DOCSLIB.ORG

An Impression-Driven Model of Candidate Evaluation Author(S): Milton Lodge, Kathleen M

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
An Impression-Driven Model of Candidate Evaluation Author(S): Milton Lodge, Kathleen M An Impression-Driven Model of Candidate Evaluation Author(s): Milton Lodge, Kathleen M. McGraw, Patrick Stroh Source: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 83, No. 2 (Jun., 1989), pp. 399-419 Published by: American Political Science Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1962397 Accessed: 23/02/2010 11:56 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=apsa. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Political Science Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Political Science Review. http://www.jstor.org AN IMPRESSION-DRIVENMODEL OF CANDIDATE EVALUATION MILTON LODGE KATHLEEN M. McGRAW PATRICK STROH State Universityof New York Stony Brook T e describeand test two process models of candidateevaluation. The memory-basedmodel holds that evaluations are dependent on the mix of pro and con informationretrieved from memory. The impression-drivenmodel holds that eval- uations are formed and updated "on-line"as informationis encountered. The results provide evidencefor the existenceof stereotypingand projectionbiases that renderthe mix of evidenceavailable in memorya nonveridicalrepresentation of the informationto which subjectswere exposed. People do not rely on the specific candidateinformation available in memory. Rather,consistent with the logic of the impression-drivenprocess- ing model, an "on-line"judgment formed when the informationwas encounteredbest predicts candidate evaluation. The results raise both methodologicaland substantive challenges to how political scientists measure and model the candidate evaluation process, O ur primaryaim because citizens are exposed to informa- is to develop and test two competitive tion (be it party affiliation, character,or models of the candidateevaluation proc- policy stances)over an extendedperiod of ess. We focus on information,our general time, and some of that informationmust perspective being the information-proc- be stored in, and retrieved from, long- essing approach identified with Herbert term memory when an evaluationor vote Simon (1981, 1985; Newell and Simon is necessary. 1972). All contemporarypolitical science Despite the lack of explicit attentionto models of vote choice are information- memory in contemporaryvoting models, processing models in that candidate eval- they appearto share the common implicit uation is treated as a function of the mix assumption that the direction and of information (e.g., Brody and Page strength of candidate evaluation is in 1972; Campbell et al. 1960; Enelow and large part determinedby the "evidence" Hinich 1985; Kelley 1983; Kelley and availablein memory. Forexample, Kelley Mirer 1974; Lazarsfeld, Berelson, and and Mirer (1974) state the case for a Gaudet 1944). However, none of them memory-basedmodel of vote choice: 'The provide an accounting of the memory voter canvasses his likes and dislikes of processes involved in candidate evalua- the leading candidatesand major parties tion. Yet memory processesare criticalto involved in an election. Weighing each understanding candidate evaluation, like and dislike equally, he votes for the AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOLUME 83 NO. 2 JUNE 1989 American Political Science Review Vol. 83 candidatetoward whom he has the great- problems found to undermineseriously est numberof net favorableattitudes" (p. the veridicall"and "representative"mem- 574). ory modelsrelates to cognitiveconstraints This memory-basedmodel of evalua- in the processingof information;that is, tion makestwo criticalassumptions about memoryoften reflectsone's prior expecta- human informationprocessing. First, the tions, with the bulk of the empiricalevi- information recalled by respondents is dence strongly implicatingthe impact of thought either to be a more or less veridi- prior beliefs on attention and memory cal representationof the informationthey processes (Fiskeand Taylor 1984). A sec- were actually exposed to (Kelley 1983) ond issue we considerfocuses on evalua- or-more reasonably-to reflect the sa- tive constraintsin the processingof new lient information they were exposed to information. Is the evidence culled from plus what they "reasonably"inferred memory a reflection of rationalization about the candidates(Conover and Feld- processesthat serve to "fit"the evidenceto man 1986; Granberg1985). Second-and "match"one's current evaluation of the from our perspectivemost critically-the candidate?Again, the empiricalevidence model assumes that citizens base their documentsan evaluativebias in informa- evaluationon the evidenceretrieved from tion processing, the basic finding being memory. Moreover, the methodologies that people are prone to recall evidence used to assess the validity of candidate that is consistent with current attitudes evaluation models also reflect the impor- (Chaikenand Stangor1987). tance of memory. The reliance on re- In additionto problemsrelated to mem- sponses to the Survey Research Center ory per se, we are concerned with the (SRC) open-ended like-dislike questions judgmentprocess itself: How do citizens and candidate issue proximity scales re- use whatever informationis available in flects assumptions that (1) the citizen is memory to inform an evaluation?To ex- willing and able to conduct a search for aminememory processes as they apply to relevant informationin memory, (2) this candidate evaluation, we consider two search will generate a veridical or (more competing