Market Shocks and Newspaper Ideology: Evidence from Taiwan
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Taiwan: Major U.S. Arms Sales Since 1990
Order Code RL30957 CRS Report for Congress .Received through the CRS Web Taiwan: Major U.S. Arms Sales Since 1990 Updated July 5, 2005 Shirley A. Kan Specialist in National Security Policy Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Taiwan: Major U.S. Arms Sales Since 1990 Summary This report, updated as warranted, discusses U.S. security assistance to Taiwan, or Republic of China (ROC), including policy issues for Congress and legislation. The Taiwan Relations Act (TRA), P.L. 96-8, has governed U.S. arms sales to Taiwan since 1979, when the United States recognized the People’s Republic of China (PRC) instead of the ROC. Two other relevant parts of the “one China” policy are the August 17, 1982 U.S.-PRC Joint Communique and the “Six Assurances” made to Taiwan. (Also see CRS Report RL30341, China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy — Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei, by Shirley Kan.) Despite the absence of diplomatic relations or a defense treaty, U.S. arms sales to Taiwan have been significant. In addition, the United States has expanded military ties with Taiwan after the PRC’s missile firings in 1995-1996. At the U.S.-Taiwan arms sales talks on April 24, 2001, President George W. Bush approved for possible sale: diesel-electric submarines, P-3 anti-submarine warfare (ASW) aircraft (linked to the submarine sale), four decommissioned U.S. Kidd-class destroyers, and other items. Bush also deferred decisions on Aegis- equipped destroyers and other items, while denying other requests. -
European Parliament 2019-2024
European Parliament 2019-2024 TEXTS ADOPTED P9_TA(2021)0356 Hong Kong, notably the case of Apple Daily European Parliament resolution of 8 July 2021 on Hong Kong, notably the case of Apple Daily (2021/2786(RSP)) The European Parliament, – having regard to all its previous resolutions on Hong Kong, in particular those of 21 January 2021 on the crackdown on the democratic opposition in Hong Kong1, of 19 June 2020 on the PRC national security law for Hong Kong and the need for the EU to defend Kong Kong’s high degree of autonomy2, of 18 July 2019 on the situation in Hong Kong3 and of 24 November 2016 on the case of Gui Minhai, jailed publisher in China4, – having regard to its previous resolutions on China, in particular those of 20 May 2021 on Chinese countersanctions on EU entities and MEPs and MPs5, of 12 September 2018 on the state of EU-China relations6 and of 16 December 2015 on EU-China relations7, – having regard to its recommendation of 13 December 2017 to the Council, the Commission and the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (VP/HR) on Hong Kong, 20 years after handover8, – having regard to the joint statement by Members of the European Parliament David McAllister and Reinhard Bütikofer on the new national security law in Hong Kong of 1 July 2020, – having regard to the European Parliament Conference of Presidents’ press statement of 6 July 2020, – having regard to the statements by the Spokesperson of the European External Action Service (EEAS) of 23 June 2021 on the closure of Apple Daily’s Hong Kong operations 1 Texts adopted, P9_TA(2021)0027. -
The History and Politics of Taiwan's February 28
The History and Politics of Taiwan’s February 28 Incident, 1947- 2008 by Yen-Kuang Kuo BA, National Taiwan Univeristy, Taiwan, 1991 BA, University of Victoria, 2007 MA, University of Victoria, 2009 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the Department of History © Yen-Kuang Kuo, 2020 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This dissertation may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee The History and Politics of Taiwan’s February 28 Incident, 1947- 2008 by Yen-Kuang Kuo BA, National Taiwan Univeristy, Taiwan, 1991 BA, University of Victoria, 2007 MA, University of Victoria, 2009 Supervisory Committee Dr. Zhongping Chen, Supervisor Department of History Dr. Gregory Blue, Departmental Member Department of History Dr. John Price, Departmental Member Department of History Dr. Andrew Marton, Outside Member Department of Pacific and Asian Studies iii Abstract Taiwan’s February 28 Incident happened in 1947 as a set of popular protests against the postwar policies of the Nationalist Party, and it then sparked militant actions and political struggles of Taiwanese but ended with military suppression and political persecution by the Nanjing government. The Nationalist Party first defined the Incident as a rebellion by pro-Japanese forces and communist saboteurs. As the enemy of the Nationalist Party in China’s Civil War (1946-1949), the Chinese Communist Party initially interpreted the Incident as a Taiwanese fight for political autonomy in the party’s wartime propaganda, and then reinterpreted the event as an anti-Nationalist uprising under its own leadership. -
China Media Bulletin
