The Economics of W.S.Jevons
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Utility, Ethics and Behavior
Journal of Academic and Business Ethics Utility, ethics and behavior Marcela Parada-Contzen Universidad de Concepcion-Chile Jose R. Parada-Daza Universidad de Concepcion-Chile ABSTRACT This essay has the following hypothesis as its foundation: a new function taking a more global perspective can be developed based on the analytical economic conception of utility. However, this new hypothesis/perspective considers that individuals are driven to act by economic as well as social, religious, ethical, and other reasons. Thus, the crux of this exposition is an analysis of the concept of utility and its application towards daily acts. The essay also deals with the philosophical aspects of utility and its paradoxes and analyzes utility from the perspective of a biological being. This analysis is broader and includes the simultaneous actions of an economic human and a complex human. Keyword: Utility function, Emotional well-being, wealth, ethics, “homo economicus”, weights. Utility, ethics and behavior, Page 1 Journal of Academic and Business Ethics INTRODUCTION The study of what motivates individual acts, especially regarding economic decisions, offers an intellectual challenge for the human sciences. In economics, this matter has been studied using a methodology of normative analysis known as the utility function, in which people seek to obtain the maximum degree of satisfaction. Herein, utility is what each person obtains from a certain level of wealth or consumption. For those not instructed in economics, this idea creates distrust and is blamed for generating a society of individualistic and insatiable beings. Grounds for both supporting and distrusting this approach have been given. The utility function is an intellectual device for explaining personal economic behavior. -
Utility and Happiness in a Prosperous Society
Utility and Happiness in a Prosperous Society Yoram Kirsh1,2 1 Institute for Policy Analysis, The Open University of Israel 2 Department of Natural Sciences, The Open University of Israel Version: March 30, 2017 Keywords: Prosperous society, Utility, Happiness economics JEL Classification: D63, D64, I31 This article is scheduled to be a chapter in a book on the economics of the prosperous society. My claim is that there is a gap between economic theory and economic reality in the western world, since economics was traditionally established to deal with conditions of scarcity. As many of our current problems are associated with abundance rather than with scarcity, new tools are needed to tackle the modern dilemmas. For a definition of a prosperous society, please see the previous chapter (Unemployment and Job Creation in a Prosperous Economy). I would be grateful for any suggestion or comment. OUI – Institute for Policy Analysis Working paper series, No. 37 – 2017 * P AuthorPU contact details: ProfessorU (Emeritus) Yoram Kirsh, Department of Natural Sciences, The Open University of Israel, 1 University Rd., P.O.B. 808, Ra'anana 43107, Israel. Cell Phone:. 972-532-209726, For correspondence– yoramk2TU @openu.ac.il U2T 2 Abstract Some examples of human behavior which seem paradoxical or irrational in view of the utility maximization principle can be explained as rational if we distinguish between two types of utility. The first type is the conventional utility – cardinal or ordinal – which the rational economic actors are expected to maximize. The second type is connected to actions which fulfill some psychological needs and might appear irrational by cost- effective calculations. -
The End of Economics, Or, Is
THE END OF ECONOMICS, OR, IS UTILITARIANISM FINISHED? By John D. Mueller James Madison Program Fellow Fellow of The Lehrman Institute President, LBMC LLC Princeton University, 127 Corwin Hall, 15 April 2002 Summary. According to Lionel Robbins’ classic definition, “Economics is the science which studies human behavior as a relationship between ends and scarce means that have alternate uses.” Yet most modern economists assume that economic choice involves only the means and not to the ends of human action. The reason seems to be that most modern economists are ignorant of the history of their own discipline before Adam Smith or Jeremy Bentham. Leading economists like Gary Becker attempt to explain all human behavior, including love and hate, as a maximization of “utility.” But historically and logically, an adequate description of economic choice has always required both a ranking of persons as ends and a ranking of scarce goods as means. What is missing from modern economics is an adequate description of the ranking of persons as ends. This is reflected in the absence of a satisfactory microeconomic explanation (for example, within the household) as to how goods are distributed to their final users, and in an overemphasis at the political level on an “individualistic social welfare function,” by which policymakers are purported to add up the preferences of a society of selfish individuals and determine all distribution from the government downwards, as if the nation or the world were one large household. As this “hole” in economic theory is recognized, an army of “neo-scholastic” economists will find full employment for the first few decades of the 21st Century, busily rewriting the Utilitarian “economic approach to human behavior” that dominated the last three decades of the 20th Century. -
