent 38 principalement dans la partie centrale, tandis que ceux du pages. Les dessins surtout ne sont pas indispensables et ils 99 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 100 auraient facilement pu été remplacés par des tableaux à Group C (Nile silt). Analogous but simpler procedures are l’instar de ce qui se fait d’habitude pour ce genre de publi- used to classify the much smaller numbers of stone vessels, cations. palettes, ivory and bone objects, and stone beads from the Finissons en soulignant que ce volume est non seulement site. fondamental pour notre connaissance des coutumes funé- The analysis of graves is followed by a typology of grave raires en Basse-Egypte pendant le cinquième millénaire, types and a thorough description of each grave. Detailed mais qu’il s’agit en plus d’un ouvrage édité avec le soin plans are provided of each of the 34 graves that contained in auquel les volumes des Archäologische Veroffentlichungen situ objects. These show the outline of the pit and if neces- nous ont habitués. sary the profile, the position of the skeletons, and the loca- tions of objects, accompanied by large-scale drawings of Werchter, août 1995 STAN HENDRICKX each artifact. In the 11 cases where objects were found in situ at various levels in a grave, multiple plans are supplied, ** which I believe is a first in the reporting of Predynastic * cemeteries. Thus Hendrickx provides a vast amount of infor- mation about not only what was found but also where it was found. HENDRICKX, Stan — Elkab V. The Naqada III Cemetery. On the basis of artifact associations and which graves cut With a contribution by Veerle Van Rossum, Bruxelles/ into others, Hendrickx has produced a chronology of the Brussel, Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire/Konink- graves that is more detailed than one based on Petrie’s lijke Musea voor Kunst en Geschiedenis, 1994 = Publi- sequence dates. Most of the graves date from the late Pre- cations du Comité des Fouilles Belges en Égypte/Uitga- dynastic period (Kaiser’s Stufen IIIa2 and IIIb), during ven van het Comité voor Belgische Opgravingen in which time the surviving portion of the cemetery expanded Égypte. (21 ≈ 29 cm; 259 p., tables, pl., loose plans). from west to east. Very few, if any, graves date from the This monograph, based on the first part of Stan Hen- time of King Narmer into early Dynasty I (Stufen IIIc1- drickx’s doctoral dissertation, is a final report of the Belgian IIIc3). After this hiatus a few graves were dug across the excavations of the surviving portions of a Naqada III ceme- site. These have a different body orientation from those of tery within the Late Period enclosure wall at Elkab (ancient earlier times and cut into earlier ones, suggesting that the Nekheb) in southern Egypt. This cemetery was discovered earlier graves had been forgotten. This suggests that a reor- while excavating an epipalaeolithic site in 1968, at which ganization of local social organization might have occurred time Pierre Vermeersch uncovered some 20 graves. Hen- at Elkab near the beginning of Dynasty I, similar to what drickx excavated the remaining graves in 1977 and 1978-79, happened at Naqada. However, Hendrickx believes that to bring the total to 95. Of these only one quarter were other parts of the Elkab cemetery may have been used dur- undisturbed. All the extant graves belong to the late Naqada ing this interval. culture, being assignable to Werner Kaiser’s “Stufen" IIIa2 On the basis of a weighted analysis of grave contents, to IIIc3 and hence equivalent chronologically to the late Pre- Hendrickx concludes that the graves at Elkab tend to be dynastic Period and Dynasty I. Work done by James E. richer than those at other Predynastic cemeteries in Upper Quibell in 1897 and possibly by Somers Clarke between Egypt. The association of the richest grave in the cemetery 1900 and 1926 suggests that what remained was part of a with a young adult male is interpreted as evidence that much larger cemetery dating from the Naqada III period. A social positions and wealth were hereditary. The cemetery large portion of the cemetery had disappeared as a conse- does not, however, contain tombs that are as elaborately quence of disturbances that had begun in the Old Kingdom constructed as some at Hierakonpolis, Naqada, and Abydos. and pottery, human skeletons, and other organic matter were Hendrickx offers some interesting observations about craft poorly preserved as a result of heavy salt concentrations in specialization, pottery manufacture, and the use made of the soil. The present report is valuable for the information it various types of ceramic vessels. He also notes that almost provides concerning the late and terminal phases of the all grave goods were related to the storage and consumption Naqada culture in the far south of Upper Egypt. of food and to cosmetics, not to productive activities, which Despite the poor preservation of many finds, Hendrickx suggests that the dead were not expected to support them- has produced a model site report. Some 303 pottery vessels selves in the afterlife. The most valuable artifacts, together recovered from undisturbed or only partially disturbed with most cups and bowls were placed near the heads of graves are described according to attributes of fabric, sur- corpses. Van Rossum analyses the poorly preserved human face treatment, shape and size, decoration, and evidence of skeletal material. utilization. While there is inevitably a certain arbitrariness in Hendrickx has produced an excellent site report which selecting attributes, Hendrickx has modelled his work on sheds welcome light on the latest manifestations of the recent studies of Egyptian ceramics based on modern classi- Naqada culture in southern Egypt. I look forward to the pub- ficatory principles. As a result readers are provided with lication of the second part of his dissertation in which he unusual amounts of basic data concerning this pottery. Hen- elaborates the chronology of the Naqada culture, especially drickx uses his attributes to classify this pottery according to in its latest phases. type groups (based on ceramic fabrics), each of which is subdivided into vessel classes (related to general shapes and McGill University, Montreal, BRUCE G. TRIGGER sizes) and these in turn into more specialized vessel types. August 1995 While the results are not incompatible with Petrie’s Predy- nastic classification, Petrie’s eclectic L-Ware is divided ** between Hendrickx’s Type Group A (Marl clay) and Type * 101 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 102

ADAMS, Barbara — Ancient Nekhen: Garstang in the City Adams describes and seeks, often with little evidence to of Hierakonpolis. (Egyptian Studies Association Publi- guide her, to date and locate the find spots of several hun- cation, 3). SIA Publishing, New Malden, 1995. (30 cm, dred maceheads, statuary fragments, palettes, plaques, stone XII, 206, ill.) ISBN 1-872561-03-9. vases, stone tools, pottery figurines, beads, weaving equip- ment, pottery vessels, and organic objects dating from Pro- It is one of the myths of Egyptian archaeology that todynastic times to the New Kingdom. Many of these finds W.M.F. Petrie and his co-workers published full and com- were Early Dynastic flint blade tools, with and without plete accounts of the work that they did each year. While retouch. The most important discoveries were the head of a they may have published more diligently than did many of lapis lazuli figure, the body of which had already been found their contemporaries, even allowing for the differences in by Quibell, and the fragment of a greywacke statue of standards between archaeology as it was practised then and Khasekhemwy which, as a result of Adams’ research, has as it is practised now, the slender volumes sponsored by the been returned and attached to the statue in Cairo (JdE. Egypt Exploration Society and later by Petrie’s Egyptian 32161). The paucity of major finds is eloquent testimony to Research Account were no more than what we would now the looting of sites which followed partial excavation in the call preliminary reports. This is nowhere more evident than late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. in the records of the work done at Hierakonpolis in southern Adams prefaces her study of Garstang’s and Jones’s find- Egypt published by J.E. Quibell in (1900) Hierakonpolis I ings with a useful account of the archaeological work done and by J.E. Quibell and F.W. Green in Hierakonpolis II in the Hierakonpolis area from earliest times to 1992 and (1902). The present work is Barbara Adams’ most recent with a history of the region from the early Predynastic and apparently final effort to make good the deficiencies of period to the end of the Old Kingdom, when Nekhen was a Quibell and Green and later of John Garstang and Harold small provincial town. Borings indicate that the flood plain Jones in publishing their excavations at Hierakonpolis was occupied as early as the “Badarian" period and hence between 1897 and 1906. Adams views her work on these that settlement gradually concentrated at Nekhen rather than early British excavations as an essential preliminary to the relocating to a hitherto uninhabited site from the adjacent definitive publication of the interdisciplinary work done in desert edge in late Predynastic times. The earliest levels at the Hierakonpolis area by the American expedition led by Nekhen lie below the water table. Adams accepts Green’s Walter Fairservis and Michael Hoffman from 1967 to 1970 early First Dynasty date for the large sandstone revetment and from 1978 to the present. within the later temple enclosure at Nekhen. The Early Adams’ first major publication was Ancient Hierakonpo- Dynastic Horus temple probably stood on top of the mound (1974), a detailed catalogue of the objects in the Petrie lis enclosed by this wall. Collection at University College, London, that had been Michael Hoffman’s continuing influence is evident excavated by Quibell and Green between 1897 and 1900 at throughout this work. Adams repeatedly mentions his cor- the so-called Old Kingdom town and temple site of Nekhen rect insistence that Nekhen had to be viewed from a regional (Kom el Gemuwia). This publication included many objects rather than from a site perspective. Less useful is her contin- of exceptional historical and artistic interest, including Early uing insistence that Hierakonpolis was the capital of Upper Dynastic great mace-heads, statuettes and figurines, and Egypt from 3300 to 3050 B.C. as well as the major centre of ivories recovered from the “Main Deposit" associated with cultural development in Upper Egypt at that time. Excava- the ancient temple of Horus at this site. This book was tors inevitably favour their own sites, but archaeological evi- accompanied by (1974) Ancient Hierakonpolis Supplement dence indicates that there were at least three major centres in presenting Green’s unpublished field records, which now Upper Egypt in late Predynastic times, at Hierakonpolis, belong to the Faculty of Oriental Studies at Cambridge Uni- Naqada, and This; while recent finds at the Umm el Qa}ab versity. From these more detailed documents Adams was suggest an early and local origin for the Thinite monarchs able to plot where within the site many artifacts had been who eventually ruled over the whole of Egypt. A truly found and to discover their present location. In 1987 Adams regional perspective on the rise of civilization in Upper published based on The Fort Cemetery at Hierakonpolis Egypt requires a more even-handed treatment of the com- Garstang’s excavation in 1905 of 188 modest late Predynas- peting claims of these sites. tic and Early Dynastic graves inside the Second Dynasty With earlier work now accounted for, as far as this is pos- King Khasekhemwy’s monumental structure. This was part sible, we look forward to the publication of the first volumes of a larger cemetery further explored by Ambrose Lansing of site reports relating to the modern excavations at Hier- in the 1930s. Adams’ book also contained an extensive akonpolis, which Adams informs us will deal with the section updating and correcting and Ancient Hierakonpolis Locality 29A desert-side Predynastic Town and the Locality . Ancient Hierakonpolis Supplement 6 Predynastic cemetery. The present work documents research done at Nekhen by Garstang and Jones on behalf of the Liverpool University McGill University, Montreal, BRUCE G. TRIGGER Excavations Committee early in 1905 and again in Decem- Canada, May 1996 ber 1905 and January 1906. The general nature of their find- ings is indicated by Adams’ comment that “In 1905-6 Garstang and Jones were in the position of being gleaners ** from the Town and Temple of Nekhen site after Quibell and * Green’s excavations of 1897-99 and the subsequent rav- aging of looters, and it seems that they retained unspectacu- WEEKS, Kent R. — Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000, includ- lar but interesting fragments which can add in a small way ing G 6010 (Neferbauptah); G 6020 (Iymery); G 6030 to knowledge of the technology of this period" (p. 133). (Ity); G 6040 (Shepseskafankh). Giza Mastabas Volume 103 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 104