information-processing plausibly) a representativesample of the models: the memory-basedmodel of the informationto which the citizen was ex- judgment process and the "on-line,"or posed, and (3) this available information impression-driven, model (Hastie and is then used to inform an evaluation and Park 1986; Lichtensteinand Srull 1987). vote choice. We test the validity of these assump- Memory-basedprocessing. The memory- tions by examiningtwo importantaspects based model of candidate evaluation of the memory-judgmentrelationship as aligns with common sense in positing a appliedto the process of candidateevalu- positive relationship between memory ation. The first aspect deals with memory and judgment.When a personis calledon retrieval processes: How much of what to make an evaluation, whether at the kind of candidateinformation do citizens ballot box or in reply to an interviewer's retrievefrom memory?The key question request,it is reasonableto assumethat the being, Is the "configuration"of evi- overall evaluation is based upon the ac- dence representedin long-term memory tual mix of pro and con evidenceavailable a veridical mapping or (more plausi- in memory. Commonsense, unfortunate- bly) a representativesample of informa- ly, is a fallible guide. A great deal of tion to which the citizen was exposed, or research indicates that there is typically is memory for a political candidate sub- little or no relationshipbetween the blend ject to systematic biases? One class of of pro and con informationavailable in 400 CandidateEvaluation memory and the direction or strengthof haps, for the paucity of specifics in the evaluation (see Hastieand Park1986 for a SRC open-ended like-dislike questions review). Apparently, memory-based (Gant and Davis 1984). evaluation is too cognitively taxing, rely- Forthe memory-basedmodel of evalua- ing on the effortfulretrieval of specificin- tion, a summaryjudgment is thought to formation from long-term memory, the be "computed"from the specific memory weighing of evidence, and then the com- traces recalledat the time the assessment putation of a summary evaluation, all is called for. To the extent that this repre- common complaints leveled against ra- sents an accurateportrayal of the evalua- tional choice models in generaland issue tion process, it is arduous, time-consum- voting models in particular (Herstein ing, and unreliable,requiring more effort 1981). and attentional resources than all but Downsian man could or would be willing Impression-drivenprocessing. Given the to expend. On the other hand, the on-line failure to find unequivocal support for model of the judgmentprocess is psycho- memory-basedprocessing, a second class logically realisticin proposing that when of models has been proposed. Impression- asked to voice an opinion, people typical- driven, or "on-line,"processing occurs ly retrievetheir summary evaluation from when a judgmentis made as relevant in- memory, only dredgingup specificmem- formationis encountered.A key concept ory traces when pressed to give reasons in understandingthe on-line model of why
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Moderating Role of Ideological Thinking on Candidate Evaluation Lavine, Howard; Gschwend, Thomas
    www.ssoar.info Issues, party and character: the moderating role of ideological thinking on candidate evaluation Lavine, Howard; Gschwend, Thomas Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: SSG Sozialwissenschaften, USB Köln Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Lavine, H., & Gschwend, T. (2007). Issues, party and character: the moderating role of ideological thinking on candidate evaluation. British Journal of Political Science, 37(1), 139–163. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123407000075 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Discourse and Political Cognition
    CHAPTER 7 Political discourse and political cognition Teun A. van Dijk 1. Relating politics, cognition and discourse The aim of this chapter is to explore some of the relations between political discourse and political cognition. Separately, both interdisciplinary fields have recently received increasing attention, but unfortunately the connection between the two has largely been ignored: Political psychology has not shown much interest in discourse, and vice versa, most scholars interested in political discourse disregard the cognitive foundations of such discourse. And yet, the relationships involved are as obvious as they are interesting. The study of political cognition largely deals with the mental representations people share as political actors. Our knowledge and opinions about politi- cians, parties or presidents are largely acquired, changed or confirmed by various forms of text and talk during our socialization (Merelman 1986), formal education, media usage and conversation. Thus, political information processing often is a form of discourse processing, also because much political action and participation is accomplished by discourse and communication. On the other hand, a study of political discourse is theoretically and empirically relevant only when discourse structures can be related to proper- ties of political structures and processes. The latter however usually require an account at the macro-level of political analysis, whereas the former rather belong to a micro-level approach. This well-known gap can only be ad- equately bridged with a sophisticated theory of political cognition. Such a theory needs to explicitly connect the individual uniqueness and variation of political discourse and interaction with the socially shared political represen- tations of political groups and institutions.