William Roscoe - Poems
Classic Poetry Series William Roscoe - poems - Publication Date: 2012 Publisher: Poemhunter.com - The World's Poetry Archive William Roscoe() He was born in Liverpool, where his father, a market gardener, kept a public house called the Bowling Green at Mount Pleasant. Roscoe left school at the age of twelve, having learned all that his schoolmaster could teach. He assisted his father in the work of the garden, but spent his leisure time on reading and study. "This mode of life," he says, "gave health and vigour to my body, and amusement and instruction to my mind; and to this day I well remember the delicious sleep which succeeded my labors, from which I was again called at an early hour. If I were now asked whom I consider to be the happiest of the human race, I should answer, those who cultivate the earth by their own hands." At fifteen he began to look for a suitable career. A month's trial of bookselling was unsuccessful, and in 1769 he was articled to a solicitor. Although a diligent student of law, he continued to read the classics, and made the acquaintance with the language and literature of Italy which was to dominate his life. His poem, Mount Pleasant, was written when he was sixteen, and together with other verses, now forgotten, won the esteem of good critics. In 1774 he went into business as a lawyer, and in 1781 married Jane, second daughter of William Griffies, a Liverpool tradesman; they had seven sons and three daughters. Roscoe had the courage to denounce the African slave trade in his native town, where much of the wealth came from slavery. -
1 Utility and Happiness Miles Kimball and Robert Willis1 University of Michigan October 30, 2006 Abstract: Psychologists Have D
Utility and Happiness Miles Kimball and Robert Willis1 University of Michigan October 30, 2006 Abstract: Psychologists have developed effective survey methods of measuring how happy people feel at a given time. The relationship between how happy a person feels and utility is an unresolved question. Existing work in Economics either ignores happiness data or assumes that felt happiness is more or less the same thing as flow utility. The approach we propose in this paper steers a middle course between the two polar views that “happiness is irrelevant to Economics” and the view that “happiness is a sufficient statistic for utility.” We argue that felt happiness is not the same thing as flow utility, but that it does have a systematic relationship to utility. In particular, we propose that happiness is the sum of two components: (1) elation--or short-run happiness--which depends on recent news about lifetime utility and (2) baseline mood--or long-run happiness--which is a subutility function much like health, entertainment, or nutrition. In principle, all of the usual techniques of price theory apply to baseline mood, but the application of those techniques is complicated by the fact that many people may not know the true household production function for baseline mood. If this theory is on target, there are two reasons data on felt happiness is important for Economics. First, short-run happiness in response to news can give important information about preferences. Second, long-run happiness is important for economic welfare in the same way as other higher-order goods such as health, entertainment, or nutrition. -
Marginal Revolution
MARGINAL REVOLUTION It took place in the later half of the 19th century Stanley Jevons in England, Carl Menger in Austria and Leon walras at Lausanne, are generally regarded as the founders of marginalist school Hermann Heinrich Gossen of Germany is considered to be the anticipator of the marginalist school The term ‘Marginal Revolution’ is applied to the writings of the above economists because they made fundamental changes in the apparatus of economic analysis They started looking at some of the important economic problems from an altogether new angle different from that of classical economists Marginal economists has been used to analyse the single firm and its behavior, the market for a single product and the formation of individual prices Marginalism dominated Western economic thought for nearly a century until it was challenged by Keynesian attack in 1936 (keynesian economics shifted the sphere of enquiry from micro economics to macro economics where the problems of the economy as a whole are analysed) The provocation for the emergence of marginalist school was provided by the interpretation of classical doctrines especially the labour theory of value and ricardian theory of rent by the socialists Socialists made use of classical theories to say things which were not the intention of the creators of those theories So the leading early marginalists felt the need for thoroughly revising the classical doctrines especially the theory of value They thought by rejecting the labour theory of value and by advocating the marginal utility theory of value, they could strike at the theoretical basis of socialism Economic Ideas of Marginalist School This school concentrated on the ‘margin’ to explain economic phenomena. -