5. Edited by Peter Der Manuelian and William Kelly Detail beschrieben werden. Durch die kritische Einbezie- Simpson. Department of Ancient Egyptian, Nubian, and hung von Beobachtungen von Lepsius und Reisner wird die Near Eastern Art. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1994 = Grabpublikation auf eine sichere methodische Grundlage Giza Mastabas, 5 (26 ≈ 34 cm; XIII, 98 p., frontisp., gestellt. plan. pl.). ISBN 0-87846-322-4. $ 100. Trotz des großen Fortschritts gegenüber der Lepsiusschen Dokumentation wird die Lepsiussche Grabaufnahme aus Der Friedhof G 6000 in Giza ist ein Familienfriedhof des dem letzten Jahrhundert nicht überflüssig. Es fehlt z.B. bei Alten Reiches, dessen innere Chronologie durch die Genera- der Behandlung von G 6010 das Äquivalent zu LD II, Taf. tionenfolge der Grabbesitzer bestimmt wird.1) Die dort bei- 55, das die Darstellungen und Texte der Pfeiler und den dar- gesetzten Grabbesitzer sind Schepeskafanch (G 6040), sein auf aufliegenden Balken von Raum II enthält (heute Berlin leiblicher Sohn Iymery (G 6020) und sein Schwiegersohn Inv. Nr. 1114). Als Ersatz dafür wird eine Beschreibung der Ity (G 6030), sowie der Enkel des Schepseskafanch und Dekoration dieses Raumabschnitts auf S. 23 und 24 gege- Sohn des Iymery namens Neferbauptah (G 6010). Schepses- ben. kafanch versah das Amt eines Totenpriesters an den Toten- Ähnliches gilt für Raum II der Mastaba des Iymery. Dort tempeln der Könige Cheops, Sahure und Neferikare; sein ist die Szene im Westtympanon des korridorartigen Raumes Sohn Iymery und sein Enkel Neferbauptah waren Totenprie- wegen zu großer Verschmutzung der Wand nicht aufgenom- ster bei den Königen Cheops, Sahure, Neferikare und Neu- men worden, so daß die an dieser Stelle angebrachte Sing- serre. Aus den von ihnen wahrgenommenen Ämtern ergibt vogeljagd mit den Baumnetz nur bei Lepsius eingesehen sich, daß die Grabbesitzer in der Mitte bis zum Ende der 5. werden kann (LD II, 53b). Auch die Szene im Osttympanon Dynastie gelebt haben (um 2450-2350 v. Chr.). Das Recht dieses Raumes hat in der neuen Weeksschen Zeichnung auf eine Beisetzung im Westfriedhof von Giza haben sie nicht die optimale Wiedergabe gefunden. Das Bild zeigt den durch ihre Tätigkeit im Totenkult des Königs Cheops erwor- Grabherrn bei der Ausfahrt im Papyrusdickicht (LD Erg., ben. Ihre Grabanlagen liegen im Westen des Cheopszeitli- Tf. 5 = Fig. 33). Es enthält bei den Nebenfiguren zwar Ver- chen Friedhofs G 4000. besserungen gegenüber der alten Lepsiusschen Zeichnung, Architektur und Dekoration der von Norden nach Süden konnte aber nicht abschließend klären, welche Handlung der angeordneten und untereinander verzahnten großen Masta- Grabherr nun wirklich durchführt. Nach Reisner soll es sich bas des Friedhofs G 6000 sind bereits im letzten Jahrhundert dabei um die Darstellung einer Vogeljagd mit dem Wurf- von R. Lepsius aufgenommen worden.2) Der Gesamtfried- holz handeln, nach Harpur um das sog. »Papyrusrascheln« hof wurde aber erst von G.A. Reisner im Jahre 1925 genauer ( ss ∂)3), nach Weeks (S. 41) um eine Figur des Iymery untersucht. Seine Aufzeichnungen bilden die Grundlage der z w mit Blume (»holding a flower«). Wegen der Armhaltung vorliegenden Publikation. Zu ihrer Überprüfung und zur des Grabherrn ist die Harpursche Deutung, die sich an die Vorbereitung der Publikation hat K. Weeks in den Jahren Wiedergabe des Grabherrn bei Lepsius hält, jedoch die 1971-1973 im Friedhof G 6000 Nachuntersuchungen durch- wahrscheinlichste. geführt und eine komplette zeichnerische Neuaufnahme der Zu den wichtigen neuen Ergebnissen zählt die jetzt kom- Grabreliefs der Mastabas G 6010, 6020, 6030 und 6040 plette Aufnahme der Mastaba des Ity (G 6030) sowie die besorgt. Aufnahme der unvollendeten Dekoration des Grabes des Im Mittelpunkt der Publikation stehen die vier Grabanla- Schepseskafanch (G 6040). Ob mit diesem unfertigen gen G 6010, 6020, 6030 und 6040. Das erste Kapitel behan- Zustand der Grabanlage zu erklären ist, daß das Bild des delt die Namen und Titel der in den Gräbern vorkommenden Begründers der Familiengruppe G 6000 mehrfach im Grab Personen (S. 9-19). Das zweite Kapitel (S. 21-62) enthält seines Sohnes Iymery an prominenter Stelle erscheint, wäre eine detaillierte Beschreibung ihrer Dekoration und der Bil- noch zu untersuchen. dinhalte. Das dritte Kapitel schließlich (S. 63-98) behandelt Die Frage nach dem Sinn der vielfachen und ungewöhnli- die Archäologie des Friedhofs nach den Aufzeichnungen chen Querverweise unter den Grabbesitzern der Familien- von G.A. Reisner. Der Tafelanhang am Ende des Bandes gruppe G 6000 wird in der Publikation nicht gestellt und enthält die Architekturzeichnungen aus der Zeit von Reisner bleibt daher undiskutiert. Auffallend ist das Phänomen, daß (A. Floroff), ergänzt durch Neuzeichnungen der Weeks- Schepseskafanch an prominenter Stelle im Bildprogramm Expedition (Ch. V. Belson), dazu die neu angefertigten der Mastaba seines Sohnes Iymery (G 6020: Text 2.1, 2.3, Reinzeichnungen der Wandbilder der dekorierten Mastabas 2.45, 2.56, 2.133) und auch seines Enkels Neferbauptah (S. Weeks). Die fotografische Dokumentation besteht aus (G 6010: Text 1.21) erscheint. Auch Iymery (G 6020) ist an Fototafeln, von denen die meisten aus der Zeit von Reisner vier herausragenden Stellen in der Grabdekoration der stammen. Einige Farbtafeln neueren Datums (R. Grant, Mastaba seines Sohnes Neferbauptah (G 6010) abgebildet 1989), darunter Aquarelle von H. Basilevsky und W. St. (LD II, 55: Text 1.184); Abb. 14: Text: 1.26; Abb. 15: Text Smith, ergänzen den Bildteil. 1.27 und Abb. 20: Text 1.40). Bei der Deutung dieses Die neu vorgelegte Dokumentation der Grabanlagen des Phänomens zieht sich der Autor auf die Interpretation von Friedhofs G 6000 ersetzt die meisterhafte Aufnahme der G.A. Reisner aus Bull. MFA Boston 37, 1939, 29-35, Gräber G 6020 und 6010 und G 6030 von R. Lepsius aus zurück, wonach die Abbildung der Vorfahren in den jeweili- dem letzten Jahrhundert weitgehend. Der Vorteil der neuen gen Grabanlagen dazu dient, das Zusammensein des Grab- Grabpublikation besteht darin, daß die einzelnen Szenen im herrn mit seinen Vorfahren im jenseitigen Bereich zu ermöglichen. 1) Der interessante Versuch von W. Helck, in: Fs Leclant, BdE 106.1, 1994, S. 221-230, die »Prinzessin« Wnst an die Familie des Schepseskaf- anch anzuschließen, läßt sich in der von W. Helck vorgeschlagenen From 3) GM 38, 1980, 53 ff. nicht halten. 4) Nicht in die Publikation aufgenommen, aber auf S. 23-24 beschrie- 2) LT Text I, 33-44; LD I, 21; LD II, 49-59; LD Erg. Tf. 3-7. ben. 105 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 106

Bei der Beschreibung der Grabdarstellungen und bei der für fünfzehn Fragmente von Königsfiguren aus Alabaster Transkription die Hieroglyphen sind einige Ungenauigkeiten (G 6010: 25-11-37). Unter dem sonstigen Fundmaterial zu verbessern. befinden sich Reste von Gipsmasken (G 6010: 25-11-101, 25-11-102; 6012: 25-11-75; 6014: 25-11-115), von Kopf- — Der Name des Bruders des Iymery ist K-mnj (Ranke, stützen (G 6010: 25-11-97; G 6026: 38-3-12; G 6040: 25- PN I, 340.2) und nicht Nb-mnj (S. 10; Nr. 2.63) zu lesen. 12-250), von Opferplatten (G 6010), ein Öltablett (G 6040: — Der Name von Text 2.151 lautet nicht R{-Ìtp (Abb. 44). 25-12-67), Modellvasen aus Alabaster (G 6010; G 6020; G — In Abb. 32 und Text 2.57 und 2.58 steht vor dem jewei- 6050) sowie mehrere Kupfergeräte (G 6010; G 6040; G ligen Namen nicht jrj nw - »do this«, sondern der Titel 6051) und reichlich Keramik und Steingefäße. Nur wenige jrj {nwt - »Nagelpfleger«. Funde sind abgebildet. — Der Titel Nr. 25 s-pr in Abb. 11 bezeichnet nicht den Die Publikation ist insgesamt gelungen. Sie hat die »Sohn des Hauses« (S. 22 Abb. 11 Text 1.9), sondern schwierige Aufgabe gemeistert, die von Reisner hinterlasse- den Polizisten (Yoyotte, in: RdE 9, 1952, 139-151). nen Aufzeichnungen seiner Grabungen im Friedhof G 6000 — Der Titel für den »Metallhandwerker« ist vermutlich von Giza für die Wissenschaft und die archäologische For- nicht s†t (S. 18 Nr. 34; S. 19, Nr. 41), sondern b∂tj zu schung zu erhalten. Der Text ist auf das wesentliche lesen: R. Drenkhahn, Die Handwerker und ihre Tätig- beschränkt, manchmal etwas zu kurz. Leider haben sich in keiten, AA 31, 1976, 38 ff. ihn häufiger vermeidbare typographische Fehler eingeschli- — Der sinnlose Titel Nr. 38 ss pr [Ìrj-sst] — “Scribe of chen.5) Aus technischen Gründen war es nicht immer mög- the House of the Master of Secrets" ist verbesserungs- lich, die Funde der Reisnerschen Grabungen im Bild zu ver- fähig: vgl. Abb. 11 Text 1.5. öffentlichen. Dennoch ist der Tafelteil mit 134 Zeichnungen — Der Königsname Sahure sollte nicht S-Ìw-r{ transkri- und mit 55 fotografischen Tafeln sehr reich bebildert. So hat biert werden. man dem Autor für die auch im äußeren Design sehr anspre- — Die Beischrift 2.99 auf S. 48 Abb. 39 ist nicht jr Ì.k chende Publikation zu danken, die vier der bedeutendsten ím.sn zu ergänzen, da es sich um einen Eselaustrieb und Mastabas des Alten Reiches aus Giza umfassend vorstellt. nicht um eine Dreschszene handelt. — Eine Wiedergabe der Namensbeischriften in Hiero- Hamburg, im Mai 1996 HARTWIG ALTENMÜLLER glyphen hätte die unterschiedliche Schreibweise des Namens Nfr-bw-ptÌ in G 6020 und G 6010 auf den ** ersten Blick deutlich gemacht. * Obwohl die vier großen Mastabas G 6010, 6020, 6030 und ASTON, Barbara G. — Ancient Egyptian Stone Vessels: 6040 im Mittelpunkt der Publikation stehen und das eigent- Materials and Forms / Deutsches Archäologisches Insti- liche Interesse des Autors beanspruchen, sind die mit diesen tut — Abteilung Kairo / Ägyptologisches Institut — großen Mastabas zusammenhängenden und in ihrem Universität Heidelberg. (Studien zur Archäologie und Umkreis liegenden kleinen Grabanlagen nicht ganz uninter- Geschichte Altägyptens, 5). Heidelberger Orientverlag, essant. Ihr hervorstechendes Merkmal liegt darin, daß bei Heidelberg, 1994. (30 cm., XX, 196, (2) + 16 S. Taf.). den meisten kleinen Mastabas die Grabbesitzer nicht ISBN 3-927552-12-7. DM 148.- bekannt sind. Nur die Mastabas G 6012, G 6042 und G 6052 haben aussagefähiges prosopographisches Material geliefert, Die vorliegende Arbeit wurde bereits 1989 als Disserta- das eine Zuordnung ihrer Grabanlagen an bestimmte Perso- tion an der University of California, Berkeley eingereicht. nen mit einiger Wahrscheinlichkeit gestattet. G 6012 Sie umfasst vier Kapitel: 1. Einleitung, 2. Materialien, 3. gehörte vielleicht einem Nj-kw-Zkr (S. 67). G 6042 hat Formen, 4. Schlussfolgerungen; es folgen fünf Anhänge: A. Reste mit dem Namen eines Snb (S. 90) und eines Wr-bw- Glossar der geologischen Begriffe, B. Abriss der geologi- ptÌ hinterlassen (S. 90). Die Fragmente der Grabdekoration schen Geschichte Ägyptens, C. Terminologie der (Gefäss) von G 6052 enthalten keine Namen (S. 97), allerdings nennt Formen, D. Verzeichnis der untersuchten Dünnschliffe, E. ein Relief aus dieser Grabanlage einen »Sohn Chentika« Deutsche und französische Gesteinsbezeichnungen. Eine (G 6052: 25-12-203 [Fig. 126c; Tf. 55b]). Die übrigen Reli- ausführliche Bibliographie und sechzehn Farbtafeln bilden efbruchstücke aus dem Umkreis der Mastabas können nicht den Schluss. in einen größeren Zusammenhang eingeordnet werden (G Die Ziele der Recherche, die der Publikation zugrunde- 6020: 25-11-6; G 6040: 25-11-139 [Fig. 126a]; G 6052: liegt, waren die exakte geologisch-petrographische Bestim- 25-11-211 [Fig. 126d]). mung der zur Herstellung altägyptischer Gefässe verwende- Wichtig scheint zu sein, daß in den Grabschächten und in ten Gesteine und die Ermittlung ihrer Herkunft auf Grund der Nähe der Grabanlage zahlreiche Fragmente von männ- von Vergleichen mit Materialproben aus altägyptischen lichen und weiblichen Statuen gefunden wurden (6010: 25- Abbaugebieten. Im weiteren sollte der Zeitrahmen, in wel- 11-36; 25-11-38, 25-11-39; 6012: 25-11-74; G 6020: 25- chem die verschiedenen Gesteine Verwendung fanden, 11-1; G 6020: 25-11-3; G 6020: 25-11-4; G 6020: ermittelt werden. 25-11-8; G 6020: 25-11-9; G 6020: 25-11-16; G 6040: 25-12-7/8/9; G 6040: 25-12-26/46/47 [S. 96; Tf. 54b/c]), zu denen auch Gruppenstatuen (G 6020: 25-11-2 [Fig. 5) Wichtig ist vielleicht, daß die Abbildungsunterschrift: 126c: G 6052: 126b]; G 6042: 25-12-245/25-11-13 [Tf. 55a]) gehören. 25-11-203 gemäß S. 97 in G 6052:25-12-203 zu korrigieren ist und daß Allerdings sind alle Statuenfragmente namenlos, so daß sie die dazu gehörige Textnummer auf Taf. 55 nicht 5.18, sondern 5.19 lautet nicht weiter zugeordnet werden können. Das gleiche gilt für (vgl. S. 97). Auch die Abbildungsunterschrift zu 126d: G 6052:25-11-211 mit Text 5.18 sollte, wie auf S. 97, in G 6052:25-12-211 verbessert wer- das Fragment einer Dienerfigur (G 6040: 25-12-10) sowie den. 107 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 108

Wie die Autorin richtig bemerkt, sind die in Veröffentli- Zu Kapitel 2 einige Anmerkungen: chungen ägyptischer Kunstwerke verwendeten Gesteins- S. 12 ff.: Gerade weil sich Gabbro und Diorit, vor allem bezeichnungen uneinheitlich und manchmal falsch. Die des Typs A, visuell schwer auseinanderhalten lassen, hätten unkritische Übernahme von Materialbenennungen durch die Unterschiede deutlicher herausgearbeitet werden müs- Sekundärpublikationen führte im Sinne der Fehlerfortpflan- sen. Falls dies nicht möglich sein sollte, wäre es besser, auf zung gelegentlich zur Etablierung und Weiterverwendung eine allzufeine Differenzierung zu verzichten. Die Chance, zweifelhafter Bezeichnungen. Eine Untersuchung, die die- eine genaue Zuordnung anhand eines Dünnschliffs vorneh- sen Sachverhalt klärt und dem mit derartigen Fragestellun- men zu können, besteht ja bei Kunstgegenständen meist gen Beschäftigten Hilfestellung leistet, entspricht daher nicht. Jedenfalls müsste ein typisches Beispiel für Gabbro in zweifellos einem Bedürfnis.1) den Farbtafeln erscheinen. Die Einleitung gibt eine Übersicht über bisher erschie- S. 15: Das unter »Granodiorit« eingestufte Material wäre nene Publikationen, die sich mit Materialien und Typologie auf Grund des angegebenen Mineralbestandes (15-20 % ägyptischer Steingefässe befassen. Die Vorzüge und Nach- Quarz, bei einem Plagioklas/Kalifeldspat-Verhältnis von teile dieser früheren Arbeiten werden diesbezüglich disku- 9:1) in Fig. 4, S. 10 im Grenzbereich Quarzmonzodiorit/ tiert. Im weiteren erläutert die Autorin die von ihr ange- Quarzdiorit anzusiedeln. wendeten Untersuchungsmethoden zur Identifikation und Wenn das unter »Granit« aufgeführte Gestein schon als Beschreibung der Gesteine. Dabei kommt der Erzeugung »characteristic red granite quarried at Aswan« beschrieben von Dünnschliffen und ihrer anschliessenden Untersuchung wird, sollte auch die herkömmliche Bezeichnung »Rosen- mittels Polarisationsmikroskops die grösste Bedeutung zu. granit« beibehalten werden. Dazu Klemm u. Klemm (1993), Unbestrittenermassen liefert dieses Verfahren präzise Resul- S. 325: »Der Aswaner Rosengranit ist ein unverwechselbar tate; Voraussetzung ist allerdings die Entnahme einer genü- charakteristisches Gestein, das exklusiv aus dem oben gend grossen Materialprobe von etwa 20 ≈ 35 mm. Dies beschriebenen