Political Discourse and Political Cognition
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BDOHP Biographical Details and Index Lord Wright of Richmond
BDOHP Biographical details and index Lord Wright of Richmond (28.06.31-06.03.20) - career outline with, on right, relevant page numbers in the memoir to the career stage. Served Royal Artillery, 1950–51 p 3 Joined Diplomatic Service, 1955 pp 2-3 Middle East Centre for Arabic Studies, 1956–57 pp 3-6 Third Secretary, British Embassy, Beirut, 1958–60 - Private Secretary to Ambassador and later First Secretary, pp 12-15 British Embassy, Washington, 1960–65 Private Secretary to Permanent Under-Secretary, FO, 1965–67 pp 10-11 First Secretary and Head of Chancery, Cairo, 1967–70 - Deputy Political Resident, Bahrain, 1971–72 - Head of Middle East Department, FCO, 1972–74 - Private Secretary (Overseas Affairs) to Prime Minister, 1974–77 pp 7-10, 25, 34-35 Ambassador to Luxembourg, 1977–79 pp 30-31 Ambassador to Syria, 1979–81 pp 30-33 Deputy Under-Secretary of State, FCO, 1982–84 - Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, 1984–86 pp 33-34, 36 Permanent Under-Secretary of State and Head pp 11-12, of Diplomatic Service, 1986–91. 16-18, 21, 30 Member, Security Commission, 1993–2002. - General comments on Middle East and United States, pp 6-8; political versus professional diplomatic appointments, pp 15-20; retirement age in diplomatic service, pp 21-23; recruitment, pp 23-25; Foreign Office image, pp 38-40; John Major, pp 40-42; leaking of restricted papers, pp 43-45. Lord Wright of Richmond This is Malcolm McBain interviewing Lord Wright of Richmond at his home in East Sheen on Monday, 16 October 2000. MMcB: “Lord Wright, you were born in 1931, educated at Marlborough and Merton College, Oxford, you did a couple of years’ national service in the Royal Artillery, and then joined the Diplomatic Service, presumably after going to Oxford, in 1965. -
Discussing What Prime Ministers Are For
Discussing what Prime Ministers are for PETER HENNESSY New Labour has a lot to answer for on this front. They On 13 October 2014, Lord Hennessy of Nympsfield FBA, had seen what the press was doing to John Major from Attlee Professor of Contemporary British History at Queen Black Wednesday onwards – relentless attacks on him, Mary, University of London, delivered the first British which bothered him deeply.1 And they were determined Academy Lecture in Politics and Government, on ‘What that this wouldn’t happen to them. So they went into are Prime Ministers for?’ A video recording of the lecture the business of creating permanent rebuttal capabilities. and an article published in the Journal of the British Academy If somebody said something offensive about the can be found via www.britishacademy.ac.uk/events/2014/ Government on the Today programme, they would make every effort to put it right by the World at One. They went The following article contains edited extracts from the into this kind of mania of permanent rebuttal, which question and answer session that followed the lecture. means that you don’t have time to reflect before reacting to events. It’s arguable now that, if the Government doesn’t Do we expect Prime Ministers to do too much? react to events immediately, other people’s versions of breaking stories (circulating through social media etc.) I think it was 1977 when the Procedure Committee in will make the pace, and it won’t be able to get back on the House of Commons wanted the Prime Minister to be top of an issue. -
The Moderating Role of Ideological Thinking on Candidate Evaluation Lavine, Howard; Gschwend, Thomas
www.ssoar.info Issues, party and character: the moderating role of ideological thinking on candidate evaluation Lavine, Howard; Gschwend, Thomas Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: SSG Sozialwissenschaften, USB Köln Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Lavine, H., & Gschwend, T. (2007). Issues, party and character: the moderating role of ideological thinking on candidate evaluation. British Journal of Political Science, 37(1), 139–163. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123407000075 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. -