Energy As a Factor of Production: Historical Roots in the American Institutionalist Context Antoine Missemer, Franck Nadaud
Energy as a Factor of Production: Historical Roots in the American Institutionalist Context Antoine Missemer, Franck Nadaud To cite this version: Antoine Missemer, Franck Nadaud. Energy as a Factor of Production: Historical Roots in the American Institutionalist Context. Energy Economics, Elsevier, 2020, 86, pp.104706. 10.1016/j.eneco.2020.104706. halshs-02467734 HAL Id: halshs-02467734 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02467734 Submitted on 26 Feb 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. - Authors’s post-print - - published in Energy Economics (2020), 86, 104706 - ENERGY AS A FACTOR OF PRODUCTION: HISTORICAL ROOTS IN THE AMERICAN INSTITUTIONALIST CONTEXT - * Antoine MISSEMER † Franck NADAUD - Full reference: MISSEMER, Antoine and NADAUD, Franck. 2020. “Energy as a Factor of Production: Historical Roots in the American Institutionalist Context”. Energy Economics, 86, 104706. [https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eneco.2020.104706] The pagination of the published version is indicated in the margin. - Abstract The relationship between energy and economic output is today discussed through the decoupling issue. A pioneering historical attempt to measure this relationship can be found in contributions by F. G. Tryon et al. at the Brookings Institution in the 1920s-1930s, in the American institutionalist context. -
On Ordinal Utility, Cardinal Utility, and Random Utility
This is a repository copy of On ordinal utility, cardinal utility, and random utility . White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/2544/ Article: Batley, R. (2007) On ordinal utility, cardinal utility, and random utility. Theory and Decision, Online. ISSN 1573-7187 https://doi.org/10.1007/s11238-007-9046-2 Reuse See Attached Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ White Rose Research Online http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Institute of Transport Studies University of Leeds This is an author produced version of a paper published in Theory and Decision Journal. It has been peer reviewed but does not include the final publishers formatting and pagination. White Rose Repository URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/2544/ Published paper Batley, Richard (2007) On ordinal utility, cardinal utility, and random utility. Theory and Decision, Online First, May 2007 White Rose Consortium ePrints Repository [email protected] Onordinalutility,cardinalutility,andrandomutility RichardBatley InstituteforTransportStudies,UniversityofLeeds,UK [email protected] ABSTRACT ThoughtheRandomUtilityModel(RUM)wasconceivedentirelyintermsof ordinal utility, the apparatus through which it is widely practised exhibits properties of cardinal utility.The adoption of cardinal utility as a working operation of ordinal is perfectly valid, provided interpretations drawnfrom thatoperationremainfaithfultoordinalutility.Thepaperconsiderswhether the latter requirement holds true for several measurements commonly derivedfromRUM.Inparticularitisfoundthatmeasurementsofconsumer surplus change may depart from ordinal utility, and exploit the cardinality inherentinthepracticalapparatus. -
Expected Utility Theory
Expected Utility Theory Simon Grant Timothy Van Zandt Rice University INSEAD 22 November 2007 This is a chapter for the forthcoming Handbook of Rational and Social Choice, Paul Anand, Prasanta Pattanaik, and Clemens Puppe, eds., Oxford University Press, 2008. We review classic normative expected utility theory. Our goal is to frame the subsequent chapters (which consider more modern extensions to and deviations from this classic theory) in a way that is accessible to the non- specialist but also useful to the specialist. We start from scratch with a revealed preference approach to the existence of a utility function. We then present the mathematical structure of additive and linear utility representations and their ax- iomatizations, in the context of abstract choice theory and using intertemporal choice as a source of examples. We are thus able to focus on this mathematical structure without the interference of the specific interpretation and notation for decision under uncertainty. Furthermore, this approach allows us to focus on the interpretation of the axioms when we turn to decision under uncertainty. Contents 1. Introduction 1 2. Descriptive, prescriptive, and normative theories 2 3. A review of choice, preferences, and utility 3 4. Hidden assumption: Consequentialism 3 5. Weak axiom of revealed preference 4 6. From preferences to choice rules 6 7. Infinite choice sets and continuity assumptions 7 8. Additive utility 8 9. Linear preferences 12 10. Cardinal uniformity across factors 15 11. States of nature and acts 20 12. Sure-thing principle and additivity 22 13. Lotteries 27 14. Subjective expected utility without objective probabilities 31 15. -
Where Keynes Went Wrong
