THE CARRELL

JOURNAL OF THE FRIENDS of the UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI LIBRARY

Volume 9 December 1968 Number 2

' THE CARRELL JOURNAL OF THE FRIENDS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI LIBRARY P. O. Box 8214 CORAL GABLES, FLORIDA 33124

EDITORIAL STAFF Editor—Charlton W. Tebeau Assistant Editors—Charles L. Morgan, Jr.; George W. Rosner Art Editor—Richard L. Merrick • Notes Editor—Mildred H. Selle

EDITORIAL BOARD John I. McCollum, Jr., Chairman Stojan A. Bayitch Archie L. McNeal K. Malcolm Beal Oscar T. Owre John Bitter William Frederick Shaw Clayton Charles J. Ben Stalvey Clark M. Emery Henry King Stanford C. P. Idyll Frank E. Watson Helen Garlinghouse King

CONTENTS PAGE Latin American Studies at Miami 1 By Robert E. McNicoll

Jose Guadalupe Posada, "Mexican Guerilla Fighter of the Throwaway" 11 By Larue Stinger Storm

Elinor Wylie's Novels, Allegories of Love 17

By Evelyn Thomas Helmick

Gifts and Acquisitions 29

Contributors to this Issue 30 RICHARD MERRICK, artist for The Carrell, was unable because of illness to provide a new work for this issue. We are therefore repeating one of Mr. Merrick's earlier covers. THE CARRE LL

VOLUME 9 DECEMBER, 1968 NUMBER 2

Latin American Studies at Miami ROBERT E. MCNICOLL Director Institute of Inter-American Studies

