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Adoption and Fami1y Reproduction in Ear1y Modem Japanユ）

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Adoption and Fami1y Reproduction in Ear1y Modem Japanユ） 経済研究 Vo1．64，No．1，Jan．20ユ3 小特集1アジアにおける長期経済発展 Adoption and Fami1y Reproduction in Ear1y Modem Japanユ） Satomi Kurosu Using1ongitudina1popu1ation registers from two northeastem vi11ages durin91716－1870，this study investigates the pattems a皿d types of adoption，and exp1ores factors associated with in－adoption from the perspectives of adopting heads a二nd married women．The adoption of adu1tさand sons－in－1aw were most preva1ent．Event history㎜a1ysis demonstrates that adop｝ion was used by househo1ds of higher socioeconomic status，a皿d those headedbyfema1es，never－marr1ed or divorced－The comparison of adoption and reproduction revea1s that married women actively p1a㎜ed the timing of adoption and reproduction depending on their3ge，coresiding parents，and sex composition of surviv三ng chi1dren． Adoption was an important mediator of demographic constraints a皿d the idea三〇f family continuity on the eve of Japanese modernization． JEL Classification Codes：Jユ30，190，NOOO adoption and expユ。res factors associated with IntrOduCtiOn adopting sons and daughters in re1atiOn to Adoptionwas anindispensab1e e1ementofthe heirship strategy taken by the househo1d Japanese famiユy system to ensure succession head as we11as reproductive strategies of in rura1househo1ds．Succession or continuity married couples． of househo1d （as in name，property and The example ofthe northeastemviuages business），orゴe，was the overriding aim of is particu1ar1y intriguing because of their fami1y continuity in agrarian Japan，and in adherence to加ideals and the stem fami1y turn，served as basis for agricu1tura1and princip1e （i．e．， only one coup1e in each socia！deve1opments in modem economy generation）（Ot01996；Corne111987）despite （Sakme 2011＝19）．The survivorship of of their environmenta1hardship（i．e．，fre－ househo1ds，or to maintain the necessary quent co1d summer and poor harvest）as we11 number of households as productive units as．the serious damages they suffered after a was a1so of direct concem for the vi11age series of widespread famines，The popu1ation organization where1ives were structured continued to decユine unti1the mid－19th around farming and where the burden of tax century．Despite of these circumstances，or was shared．Adoption，thus，was an import㎝t because of these hardships，peasants appear strategy to assure chi1d1ess－ or son1ess to have been active agents who adjusted fami1ies to survive and continue by recruiting househoId size and composition for the prospective heirs， on one hand， and to integrity and surviva1of the househo1ds and redistribute surp1us sons offerti1e families on to have achieved the overriding aim offami1y the other（Kurosu and Ochiai1995）．Despite continuity．Recent studies revea1strategies of its importance，the study of adoption and taken by the farm househo1ds for their its re1ation to fami！y3nd demography is sti11 surviva1upon economic and demographic very1imited in Japanese historical demogra－ constraints－by contro11ing the number and phy，due 1arge1y to the paucity of data composition of chiユdren（Tsuya and Kurosu sources that a11ow detai1ed observation of 2010），a11owing fema1e headship（Okada and adoption，This study focuses on this rare1y Kurosu1998），and contro11ing the timing of examined but important practice using sib1ings’ departure in re1ation to heirs’ 1ongitudina1popu1ation registers from two marriage and first birth （Kurosu 1996）． northeastern vi1！ages in eighteenth and Being head or immediate members of the nineteenth century Japan．Using one of the stem fami1y reduced the morta！ity risk of best avai！ab1e data of early modern Japan，it individuals（Tsuya and Kurosu2004）．Thus investigates the Patterns and types of individua11ife course was tight1y bound to 2 経 済 研 究 and stratified by the stem family ru1es（Sait0 important step to advance our know1edge 2000）、Adoption is1ike1y to have been at work about the reproductive （both bio1ogica1and a1so within this stem fami1y1ogic．Adoption is socia1） and househo1d strategies among considered crucia1in mediating or bala皿。ing peasants． househo1d succession a」ユd demographic con－ Adoption in Eurasia and Japm straints∵1ow ferti1ity，relative1y high morta1i－ ty，and constant disruption ofユives due to Adoption p1ayed a major ro1e in many harvest fai1ures and famines， traditiona1Eurasian societies （Goodyユ969： The fo11owing sections start with the 66）．The succession of family estate or name discussion of adoption in Eurasian societies， was of great importance，not on1y in societies sources and demographic backgrounds of that emphasized the preservation of fami1y this study，fo1工。wed by how adoption and 1ines，but aユso in societies that placed1ess reproduction is measured in this study． emphasis on succession but sti11needed heirs Adoption has to be considさred from both to inheritproperty（Wrig1ey1978：一！