Praise for Where Keynes Went Wrong “[An] impassioned . and . much needed book. In plain prose, . Hunter Lewis . begins by patiently walking us through precisely what Keynes said . then reveals why Keynes’s work is ‘remarkably unsupported by evidence or logic.’ Lewis does much more besides, showing how Keynesianism has lived in the minds and hearts of politicians, with disastrous results.” —Gene Epstein, Barron’s “Lewis has exposed with unmatched clarity the lineaments of Keynes’s system and enabled us to see exactly its disabling defects. Keynes defied common sense, unable to sustain the brilliant para- doxes that his fertile intellect constantly devised. Lewis’s book is an ideal guide to Keynes’s dangerous and destructive economics. .” —David Gordon, LewRockwell.com “Just what the world needs, and just in time. Keynes is demolished and his quack system refuted. But this wonderful book does more. It restores clear thinking and common sense to their rightful places in the economic policy debate. Three cheers for Hunter Lewis!” —James Grant, Editor of Grant’s Interest Rate Observer “Hunter Lewis has written a splendid book called Where Keynes We nt Wrong. The dissection of the English economist who died in 1946 is especially timely, given that the past two administra- tions and the current one are identical in believing wholeheart- edly in . key Keynesian dogma.” —Patrick McIlheran, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel “[This] compelling, powerful, and extremely readable book . is fantastic. ‘Must’ reading.” —Kevin Price, CBS and CNN Radio and BizPlusBlog “Lewis has done a service, even if in the negative, of concisely and critically summarizing Keynes’s economic theories, and his book will make readers think.” —Library Journal “[This] highly readable . -
Journal of Energy History Revue D'histoire De L'énergie Les Économistes Et La Fin Des Énergies Fossiles (Antoine Missemer
Journal of Energy History Revue d’histoire de l’énergie AUTHOR Antonin Pottier Les économistes et la fin des Centre International de énergies fossiles (Antoine Recherche sur l’Environnement et le Missemer, 2017) Développement (CIRED), École des Hautes Études en Bibliographic reference Sciences Sociales (EHESS), Antoine Missemer, Les économistes et la fin des énergies fos- France siles (1865-1931) (Paris : Garnier, 2017). POST DATE Abstract 06/02/2020 In Les économistes et la fin des énergies fossiles, ISSUE NUMBER Antoine Missemer explores the different ways by which JEHRHE #2 economists have made fossil fuels an object of eco- SECTION nomic analysis, in the period that runs from The Coal Reviews Question by William Stanley Jevons to Harold Hotelling’s KEYWORDS 1931 paper. He is interested in the fear of resource Coal, Oil, Industry, exhaustion and its impact on industrial development, Knowledge, Public policy but also reports on the theories that pay attention to DOI the economic activities of fossil fuels producers. in progress Plan of the article TO CITE THIS ARTICLE → The Coal Question as an autonomising work Antonin Pottier, “Les → Discussion of the autonomisation thesis économistes et la fin des → American conservationism énergies fossiles (Antoine → Nature as an asset Missemer, 2017)”, Journal of → A retrospective object? Energy History/Revue d’Histoire de l’Énergie [Online], n°2, published 06 february 2020, consulted XXX, URL: http:// energyhistory.eu/node/123 ISSN 2649-3055 JEHRHE #2 | REVIEWS P. 2 POTTIER | LES ÉCONOMISTES ET LA FIN DES ÉNERGIES FOSSILES (ANTOINE MISSEMER, 2017) analysis? Antoine Missemer seeks to engage with these questions in his research. -
Economics, Psychology, and the History of Demand Theory
Economics, Psychology, and the History of Consumer Choice Theory Paper for Conference on The History of Recent Economics (HISRECO) University of Paris X June 22-24, 2007 D. Wade Hands Department of Economics University of Puget Sound Tacoma, WA 98416 USA [email protected] May 2007 Version 2.0 13,693 Words Draft for discussion purposes only. Please do not quote. Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the European Association for Evolutionary Political Economy Conference in Istanbul, Turkey, in November 2006 and at the Whittemore School of Business and Economics, University of New Hampshire, in February 2007. I would like to thank John Davis, Harro Maas, and a number of people in the audience at Istanbul and UNH for helpful comments. 0. Introduction The relationship between psychology and consumer choice theory has been long and tumultuous: a veritable seesaw of estrangement and warm reconciliation. Starting with the British neoclassicism of Jevons and Edgeworth, and moving to contemporary economic theory, it appears that psychology was quite in, then clearly out, and now (possibly) coming back in. If one moves farther back in time and takes the view that the classical tradition was grounded in a natural – and thus non-social, non-mental, and non– psychological – order (Schabas 2005), then the scorecard becomes out, in, out, and (possibly) back in. A tumultuous relationship indeed. The purpose of this paper is to provide a critical examination of this turbulent relationship. The argument is presented in three parts. The first section provides a summary of the standard story about the relationship between psychology and consumer choice theory from the early neoclassicals to the present time.