he University's dedication to Latin American studies is as old as the University itself. In its Charter of 1925 Tthe University stated its intention "to take advantage of a unique location between the Americas to promote inter- American friendship and understanding and to conduct research in the scientific and technical problems of the tropics." The founders' vision was clear; both parts of this statement still serve as a useful guide to further development. Despite the real estate crash and the devastating hurricane of the same year, the University managed to open in October 1926, with at least some visible evidences of its intention to implement the high objectives of its Charter. On the original faculty were two distinguished men who incarnated the Hispanic orientation the founders desired. They were Angel del Rio, Spanish professor trained in the Centro de Estudios Historicos of Madrid, and Victor Andres Belaunde, Peruvian diplomat then in exile because of his opposition to a dictatorship in his own country. These men represented the two poles of the Hispanic-American program that gradually crystallized at Miami: a serious study of Spanish literature and civilization with coordinated attention to Latin American history and politics. Del Rio represented the quiet, scholarly, contemplation of literature while Belaunde, a publicist, in his very first year in Miami, organized a "Pan-American Round Table" which did much to awaken business and professional men of Miami to the inter-American possibilities of the area—something new at that time. Both men were writers and have left important records of their study and thought. Angel del Rio left Miami after three years, to join Columbia University where he spent most of the remainder of his life, the last years as head of the Casa de las Espahas. He published anthologies and studies of Spanish literature1 and—as his last work—finally ventured to speak of Spain's importance in the shaping of "Anglo-Saxon" America.2 Belaunde's bibliography is lengthy. Of interest here is a work produced at Miami—Bolivar and the Political Thought of the Spanish-American Revolutions.3 This work which Dr. Belaunde wrote in Spanish was put into English for the Albert Shaw lectures of 1930 at Johns Hopkins. On Dr. del Rio's nomina­ tion, a sophomore at the U. of Miami undertook the task of translation.4 The translation was duly delivered for use at Johns Hopkins but Dr. Belaunde was inspired to add another chapter which had to wait until 1938 when a diplomatic assignment gave him time in Washington to finish his work. The publica­ tion appeared in 1938 with full acknowledgments to Miami, to the translator, and to Dr. Belaunde's secretary Miss Alberta Losh, who later taught Portuguese at the University. The original two Hispanists on the Miami faculty were rein­ forced between 1929 and 1934 with several additions to the faculty. Dr. Rafael Belaunde, brother of Victor Andres, came to Miami in the first year mentioned to teach Spanish and to initiate courses in "Economic Geography of Latin America" and "Economic Problems of Latin America."5 In 1931 political disorders in Cuba brought to Miami Dr. Luis A. Baralt, then professor of English at the Instituto de La Habana. As Dr. Baralt was also a key member of the revolutionary ABC organi­ zation, it may be said that he came to Miami for his health. Later Professor of Philosophy at the University of Habana and presently Professor at Southern Illinois University, Dr. Baralt is a philosopher, playwright, poet, and linguist with mastery of French and English, as well as Spanish.6 He was born in New York during the struggle for Cuban independence. His mother was an American—also a talented author and lecturer.7 Dr. Baralt taught Spanish American literature and strengthened the approach to Latin America through belles- lettres, a route overshadowed by the political and historical approach of the Belaundes, once Dr. del Rio had left for Columbia. In 1933 both Belaundes were called by their gov­ ernment to head diplomatic missions and it was necessary to replace them. The substitutes were Rafael Belaunde, Jr., a dynamic and intelligent young man with great dreams for a Pan-American university in Miami, and the writer, who left the Dade County highschools to become an instructor. It is notable that on April 13, 1934, the Hurricane carried a lead story on "History of Pan-Americanism at the University of Miami." In the same number, Dr. John Barrett, former Director General of the Pan American Union, suggested that the University change its name to "Pan American University." Barrett said: "Metropolitan Miami approaches nearer to being the ideal home of such a university than any other city or port located on the coast lines of North and South America."8 The same number of the Hurricane was dedicated "to the interest of Pan-Americanism, a spirit which is being ably fostered by Rafael Belaunde, acting head of the Latin American de­ partment and his assistants." It is interesting that the term "Pan American" has lost some of the glamor it had in those days— a glamor not conveyed by the more prosaic term "Inter- American". In 1934 a very important addition was made in the person of Dr. Juan Clemente Zamora, of the University of Habana. Zamora, Professor of Constitutional Law at the Cuban institu­ tion, had Harvard undergraduate and law degrees and had studied at the Sorbonne and at Columbia.9 As the University of Habana was closed because of the revolution against Machado, Dr. Zamora came to teach various courses on Latin America in the field of Political Science. Dr. Zamora was instrumental also in bringing to Miami a large number of Cuban students who could not attend school in Cuba because of the closing of the University which continued from 1930 to 1936. Some sixty Cuban students received most of their education at Miami during this period and they include such people as Dr. Luis Rodriguez Molina,93 now on the Miami faculty, Dr. Bias Roca- fort, practicing lawyer in Miami, Dr. Antonio Cardona, medical doctor at George Washington Hospital in Washington, D.C., Engineer Angel Ruiz, former Cuban Ambassador to Czech­ oslovakia, Josefina Yarina, Professor of English, University of Habana, and many others. The enterprise of Dr. Zamora which had the greatest impact on the Miami community was a "Latin American Forum" which continued in slightly different form the "Pan American Round Table" founded by Dr. Belaunde. The most interesting sessions of this Forum were held in early 1935 concerning the Cuban revolution, not yet stabilized at that date. In two lectures, "Cuba Yesterday," and "Cuba Today," Dr. Luis Baralt summarized the hectic past and present of the island republic. Dr. Zamora, in arranging the rejoinders permitted to the second lecture, allowed each Cuban party and point of view and its speaker "equal time" so that Miami could provide what was not possible in Cuba, a full and frank examination of the political scene. The "Machadistas" who had lost place and fortunes in Cuba and who were exiled in Miami were the most vociferous but Grau's Autenticos and old-time Liberals and Conservatives were not far behind. For the Anglo-American listeners the debate constituted an unforgettable experience. Another inter-American experience of importance was the celebration of Pan American Day on April 14, 1934. Cuba was the country honored and sent a naval vessel, an armed marching unit, and three official civilian delegates to participate in the affair. The first notes of inter-Americanism were sour when the armed unit made up of both blacks and whites was told by the City of Miami committee that accomodations for them were available only on a segregated basis. Quite properly they said that they had fought together and had served together and would stay together. Finally cots were brought for all hands and they slept in the sheet-iron warehouses of the port of Miami. At the University assembly a more pleasant surprise took place. Everyone expected a broken-English statement from the Cuban speaker. Instead, Dr. Jorge Maiiach, scholarship student at the Boston Latin School and Phi Beta Kappa from Harvard, arose and delivered an eloquent address in impeccable English. At the time he was Secretary of State and represented the same ABC party mentioned before in connection with Dr. Baralt. In the years 1935 to 1937, other faculty changes were made at the University. The writer went off to Duke to obtain his Ph.D., and Dr. J. Riis Owre joined the faculty to teach Spanish. Zamora departed for the re-opened University of Habana. In 1937, on McNicoll's return, Dr. Owre and he worked out a program which placed Miami in the forefront—at least his­ torically—of the schools offering area-studies concentrations on Latin America. The "Hispanic-American Major" then founded and still in existence, provided a means by which students could concentrate on the language, the literature, the history and the civilization of Latin America. This was at a time when no other school gave such a major and the term "area studies" had not come into use. In the beginning, the program included the equivalent of a Spanish major plus a series of courses on Latin America within several social science disciplines (history, economics, government, geography). Over the years, changes took place in this major to decrease the amount of required Spanish and to increase the number of departments in which Latin American studies could be pursued. As of now, these include eight separate departments or schools and there are plans to add one or two more in the near future. In 1939 a lecture series and a publication were added to the Latin American sector of activities. The "Hispanic-American Institute" came into being to coordinate Latin American activ­ ities under the co-directorship of Owre and McNicoll. A lecture series was held in 1939, the proceedings being published as Hispanic-American Studies,10 the University's first academic publication. The speakers and writers at the first session give a good idea of the quality involved: Dr. John Tate Lanning (Head, Hispanic Studies, Duke Uni­ versity). Dr. Homero Seris (then direct from Madrid, Centro de Estudios Historicos).