Gebiet (südlich Aswan) stammt. Jeder, der kommt bei intakten Steingefässen kaum je in Frage. dieses Gestein einigermassen aufmerksam … studiert hat, Ein sinnstörendes Versehen hat sich auf S. 3 eingeschli- wird es ohne Schwierigkeiten immer wieder erkennen, da chen, wo reines Calciumcarbonat als Dolomit bezeichnet fast keine Verwechslungsmöglichkeiten mit anderen Granit- wird. Bei Dolomit handelt es sich, wie auf S. 40 richtig varietäten weltweit bestehen …« Es ist daher wenig sinn- beschrieben, um Calcium-Magnesiumcarbonat. voll, eine neue Benennung wie »Granit« oder »porphyri- Bei den in Kapitel 2 abgehandelten Gesteinen wird analog scher Hornblende-Biotit-Granit« einzuführen. der herkömmlichen Nomenklatur zwischen magmatischen, S. 28 f.: Das hier Siltstein genannte Material wird in sedimentären und metamorphen Gesteinen unterschieden. anderen Publikationen auch als Grauwacke bezeichnet. Ein Als vierte Klasse sind unter dem Titel »Mineralien« dieje- Grund für diese unterschiedlichen Benennungen liegt in der nigen Materialien zusammengefasst, die zur Hauptsache aus Überschneidung der Definitionsbereiche. So gibt die Verfas- einem einzigen Mineral bestehen. Die einzelnen Gesteine serin bei Siltstein als Korngrösse der enthaltenen Quarzkör- und ihre Varietäten werden sehr detailliert behandelt. Die ner den Bereich »from silt (0.004-0.06 mm) to very fine Lektüre erfordert daher von einem auf diesem Gebiet wenig sand (0.06-0.125 mm)« an. Für Grauwacke wird andernorts Bewanderten grosse Aufmerksamkeit und den Willen, sich ein Korngrössenspektrum von 0.02 bis max. 0.2 mm in diese Materie zu vertiefen. Gewisse Erkenntnisse sind nur genannt,2) das sich klar mit dem vorerwähnten überschnei- verwertbar, wenn auch Zugang zu den entsprechenden det. Auf diese unterschiedlichen Definitionen weist Frau Hilfsmitteln, beispielsweise einem Polarisationsmikroskop Aston später, auf S. 29 hin. besteht. S. 42 ff.: Leider konnte sich die Autorin nicht dazu ent- Praktisch alle bei der Herstellung von Steingefässen zum schliessen, für »ägyptischen Alabaster« die durch Klemm u. Einsatz gekommenen Werkstoffe sind aufgeführt; sollte Klemm3) vorgeschlagene und gut eingeführte Bezeichnung man den einen oder anderen Begriff vermissen, dann vor »Calcit-Alabaster« zu übernehmen. Stattdessen benennt sie allem deshalb, weil die Autorin auf Grund ihrer Untersu- dieses Material »Travertin« und begründet in einer längeren chung gewisse Umbenennungen vornimmt. Die Beschrei- Abhandlung ihre Wahl. Damit stimmt sie mit Harrell über- bungen selbst sind systematisch aufgebaut. Zunächst werden ein, der sich schon früher für diese Bezeichnung eingesetzt Aussehen und Mineralbestand erläutert. Es folgen eine hatte.4) In ihrer Replik zu den Ausführungen von Harrell Übersicht über die in früheren Publikationen für das jewei- weisen D. und R. Klemm nach, dass ausreichende Gründe lige Gestein verwendeten Bezeichnungen sowie die entspre- bestehen, im ägyptischen oder Calcit-Alabaster eine eigen- chenden altägyptischen Ausdrücke. Den Schluss bilden Hin- ständige Varietät zu sehen, die auch entsprechend bezeich- weise auf die mögliche oder belegte Herkunft des Materials, net werden sollte.5) Überdies stiftete der Ersatz eines derart auf den zeitlichen Rahmen seiner Verwendung und auf gut eingeführten Begriffs Verwirrung und böte Anlass zu Gefässe aus diesem Gestein. neuerlichen Missverständnissen. Allfällige Verwechslungen

1) Ein ähnliches Ziel verfolgt die Publikation von R. und D. Klemm, Steine und Steinbrüche im Alten Ägypten, Springer-Verlag, Berlin 1993. 2) R. u. D. Klemm, Steine und Steinbrüche im Alten Ägypten (1993), Diese befasst sich sehr detailliert mit der Identifikation und Herkunftsbe- S. 371. stimmung altägyptischen Steinmaterials. Ausgezeichnete Beschreibungen 3) R. u. D. Klemm, Herkunftsbestimmung altägyptischen Steinmaterials, der Gesteine sowie Farbtafeln von hoher Qualität erlauben auch dem in SAK 7 (1979), S. 107 f; R. u. D. Klemm, Die Steine der Pharaonen, Nichtfachmann eine recht sichere petrographische Zuordnung eines unbe- München 1981, S. 11. kannten Materials. Im wesentlichen beschränkt sich diese Veröffent- 4) J.A. Harrell, Misuse of the Term »Alabaster« in Egyptology in GM lichung aber auf die in relativ grossen Mengen aus Steinbrüchen gewonne- 119 (1990), S. 37 ff. nen Materialien. Daher sind seltener eingesetzte oder importierte Gesteine 5) D. u. R. Klemm, Calcit-Alabaster oder Travertin? Bemerkungen zu und Mineralien, wie Anhydrit, Quarz, Obsidian oder Lapislazuli nicht auf- Sinn und Unsinn petrographischer Bezeichnungen in der Ägyptologie, in geführt. GM 122 (1991), S. 57 ff. 109 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 110 von Calcit-Alabaster mit »Alabaster«, also einem Gestein einen umfassenden Überblick über die verschiedenen aus feinkörnigem, hydratisiertem Calciumsulfat, sind durch Aspekte, die bei der Untersuchung, Klassierung, Datierung die Voranstellung von »Calcit-« praktisch ausgeschlossen. und Beschreibung altägyptischer Steingefässe von Belang S. 45: Bei El Qawatir, östlich Minia befinden sich Calcit- sind und kann daher allen, die sich in dieses Gebiet einar- Alabaster-Vorkommen die noch wesentlich grösser sind, als beiten möchten, sehr empfohlen werden. Aber auch als diejenigen bei Hatnub.6) Referenzwerk für Archäologen und Ägyptologen ohne S. 60: Auch hier stellt sich, wie bei Gabbro/Diorit, die petrographische Fachausbildung dürfte sie ihren Nutzen ent- Frage, ob eine Abgrenzung von Andesitporphyr gegen Meta- falten. Andesitporphyr resp. Amphibolit sinnvoll ist, nachdem eine Für die wertvollen Anregungen und Diskussionen danke sichere Differenzierung nur mittels Dünnschliffs geschehen ich Rudolf F. Wellauer herzlich. kann. Klemm u. Klemm weisen auf ebendiese Schwierigkeit hin und schlagen vor, zur näheren Charakterisierung der Orientalisches Seminar der PETER GÜNTHER porphyrischen Gesteine die Farbe anzugeben, »also z. B. Universität Zürich, Februar 1996 dunkelgrüner Porphyr«.7) S. 62: Der Titel von 2.3.7 »Diorite Gneiss« wäre mit ** dem in dieser Sektion auch behandelten »Anorthosite * Gneiss« zu ergänzen. S. 64 ff.: Verschiedene der hier aufgeführten Mineralien DODSON, Aidan — The Canopic Equipment of the Kings wurden nur sehr selten zu Gefässen verarbeitet. Nebst den in of Egypt / with contributions by Otto J. Schaden, Edwin der vorliegenden Untersuchung belegten Exemplaren sind C. Brock and Mark Collier. (Studies in Egyptology). aus einer Privatsammlung weitere bekannt, deren Fundum- Kegan Paul International, London, 1994 (26 cm, XXII, stände aber, wie oft bei derartigen Sammlungen, unbekannt 216, XLVIII plates). ISBN 0-7103-0460-9: £ 65.00. sind und deren Echtheit nicht in jedem Fall gesichert ist:8) Davon sind vier Gefässe aus Amethyst (Nr. 101, 1./2. Dyn.; From the very beginnings of Egyptology, much of the Nr. 160, vermutl. 6. Dyn.; Nrn. 78 und 109, 12. Dyn.), eines knowledge of ancient Egypt has derived from evidence aus Karneol (Nr. 181, vermutl. 12. Dyn.), fünf aus Achat, which is fully or partly archaeological in source, and so one (Nr. 178, MR oder NR; Nr. 180, NR oder später; Nrn. 3, 4, might expect that the main categories of archaeological und 166, Spätzeit); eines aus Lapislazuli (Nr. 67, wohl nicht material would have by now been systematically and fully MR oder NR, wie ursprünglich angenommen, sondern Früh- analyzed. Yet even a cursory search quickly dispels this zeit oder AR) und schliesslich eines aus Sodalith, ein Mate- misconception: in a scholarly subject now nearly two hun- rial, das von Frau Aston nicht erwähnt wird (Nr. 179, MR dred years old, publications which deal with the general oder später). morphological characteristics of the main categories of In Kapitel 3 findet sich eine auf die Hauptvertreter archaeological or art-historical material still remain as spe- beschränkte Zusammenstellung der Gefässformen von der cial and memorable as rainy days during the Egyptian sum- prädynastischen bis zur Römerzeit. Dabei wurden die mer. This is not the place to speculate as to the reasons; I Gefässe nicht auf Grund formaler Kriterien angeordnet, son- merely wish to stress that Aidan Dodson’s study is very wel- dern in chronologischen, den Hauptperioden der ägyptischen come because it fulfils a real need. Zeittafel entsprechenden Gruppen. Diese den ganzen Zeit- Funerary material looms large in archaeological evidence. raum der ägyptischen Steingefässproduktion berücksichti- The body or the mummy was the main consideration in all gende Darstellung ist eine gute Datierungshilfe und erlaubt burial arrangements, with the sarcophagi or coffins (for the eine schnelle Orientierung. Im zweiten Teil sind zahlreiche body) and the canopic equipment (for the removed viscera) Belegstellen zu den einzelnen Typen angeführt, die jeweils providing its primary context, and the tomb or the grave its den Zeitraum vom ersten Auftreten einer Gefässart bis zu secondary context. For Dodson even “chambers, niches deren jüngstem belegten Exemplar abdecken. Darüber hinaus [and] pits" represent canopic equipment (p. 2). This may be setzt sich die Verfasserin in diesem Kapitel mit der Publika- a somewhat unorthodox view, but it is easy to see the prac- tion von El-Khouli9) über Steingefässe auseinander. In einer tical advantages of such an approach. It also demonstrates Reihe von Fussnoten liefert sie wertvolle Hinweise und Kor- most persuasively how closely various tomb elements were rekturen, die zukünftigen Benützern dienlich sein werden. linked. Die ausführliche Bibliographie erleichtert den Zugriff auf The special status of the king in Egyptian society was die Quellen und ermöglicht jedem Interessierten eine ver- reflected in his tomb and, methodologically, it makes perfect tiefte Beschäftigung mit der Thematik. sense to treat royal canopic equipment separately. Occasion- Die obige Kritik einiger Details soll nicht den positiven ally, however, the author is forced to take into account the Gesamteindruck von Frau Astons Studie trüben. Sie vermittelt canopic equipment of private individuals, such as canopic chests of the 12th Dynasty princesses or the new lids of canopic jars in the 19th Dynasty, because these seem to set 6) R. u. D. Klemm, Steine und Steinbrüche im Alten Ägypten (1993), the trend (our experience with other aspects of ancient S. 207 ff. und LÄ V, 1278. Egyptian funerary practices suggests that this should have 7) R. u. D. Klemm, Steine und Steinbrüche im Alten Ägypten (1993), been the prerogative of the royal tombs). The first known S. 391. 8) P. Günther und R. Wellauer, Ägyptische Gefässe der Sammlung royal example (using Dodson’s terminology) is a box-like Rudolph Schmidt Solothurn, Zürich 1988, Ägyptologische Hefte des Ori- cavity near the south-eastern corner of the sarcophagus of entalischen Seminars der Universität Zürich, 2. Khephren at Giza, but the situation may be compromised by 9) Ali El-Khouli, Egyptian Stone Vessels. Predynastic Period to Dyna- the destruction of other items. This probably explains why sty III, 3 Bde. Sonderschriften des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo, Bd. 5: 1-3, Mainz 1978. the first “private" equivalent, the canopic chest of Queen 111 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 112

Hetepheres, the wife of Snofru and mother of Khufu, pre- printer. There is nothing wrong with such a procedure, after dates it. The first royal canopic jar was that of Izezi at all, the purpose of the book is to provide information and Saqqara. Dodson describes the development of the royal this it accomplishes successfully. But it is difficult to square canopic arrangements down to the last known examples, the it with the price tag of £ 65 which will deter many private canopic jars of Apries of the 26th Dynasty, in a concise, fac- buyers. Sadly, we are back to the old ouroboros of academic tual and informative manner (pp. 5-107). While some publishing: high prices reduce the number of copies sold adjustments will have to be made from time to time as our and so demand even higher prices. This, I fear, is not the knowledge increases (e.g. on p. 7 n. 18, because it is now first publication in Kegan Paul International’s Studies in clear that the two enclosures to the west of the step pyramid Egyptology which causes such concern. But gentle sugges- of Djoser at Saqqara are earlier rather than later; p. 14 n. 57, tions appear to get us nowhere so, perhaps, we should strive where Merykare’s pyramid is more likely to be found to the for a more satisfaying situation by putting our trust in the east rather than the north of the pyramid of Teti; or p. 103, genii of the Internet and CD-ROM. where the statement that the kings of the 26th Dynasty ruled from Sais is hardly tenable), his research of the material has Oxford, March 1996 JAROMIR MALEK been impressively thorough and his historical and morpho- logical analyses are sound and solid and unlikely to be ** substantially altered for quite a while. * It would have been useful to include a brief overview of the main trends in the development of the canopic equip- LAPP, Günther — Typologie der Särge und Sargkammern ment and the reasons for the changes. The canopic enthusi- von der 6. bis 13. Dynastie. Heidelberg, Heidelberger ast will get a good deal of satisfaction from Dodson’s Orientverlag, 1993. (29.5 cm, XXXIX + 313 + 35 pp., detailed account, but readers with a less sharpely focused 44 pl) = Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Alt- interest will have to draw heavily on their reserves of ägyptens 7. ISBN 3-927552-09-7. patience. As it is, some of the more general and original observations are hidden in footnotes where they run the risk of being overlooked by all but the most assiduous informa- The book reviewed here is the first to attempt a typologi- tion seekers. cal classification of all coffins from the period between the ` The very useful catalogue occupies pp. 109-42. For the late Old Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period.1) canopic equipment of each of the 58 kings represented here The aim of the typology is to arrive at a chronological clas- Dodson indicates its type, provenance, material, and present sification of the sources, most of which do not give explicit location, and provides brief comments and bibliography. clues to their date. The typological attributes dealt with are The texts and their translations are on pp. 143-83 and it is a elements of the decoration of the sources, such as the texts pity that commentaries are almost non-existent. The most or the frises d'objets. banal texts (and there are quite a few in this section of the The core of the material is formed by the coffins of the book which do not fit into this category) are not always the Middle Kingdom. The first part of the book (pp. 1-35) stud- easiest to translate or understand. Let us hope that somebody ies the precursors of these: the decorated burial chambers out there is preparing a study which will complement or from the late Old Kingdom and decorated coffins of a replace K. Sethe’s invaluable Zur Geschichte der Einbal- slightly later date. The burial chambers show two decoration samierung (Sitzungsb. Preuss. Akad. Wiss., Phil.