    [Show full text]
  • Cognitive Reflection and the 2016 US Presidential Election
    Published as "Cognitive Reflection and the 2016 US CRT & Conservatism 1 Presidential Election." Pennycook, Gordon, and David G. Rand. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin Vol. 45, No. 2 (2019): 224-239. DOI: 10.1177/0146167218783192 RUNNING HEAD: CRT AND THE 2016 ELECTION Cognitive Reflection and the 2016 US Presidential Election Gordon Pennycook1* & David G. Rand1,2,3 1Department of Psychology, 2Department of Economics, 3School of Management, Yale University, 1 Prospect Street, New Haven, CT 06511, USA *Corresponding author: [email protected] First upload date: January 26th, 2018 This upload date: May 19th, 2018 Word count: 10,266 CRT & Conservatism 2 Abstract We present a large exploratory study (N = 15,001) investigating the relationship between cognitive reflection and political affiliation, ideology, and voting in the 2016 Presidential Election. We find that Trump voters are less reflective than Clinton voters or third-party voters. However, much (although not all) of this difference was driven by Democrats who chose Trump. Among Republicans, conversely, Clinton and Trump voters were similar whereas third-party voters were more reflective. Furthermore, although Democrats/liberals were somewhat more reflective than Republicans/conservatives overall, political moderates and non-voters were least reflective whereas Libertarians were most reflective. Thus, beyond the previously theorized correlation between analytic thinking and liberalism, these data suggest three additional consequences of reflectiveness (or lack thereof) for political cognition: 1) Facilitating political apathy versus engagement, 2) Supporting the adoption of orthodoxy versus heterodoxy, and 3) Drawing individuals toward candidates who share their cognitive style, and towards policy proposals which are intuitively compelling. Key Words: political ideology; 2016 election; cognitive reflection; intuition; dual process theory CRT & Conservatism 3 That experience taught me a few things.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Psychology and Choice
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Departmental Papers (ASC) Annenberg School for Communication 2007 Political Psychology and Choice Diana C. Mutz University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers Part of the Social Influence and oliticalP Communication Commons Recommended Citation (OVERRIDE) Mutz, D. (2007). Political Psychology and Choice in Russell J. Dalton and Hans-Dieter Klingemann, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior. Oxford University Press. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/617 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Political Psychology and Choice Abstract This article discusses political psychology and choice, starting with an overview of the recent emphasis on the importance of emotion in understanding political choices. This is followed by a discussion of the research that deals with the ability of citizens to process information without any bias. It then highlights the contributions of methodological innovations to an understanding of political psychology. The article concludes with several reflections on the political psychologists' emphasis on the importance of information, cognition, and rationality in research for the past few decades. Keywords political psychology, political choices, importance of emotion, methodological innovations Disciplines Communication | Social and Behavioral Sciences | Social Influence and Political Communication This book chapter
    [Show full text]
  • Affective Contagion in Effortful Political Thinking
    bs_bs_banner Political Psychology, Vol. 35, No. 2, 2014 doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00937.x Affective Contagion in Effortful Political Thinking Cengiz Erisen TOBB University of Economics and Technology Milton Lodge Stony Brook University Charles S. Taber Stony Brook University We offer a theory of motivated political reasoning based on the claim that the feelings aroused in the initial stages of processing sociopolitical information inevitably color all phases of the evaluation process. When a citizen is called on to express a judgment, the considerations that enter into conscious rumination will be biased by the valence of initial affect. This article reports the results of two experiments that test our affective