• Dr. Ralph S. Boggs (famous folklorist now Emeritus Profes­ sor of Spanish, University of Miami). Dr. W. H. Callcott (retired Dean Graduate School, University of South Carolina). Dr. J. Fred Rippy (now Emeritus, University of Chicago). The publication was circulated throughout the Americas and produced great academic prestige for the program and—very concretely—enriched the Library with hundreds of Latin Amer­ ican books and journals received in exchange. Impetus given by the lecture series and the publication was noticeable the following year, 1940, when the lecturers included Juan Ramon Jimenez, Spanish poet and the first Nobel prize winner to be associated with the University. Others were Rafael Pico, Puerto Rican geographer and destined to become the principal architect of "Operation Bootstrap" that brought his country out of the depression doldrums; Victor Lascano, Argentine Ambassador to Cuba, and others. During this same period the faculty included as visiting pro­ fessors Dr. Salvador Massip, Geographer of the University of Habana, and Mr. Enrique Noble, Latin Americanist now at Goucher College. Miami offered Portuguese courses at this time with a young instructor Jose De Seabra, now a senior interpreter with the Department of State. After Pearl Harbor and the advent of World War II, Hispanic Studies at Miami suffered some decline as many faculty members were involved in a Navy V-12 program for the training of deck officers while other faculty members went directly into military or other government service. Between 1945 and 1948 activities picked up with the return of faculty and the appointment of new members such as lone S. Wright, Robert S. Chamberlain, Robert C. Beyer, Harry Stark, and David Stern. Dr. Rafael Belaunde was among those to return, staying at Miami until retirement. One interesting experiment, where Miami was again ahead of the times, took place in 1945-56 when the Hispanic-American Institute became a teaching unit rather than a coordinating agency as it had been. Under the energetic urging of Hervey Allen, author of Anthony Adverse and other famous works, Dr. Ashe had agreed to the establishment of a special training program for veterans and others who wished to make a career for themselves in Latin America. The principal study in the six-months course was Spanish, to which four hours daily was devoted. The head language teacher was professor Robert Whitehouse, who came from Birmingham-Southern College for this purpose. Native informants—all Cubans—included later professors of the University, notably Dr. Gloria de la Vega, whose association with the University began at that time. In addition, lectures were given in Spanish on Latin American civilization by many authorities, including Latin American visitors as well as regular faculty members. These included Dr. Luis A. Baralt, back as Visiting Professor under a special grant by the U.S. Department of State. The site used was the Koubek Center, then a new acquisition of the University, still without the classrooms that were later added. Director of this entire operation was Dr. Robert E. McNicoll who had returned from wartime service in the State Department to be presented with the establishment of the new institute as a required task on his return. The choice was not difficult—either he undertook the task or the one who did so would become his boss. After two cycles of six months each in which twelve students were the guinea pigs, the project was abandoned when the director re­ quested changes in the building to make it a Casa Hispanoamer- icana with housing and food services for the students all in a self-contained unit. Inasmuch as all University efforts were then directed to moving to the new (present) campus there were no funds for such luxuries. As housing was the principal need for the veterans concerned, the project came to an end. As its epitaph, it may be remarked that it was a pedagogical success but an economic failure. Despite the GI bill that paid reason­ able tuition for veterans, there was no beneficent government to support "total immersion" in the language which is now considered a most effective teaching means. Miami, as on other occasions, was ahead of the currents of the time and so had to buck its own way.