-hist. Kl., patterns, one in which human and theriomorphic figures are 1934, XIII). Concordances of present locations, a bibliogra- suppressed, and another, much more exceptional one in phy of publications of some 200 authors, and indexes fol- which living creatures are represented. The author, who has low. There are 48 pages of plates of varying quality (the first an inclination to attribute innovations to the residence, three images are poor and in spite of their interest, it would expresses the view that the patterns — or, in Lapp's termi- have been better to resist the temptation to include them). nology, ‘types' — derive from Saqqâra and Gîza respec- The author makes it quite clear in his Preface (p. vii) that tively. The decoration of coffins of the late Old Kingdom we get only half of the story because the “religious and (the types of the Vlth Dynasty and of the VIIth/VIIIth philological aspects are on this occasion left to one side". In Dynasties) suppresses the human figure, and is therefore the next sentence, however, he acknowledges that “items interpreted by the author as a development out of the can often only be properly assessed by reference to their full Saqqâra-type of burial chambers. [archaeological] context". The same can, of course, be said The decoration pattern of these coffins forms the starting about the religious context which must have influenced the point for the development of coffin ornamentation in the canopic equipment just as much, so it is almost imperative Middle Kingdom. The evolution of this material forms the that he should take up his own challenge and continue to subject of the large part 2, which is the core of the book work on this aspect of the royal canopic equipment. To be (pp. 40-193). The author here analyzes the coffins on a fair, in spite of his denial in the Preface, Dodson found it regional basis, selecting eight sites where larger groups have impossible to avoid the religious and philological considera- tions completely (e.g. in the discussion of the canopics of the Amarna kings), and it is these parts of his text which I 1) The reviewer's Chests of Life (Leiden, 1988) concerns part of the same material: the standard class coffins (called Lower Egyptian type find most interesting. coffins by Lapp, or Heracleopolitan type coffins in the traditional termi- In its appearance the book is workmanlike, with the curi- nology). Other recent contributions to the issue are J.K. Hoffmeier, ‘The ously old-fashioned design of the cover now established as Coffins of the Middle Kingdom: the Residence and the Regions' in: the hallmark of the Studies in Egyptology series. The text Middle Kingdom Studies, ed. S. Quirke (New Malden, 1991), 69-96; J. Kahl, ‘Zu den Särgen des Mittleren Reichs in Ägypten', WdO 25 (1994), was, it seems, prepared on the author’s trusty dot-matrix 21-35. 113 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 114 been discovered (the Teti Pyramid Cemeteries at Saqqâra, A major role is attributed to the court, whence many typo- Beni Hasan, Deir el-Bersheh, Meir, Assiût, Akhmîm, Thebes logical features would have spread. However, in the early and Gebelein). The typological criteria are primarily found Middle Kingdom, the main impetus for further development in the palaeography, orthography and phraseology of the would have come from Middle Egypt (§595-596). outer and inner decoration, and to a certain extent also in the To end this summary, I should mention the source list at non-textual decoration of the coffins. The types thus recog- the end of the book, which compiles a large amount of nized are designated by names indicating their chronological sources. Neither Lapp's list (pp. 270-313) nor mine4) are position (e.g. type of the VIth Dynasty, or type of the complete, but each provides quite a number of sources not XIIth/XIIIth Dynasty). offered by the other. In combination, they should give the The chapters devoted to the above sites all have the same reader a fairly complete coverage of the existing material. structure. First, the author isolates the regional types he re- At the end of the book, the author finally provides 35 ‘Blät- cognizes. For each type, he lists the characteristic textual ter,' where he has compiled some of the ornamental texts on and non-textual features, adding a wealth of illustrative the coffins. Since no one had so far undertaken the dull but material to his argument. The plates at the end are particu- rewarding task of writing a synoptic publication of these larly useful as they depict a lot of material not published texts, this could have provided an extremely useful piece of before. Considering that the book pretends to be a typology documentation. However, for incomprehensible reasons, it is a pity, however, that he hardly outlines the patterns he Lapp only included the Osiris formulae, i.e. the texts usually recognizes in his material, only providing endless lists of found on the eastern side of the coffin. The purpose of details. We shall return to this point later. Within the context this part of the book is not entirely clear. When the author of this survey, I just mention his treatment of the object discusses the palaeography, orthography and phraseology of friezes. Although he extensively describes and illustrates the the coffins, for instance in §169 ff., he lists the individual individual items in the object friezes, he hardly at all touches features of the Anubis formula in great detail, presenting all upon their selection and arrangement.2) After the types have variant writings of the name of Anubis and of the epithets been thus described, the author — usually rather briefly — tp.y ∂w=f, ím.y w.t, nb t ∂sr, Ìnt.y sÌ-n†r and nb Sp in as discusses the arguments for the chronological attribution of far as they characterize the type under discussion. However, the types. when it comes to the corresponding features in the Osiris In part 3 (pp. 196-245) he draws the synthesis of the pre- formula, the reader is merely referred to “Blatt 4,” where ceding part. He discusses the individual criteria in great the formulae are cited in extenso. Are the readers expected detail, pointing out the chronological and regional spread to make their own list of writings? Or are there no signifi- of each feature. He concludes that the criteria should not cant features in the Osiris formulae? Lapp does not provide be attributed indiscriminately with a nation-wide valency. Rather, it should in each case be established when and where they occurred. Moreover, it is often combinations of of Assiut. They occur, for instance, on M5War, B1Bo (= Lapp's number features rather than individual features which will be signif- B22a), H1-2H (= Lapp's number H1-2; see J. Lopez, Oriens Antiquus 14 [1975], 67); Ha1-2Ha (= Lapp's numbers Ha5 and Ha2), in the Kôm icant. In the final part 4 (pp. 246-255), he briefly summa- Fakhri tombs at Memphis (C. Lilyquist, JARCE 11 [1974], pl. II-III), at rizes the main trends of the development and gives his views Barnûgi (Lapp's number Bar1; see C.C. Edgar, in Le musée égyptien II on the places of origin of the various patterns. The most [Cairo, 1907], 116) and at Kôm el-Hisn (KH1KH, Lapp's number KH1; widespread ‘type' is Lapp's ‘Lower Egyptian type,' in see D.P. Silverman, The Tomb Chamber of Hsw the Elder I [Winona Lake, 1988]) in the Delta. Note also coffin BH3C (=Lapp's number BH5a, see which the depiction of living creatures is suppressed and his pl. 10), where a kilt is depicted with legs, though without the torso. which often has decoration both inside and outside. This is It is even questionable whether the Upper Egyptian type should be con- contrasted by the ‘Upper Egyptian type,' which does depict sidered as the coherent category the type designation suggests it to be. human beings and animals, and which is mostly decorated Lapp's criteria for the ‘type' are 1) that these coffins are mostly decorated on the outside and 2) that their decoration includes human and theriomor- on the outside only. This type occurs from Assiut to the phic representations. However, numerous coffins that only have exterior south.3) decoration are not considered to represent the Upper Egyptian type. The reviewer's impression is that Lapp mainly intends the type to consist of coffins having representations of living creatures on the outside, although the borderlines are somewhat fluent (see §568-571 and passim). It is true 2) In all probability, the author's focus on regional patterns has that there is a certain preference to find exterior decoration and living crea- obscured a number of supraregional patterns to him. The case of the The- tures in the more southerly parts of Egypt, but one should not lose sight of ban coffins T1-2Be (= Lapp's numbers T11ab, see his p. 173) is illustra- the fact that coffin decorators only had limited choice in selecting a place tive. He states: “Zur Verteilung der Objekte lässt sich nur wenig sicheres for the decoration of the coffin; it had to be on the outside and/or the sagen, da sich diese Aussagen nur auf drei Särge abstützen,” only adding inside, and similar choices are quite likely to have been made indepen- some remarks on the friezes on the short ends. However, the friezes on the dently at different sites. The same applies for the presence of living crea- long sides conform to a pattern that was very frequent throughout Egypt in tures in the decoration. It is true that these are remarkably absent from the later Middle Kingdom, and which was borrowed from the royal offer- most Middle Kingdom coffins, but it of course did not require much orig- ing ritual in the Pyramid Texts (for the Back-side [=B], my frieze arrange- inality to elaborate the object friezes or offering table scenes so that these ment c), and for the front-side [= FR], my frieze arrangement a), see would no longer exclusively show the objects, but also the persons and Willems, Chests, 216; 220 and 226-228). I will deal with the coffins dec- animals involved in their use. Again, it is quite likely that the decision to orated with this pattern (of which dozens of cases are known) elsewhere. include these elaborations was made independently at different places and See also Lapp's conclusions in §541 ff. where his account of the object different times. That this is the case in Lapp's ‘Upper Egyptian type' is friezes only deals with the occurrence of individual items, but not with lay- particularly evident, because the introduction of the living creatures was out patterns. everywhere effectuated in a different way. No one would mistake a coffin 3) It should be noted here that these type designations seem rather inap- from Assiut for a coffin from Thebes, or a coffin from Gebelein for one propriate. The ‘Lower Egyptian' type is well attested in southern Egypt, as from Akhmîm. It is probably much closer to the truth if we accept that is amply illustrated in the material from Thebes (as Lapp admits) and certain sites simply developed their own patterns. There is no particular Abydos (J. Garstang, El Arabah [London, 1901], 8-9; 17; 34; 36 and reason to incoporate the patterns from the sites just mentioned in a ficti- pl. XXVI [= coffin Aby1Ph, Lapp's siglum Aby4]). Representations of liv- tious ‘Upper Egyptian' type. ing creatures, on the other hand, are not at all restricted to the area south 4) Chests, 19-40. 