Issue No. 154: May 2021 CHINA MEDIA BULLETIN Headlines ANALYSIS The Gutting of Hong Kong’s Public Broadcaster P2 IN THE NEWS • Regulators “clean up” internet ahead of CCP anniversary alongside censorship of Oscars, Bible apps, and Weibo P5 • Surveillance updates: Personal data-protection law advances, Apple compromises on user data, citizen backlash P6 • Criminal charges for COVID commentary, Uyghur religious expression, Tibetan WeChat use P7 • Hong Kong: Website blocks, netizen arrests, journalist beating, and Phoenix TV ownership change P9 • Beyond China: Beijing’s COVID-19 media strategy, waning propaganda impact in Europe, new US regulations to enhance transparency P10 FEATURED PUSHBACK Netizens demand transparency on Chengdu student’s death P12 WHAT TO WATCH FOR P13 TAKE ACTION P14 IMAGE OF THE MONTH Is RTHK History? This cartoon published on April 5 by a Hong Kong visual arts teacher is part of a series called “Hong Kong Today.” It depicts a fictional Hong Kong Museum of History, which includes among its exhibits two institutions that have been critical to the city’s freedom, but are being undermined by Chinese and Hong Kong government actions. The first is the Basic Law, the mini-constitution guaranteeing freedom of expression and other fundamental rights; the other is Radio Television Hong Kong (RTHK), the once-respected public broadcaster now facing a government takeover. The teacher who posted the cartoon is facing disciplinary action from the Education Department. Credit: @vawongsir Instagram Visit http://freedomhou.se/cmb_signup or email [email protected] to subscribe or submit items. CHINA MEDIA BULLETIN: MAY 2021 ANALYSIS The Gutting of Hong Kong’s Public Broadcaster By Sarah Cook A government takeover of Radio Television Hong Kong has far-reaching Sarah Cook is the implications. -
UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Essays on Political Economy of the Media Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/76c987rx Author Lam, Onyi Publication Date 2017 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Essays on Political Economy of the Media A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Economics by Onyi Lam Committee in charge: Professor Roger Gordon, Chair Professor Gordon Dahl Professor James Rauch Professor Molly Roberts Professor Kenneth Wilbur 2017 Copyright Onyi Lam, 2017 All rights reserved. The dissertation of Onyi Lam is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Chair University of California, San Diego 2017 iii DEDICATION To my parents, Heung Wah Lam and Sau Man Ho, and my city, Hong Kong iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page ....................................... iii Dedication ......................................... iv Table of Contents ..................................... v List of Figures ....................................... viii List of Tables ........................................ xi Acknowledgements ..................................... xiii Vita ............................................. xiv Abstract of Dissertation .................................. xv Chapter 1 Advertisers Capture: Evidence from Hong Kong ............. 1 1.1 Introduction -
DEFENDING a LANGUAGE: the CANTONESE UMBRELLA MOVEMENT by Joshua S
DEFENDING A LANGUAGE: THE CANTONESE UMBRELLA MOVEMENT by Joshua S. Bacon A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Purdue University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Communication at Purdue Fort Wayne Fort Wayne, Indiana May 2020 THE PURDUE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL STATEMENT OF COMMITTEE APPROVAL Dr. Wei Luo, Chair Department of Communication Dr. Steven A. Carr Department of Communication Dr. Assem A. Nasr Department of Communication Dr. Lee M. Roberts Department of International Language and Culture Studies Approved by: Dr. Wei Luo 2 Dedicated to the Cantonese people 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ...............................................................................................................................5 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................6 CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW.................................................................................... 15 Cantonese as a Hong Kong Identity Language ........................................................................ 15 Putonghua as a Colonizing Language ..................................................................................... 18 Cantonese in the Umbrella Movement .................................................................................... 23 Summary ................................................................................................................................ 24 CHAPTER 3. THEORY AND METHODS -
A Case Study of Hong Kong SAR and Its Implications to Chinese Foreign Policy