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript Date: Thursday, 24 May 2007 - 12:00AM PRIME MINISTERS IN THE POST-WAR WORLD: ALEC DOUGLAS-HOME D.R. Thorpe After Andrew Bonar Law's funeral in Westminster Abbey in November 1923, Herbert Asquith observed, 'It is fitting that we should have buried the Unknown Prime Minister by the side of the Unknown Soldier'. Asquith owed Bonar Law no posthumous favours, and intended no ironic compliment, but the remark was a serious under-estimate. In post-war politics Alec Douglas-Home is often seen as the Bonar Law of his times, bracketed with his fellow Scot as an interim figure in the history of Downing Street between longer serving Premiers; in Bonar Law's case, Lloyd George and Stanley Baldwin, in Home's, Harold Macmillan and Harold Wilson. Both Law and Home were certainly 'unexpected' Prime Ministers, but both were also 'under-estimated' and they made lasting beneficial changes to the political system, both on a national and a party level. The unexpectedness of their accessions to the top of the greasy pole, and the brevity of their Premierships (they were the two shortest of the 20th century, Bonar Law's one day short of seven months, Alec Douglas-Home's two days short of a year), are not an accurate indication of their respective significance, even if the precise details of their careers were not always accurately recalled, even by their admirers. The Westminster village is often another world to the general public. Stanley Baldwin was once accosted on a train from Chequers to London, at the height of his fame, by a former school friend. -
Cognitive Reflection and the 2016 US Presidential Election
Published as "Cognitive Reflection and the 2016 US CRT & Conservatism 1 Presidential Election." Pennycook, Gordon, and David G. Rand. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin Vol. 45, No. 2 (2019): 224-239. DOI: 10.1177/0146167218783192 RUNNING HEAD: CRT AND THE 2016 ELECTION Cognitive Reflection and the 2016 US Presidential Election Gordon Pennycook1* & David G. Rand1,2,3 1Department of Psychology, 2Department of Economics, 3School of Management, Yale University, 1 Prospect Street, New Haven, CT 06511, USA *Corresponding author: [email protected] First upload date: January 26th, 2018 This upload date: May 19th, 2018 Word count: 10,266 CRT & Conservatism 2 Abstract We present a large exploratory study (N = 15,001) investigating the relationship between cognitive reflection and political affiliation, ideology, and voting in the 2016 Presidential Election. We find that Trump voters are less reflective than Clinton voters or third-party voters. However, much (although not all) of this difference was driven by Democrats who chose Trump. Among Republicans, conversely, Clinton and Trump voters were similar whereas third-party voters were more reflective. Furthermore, although Democrats/liberals were somewhat more reflective than Republicans/conservatives overall, political moderates and non-voters were least reflective whereas Libertarians were most reflective. Thus, beyond the previously theorized correlation between analytic thinking and liberalism, these data suggest three additional consequences of reflectiveness (or lack thereof) for political cognition: 1) Facilitating political apathy versus engagement, 2) Supporting the adoption of orthodoxy versus heterodoxy, and 3) Drawing individuals toward candidates who share their cognitive style, and towards policy proposals which are intuitively compelling. Key Words: political ideology; 2016 election; cognitive reflection; intuition; dual process theory CRT & Conservatism 3 That experience taught me a few things. -
Political Psychology and Choice
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Departmental Papers (ASC) Annenberg School for Communication 2007 Political Psychology and Choice Diana C. Mutz University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers Part of the Social Influence and oliticalP Communication Commons Recommended Citation (OVERRIDE) Mutz, D. (2007). Political Psychology and Choice in Russell J. Dalton and Hans-Dieter Klingemann, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior. Oxford University Press. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/617 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Political Psychology and Choice Abstract This article discusses political psychology and choice, starting with an overview of the recent emphasis on the importance of emotion in understanding political choices. This is followed by a discussion of the research that deals with the ability of citizens to process information without any bias. It then highlights the contributions of methodological innovations to an understanding of political psychology. The article concludes with several reflections on the political psychologists' emphasis on the importance of information, cognition, and rationality in research for the past few decades. Keywords political psychology, political choices, importance of emotion, methodological innovations Disciplines Communication | Social and Behavioral Sciences | Social Influence and Political Communication This book chapter -
Affective Contagion in Effortful Political Thinking