38）．Sti11， demand and supp1y sides．Demand side，“in－ the purpose of adoption in Europe is empha－ adoption，”refers to adopting sons and daugh－ sized to be the we1fare of the chi1d，hence the ters into househo1ds of the adopter（adopting fostering of orphans，bastards or found1ings； father，or，usua1ユy the head of househo1d）；and whi1e in Asia，the major function of adoption supp1y side，“out－adoption，”refers to adopting is considered the provision of an heir（Goody out sons and曲ughters from theirhousehold 1969：68）．Empirica1studies on adoption in of origin to elsewhere．The focus ofthis study East Asia have attempted to revea1the1ink is on the demand side．Descriptive ana1ysis of between demographic constr射nts（1ow fertiL in－adoption in re1ation to househo1d socioeco－ ity－or imba1anced sex ratio）㎜d adoption nomic status and reproduction wi11be practices，and discussed the importance of fo11owed by event history anaユysis．It w車1I adoption practices for securing a chi1d for exp1ore within the mu1tivariate context the fami1y succession（Wo1f and Huan91980； effects of individua1demographic，socioeco－ Wangand Lee／998；Kurosu and Ochiai1995； nomic，househo1d，and vi11age characteristics Kim and Park2010）． on theユike1ihood of adoption in the two Whi1e adoption served as an important farming vi11ages，using a discrete－time event heirship strategy among East Asian fami1ies， history mode1．Factors associated with adop－ the purpose of adoption practices was not tion shou1d vary at househoユd and individua1 1imited to family succession，Chinese and （adopting coupユes）leveL Thus，the first set of Japanese parents a1so adopted chi1dren to event history ana1ysis is performed for a11 obt出n famiユy1abor or support in o1d age，to househo1ds with emphasis on socioeconomic marry their chi1dren，and to maintain ritua1 status of househoユd and heads’demographic andre1igiouscontinuity（Lee andWan91999： characteristics．The second set of ma1ysis is 108；Takeda 1988：312）．Because of the performed for both reproduction（recorded difference（and emphasis）of purposes as births）and adoption for married women of we11as customs and norms that prevai1ed，a reproductive age （15－49）．The mode1s ap－ 1arge variation in practices of adoption p1ied in this study are modifications of the existed even among East Asian popu1ations event history ana1ysis used in the Eurasia where adoption practices were frequentユy project for examining demograPhic respons－ used． The Japanese practice apPears to es to economic stress and househo1d context contrast with other East Asian countries in at （Bengtsson，Campbe！1，Lee eCαZ．，2004；Tsuya， 1east three aspects．First，in China and Korea， Wang，A1ter，Lee，eCαZ．2010）．This is one of where patri1ineage p1ays a皿important ro！e in the first systematic studies that app1ies event society，“custom strict1y prohibited adopting history ana1ysis to in－adoption in ear1y a ma！e chi1d from a non－agnate or a11owed it modern Japan．A1though thさnumber of only when one cou1d not find an agnate viユ1ages is1imited and the ana1ysis is exp1ora－ wi11ing to surrender one of his sons”（Wo1f tory， the approach of this study is an and Huan919801108）．However，in Japan， Adop廿。n㎜d Fami1y ReProduction in Ear1y Modern JaPan 3 where patriユineage in the strict sense does rare，accounting for1ess than！percent of a11 not exist（Nakane1967：84－85），adopted sons recorded exits in the NAC registers in both are taken both from among the kinsmen of vinages．Thus，their qua！ity㎜d1ength make the head and his wife and even“a man who these NAC registers some of the best has no kinship relation at a11to the head” documentation for historica1popu1ation in （Nakane1967：4）．Second，the custom of Japan． adopting a son as a husband for one’s The two vi11ages were a1most exc1usive一 daughter，adopted son－in－1aw（婿養子mm冶。一 工y agricu1tura1．Situated at the foot of a ツ0∫”），”is quite common in Japan，though mountain range，Shimomoriya was suscepti－ prohibited in Korea and rare in China（Uen0 b1e to co1d summers and poor harvests 1988＝199）．It shou1d be noted however that resu1ting from chi11y gusts off the mountains there seem to exist regiona1variations in （Narimatsu1985＝1－3）．Niita was1ocated on China．Wo1f and Hu早ng（1980：216），for 丑at1and and had1ess severe winter weather examp1e，reported1ibera1communities（e．9． （Nariamtsu 1992：4－6）；nonethe1ess，the Huiar1hsien on the Fukien coast）in which vi11age was vu1nerab1e to frequent f1oods peop1e were entire1y free to marry off their 1ying on the banks of the Gohyaku River． daughters viri1oca11y or uxori1oca11y as they Because of underdeveloped agricu1tura1tech－ chose．Third，adu1t adoptions are the predom－ no1ogies at that time，the circu血stances of ilユant form of adoption in Japan，but are the two vi11ages were often at the mercy of vanishing1y rare e1sewhere in Asia（and the f1uctuations in agricu1tura1output．The popu一
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