Paradiplomacy and its Constraints in a Quasi-Federal System – A Case Study of Hong Kong SAR and its Implications to Chinese Foreign Policy Wai-shun Wilson CHAN ([email protected]) Introduction Thank for the Umbrella Movement in 2014, Hong Kong has once again become the focal point of international media. Apart from focusing the tensions built among the government, the pro-Beijing camp and the protestors on the pathway and the pace for local democratization, some media reports have linked the movement with the Tiananmen Incident, and serves as a testing case whether “One Country, Two Systems” could be uphold under the new Xin Jinping leadership.1 While academics and commentators in Hong Kong and overseas tend to evaluate the proposition from increasing presence of Beijing in domestic politics and the decline of freedoms and rights enjoyed by civil society,2 little evaluation is conducted from the perspective of the external autonomy enjoyed by Hong Kong under “One Country, Two Systems”. In fact, the Sino-British Joint Declaration and the subsequent Basic Law have defined and elaborated the scope of Hong Kong’s autonomy in conducting external relations ‘with states, regions and relevant international organizations.’ 3 It is therefore tempted to suggest that the external autonomy enjoyed by Hong Kong SAR Government serves as the other pillar of “One Country, Two Systems”, giving an unique identity of Hong Kong in global politics which may be different from that possessed by mainland China. Though officially “One Country, Two Systems” practiced in Hong Kong (and Macao) is not recognized by Beijing as a federal arrangement between the Central People’s Government and Hong Kong SAR Government, the internal and external autonomy stipulated in the Basic Law gives Hong Kong similar, to some extent even more, power as a typical federated unit. -
Communiqué No
Taiwan Communiqué Published by: Formosan Association for Public Affairs 552 7th St. SE, Washington, D.C. 20003 Tel. (202) 547-3686 International edition, April / May 2013 Published 5 times a year 141 ISSN number: 1027-3999 Congressmen visit President Chen in jail On 2 May 2013, two prominent U.S. Congressmen, Mr. Steve Chabot (R-OH) and Mr. Eni Valeomavaega (D-Samoa) visited former President Chen in his cell in Pei-teh prison hospital Taichung, in central Taiwan. Chabot serves as the Chairman of the Subcommit- tee Asia & Pacific in the House Foreign Affairs Committee, while Valeomavaega is the Ranking Member. The visit came on the heels of Chen’s sudden transfer from the Veteran’s General Hospital in Taipei to the prison in Taichung on 19 April 2013 (see below). After the visit to Taichung, the Congressmen expressed concern about Chen’s health condition, and urged that Chen’s human rights should be respected. Chabot stated: “we think there is a humanitarian way to resolve the situation, and we would like to see that happen.” The visit came after several Photo: Liberty Times tumultuous weeks, which saw a groundswell of expressions of support for medical parole for Chen, both in Taiwan itself and overseas. This was supple- mented by medical reports from the team treating him at Taipei Veterans General Hospital TVGH), indicating that the best solution would be home care or treatment in a hospital near his home in Kaohsiung, which would have a specialized Congressmen Chabot and Faleomavaega after their psychiatry department. visit to Chen Shui-bian in Pei-teh Prison Hospital Taiwan Communiqué -2- April / May 2013 This led to the general expectation that the Ministry of Justice of the Ma government would grant a medical parole in the near future. -
Methodology Chinese Expat News Site Resists CCP Influence Stanford Internet Observatory
Methodology Chinese Expat News Site Resists CCP Influence Stanford Internet Observatory Methodology: Our data set contained 41,861 articles (article title, timestamp, author, views, URL) shared in the news section on Wenxuecity.com between January 1, 2019, and August 28, 2020. We categorized all outlets with at least 100 articles on Wenxue City (59 outlets) as either a publicly funded Western outlet (e.g. Voice of America, BBC), international media (e.g. New York Times, Liberty Times, United Daily News, Apple Daily), Beijing-friendly media (e.g. Hong Kong’s Sing Tao Daily), Chinese private media (e.g. Southern Metropolis Daily, Sohu.com), General News (“综合新闻” on Wenxue City and news aggregator ZAKER), or Chinese state media (e.g. China Daily, Xinhua). See the full list of authors and categories below. Together, these authors account for 63.3% of all articles on Wenxuecity.com within the analyzed period. We reserved the Beijing-friendly categorization for private outlets, both domestic and international, that third parties had categorized as CCP-influenced, or that had a documented instance of major censorship or had undergone a transition in ownership that led them to self-censor or take on other CCP-oriented practices. For example, despite being published in the United States, the Chinese-language newspaper The China Press (侨报) was rated by the Jamestown Foundation as one of four major overseas Chinese newspapers directly or indirectly controlled by Beijing. Due to the censorship of Weibo, Weibo bloggers such as the famous blogger 牛弹琴 (“cow who plays piano”) were also categorized as Beijing-friendly. The categorization of Chinese state media was made based on the leadership of the outlet. -
Detecting Digital Fingerprints: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan
Detecting Digital Fingerprints: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan By: A Joint Report from: Nick Monaco Institute for the Future’s Digital Intelligence Lab Melanie Smith Graphika Amy Studdart The International Republican Institute 08 / 2020 Acknowledgments The authors and organizations who produced this report are deeply grateful to our partners in Taiwan, who generously provided time and insights to help this project come to fruition. This report was only possible due to the incredible dedication of the civil society and academic community in Taiwan, which should inspire any democracy looking to protect itself from malign actors. Members of this community For their assistance in several include but are not limited to: aspects of this report the authors also thank: All Interview Subjects g0v.tw Projects Gary Schmitt 0archive Marina Gorbis Cofacts Nate Teblunthuis DoubleThink Lab Sylvie Liaw Taiwan FactCheck Center Sam Woolley The Reporter Katie Joseff Taiwan Foundation for Democracy Camille François Global Taiwan Institute Daniel Twining National Chengchi University Election Johanna Kao Study Center David Shullman Prospect Foundation Adam King Chris Olsen Hsieh Yauling The Dragon’s Digital Fingerprint: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan 2 Graphika is the network Institute for the Future’s The International Republican analysis firm that empowers (IFTF) Digital Intelligence Lab Institute (IRI) is one of the Fortune 500 companies, (DigIntel) is a social scientific world’s leading international Silicon Valley, human rights research entity conducting democracy development organizations, and universities work on the most pressing organizations. The nonpartisan, to navigate the cybersocial issues at the intersection of nongovernmental institute terrain. With rigorous and technology and society. -
ENCROACHMENTS on PRESS FREEDOM in HONG KONG Threatened Harbor Encroachments on Press Freedom in Hong Kong
THREATENED HARBOR ENCROACHMENTS ON PRESS FREEDOM IN HONG KONG Threatened Harbor Encroachments on Press Freedom in Hong Kong January 16, 2015 © PEN American Center 2015 All rights reserved PEN American Center is the largest branch of PEN International, the world’s leading literary and human rights organization. PEN works in more than 100 countries to protect free expression and to defend writers and journalists who are imprisoned, threatened, persecuted, or attacked in the course of their profession. PEN America’s 3,700 members stand together with more than 20,000 PEN writers worldwide in international literary fellowship to carry on the achievements of such past members as James Baldwin, Robert Frost, Allen Ginsberg, Langston Hughes, Arthur Miller, Eugene O’Neill, Susan Sontag, and John Steinbeck. For more information, please visit www.pen.org. Cover photograph: © Gareth Hayes, Creative Commons CONTENTS Introduction 4 Report Framework and Methodology 6 Legal Framework 7 Challenges to Press Freedom in Hong Kong 9 Physical Assaults on Journalists 9 Attacks on and Obstruction of Media During the Pro-Democracy Protests 11 Threats to Free Expression Online 14 Politically Motivated Censorship and Removal of Media Figures 17 Politically Motivated Economic Pressures on Media Outlets 20 Recommendations 22 References 23 Appendix: Alleged Incidents of Violence Against Journalists During the 2014 Pro-Democracy Protests As Reported to the Hong Kong Journalists Association 23 INTRODUCTION Hong Kong has long enjoyed a vibrant, diverse, and independent passed in 1990 by the Chinese National People’s Congress, also media and a unique position as a window into mainland China. explicitly protects the rights of Hong Kong’s residents through Local and foreign correspondents make use of Hong Kong’s the year 2047, including the freedom of speech, freedom of unique geopolitical position, cosmopolitanism, and strong the press, and freedom of assembly. -
Hong Kong * Freedomhouse.Org
https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2014/hong-kong#.VUk1eRqhizo.cleanprint Hong Kong * freedomhouse.org Freedom of expression is protected by law, and Hong Kong media remained lively in their criticism of the territory’s government and to a lesser extent the Chinese central government in 2013. However, press freedom was threatened by mainland China’s growing economic power, which has allowed it to exert greater influence over the media in Hong Kong. Over the course of the year, government restrictions on access to information persisted, and violent attacks against journalists and media executives increased significantly, with many cases remaining unsolved. Under Article 27 of the Basic Law, Hong Kong residents enjoy freedoms of speech, press, and publication, and these rights are generally upheld by the territory’s independent courts. However, they risk being undermined by the power of the National People’s Congress (NPC), China’s rubber-stamp parliament, to make final interpretations of the Basic Law, as well as by Chinese surveillance in the territory and the mainland economic interests of local media owners. Hong Kong’s Defamation Ordinance outlines defamation as a civil offense punishable by a fine. Although the ordinance includes a definition of criminal libel, that clause has rarely been used in court. In February 2013, the territory’s top leader, Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying, demanded the retraction of a news article that he considered “defamatory.” Hong Kong has no freedom of information (FOI) law. An administrative code is intended to ensure open access to government information, but official adherence is inconsistent, prompting local journalists and watchdog groups to urge the government to give freedom of information requirements the force of law.