contagion hypothesis—unnoticed affective cues influence the retrieval and construction of conscious considerations in the direction of affective congruence. We then test whether these affectively congruent considerations influence subsequently reported policy evaluations, which we call affective mediation. In short, the considerations that come consciously to mind to inform and to support the attitude construction process are biased systematically by the feelings that are aroused in the earliest stages of processing. This underlying affective bias in processing drives motivated reasoning and rationalization in political thinking. KEY WORDS: affect priming, political thinking, motivated reasoning, mediation Political scientists conventionally explain political behavior as the product of conscious delib- eration, in which attitudes,
    [Show full text]
  • Political Cognition POLS 8790
    Political Cognition POLS 8790 Professor Stephen P. Nicholson Spring 2021 Office Hours: by appointment [email protected] Course Description The seminar is intended to provide students with an understanding of political cognition, a topic that approaches the study of political attitudes and behavior from the perspective of psychology and cognitive science. Central to political cognition is information processing, the mental operations that explain how people think, reason, and feel about the political world. Over the course of the semester, we will engage a variety of cognitive approaches, focusing on deliberative, automatic, and affective mental processes. Although many concepts have been imported from psychology and cognitive science, many of which we will consider, there is still much to be learned from these disciplines so we will also cover some theories and concepts that have yet to be given much attention by political scientists. Given that the foundational work on cognition is primarily from disciplines outside political science, the class will have a strong interdisciplinary flavor. Accordingly, many foundational readings from political science will not be covered in this seminar. The seminar is meant to compliment a traditional political behavior seminar, not serve as a substitute. No prerequisites other than graduate standing are required, however. Requirements and Expectations Students will be assessed according to their knowledge of the course materials and their ability to analyze, explain, and apply their knowledge to new and different contexts. Students are expected to attend the seminar and do all the readings. The assigned materials should be read in advance of that week’s topic. Discussions will be based on the assumption that you have completed the reading for that day.
    [Show full text]
  • Robert C. Luskin University of Texas at Austin Government
    Government 381S Robert C. Luskin Spring, 2019 University of Texas at Austin Unique number: Monday, 6:30-9:30, BAT 15.102 38470 Office: BAT 3.148 Email: [email protected] Phone: 650-380-0430 Office Hours: M 3:00-4:00, T 2:30-3:30, W 3:00-4:00, & by appointment Political Sophistication This course is about cognitive engagement in politics—a dimension on which people vary enormously, from those who are walking New Republics or National Reviews or Guardians or Figaros to those who don't know who the President or Prime Minister is. (There are some.) And this variation matters, in ways we shall explore. Perhaps the broadest variable under this heading is political sophistication (a.k.a. aware- ness, cognitive complexity, or expertise): a matter of both the quantity and the organization of political cognition (regardless of accuracy). Closely related variables include political infor- mation (a matter simply of quantity, regardless of organization or accuracy), knowledge (the quantity of accurate cognition), and misinformation (the quantity of inaccurate cognition). We consider this whole family of variables: how best to measure them, who has how much of them and why, and to what extent and how they flavor political attitudes and behaviors. Many of the readings and much of the discussion will focus on these variables’ effects—on the recognition and efficient pursuit of one's interests; policy and electoral preferences; attitude ex- tremity; persuadability and the kinds of appeals most likely to persuade; political tolerance; the extent and direction of political participation; the weights given to candidate versus policy con- siderations in voting; etc.