115 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 116 clarification on these questions, and this does not only apply highly relevant to the topic of the book. Criterion 3), on the for the paragraph just discussed, but for all others where the other hand, introduces a very subjective element into the Anubis- and Osiris-formulae are the topic. typology. Lapp's work suffers from this kind of ambiguity. With the last remarks, I have already shifted from a sum- That the author himself must sometimes have become baf- mary to a critique of the book. Before going on with this, I fled by the problems inherent in his approach becomes clear should like to stress that I am deeply impressed by some from his remark on pp. 254-255: “Die typologische Einord- aspects of Lapp's work. The plates at the end are well- nung dieses Materials (of the F.I.P. type) ging stets von den chosen and the line-drawings have been made with unmis- Opferformeln der Aussenseiten aus, die sehr bescheiden nur takable care. It is also apparent that Lapp must have worked mit horizontalen Schriftbändern und dem Augenpaar for years on the book, and that he knows the material very verziert sind. Da die Innenseiten undekoriert sind, ist es well. Yet, the reviewer must confess that he had consider- fraglich, ob man überhaupt von einem Typ sprechen kann.” able difficulty in finding his way through the book, and even This uncertainty suggests that Lapp's typology is unfit to in understanding the argument. In part this is because there describe the material it was designed for. At the very least it is no real argument. As stated above, the author merely pre- shows that, even to his own judgement, his typology is sents lists of characteristics which he claims are the attrib- insufficient for the material as a whole. utes of his types. However, he nowhere explains very well The remark just cited is all the more astonishing as it what motivates his choices. While reading the book, I con- starkly contradicts the typological approach followed in the tinually asked myself what it is that, to Lapp, makes a type rest of the book. Throughout, it is precisely the ornamental into a type. I wonder if the author ever asked himself the texts (i.e. the offering formulae on the outside and the same question. In any case, it is clear that within this one inside) which constitute the “Ansatzpunkt für eine Typolo- study the term ‘type' is used in many different ways. For gie des vorliegenden Materials” (§591; cf. §593). The instance, the typological criteria he introduces on p. 40 for palaeographical, phraseological and orthographical analysis the classification of Middle Kingdom coffins are evidently of these texts effectively forms the backbone of the book.6) not the same as those used in his classification of Old King- From a methodological point of view this is not without its dom burial chambers and coffins. In this review I shall, for problems. Lapp's book is concerned with the typology of reasons of space, concentrate on the former ‘typology' only. coffins, but its primary class of typological features derives The concept of ‘type' in part 2 works from the assump- from texts which are by no means restricted to this class of tion that the analysis should begin at the local level. In view source material.7) It would, of course, be possible to write a of the many local differences, this is an obvious choice, typology of these texts in which all available parallels from which I have also followed in my Chests of Life.5) However, stelae, tomb walls, statues, and other objects should be Lapp's approach is somewhat rigid. His emphasis on local incorporated. The analysis might (or might not) show that aspects leads him to include in his discussion only 1) sites different patterns prevail on the various classes of objects, where ‘sufficient' coffins have been found, thus leaving out and no doubt, the result would have been of some interest of consideration many isolated finds; 2) sites where the also for dating coffins. It is true that, in some cases, Lapp attested decoration patterns are sufficiently varied to estab- makes useful comparisons with the formulae from other lish developmental trends. This strange approach leads him monuments (e.g. §165). Yet a full-scale typology of the to the exclusion even of sites like Abusir, Harageh and Sed- formulae is clearly far beyond the scope of a book on the ment, although more than 10 coffins have been found in typology of coffins. To return to my starting point, it each of these. 3) In violation of this rule, Lapp nevertheless remains strange that the basis on which he classifies the chose to include certain ‘types' even if these were attested coffins is an ill-studied class of attributes which is not only in a single case only. This happens “wenn sich dieser a characteristic of this kind of source. Beleg gegen einen klar beschreibbaren Typ abhebt, welcher It is true that Lapp also introduces other, more specific zahlenmässig gut vertreten ist und für den sich eine grössere attributes in his classification, like the presence or absence Zahl von gemeinsamen Kriterien angeben lässt” (p. 40). of demarcation lines around the texts, the presence of text As regards criterion 2), this approach is very unsatisfac- columns on the outside, or the distribution of object friezes tory, for even if no developmental patterns can be discerned on the inside. These non-textual elements thus also play a in homogeneous groups, the fact remains that these groups part (although a subordinate one) in the determination of testify to the popularity of a certain type at a certain place at the coffin types. We have seen that these types are desig- a certain point in time. This kind of information seems nated by terms indicating their chronological position.8)

5) I take this opportunity for a brief reaction to J. Kahl, WdO 25 (1994), 6) The degree to which Lapp emphasizes the typological nature of 25-32, who argues that I did not undertake a regional analysis. His article these features is most apparent where he hails H.G. Fischer's ‘Archaeo- compensates for the observed omission by analyzing the dates when types logical Aspects of Epigraphy and Palaeography,' in: Ancient Egyptian were introduced at different sites. This leads up to his fig. 6, where Kahl Epigraphy and Palaeography (New York, 1979), 27-52 as an excellent hypothesizes that there was a supraregional development leading from my source ‘zur allgemeinen Frage der Typologie'. However useful this article type I via type IV to type VI. He also recognizes a local Middle Egyptian is, it certainly is not a general work on typology. Such works are, in fact, branch: types II branched off from type I and was followed in its turn by completely absent from Lapp's bibliography. See now, for instance, W.Y. type III. Type V would be a mix-form of the Middle Egyptian type III and Adams and E.W. Adams, Archaeological Typology and Practical Life. A the supraregional type IV. Although I do not agree with every detail of this Dialectical Approach to Artifact Classification and Sorting (Cambridge, account, I do accept the existence of the supraregional development (types etc., 1991). I-IV-VI) and the Middle Egyptian side-branch (type III). In fact, I explic- 7) It is as if one were to develop a typology of lorries, using the itly made the point in my book (p. 159, bottom), and since Kahl also uses various commercial messages painted on their sides as the most central my datings throughout, I fail to see what his account has to add. Note that criterion. J. Bourriau has used the book precisely hecause of her interest in regional 8) One should add that Lapp uses the term ‘type' to designate altogether trends (in: Middle Kingdom Studies, 4-10). different categories. Thus, the terms ‘Saqqâra- type' and ‘Gîza-type' refer 117 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 118

This constitutes a further complication, for type names like in a step-wise manner. This is unlikely, and indeed Lapp is ‘type of the VIth Dynasty' suggest that the author believes constantly forced to point out that his types are not really that types represent categories of objects that were attested restricted to the period covered by their designation. It is in clearly demarcated periods of time. The remarks on true that in this way he corrects the impression aroused by p. VIII might at first seem to contradict this, for here, Lapp his type names to some extent, but in so doing, he also cre- points out: “In der Regel lassen sich nur für wenige ates a rather blurred picture.10) Moreover, the very fact that Vertreter eines Typs chronologische Anhaltspunkte herbei- he links the types to dynasties suggests that there should be bringen. Dass sich bei einem solchen Befund die zeitlichen a correlation between political history and the production of Grenzen nicht genau bestimmen lassen, liegt auf der Hand. artefacts.11) There is of course no necessary (or even likely) Eine ungefähre zeitliche Einordnung ist aber sehr wohl link between the two. In the case of funerary archaeology of möglich. Sicherlich wäre es dem Material viel gerechter the period studied in Lapp's book, this can be clearly illus- geworden, Bezeichnungen wie Typ A, B, C etc. trated by referring to the formal development of pottery and einzuführen, die eine relative chronologische Abfolge der other tomb equipment in the early Middle Kingdom. As einzelnen Typen erkennen lassen. Ich habe mich aber recent studies show, the ‘First Intermediate Period' form entschlossen, Konzessionen an den Leser zu machen und spectre continued to exist until well into the reign of Typenbezeichnungen zu wählen, die die vorgeschlagene Sesostris I, and perhaps even longer outside the residence.12) zeitliche Einordnung erkennen lassen.” Although Lapp here Clearly, the Dynastic change brought a new king to the clearly recognizes part of the problem, his remarks imply at throne, but this can hardly have inspired potters to produce the same time that he believes to serve his readership by different kinds of pots nor, by analogy, carpenters to pro- using an inappropriate terminology. This may sound mali- duce different types of coffins. cious, but I make the point because the way Lapp encodes The only way to date archaeological material like this is his types points to a real problem. Types are not some real- to correlate it with fixed chronological anchor points. For ity leading an independent existence in the world; they are this, a close analysis of the connected archaeological find analytical categories devised by individual scholars to attain material is sometimes helpful,13) or of the prosopography of a certain scientific aim. In this case, the aim is dating the coffin owners and their relationship to the monuments coffins. By using classificatory terms which already refer to on a given site. With the exception of part of the Theban the conclusions of the enquiry, Lapp conflates his investiga- material and some other cases, Lapp hardly at all undertakes tion and his findings. This at least arouses the suspicion of this kind of research. This being the case, how is it that he circular reasoning. establishes his tentative datings? One of his most important I do not think that I am reading too much into what might methods is: by estimation. The procedure I have in mind is effectively be little more than a matter of formulation. well illustrated by the chapter on Akhmîm, although it is Firstly, Lapp's terminology attributes different types to dif- prevalent elsewhere too.14) At Akhmîm, Lapp recognizes ferent periods. The fact that he develops separate local three broad groups of coffins, called the types of the XIth typologies indicates that he is aware of the possibility of dif- Dynasty, the XIth/XIIth Dynasty, and the XIIth Dynasty ferent regional developments. However, this laudable cau- respectively. The chronological problems connected with tion is counterbalanced by the fact that, for each site, he uses the cemetery of Akhmîm have been intensively discussed by the same set of type designations: type of the VIth Dynasty, Brovarski and Kanawati over the past decade. Lapp men- of the VII/VIIIth Dynasty, of the First Intermediate Period, tions this discussion, but does not discuss the merits of the of the XIth Dynasty, of the XIth/XIIth Dynasty, of the XIIth arguments of either author. While this would admittedly Dynasty, of the XIIth/XIIIth Dynasty, and of the XIIIth hardly have enabled him to date all of the coffins, it might at Dynasty. This terminology thus imposes an inflexible least have indicated what his stand in the debate on the chronological matrix on the evidence. The terms restrict the chronology of the cemetery is. Instead, he argues exclu- possibility that different types may have existed alongside sively on the basis of the epigraphy and palaeography of the one another for longer periods of time.9) This implies that the typology has been built up working from the assumption that the decoration of coffins developed in time 10) The discussion in §321 is illustrative. Realizing that his dating for certain types at Assiut may be too low, Lapp performs a strange exercise in renaming his types. First the inappropriate terms (e.g.: ‘type of the XIth to the purported origin of the decoration pattern of a certain group of Old Dynasty') are translated in more neutral designations ('type A'), which Kingdom tomb chambers; the terms ‘Upper' and ‘Lower Egyptian type' Lapp then translates in turn into possibly more correct designations (in this refer to the geographical spread of certain aspects of the decoration of case: ‘type of the First Intermediate Period'). coffins; the ‘Gerätefriestyp' and the ‘Vertikalzeilentyp' are coffins sharing 11) Indeed, in his addendum on p. XI he remarks that, in writing his certain formal features, etc. Since many documents belong to various of book, he had worked from the assumption that “der Dynastiewechsel (of the above types at one and the same time, the ‘typology' causes confusion the XIth to the XIIth Dyn.; H.W.) einen entscheidenden Entwicklungs- rather than creating order. For a lucid polemic against the use of ill-defined schub in der Sargdekoration bewirkte.” typological categories (which has been rather commonplace in archaeol- 12) Do. Arnold, in: D. Arnold, The Pyramid of Senwosret I (New York, ogy in the past), see D.L. Clarke, Analytical Archaeology (London2, 1978), 1988), 143-146; S.J. Seidlmayer, Gräberfelder aus dem Übergang vom 23-30. Alten zum Mittleren Reich (Heidelberg, 1990), 388-389; J. Bourriau, in: 9) In some cases, Lapp attempts to counterbalance this situation by Middle Kingdom Studies, 3-20. nuancing the impression aroused by his type designations. For instance, on 13) In both Lapp's book and the reviewer's Chests of Life, this aspect p. 41 he discusses the ‘type of the XIth/XIIth Dynasty' at Saqqâra. How- unfortunately remains rather underexposed. ever, he immediately adds the statement that the chronological limits 14) For instance in his discussion of the coffins from Meir. At the end imposed by this designation may have to he extended in both directions, of this, he concludes “in Meir sind vom Ende des Alten Reiches bis zum the implication being that this type may have occurred as early as the IXth Ende des Mittleren Reiches lückenlos Sargtypen belegt” (§271). This con- or Xth Dynasties and have remained in use until the XIIIth Dynasty. Apart clusion is due to circular reasoning, because in the preceding chapter, Lapp from the question of whether or not this is correct, the instance clearly has evenly spread out his coffin types over the period under discussion illustrates the kind of confusion Lapp's terminology is likely to create. even though he adduces very few well dated instances. 