bs_bs_banner Political Psychology, Vol. 35, No. 2, 2014 doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00937.x Affective Contagion in Effortful Political Thinking Cengiz Erisen TOBB University of Economics and Technology Milton Lodge Stony Brook University Charles S. Taber Stony Brook University We offer a theory of motivated political reasoning based on the claim that the feelings aroused in the initial stages of processing sociopolitical information inevitably color all phases of the evaluation process. When a citizen is called on to express a judgment, the considerations that enter into conscious rumination will be biased by the valence of initial affect. This article reports the results of two experiments that test our affective contagion hypothesis—unnoticed affective cues influence the retrieval and construction of conscious considerations in the direction of affective congruence. We then test whether these affectively congruent considerations influence subsequently reported policy evaluations, which we call affective mediation. In short, the considerations that come consciously to mind to inform and to support the attitude construction process are biased systematically by the feelings that are aroused in the earliest stages of processing. This underlying affective bias in processing drives motivated reasoning and rationalization in political thinking. KEY WORDS: affect priming, political thinking, motivated reasoning, mediation Political scientists conventionally explain political behavior as the product of conscious delib- eration, in which attitudes, -
Political Cognition POLS 8790
Political Cognition POLS 8790 Professor Stephen P. Nicholson Spring 2021 Office Hours: by appointment [email protected] Course Description The seminar is intended to provide students with an understanding of political cognition, a topic that approaches the study of political attitudes and behavior from the perspective of psychology and cognitive science. Central to political cognition is information processing, the mental operations that explain how people think, reason, and feel about the political world. Over the course of the semester, we will engage a variety of cognitive approaches, focusing on deliberative, automatic, and affective mental processes. Although many concepts have been imported from psychology and cognitive science, many of which we will consider, there is still much to be learned from these disciplines so we will also cover some theories and concepts that have yet to be given much attention by political scientists. Given that the foundational work on cognition is primarily from disciplines outside political science, the class will have a strong interdisciplinary flavor. Accordingly, many foundational readings from political science will not be covered in this seminar. The seminar is meant to compliment a traditional political behavior seminar, not serve as a substitute. No prerequisites other than graduate standing are required, however. Requirements and Expectations Students will be assessed according to their knowledge of the course materials and their ability to analyze, explain, and apply their knowledge to new and different contexts. Students are expected to attend the seminar and do all the readings. The assigned materials should be read in advance of that week’s topic. Discussions will be based on the assumption that you have completed the reading for that day. -
An Impression-Driven Model of Candidate Evaluation Author(S): Milton Lodge, Kathleen M
An Impression-Driven Model of Candidate Evaluation Author(s): Milton Lodge, Kathleen M. McGraw, Patrick Stroh Source: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 83, No. 2 (Jun., 1989), pp. 399-419 Published by: American Political Science Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1962397 Accessed: 23/02/2010 11:56 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=apsa. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Political Science Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Political Science Review. http://www.jstor.org AN IMPRESSION-DRIVENMODEL OF CANDIDATE EVALUATION MILTON LODGE KATHLEEN M. -
Robert C. Luskin University of Texas at Austin Government
Government 381S Robert C. Luskin Spring, 2019 University of Texas at Austin Unique number: Monday, 6:30-9:30, BAT 15.102 38470 Office: BAT 3.148 Email: [email protected] Phone: 650-380-0430 Office Hours: M 3:00-4:00, T 2:30-3:30, W 3:00-4:00, & by appointment Political Sophistication This course is about cognitive engagement in politics—a dimension on which people vary enormously, from those who are walking New Republics or National Reviews or Guardians or Figaros to those who don't know who the President or Prime Minister is. (There are some.) And this variation matters, in ways we shall explore. Perhaps the broadest variable under this heading is political sophistication (a.k.a. aware- ness, cognitive complexity, or expertise): a matter of both the quantity and the organization of political cognition (regardless of