    [Show full text]
  • Fall 2015 PSYCHOLOGY of POLITICAL
    Fall 2015 PSYCHOLOGY OF POLITICAL BEHAVIOR 790-586 Mondays, 3:00 - 5:40, Hickman 313 Professor: Richard R. Lau Phone: (848) 932-6685 Email: [email protected] Office Hours: Tues, 2 - 4, 505 Hickman Hall; and by appointment. To the extent that political scientists study individual political beliefs and behavior, they rely heavily on theories from psychology. Studies of international relations, political culture, public opinion and voting behavior, race, ethnicity and gender, etc., all rely to a greater or lesser extent on some psychological theory of individual behavior. This course looks explicitly at the interface between psychology and politics, especially public opinion and voting behavior (as American politics is the area of politic science I know best). We will occasionally all read applications of political psychology to other subfields, however, and I encourage each of you to explore some of the political psychology literature from other subfields. I have chosen seven broad topic areas in which interesting research is being conducted in political psychology. For each of these seven areas, we will initially spend some class time -- in several cases an entire class period -- obtaining a general overview of psychological theory, and then spend a class or two looking at the research applying those psychological theories to political science. Again, the political science research will generally be in the area of American politics, but the psychology theories we learn should be applicable to research in other areas of political science as well, including certainly all of the subfields in our department. Requirements The course assumes at least a passing acquaintance with research in American politics (as one would learn from the American politics proseminar), comparative politics, international relations, and/or women and politics, as these are the substantive areas of political science which have most strongly utilized ideas and theories from psychology.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Sophistication and Presidential Candidate Considerations: Disentangling the Effects of Knowledge, Interest, and Media Exposure
    Political Sophistication and Presidential Candidate Considerations: Disentangling the Effects of Knowledge, Interest, and Media Exposure Jeff R. DeWitt Answers to political sophistication questions are typically tied to theoretical or normative assumptions, which produce given sets of operational guidelines. In this study, I develop an under- standing of election specific expertise, conceived of as three distinct dimensions—knowledge, inter- est, and media exposure. This methodological approach helps provide a richer appreciation of the unique effects of each dimension on the nature, number, and breadth of candidate considerations employed by voters. Results lend support for the overriding claim that sophistication is a critical source of heterogeneity within the American electorate. The classic democratic competency standard of an issue-driven voting public is achieved through a more knowledgeable, interested citizenry. At the same time, knowledge and interest produce divergent influences on particular types of personal- ity-based candidate evaluations while media exposure is most remarkable for its absence of explana- tory value. Scholars have long noted how the American public falls short of the classic democratic ideal—the normative benchmark of an issue-focused, ideologically-driven citizenry. Evidence indicates that people are largely unsophisticated about political issues and candidates’ public policy posi- tions, and this reality may have become appreciably more pronounced over the past few decades (Delli Carpini and Keeter 1991;
    [Show full text]
  • Confounding Classic Models of Voter Behaviour: the Challenge of Automatic Cognition
    Confounding classic models of voter behaviour: The challenge of automatic cognition Tim Abray-Nyman, PhD Candidate Department of Political Studies, Queen’s University Paper prepared for the Canadian Political Science Association Conference, Victoria, BC, June 6, 2013 *not to be cited until final publication online Abstract This paper examines the dissonance at the intersection of classic, social-psychological models of voter behaviour and contemporary, multidisciplinary investigations of non-conscious – or automatic – cognitive processes. Taking inspiration from researchers such as Paul Quirk and James Kuklinski, the paper explores the assumptions at work in classic social-psychological voter-behaviour research and suggests a reassessment of those models in light of contemporary cognitive science. While significant advances have been made, the dominant mode of voter-behaviour inquiry remains largely within the sphere of the Michigan tradition – a tradition rooted in classic social psychology that focuses on models of active, systematic cognition, heavily influenced by classic models of social and economic interaction. What these studies do not take into account – in Canada and elsewhere – is the influence of non-conscious, automatic processes of cognition. This paper explores readily available avenues of investigation into phenomena often miscategorized as, for example, instances of irrationality or voter error. This paper demonstrates that this mode of inquiry is ripe with explanatory and predictive potential – not for the purposes of depriving voters of their essential, rational humanity but, rather, to improve our understanding of our innate strengths and weaknesses when engaging with such a complex and demanding process as participatory democracy. This paper is the first installment in a course of ongoing theoretical and experimental research intended to incorporate contemporary models of cognition into our theories of voter-behaviour and political communication.