In 1948, after the Hispanic-American Institute's fiasco, Dr. • 7 Ralph S. Boggs came to Miami from Chapel Hill to teach Spanish phonetics, Spanish-American folklore and Old Spanish. Several years later he became the founder and director of the International Center which replaced the older Institute. Al­ though Latin America continued to be the principal area focus of the University, the new Center was in charge of all foreign students and coordinated all international programs. Dr. Boggs worked in combination with many civic bodies such as the Alianza Interamericana, the Coral Gables People-to-People Pro­ gram, The Chamber of Commerce of the Americas, and many others. (The number of foreign students at Miami kept rising until in 1967 Miami with 2067 foreign students was fourth in the nation among universities. As the 1968 number of foreign students is reported as more than 2,600, it is possible that Miami's relative position has improved.) To bring the account nearer to the present, the following may be added: In 1964, an Institute of Inter-American Studies was authorized with the Center for Advanced International Studies to give inter-disciplinary instruction on the graduate level. Work started on these courses in 1965 and the first stu­ dents who are candidates for an M.A. in Inter-American Studies submitted theses in 1968. Meanwhile, on June 13, 1967, the Board of Trustees of the University approved the granting of the Ph.D. in Inter-American Studies, the first to be granted in June of 1970. This does not affect the now-venerable Hispanic Major which is the under-graduate major in operation since 1937 and which has produced some of the finest students of the University. The founding of the Center for Advanced International Studies in 1964 provided a means to coordinate not only the Institute of Inter-American Studies, which administers the Latin American degrees mentioned above, but also a Research In­ stitute for Cuba and the Caribbean which has received Ford, NASA and HEW grants for research on the Caribbean and studies in other foreign regions. In 1965 the University acquired the Journal of Inter-American Studies, which was founded at Gainesville, Florida in 1958 and which is a quarterly, inter­ disciplinary, publication which prints articles in their original • 8 languages—either English, French, Portuguese or Spanish—the official languages of the American Republics. This journal is the United States academic publication most circulated in Latin America (with 4,000 copies) and enjoys great prestige. Dr. lone S. Wright has been its editor since the Journal came to Miami. McNicoll was its first "General Editor" at the Uni­ versity of Florida. Lastly, as a fitting remembrance of its pioneer professor of Latin American subjects, the University this year established the Victor Andres Belaunde Fellowship for a doctoral candidate in the Institute of Inter-American Studies. President Fernando Belaunde12 of Peru, the nephew of the professor honored, has promised to aid this fellowship by making it possible for the recipient to spend a year in Peru to pursue his research on his dissertation. The arrangements which were made by the Grad­ uate School of the University of Miami and the American embassy in Lima received extensive publicity and universal approval when they were announced as part of the memorial services offered in the Peruvian capital in honor of Dr. Belaunde.

i Angel del Rio, Historia de la literatura espanola, N.Y., 1948. Estudios galdosianos, Zaragoza, 1953. El concepto contempordneo de Espaha, Buenos Aires, 1946. Vida y obras de Federico Garcia Lorca, Zaragoza, 1942. Responsible Freedom in the Americas, Garden City, N.Y., 1952.

2 Angel del Rio, The Clash and Attraction of Two Cultures: the Hispanic and Anglo- Saxon Worlds in America, Baton Rouge, 1965 (original in Spanish published in Buenos Aires).

^Victor Andres Belaunde, Bolivar and the Political Thought of the Spanish American Revolution, Baltimore, 1938.

4The Writer.

*> Rafael Belaunde, Por la unidad de America, Lima, 1945.

6Luis Alejandro Baralt, La luna en el pantano, Habana, 1936. Marti on the United States, Carbondale, 111., 1966.

The Theatre in Latin America, Miami, 1948, from UMHAS.

7Blanca Zacharie de Baralt, El Marti que yo conoci, Habana, 1945.