119 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 120 coffins that they date from a period after the Old Kingdom. disregards the recent debate on the date of these tombs, Having established this much, Lapp has no further argu- although he elsewhere refers to some of the relevant publi- ments to pinpoint the coffin types to the periods envisaged cations.21) Some of these studies suggest that the tombs to by the type designations. One of his most crucial arguments which he relates the coffin ‘type of the XIth Dynasty' dates is that at other sites a considerable number of XIIth Dynasty to the very end of the XIth Dynasty at the earliest, and coffins occur. Since Lapp considers it likely that the same extends well into the XIIth Dynasty. The type designation is situation obtained at Akhmîm, he distributes the coffin types therefore misleading. over the XIth and XIIth Dynasties without being able in a In the case of Beni Hasan the problems inherent in Lapp's single case to date coffins of the various types by indepen- typological approach do not come to the surface since the two dent evidence. The typology itself, in other words, is argued chronologically different groups are also entirely different in to justify the typology. decoration, i.e., in typology. In Deir el-Bersheh, where a more Similar deficiencies are shown in the case of Beni Hasan gradual development can be followed, matters are different (pp. 56-70). Like the reviewer, the author discerns an early (pp. 71-94). Lapp here discerns five typological categories: and a later group of coffins. Lapp refers to them as the ‘type ) a type of the F.I.P., attested by only one coffin; of the XIth Dynasty' and the ‘type of the XIIth/XIIIth 1 ) a type of the XIth Dynasty, of which the core is formed Dynasty.'15) Comparison with the nomarchal tombs at the 2 by material from the famous tomb of nomarch Djehuti- site leave no room for doubt about the relative sequence of nakht (basically coffins B1-8Bo); the groups, and even suggests chronological correlations ) a type of the XIth/XIIth Dynasty, attested by two coffins between the classes of objects. This obvious avenue is also 3 of one person (B3-4C); followed by Lapp, but his chronological attributions are nev- ) a type of the XIIth Dynasty (here, the core is formed by ertheless problematic. Firstly, he does not even consider the 4 the coffins of the nomarchs Amenemhat and Djehuti- possibility that the owners of some coffins of the later group nakht, and the coffins found in the forecourt of the tomb might be identical with, or related to, the like-named persons of nomarch Djehutihotep); mentioned in the tombs.16) This would have afforded a ) a type of the XIIth/XIIIth Dynasty. rough date between the late reign of Amenemhat II and the 5 time of Sesostris III for at least some of the coffins.17) The The relative order established by Lapp is undoubtedly official titles of the owners of these coffins suggest that they correct. However, the suggestion that his presentation con- were members of the provincial bureaucracy — a bureau- cerns a (chronological) sequence of types, i.e., of clusters of cracy which seems to have disappeared not long after this formal features, is not borne out by the evidence. Here the time.18) This does not exclude the possibility that some author's failure to define what makes a type into a type coffins may be of a later date. In fact, although the Beni becomes painfully apparent. In a quantitative sense, the Hasan material is not well published, some photographs in most important groups are the ‘type of the XIth Dynasty' Garstang's report show coffins of a rather different design and the ‘type of the XIIth Dynasty.' What is it that differen- than the palace façade coffins of the time of Amenemhat II tiates these ‘types'? to Sesostris III.19) In other words, there is probably not one We could follow Lapp in using the epigraphy and phrase- homogeneous type covering the entire period of the XIIth- ology of the coffins as a criterion (although the fact that these XIIIth Dynasties. Lapp's treatment of the early coffins is are not specific for coffins remains a problem). Lapp inven- even more alarming. He rightly points to their association to torizes these features in §169 ff. and §181 ff. On comparison, the early nomarchal tombs, but remarks that these are not few clear differences turn out to exist. It is true that there are securely dated (p. 67) — in which case an assignment of the a number of features attested in one ‘type' and not in the type to the XIth Dynasty seems at least premature. Unfortu- other, but these cases mostly turn out to be not features recur- nately the most recent source quoted on the date of the ring with consistency in one of the ‘types,' but idiosyncracies tombs is Schenkel's study from 1962 — which however of a small number of sources. The only features attested with allows for a date as late as Sesostris I.20) Lapp completely significant frequency are the spelling of the prí.t Ìrw formula and of the toponym ∆dw. Another case is the introduction of the Ì formula by in the later ‘type,' but, on 15) One coffin is designated as ‘type of the First Intermediate Period.' prí. t rw dí=f 16) It concerns Lapp's numbers BH4 (= my number BH1Br); BH10 inspection of ‘Blatt 5,' this feature turns out to be not of gen- (= BHI4C); BH18 (= BH1Liv). eral applicability there. Lapp could have stated that the for- 17) The coffins under discussion have a palace façade decoration. Lapp mer two attributes define the types in question, but this he believes that this points to a date in the period of Sesostris III or later does not do. Rather, he presents a diffuse mass of evidence, (§318: 402; 410; 566). This is because the king's sarcophagus is, accord- ing to Lapp, the earliest to be decorated with this pattern. Since in his view which is of varying degrees of significance, a significance the feature could only be secondarily taken over by non-royals at a later which is left to the reader's assessment. date, all private coffins with this type of decoration are given a late Mid- We could also attempt to follow his classification on the dle Kingdom date. However, not all royal sarcophagi of the XIIth Dynasty basis of layout features, but this is even more difficult. If we are known, so that the pattern may have been introduced much earlier. It is, in fact, already attested in the pyramid of Sesostris II at Illahun (Sir F. look at the outer decoration first, one thing is immediately Petrie, G. Brunton, M.A. Murray, Lahun II [London, 1923], pl. XXV). apparent: the ‘type of the XIth Dynasty' does not have text Note also the recent find of the stone sarcophagus with palace façade of columns. This feature is duly remarked by Lapp. He also the vizier Mentuhotep at Lisht. The monument dates to the late reign of remarks that the ‘XIIth Dynasty type' frequently has text Sesostris I (J.P. Allen, ‘Coffin Texts from Lisht,' in: The World of the Coffin Texts, ed. H. Willems [Leiden, 1996], 6). 18) See for the end of the regional administration, D. Franke, in: Mid- dle Kingdom Studies, 50-67. 21) For some recent reevaluations of the Beni Hasan rulers, see my 19) J. Garstang, The Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt (London, 1907), paper in JEOL 28 (1983-1984), 90-93; D. Spanel, SAK 12 (1985), 243-253 fig. 187-189; J.K. Hoffmeier, in: Middle Kingdom Studies, 86. and L. Gestermann, Kontinuität und Wandel in Politik und Verwaltung des 20) Frühmittelägyptische Studien (Bonn, 1962), 80-81. frühen Mittleren Reiches in Ägypten (Wiesbaden, 1987), 180-189. 121 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 122 columns on the outside, and that a false door is regularly but since his only argument is that “sich eine sehr gute Übere- applied below the udjat eyes on the front side. These fea- instimmung zwischen seiner und der von mir erarbeiteten tures would seem to afford a clear differentiation, but, on typologischen Einteilung (ergibt),” one hesitates to accept the looking closer, this is not the case. One coffin (B12C, point. Brovarski adduces a host of chronological arguments, Lapp's siglum B2b) is assigned to the ‘XIIth Dynasty type' which one may, or may not, accept, but Lapp has not, to this even though it has neither text columns nor a false door on point, introduced a single chronological fix-point. the outside. So, the presence or absence of these features is Next, he criticizes the reviewer, inaccurately stating that the apparently not a fully reliable typological criterion. The latter has assigned the coffins of Sathedjhetep (B3-4C, Lapp's same applies for the inner decoration of the coffin, which numbers B14ab) to the Xth-XIth Dynasty group. Rather, the resembles that of the XIth Dynasty type rather closely. This reviewer's position was that these coffins form an intermediate coffin affords an interesting test-case, and the reviewer has group between coffins of Lapps ‘type of the XIth Dynasty' compared its palaeographic features with those characteris- and ‘type of the XIIth Dynasty.'22) Hence, the reviewer has on tic of the XIth Dynasty type. It appeared that all features of this point always been in complete agreement with Lapp, the earlier ‘type' apply to coffin B2b, except 1) the fact that except as regards the absolute dating of the coffins! the prí.t Ìrw formula is introduced by dí=f; 2) that the text It is striking that Lapp nowhere adduces clear evidence as on the foot-end writes prí.t Ìrw n ímÌ N (with the dative n regards the dating of his coffins, except in the case of the instead of the genitive n.t); 3) that ímÌ is sometimes writ- coffins of the courtiers of nomarch Djehutihotep. Most coffins ten with the phonetic complement i. One may (or may not) can be related to the pedigree of the Bersheh nomarchs in agree to the validity of these features as a dating criterion, direct or indirect ways, but Lapp does not make this attempt. but this is not my point. My question is whether these fea- His remark in §207 “Es sieht sogar so aus als habe der Wech- tures are characteristic enough to attribute a coffin to the sel von der 11. zur 12. Dynastie die Entwicklung des Typs der XIIth Dynasty ‘type.' To be sure, Lapp does not say they 11./12. und damit auch des Typs der 12. Dynastie nach sich are. Here we reach the delicate point of the hierarchy of gezogen,” is therefore lacking any scientific basis. typological criteria. One may, as I did in Chests of Life, Most of the preceding remarks concern the central part 2 argue that the overall arrangement of the inner decoration of the book, and many more could be made. However, for and of the outer decoration provides the ratio for a typolog- reasons of space, this cannot be undertaken here. The general ical classification. One need not follow this approach, but in impression would, moreover, only be confirmed. Lapp is cer- Lapp's case, I fear I do not even know which set of typo- tainly a leading expert on Middle Kingdom coffins, but he logical criteria determines his choice. On pp. 92-93, he tab- has not succeeded in arranging his data in a convincing way. ulates quite an amount of attributes. All of these could place He pays too little attention to the history and prosopography coffin B2b with the XIth Dynasty type, except the fact that of the sites dealt with. In a study of the chronology of objects the prí.t Ìrw formula is introduced by dí=f. That this is the from these sites, this is rather strange. Also, his typological crucial criterion is, however, nowhere suggested by Lapp. I categories are not really types. They are a curious mixture of strongly suggests that Lapp did not assign the coffin to the formal and chronological evidence in which it is always dif- ‘XIIth Dynasty type' because it belongs there on typologi- ficult to determine which features are the leading criteria for cal, i.e., formal grounds, but because he knows that it dates assigning an object to a type, and why. The fact that this crit- to the XIIth Dynasty. This is indeed quite apparent. The icism applies to all of his basic research in part 2 constitutes style (which is not the same as the type) of the coffin clearly an inherent and major weakness of the concluding chapters suggests a relationship to the coffins found in the forecourt in parts 3 and 4. Finally, it must be deplored that Lapp has of nomarch Djehutihotep's tomb, which dates to the reigns not endeavoured to incorporate the recent literature on his of Sesostris II-III. Moreover, its outer coffin B2a (= B13C) subject in his book. In view of the intensity of the current is typologically clearly affiliated to other late XIIth Dynasty debate, the readership is poorly served if it is presented in material. So, Lapp's assessment is ultimately correct: he 1993 with a text written in 1987/88. In the computer-age, the knows his material so well that the right chronological attri- excuse that the entire manuscript would have had to be bution could not escape him. But this does not follow from retyped to include recent studies (p. XI) does not sound very his typological classification. In earnest, his classification of serious.23) In any event. the addition of an appendix would the material is not at all formal (i.e., typological), but based not have required an excessive amount of work. on non-formal considerations. This makes it very hard to use Lapp's book as a typology, regardless of the erudition that Leiden, January 1996 HARCO WILLEMS must have gone into its compilation. ** The conclusion of the preceding section must be that * Lapp's classification does not enable one to date coffins on formal grounds. It is important to keep this in mind when reading his chronological analysis at the end of the chapter. 22) The interested reader can check this in H.O. Willems, JEOL 28, 93- 94 or idem, Chests, 74; Lapp's ‘type' of the XIth Dynasty corresponds to Here he rejects the dating attempts by Lacau and Allen on the reviewer's ‘group' A; Lapp's ‘type' of the XIIth Dynasty' largely cor- the sole ground that their sequences differ from Lapp's. responds to the reviewer's ‘group' C-D. Lapp also criticizes the reviewer's Until this point (p. 88), the reader has, however, not been remarks about ∆dw and prí.t Ìrw n.t. These would be incorrect, because given a single reason why Lapp's order should be more cor- these, allegedly early, forms only occur in the Bersheh material of the XIth Dynasty. However, until this point, Lapp has not yet made the attempt to rect. Lapp also rejects Schenkel's dating, mainly because his prove that his XIth Dynasty type really dates to the XIth Dynasty! dating of the B1Bo group would be too late. The arguments 23) Ironically, my computer broke down almost immediately after I had for this are said to be given in §207, but this is less than written this line in the first version of this review. In the process, the entire comprehensive. He then accepts Brovarski's views on the text was lost. I am grateful to Dr. A. Pols for her help in retrieving the text by scanning it. I further extend my thanks to Dr. R. van Walsem for criti- chronology of the coffins. Of course he is entitled to do so, cally reading a draft of this review. 123 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 124