    [Show full text]
  • The Declining Relevance of Candidate Personal Attributes in Presidential Elections
    The Declining Relevance of Candidate Personal Attributes in Presidential Elections MARTIN P. WATTENBERG University of California, Irvine This article examines sixty years of data from the American National Election Stud- ies, and finds that the electorate’s focus on candidate attributes has declined substantially. Whereas 80% of respondents had mentioned personal attributes in the past, in recent elec- tions only about 60% have done so. Furthermore, such comments are now more tied to par- tisan identification and have less of an independent impact on voting behavior. The chances of presidential image makers successfully making a difference by emphasizing a president’s personal character are now much less than in the era of Johnson, Nixon, and Reagan. As Abraham Lincoln famously said, “Nearly all men can stand adversity, but if you want to test a man’s character give him power.” Because the presidency is a uniquely per- sonal and powerful office, there is ample evidence that character matters enormously in terms of governing, as Fred Greenstein (2009) has so aptly noted in The Presidential Dif- ference. Furthermore, American presidential elections are inherently personal contests, as unlike in parliamentary systems, voters are able to cast a vote directly for the nation’s chief executive. Recognizing how factors like personal integrity, competence, reliability and leadership skills have made a difference in past presidencies, American voters natu- rally take such factors into account when they cast their ballots. Journalists are typically the most aware of the personal factor in presidential elec- tions. It is hard not to ignore candidates’ personal attributes after spending day after day riding on the same planes and buses with them, listening to their speeches, and asking questions whenever given the opportunity.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Cognition As Social Cognition: Are We All Political Sophisticates?
    Political Cognition as Social Cognition 49 states is thought to have facilitated cooperation and thus complex social CHAPTER THREE structures (Lewis, Amini, and Lannon zooo), but monitoring the emo- tional and mental states of others requires a constant vigilance (Chance Political Cognition as Social Cognition: and Mead 1953). It is believed that the demands of increasingly complex social environments drove a cognitive arms race with competitive pres- Are We All Political Sophisticates? sures leading to larger neo-cortices capable of navigating the politics of larger tribal groupings (Barton and Dunbar 1997; Dunbar 1993). One the- DARREN SCHREIBER ory arising from this literature is that Robinson Crusoe's mental capac- ity for solving the technical problems of his mere survival evolved as an incidental benefit from the mental capacity for solving the more complex social problems that he faced (Humphrey 1976; Whiten and Byrne 1988; but see Oakley 1964). Because there are so many different problems that result from so- cial living, it has been argued that social intelligence is not a monolithic Participation in national-level politics has been the focus of much of the phenomenon but, rather, a collection of intelligences that evolved to solve political behavior literature. From seminal works such as The People's particular problems in the social environment (Gigerenzer 1997; Cosmides Choice (Lazarsfeld, Berelson, and Gaudet 1948), The American Voter and Tooby 2002). Andrew Whiten and Richard Byrne (1997) note that the (Campbell et al. 1960), Public Opinion and American Democracy (Key social intelligence exhibited by primates reflects a delicate subtlety re- 1961), and An Economic Theory of Democracy (Downs 1957) to more con- quiring at least a basic ability to manipulate the behavioral, emotional, temporary work such as The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion (Zaller and mental states of others and label this intelligence Machiavellian, not i992), the theoretical focus and empirical examples have drawn from na- because it is callous but because it is subtle.
    [Show full text]