accuracy). Closely related variables include political infor- mation (a matter simply of quantity, regardless of organization or accuracy), knowledge (the quantity of accurate cognition), and misinformation (the quantity of inaccurate cognition). We consider this whole family of variables: how best to measure them, who has how much of them and why, and to what extent and how they flavor political attitudes and behaviors. Many of the readings and much of the discussion will focus on these variables’ effects—on the recognition and efficient pursuit of one's interests; policy and electoral preferences; attitude ex- tremity; persuadability and the kinds of appeals most likely to persuade; political tolerance; the extent and direction of political participation; the weights given to candidate versus policy con- siderations in voting; etc. -
Fall 2015 PSYCHOLOGY of POLITICAL
Fall 2015 PSYCHOLOGY OF POLITICAL BEHAVIOR 790-586 Mondays, 3:00 - 5:40, Hickman 313 Professor: Richard R. Lau Phone: (848) 932-6685 Email: [email protected] Office Hours: Tues, 2 - 4, 505 Hickman Hall; and by appointment. To the extent that political scientists study individual political beliefs and behavior, they rely heavily on theories from psychology. Studies of international relations, political culture, public opinion and voting behavior, race, ethnicity and gender, etc., all rely to a greater or lesser extent on some psychological theory of individual behavior. This course looks explicitly at the interface between psychology and politics, especially public opinion and voting behavior (as American politics is the area of politic science I know best). We will occasionally all read applications of political psychology to other subfields, however, and I encourage each of you to explore some of the political psychology literature from other subfields. I have chosen seven broad topic areas in which interesting research is being conducted in political psychology. For each of these seven areas, we will initially spend some class time -- in several cases an entire class period -- obtaining a general overview of psychological theory, and then spend a class or two looking at the research applying those psychological theories to political science. Again, the political science research will generally be in the area of American politics, but the psychology theories we learn should be applicable to research in other areas of political science as well, including certainly all of the subfields in our department. Requirements The course assumes at least a passing acquaintance with research in American politics (as one would learn from the American politics proseminar), comparative politics, international relations, and/or women and politics, as these are the substantive areas of political science which have most strongly utilized ideas and theories from psychology. -
The Conservative Party's Leadership Election
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Essex Research Repository THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY’S LEADERSHIP ELECTION OF 2016: CHOOSING A LEADER IN GOVERNMENT Corresponding author: Thomas Quinn Department of Government University of Essex Wivenhoe Park Colchester CO4 3SQ Email: [email protected] This is a post-peer-review, pre-copyedit version of an article published in British Politics. DOI: 10.1057/s41293-018-0071-2 Accepted for publication: 2 January 2018 The Conservative Party’s Leadership Election of 2016: Choosing a Leader in Government Abstract This paper examines the British Conservative Party’s leadership election of 2016, held in the aftermath of the UK’s referendum vote to leave the European Union. The paper analyses the contest using Stark’s theoretical framework, which assumes that leaders are chosen according to a hierarchy of criteria: acceptability, electability and competence, in that order. The eventual victor, Theresa May, was indeed the strongest candidate on all three criteria. However, electability appeared subordinate to competence during the contest. Electability is usually regarded as more basic than competence because parties must first win elections before they can start governing. However, governing parties are already in office and new leaders chosen mid-term must begin governing immediately. Current competence in office may be a prerequisite for future electability. The paper reviews other post-war leadership elections in Britain and finds that competence normally superseded electability as a selection criterion in governing parties. This finding implies a modification of Stark’s framework. Key words: Conservative Party; EU referendum; leadership elections; prime ministers; Theresa May 1 Britain’s historic referendum vote in June 2016 to leave the European Union (EU) unleashed an immediate wave of political instability in the country.