EGNER Roswitha [und] HASLAUER Elfriede — Särge der coffins. Actually, this information is not very certain; mud dritten Zwischenzeit. I. = Corpus Antiquitatum Aegyp- was usually the first material applied to the object, after the tiacarum / Lose-Blatt-Katalog Ägyptischer Altertümer / carpentry work had been finished, with the purpose of dis- Kunsthistorisches Museum, Wien / ägyptisch-orientali- simulating any crack and joint between the boards. In this sche Sammlung; Lfg. 10. Verlag Philipp Von Zabern, concrete case the object remains in such a good state of Postfach 4065, D-6500 Mainz 1, 1994 (30 cm, 20 Sei- preservation that a verification of the mentioned technical ten geheftet, 170 Blätter mit 69 Seiten) Text, Abb. detail is rather difficult, unless a sophisticated modern tech- ISBN 3-8053-1496-5. DM 78,-. nology is used, which would, however, be superfluous here. In revenge, resin could well have been mentioned among the This is the second volume of the CAA-series devoted to materials, which was in this case used to coat the inner sur- coffins; the previous one was M. Verner’s, Altägyptische face of the mummy-board. Särge in den Museen und Sammlungen des Tschecho- To continue with the few critical remarks — although of slowakei, Praha 1982; cf. the review in BiOr 42/1985/, 494- quite secondary importance — concerning the indices, some 508/ and the first one presenting exclusively the coffins of entries in the general index may finally be regarded as dis- the 21st Dynasty, all of them originating from the Second putable. An example of a term is “Triglyphenband", which Cache at Deir el-Bahari and donated to Austria by the is used as a designation of an ornamental band consisting of Egyptian Government in 1893. The volume presents about geometrical patterns, usually rectangles painted in various half of the whole collection of the “yellow-type" coffins in colours; triglyphs awake associations with the Greek archaic possession of the Vienna Museum of the History of Art; the architecture. Moreover, the same element of the decoration present writer expresses his hopes that the second part of is named differently elsewhere in the text (“Musterstreifen", this beautiful publication will appear very soon, since the “Musterband"). results already obtained are very promising. The authors, the The bulk of the material is presented, according to the redaction and the printing house should be congratulated on CAA-tradition, in the catalogue printed on loose sheets of the good composition of the work and high quality print, very good quality paper. The presentation of a coffin (con- particularly the photographs, which are clear enough to sisting of the lid and the case), or of a single object serve as a base for any study of the iconography. (mummy-board, separate lid or separate case) begins with a The catalogue printed, according to the CAA-tradition, on table containing the most important information. One can, separate sheets (the photographs are printed on one, the texts however, pose an open question here, if the numerical fig- on both sides of a sheet) is preceded by a thin bound fasci- ures in field n° 3, stating the number of pages devoted to the cle containing an introduction and various indices, most of object in consideration, in fact belong to such important which are very useful. The indices offer, in succession: the data? In my opinion it is rather misleading, since the posi- inventory numbers, divine names and epithets, royal names tion of field n° 3 (in the right upper corner of the sheet) sug- (by a slip of the pen, also including the name of the High gests the reference numeration of a page, while this is to be Priest of Amun, Pinudjem II, who never showed royal found below the page. claims), private names, titles, geographical names, museums The table is followed by a detailed description of all the and collections mentioned, materials used for the production parts of the decoration of the object, and then by commen- of the coffins and finally a general index. taries, the technical data, the history of object and the bibli- However, while the general idea of the complex of the ography. The decoration of the object is divided according to indices was undoubtedly well conceived, some parts of these the scheme represented in a drawing, where particular frag- seem to have been worked out less precisely than other ones, ments of the decorated surface receive conventional designa- which results in a certain inequality. For instance, in contrast tions (A1, D3 etc). This system is easy to follow, although to a very ample enumeration of divine epithets, the index of the drawing scheme would probably have had a better place the geographical names contains only two entries, and it is directly after the initial table. The drawings seem to be some- obviously unfinished, since the first few pages of the cata- what too schematic, and they sometimes lack precision. For logues’ text already furnishes the reader with such names example, the amulet Djed held in hand on the mummy-board like Busiris (p. 2), Heliopolis (p. 3) and Dendera (p. 3), all 6261 in the drawing on page 5; nota bene, this drawing dif- three absent in the index. fers from the colour photo published on the next page (6): Some doubts arise, as well, as to the necessity of a sepa- the photo has been reversed in the print. rate index of materials, since most of these occurred in all The reviewer’s only objection to the texts of the descrip- the described objects, and every description contains a pas- tions concerns the overabundance of conventional abbrevia- sage on the technical remarks, where materials are also dis- tions of the names of colours and directions: “left" and cussed. The term “cartonnage" used several times and also “right"; these abbreviations make the lecture of the text appearing in the index should have been omitted, because it much more difficult. It seems disputable that the so detailed is misleading and quite improper in the chronological con- descriptions of the colours of every element was indispens- text of the 21st Dynasty, when no cartonnages were used at able, since a number of colour photographs printed (which is all. The authors used the term for a single sheet of linen cov- certainly a much welcome occurrence), show that the ering the mummy-board 6261 under the usual layer of white colours in the 21st Dynasty coffins are limited to a few con- gesso serving as the ground for the paintings, while a proper ventional schemes. Moreover, the abbreviation for “right": cartonnage consists of a number of layers of linen, glued re. may sometimes be misleading, as it is too similar to the together and usually serving as a substitute for a wooden name of Re. As a result, we have to do with such causal inner coffin. The mummy-board 6261, according to the groups of words, like: G. 1. Re. Osiris… (p. 14), which, index of the materials, also differs from all the other objects of course, must not be confused with Re-Osiris (the divine in its lack of mud as a material used in the production of the designation appropriate for the 21st Dynasty). 125 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 126

The last remark concerns the hieroglyphic texts published intentions, but it admittedly leads to some confusion. For in the catalogue. Two different methods have been applied example, document no. 4, a dedication stela from King here: some (longer) texts are reproduced by hand, while Kashta (pp. 45-47), presents a column that reads mry {nÌ ∂t, some other, usually shorter ones, are inserted in the printed flanked by two other columns containing divine names. This text after having been composed on a computer. The latter passage is rendered as: “(3) beloved, living for ever", and is ones seem more accurate, but they are, at the same time, followed by" (4) Khnum-Rê, (5) Lord of Cold-water (the printed on a scale slightly too small, which results in some First Cataract), (6) and Satis, Lady of [Elephantine]". This thickness and overlappings of the signs. is then followed by a note to the translation, where the The present writer is happy to stress that he was able to reader is told that this formulaic construction means concentrate his criticism on very minor points, because of “beloved of Khnum-Rê …, and Satis …" One may well the lack of serious problems to deal with. Again, the authors understand translators who wish to show non-specialists the and the editors should be congratulated on this important layout of the original text, but I wonder whether such infe- piece of work they have furnished to Egyptology, and espe- licitous translations were necessary. cially because this source for coffins of the 21st Dynasty, is The authors also stress (p. 8) that the translations and the among the most difficult from the viewpoint of publishers. historical commentary are the main core of the book, while the publication of the texts themselves makes no claim to Warsaw, January 1996 ANDRZEJ NIWINSKI originality. Their aim is, in fact, to furnish specialists, non- specialists, as well as beginners, with a primer of texts for ** the history of this region. For these reasons and for facility * of use, the authors have chosen to translate the texts in as conventional a fashion as possible, eschewing some of the newer discoveries by modern grammarians of the subtleties FONTES Historiae Nubiorum: Textual Sources for the His- of the Egyptian language. Some might argue that this was a tory of the Middle Nile Region between the Eight Cen- lost opportunity to provide fresh and challenging transla- tury BC and the Sixth Century AD. Vol. 1: From the tions of well-known texts, but, given the series’ intended Eighth to the Mid-Fifth Century BC — ed. by Tormod aucience, perhaps this was a wise choise on the part of the Eide, Tomas Hägg, Richard Holton Pierce and László authors. At any rate, as explained in one of the introductory Török. Bergen, University of Bergen — Department of sections (p. 14), it is difficult to establish beyond a doubt Classics, Bergen, 1994 (25 cm, 344). ISSN 0804-9408; whether late sixth century BC scribes at Napata fully under- ISBN 82-991411-6-8. stood the intricacies of the so-called Middle Egyptian Sec- The aim of this new Fontes Historiae Nubiorum (FHN) ond Tenses system, in a language that was not their own and series is to present translations of primary sources for the which had, after all, not been in current use for over 7 cen- history of the Middle Nile Region between the eighth cen- turies. Hence, perhaps a phrase like ìy.n.ì Ìr.k Imn-R{ nb nsw tury BC and the sixth century AD. The volume under twy, uttered by the King’s Mother to Amun-Re, was indeed review, the first in the series, presents texts from the early understood by the literati at King Aspelta’s court as “I am rulers of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty down to their descen- come to you, Amun-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two dants, hounded out of Egypt by the might of Assyria and Lands", as rendered on p. 232 of the book under review, as eventually buried at Nuri in modern-day Sudan, that is, from opposed to “Before you have I come, oh Amun-Re…", as Queen Kadimalo — possibly a contemporary of King many would render today. Kashta — (document no. 1), to King Malowiebamani (doc- Given all these objectives on the part of the editors of the ument no. (55)). An additional 11 documents from the writ- series, it would seem churlish to quibble with this or that ings of Herodotus (nos. 56 to 66) close the book. rendering of a phrase or two, and point out how one would Each reign is introduced by a section giving the royal tit- have rendered it differently. The authors have done a great ulary of the particular king, followed by another section list- service to the field of Nubiology by gathering together all of ing historical sources for the reign. For easy identification these disparate historical sources and presenting them in within the consecutive numbering system of the primary such a handy format, and the commentaries accompanying sources, these introductory sections are marked by brackets the texts are often most useful (one that immediately comes around the numbers. For example, “document" no. (35), to mind is the discussion of Piye’s Great Triumphal Stela on pp. 228-9, consists of King Aspelta’s titulary and the pp. 113-118). sources for such, followed by a commentary; “document" One item, however, which this reviewer would have no. (36), pp. 229-32, is a list of the actual sources for the wished to see included is a set of indexes. This is planned reign, along with a discussion of the king’s genealogy, the for volume IV of the FHN series (see p. 343), but in the chronology of the reign, and his building activities; while meantime, what are essentially wonderfully useful tools of documents nos. 37 to 40 are the actual sources for the reign, research are made more inaccessible than was necessary. including the famous “Stèle de l’Intronisation" (Cairo JE Royal names are easy enough to find in the Table of Con- 48866), the Banishment (Cairo JE 48865) and Adoption Ste- tents, although the genealogies do not appear there, but one lae (Louvre C 257), etc. Each text is itself presented with a cries out for lists of divine names discussed along with their full transliteration and translation, followed by notes to the epithets (e.g., Mut, pp. 46, 133, 245), lexical items (e.g., pr- translation and a general commentary. dwt, p. 116), general terms (e.g., oracles, pp. 36, 41, 61, The authors point out (p. 11) that each entry must be read 237, 258), as well as a list of toponyms, where some of the in its entirety, including the introduction and following com- more idiosyncratic translations could have been explained to mentary, since the texts are translated in the order in which the non-specialists (e.g. “Dominion" for Thebes [wst], they appear in the original. This no doubt came from good pp. 54, 128, 240, 253). 127 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 128

In conclusion, we should welcome this new series with pouvoir présenter à nos lecteurs sa traduction en langue alle- open arms. As investigators from various fields realize more mande, parue la même année. Le moins qu’on puisse dire than ever the extent of the African continent’s legacy to c’est qu’il s’agit d’un vade-mecum tout à fait original dont world history, this collection of historical primary sources le principal attrait est constitué par son abondante illustra- will serve as a sound foundation for future scholarly debate. tion en couleurs. Il suit cependant le plan habituel d’un guide en consacrant une longue introduction au pays, à sa Herewith a few comments and corrections: langue, à son histoire, à sa culture et à sa religion, complé- tée par une description soignée des sites égyptiens et P. 24, in the Bibliography, under Hassan, 1928, the title nubiens et de leurs monuments qui n’entraine point de fasti- should read ; ibid, Hymnes religieux du Moyen Empire dieux développements chargés d’une érudition pédante. Une read Hodjash for Hodjache. innovation heureuse nous paraît le choix de l’illustration P. 26, under Leclant-Yoyotte 1949, read “relatifs". insérée dans le texte. Elle donne une coloration particulière P. 27, under Letellier 1977, read “en faveur"; ibid, under au volume en puisant copieusement dans des documents Mariette 1867, read “exécutées"; ibid, under Martin anciens auxquels le voyageur ordinaire a difficilement 1977, read “ … Untersuchungen … altägyptischen accès. Ces dessins, gravures et tableaux, empruntés généra- ". Obelisken bis zum Ende … lement aux grands albums du siècle dernier, enrichissent de P. 28, under Montet 1946, read “trouvées". façon heureuse l’information qui est mise à sa disposition. P. 29, under Ratié 1962, read “chaouabti". Muni de tous les autres accessoires indispensables, tels que P. 35, add “great" in the first occurrence of the title “great cartes, plans et index, ce guide instructif ne manquera pas de king’s wife". satisfaire les plus exigeants. P. 55, line 1, read “Amun-Re" for “Amun". P. 57, line 2, read “You are chief!", and line 5, read “there ** is no way…"; ibid, perhaps add a note for the non-spe- * cialist, explaining the two different translations of Ì{w as “diadems" and “appearance" in lines 1 and 4 respec- VAN DEN BRINK, C.M. (Ed.) — The Nile Delta in Tran- tively; and explain the discrepancy in the translations of sition: 4th.-3rd. Millennium B.C. Jerusalem, The Israel “chief" and “king" in lines 2 and 3 respectively. Exploration Society, 1992 (24 cm, XIX + 485, 70 pl., 45 P. 129, add the shabtis in the Royal Ontario Museum, for tables/diagrams). ISBN 965-221-015-3. $ 60.00. which see J.L. Haynes, R.J. Leprohon, JSSEA 17 (1987), 18-32, and the references there. Archaeological research concerning the transitional late P. 133, Mut’s epithets should read “Lady of Heaven and Chalcolithic-Protodynastic period in Lower Egypt has Mistress of Nubia" (nbt pt Ìnwt T-sty). expanded considerably in recent years. A seminar held in P. 211, add Dunham 1955 for the references to Senkaman- Cairo, 21-24 October 1990, was meant to discuss and syn- isken’s shabtis. thesize the avalanche of fresh data supplied by archaeolo- P. 233, line 5, add snb nb Ìr.k, “all health for you" before gists and other specialists in connection with the contempo- wt-ib nb Ìr.k. rary Naqada II-III culture in Upper Egypt, with the Eastern P. 238, line 15, after qm.sn Ìmw-n†r w{bw {w, add {Ì{w r- and Western Deserts and with the late Chalcolithic/Early rwt Ìwt-n†r, the transliteration for “standing outside the Bronze I in Southern Canaan. The fourty individual papers temple"; ibid, end of line 15, read r-prw for r-pw. presented during the seminar and offered to the readership P. 239, line 18, read “Then they placed". have been arranged according to these geographical areas. P. 253, the mention of “Magical symbols" behind the kind The bulk of the contents consists of progress reports on the might have been explained in the commentary; as it excavation of Delta sites, dealing extensively with various stands, a non-specialist without access to the actual stela aspects of the relevant archaeological record such as or knowledge of Egyptian might think the words “magi- chronostratigraphy, architecture, pottery, flint, cylinder- cal symbols" are written as a caption behind the king. seals, plant and animal remains. These reports have been P. 271, line 4, read “the abomination of the gods"; ibid, line supplemented by a number of detailed studies and general 6, for Ìmt-†y, render “married woman" (lit. “woman of a surveys in order to offer the reader as complete and bal- man") instead of “married woman or man". anced a picture as possible of current research on the late prehistoric cultures of Lower Egypt. University of Toronto, May 1996 RONALD J. LEPROHON ** *

KORTE AANKONDIGINGEN SCHNEIDER, Thomas — Lexikon der Pharaonen: Die altägyptischen Könige von der Frühzeit bis zur Römer- ÄGYPTEN. / Dt. Textfassung: Hans E. Latzke / unter Mit- herrschaft. Artemis & Winkler Verlag, Zürich, 1994 arb. von Martin Klaus und Manuela Lenzen / übers. (25 cm, 328, Abb.). ISBN 3-7608-1102-7: Leinen sFr. Anette Pundsack … [et al.] (Dumont Visuell / Reise- 78,-. führer). DuMont Buchverlag GmbH & Co. KG, Köln, Comportant plus de cinq cents noms de rois ou de 1995. (28 cm., II, 560, Abb.). ISBN 3-7701-3397-8. membres de leur famille, y compris ceux des envahisseurs DM. 48,-. étrangers qui ont pendant quelque temps occupé le trône N’ayant pas reçu pour compte rendu le guide «Égypte» royal, ce lexique est avant tout un manuel qui sert de com- des Éditions Gallimard (Paris), nous sommes heureux de plément au Lexikon der Aegyptologie. En effet, les notices, 129 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 130 sobres et substantielles, sont accompagnées d’une courte sures furent innombrables. Pour se faire une idée plus pré- bibliographie qui puise à de bonnes sources et renferme cise des problèmes de santé que les Égyptiens ont rencontrés même des ouvrages parus en 1994. Ceux qui feront usage du et qu’ils ont combattus par divers moyens, l’auteur s’appuie livre y trouveront des renseignements sur la vie, la significa- sur une documentation très variée et soigneusement sélec- tion historique, la fonction religieuse et l’œuvre culturelle de tionnée qui s’étend de l’examen scientifique des momies tous les souverains qui ont régné sur l’Egypte depuis la pre- jusqu’à l’analyse des sources écrites et à la représentation de mière dynastie jusqu’à l’époque romaine. Qu’on puisse à personnes infirmes dans la statuaire ou sur des reliefs. Une certains endroits améliorer cette information ou même for- abondante illustration, partiellement en couleurs, agrémente muler quelques critiques de détail à son sujet, importe peu, le petit ouvrage qu’on feuillette avec beaucoup de plaisir. La base demeure solide et le but que l’auteur s’est proposé a été pleinement atteint: constituer un répertoire alphabétique, ** transparent et maniable, en laissant de coˆté toute discussion * savante qui risquerait d’alourdir les notices. Si nous ajour- tons que l’ouvrage est illustré d’une cinquantaine de photo- TAYLOR, John H., — Unwrapping a Mummy: the Life, graphies qui présentent un échantillonnage instructif des Death and Embalming of Horemkenesi. (Egyptian effigies royales, on comprendra pourquoi il forme un Bookshelf). London, British Museum Press, 1995. (24 appoint très utile à l’étude des dynasties égyptiennes. cm, 112, front., ind., photogr.) ISBN 0-7141-0978-9. Paper £ 9.99. ** Im Jahr 1981 wurde die Mumie des thebanischen Prie- * sters Horemkenese, welche Anfang dieses Jahrhunderts in Deir el-Bahari entdeckt wurde und seitdem im Bristol ZIVIE, Christiane M., M. AZIM, P. DELEUZE, J.-Cl. Museums and Art Gallery aufbewahrt wird, ausgewickelt GOLVIN, — Le temple de Deir Chelouit IV, Étude und medizinisch untersucht. Dieses Bändchen erzählt vom architecturale. Le Caire, Institut Français d’Archéologie Leben, vom Tod und von der Einbalsamierung dieses Man- Orientale, 1992 (32 cm, IX-110, 70 pll.). ISBN 2-7247- nes, dessen Name in den Inschriften seines Holzsarges und 0115-1. 220 FF. in sechs Graffiti der thebanischen Nekropole auftritt und der Erfreulicherweise wird mit diesem Faszikel die Publika- wahrscheinlich um 1040 v.C. im Alter von 50 bis 60 Jahren tion des Tempels von Deir Chelouit vollendet (1982-86. gestorben ist. Beim Röntgen konnte leider die Todesursache Siehe BiOr 42, 1985, 315-317 und BiOr 45, 1988, 330-333). nicht mit Sicherheit festgestellt worden. Aus der Beurteilung Er enthält hauptsächlich die Geschichte des Denkmals von der Aufnahmen und den anschliessenden Analysen geht aber seiner Entdeckung durch die Wissenschaftler der Expédition deutlich hervor, dass Horemkenese an Schistosomiasis und d’Égypte bis hin zu den japanischen Grabungen der letzten Malaria gelitten hat. Ausserdem weist der Zustand seiner Jahre in direkter Nachbarschaft des Tempels (Chr. Zivie), Zähne darauf, dass beissende Schmerzen ihm während sei- eine Studie der wiederverwendeten Blöcke und der Graffiti nes Lebens nicht erspart wurden. In exemplarischer Weise (ead.) als auch die minutiöse Beschreibung der Architektur gelingt es also dem Autor, sich lebhaft mit dem Schicksal und der Konstruktionsweise, die von zahlreichen Plänen eines Aegypters auseinanderzusetzen und die erstaunlichen ergänzt wird (M. Azim). Fortschritte, welche die Untersuchung von Mumien in den Die bereits erfolgte Edition der Texte und Szenen des letzten Jahrzehnten gemacht hat, überzeugend zu illustrie- Tempels wird somit abgerundet, und als erste richtet sich ren. Das mit zahlreichen Bildern ausgestattete Bändchen Chr. Zivie dabei nach dem Modell, das S. Sauneron vorge- verdient viele Leser. schlagen hat, aber leider für den Tempel von Esna nicht mehr vollständig realisieren konnte. Man wird die Vorzüge ** dieser lückenlosen Aufnahme zu schätzen wissen. * Die Studie der Architektur erlaubt unter anderem, zu ver- stehen, warum die Dekoration des Propylons — u.a. datiert COUCHOUD, Sylvia, — Mathématiques égyptiennes — unter Galba und Otho — derjenigen des Naos — unter Had- Recherches sur les connaissances mathématiques de rian und Antonius — so lange vorangeht, was im Gegensatz l’Égypte pharaonique. Paris, Éditions le Léopard d’Or, zur üblichen Sitte stünde: letzterer ersetzt einen älteren, der 1993 (22 cm, 208, ind.). ISBN 2-86377-118-3. Broché zerstört war. 150 FF. Mit dieser Einführung in die allgemeinen Grundlagen der ** ägyptischen Mathematik liefert die Autorin den Beweis, dass * sie ein lobenswertes Talent zu einleuchtender und anschau- licher Darstellung besitzt. Anhand von vier mathematischen FILER, Joyce — Disease. (Egyptian Bookshelf). British Papyri des Mittleren Reiches, von denen der Papyrus Rhind Museum Publications Ltd., London, 1995. (24 cm, 112, der bekannteste ist, dokumentiert das Buch vorbildlich den ill., front., photogr.). ISBN 0-7141-0980-0. £ 9.99. heutigen Kenntnisstand über das Zahlensystem und die Depuis plusieurs années, les maladies qu’ont connues les Rechenmethoden, welche im 2. Jt. v. Chr. am Nilufer gängig anciennes populations de la Vallée du Nil font l’objet d’une waren. Es richtet sich vor allem an ein breiteres Publikum, curiosité croissante. La tuberculose, la lèpre et la malaria y in gleicher Weise jedoch auch an Aegyptologen, insbeson- étaient largement répandues. Les maladies des yeux et des dere wegen des Raumes, den die Erklärung der mathemati- dents, les douleurs thoraciques et les infections parasitaires schen Fachsprache einnimmt. Neben den Charakteristika dues à l’eau du Nil y étaient fréquentes. Fractures et bles- der ägyptischen Mathematik, die passend hervorgehoben 131 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIV N° 1/2, januari-april 1997 132 werden, hat die Geometrie zentrale Bedeutung. Aufgaben aus verschiedenen Bereichen werden aufgeführt und knapp kommentiert. Die Abhandlung schliesst mit einem Schrif- tennachweis, einem ägyptischen Glossar und einem Index der zitierten Beispiele. Im Hinblick auf die klare Betrach- tungsweise und die Vielfalt der behandelten Themen kann das Buch jedem, der sich für die ägyptische Rechentechnik interessiert, wärmstens empfohlen werden.

** * el HABASHI, Zaki — Tutankhamun and the Sporting Tra- ditions. Peter Lang AG, Postfach 277, CH-3000 Bern 15, Zwitserland, 1992 (24 cm, XX + 200 pp.) = Ameri- can University Studies, Series 9, History, Vol. 124. ISBN 0 8204 1782 3. SFR. 66,00. Malgré les éloges qui lui sont adressés sur la dernière page de la couverture, ce livre ne nous apprend pratique- ment rien de nouveau. Son titre même n’a fait l’objet que d’un seul chapitre qui consiste en une vingtaine de pages. Tout le reste de l’ouvrage ne touche que de très loin au véri- table sujet. On a l’impression que l’auteur a surtout eu l’intention de réunir des renseignements sur les activités sportives des rois égyptiens et que les exploits de Toutan- khamon, illustrés par les découvertes de son tombeau, lui ont servi de prétexte. La première partie, longue de 95 pages, est entièrement consacrée à la pratique du sport dans l’Égypte ancienne, de la période prédynastique à la 18e dynastie. La seconde partie, axée sur Toutankhamon, réserve davantage d’attention à la personnalité du roi et à la découverte de son tombeau qu’aux objets et aux scènes qui évoquent ses prestations sportives. Aucune note n’accom- pagne l’exposé. En outre, en appelant Niouserré un pharaon de l’époque archaïque (p. 23) et Montouhotep I le premier roi de la 11e dynastie (p. 47), l’auteur ne semble pas s’être soucié outre mesure du contexte historique dans lequel il situe les faits qu’il rapporte. Bref, nous n’hésitons pas à qua- lifier cet ouvrage de superficiel et de médiocre.