SMiami Hurricane, April 13, 1934, p. 1. 9 Juan Clemente Zamora, El Estado y el Ejercito, Habana, 1917. Derecho Constitucional de Cuba. Documentos, Habana, 1925. El Proceso historico, Habana, 1938. La Union aduanera, Habana, 1929.

9a. Dr. Molina has prepared a detailed account of Hispanic studies at Miami which has not been published. The writer was glad to read it although he did not have it available before writing this. lOUniversity of Miami Hispanic-American Studies. Coral Gables, 1940. (abbreviated as UMHAS, twenty individual issues have been published.)

11 J. Riis Owre, "Juan Ramon Jimenez and Zenobia." The Carrell, December 1967, pp. 1-4. i 2It may be recalled that President Belaunde studied architecture for two years at the University of Miami, 1930-1932, when that department was discontinued as a result of the Miami "revolution" of that year. It is because of this circumstance that Belaunde went to Texas to graduate in architecture there and thus was lost as an alumnus for Miami. President Belaunde is the author of a number of books which primarily set forth his plans for his administration. The following are the most important: La Conquista del Peru por los peruanos, Lima, 1959. In English, translated by D. Al Robinson, Lima, 1965. Pueblo por pueblo, Lima, 1960; El Hombre de la bandera, Lima, 1962.

10 Jose Guadalupe Posada, Mexican "Guerilla Fighter of the Throwaways" By LARUE STINGER STORM

This article served as the introduction to a thesis under the same title offered for the Master of Arts Degree in History at the University of Miami, awarded in June 1967. A copy of the thesis is in the University of Miami's Richter Library.

ose Guadalupe Posada witnessed and faithfully recorded the social struggle of Mexico during the two decades prior to the Revolution of 1910. The "guerrilla fighter of the Jthrowaways" was printmaker, caricaturist, gadfly of the Porfirio Diaz regime. When Diaz became president of Mexico in 1876, Posada was twenty-four years of age. He lived almost two years beyond the old dictator's abdication in 1911, long enough to portray the triumphal entry of Diaz's successor, Francisco Madero, into Mexico City. During the intervening three decades of the Porfiriato, Mexico had evolved from a debt-ridden, strife-torn, world-isolated re­ public, into a nation internationally respected for its potential for further material development. The order and progress in Mexico, eulogized by its foreign visitors during the Centennial of 1910, was more apparent than real; they had been bought at too high a price, as the Revolution of the same year attested. Order and Progress, the credo of Diaz and his cientifico ad­ visors, appeared to have been fulfilled; nevertheless, many of the upper and middle classes who had benefited by this credo were dissatisfied, while the lower class, ninety per cent of the population, remained alien in its own country, uneducated, landless, hopelessly trapped by economic, political and social deprivations. Considered as a whole, the thousands of Posada's graphics give us a pictorial view of the Porfirio Diaz regime and the varied strata of society of which it was composed. In his picture • 11 drama of the Porfiriato we find a full cast of characters: the protagonist, Diaz, hero or tyrant; the supporting principals com­ prised of the middle and upper class militarists, jefes politicos, Church officials, wealthy land-owners, intellectuals, and foreign investors; and finally the chorus, the lower class peon, the Indian and mestizo worker. Although Posada brought to life the devil and the angel in all classes, his sympathy obviously lay with the underdog; and if in his caricatures the peon fared badly at times, the political-religious-military-foreign hierarchy generally fared worse. Posada was a reporter, and as such his graphics presented the full panorama of the Porfiriato: executions, crimes, miracles, inaugurations, anti-reelection riots, social and political events. Jose Clemente Orozco recalled hearing the newsboys hawking the Vanegas Arroyo broadsheets illustrated by Posada, with cries of "Execution of Captain Cota," or "Horrible crime of the most horrible son who killed his horrible mother." When the village of Tomochic was levelled by federal troops he pro­ tested; when the clergy misused their office he lampooned them: when a new railroad was inaugurated he hailed it as a sign of progress; when Madero announced his candidacy for president he portrayed him as a saint. He also illustrated songs, prayers, books, secular and religious calendars, children's games, moral tales, and corridos. Considering the importance of Jose Guadalupe Posada as social commentator and artist, comparatively little is known of his life. A rather tenuous biography has been pieced together from sources including civil records and birth, marriage and death certificates; recollections of fellow students in Aguascal- ientes where he was born; and anecdotes remembered by the Vanegas Arroyo publishing family with whom he was associated in Mexico City for almost a quarter of a century. Lack of biographical data is not surprising since Posada died in 1913. and it was not until the mid-twenties that Jean Chariot called attention to the importance of his graphics to contemporary Mexican Art. Since then a monograph reproducing 406 prints from the original plates was published in Mexico in 1930; a folio of 100 • 12 original wood-cuts was published by Arsacio Vanegas Arroyo in 1947 for the Taylor Museum, Colorado Springs, Colorado; Francisco Atiinez in 1952 reproduced 134 illustrations and caricatures published by Trinidad Pedrozo between 1872-1876 in Primicias Litogrdficas, an excellent source for his early pre- Mexico style; a special edition in Spanish and English of the monthly periodical, Artes de Mexico, January-February 1958, was devoted to Posada; and in 1963 Fondo Editorial de la Plastica Mexicana published Jose Guadalupe Posada, Ilustrador de la Vida Mexicana, the most exhaustive study of his life to date, with 937 illustrations devoted mainly to a portion of his work produced after he moved to Mexico City. Several decades after his death, Posada's work began to receive international recognition. Between 1937 and 1944 small exhibitions of his graphics circulated in Spain, France, New York and Mexico. The Secretary of Public Instruction in 1943 sponsored a comprehensive exhibition in the Palacio de las Bellas Artes in Mexico City, and established a salon named for Posada where his works were to be exhibited permanently. In 1944 the Art Institute of Chicago collaborated with the Mexican government in organizing an important exhibition of his work. It circulated in other cities in the United States the two following years. While many of the plates have been destroyed, and much of the original printed material was never considered worthy of saving, Posada's name and style are now widely recognized. Consequently, much of what does remain of his thousands of graphics is being salvaged as it comes to light, and it is hoped that more biographical material as well will be discovered. It is evident that Jose Guadalupe Posada is important to the art historian. One of these, Laurence E. Schmeckebier wrote:

The greatness of Guadalupe Posada lies in the fact that with regard to both spiritual content and artistic form his work, rooted as it is in the popular mind and art, reveals the first signs of a sound integration of ancient and colonial Spanish elements. The transition from Posada to the monumental frescoes of the new movement can be seen in the graphic art of Jose Clemente Orozco ..." • 13 Why then is Posada of interest to the social-political historian as well? Posada, a full-fledged artist and social commentator, moved to Mexico City about 1889, at the beginning of Porfirio Diaz's third term. From then until his death in 1913 he recorded daily events, both important and trivial, in the Mexican nation and in the lives of its people. It has been estimated that he produced 15,000 graphics during that period. Posada has bequeathed to the social-political historian, then, a comprehensive visual record of the Porfirio Diaz regime. It included a number of graphics which were testament to a vociferous opposition which existed at a time when, according to Hubert Herring, "The press was muzzled but a few editors . . . were ready to risk imprisonment or death by writing their minds." Posada was one of them. He took these risks along with the dissenting publishers for whom he illustrated. This visual record also ques­ tioned the regime's claim to Order and Progress as proclaimed in the Centennial of 1910; questions sustained by the Revolu­ tion of the same year which was caused by many of the regime's failures as delineated by Posada during the two preceding decades. In 1910 there was dissatisfaction at all levels of society. Many mestizos resented the regime's favoritism shown to Creoles and foreigners, and they sympathized with the struggle of labor and small proprietors for economic and social progress. Some of the Creoles, the favored class during the latter part of the regime, were fearful of the perpetuation of a cientifico dictator­ ship, and one of them led the Revolution. The people whose pesos purchased less and less of the staples of life could antici­ pate only a wage level approaching starvation. The unrest, the injustices, the inequalities, the failures of the regime were de­ nounced daily by Posada, and the message of his graphics could have been considered the "handwriting on the wall" if those in power had chosen to read it. Posada produced mainly for the Mexican lower class, consequently it is doubtful that many of the elite read or took seriously his social comments. Obviously the people themselves did respond to it. This thesis is divided into three chapters. Because so little • 14 material regarding the life of Jose Guadalupe Posada is available in English, we have presented a brief biography in Chapter One. Biographical data is integrated with the political back­ ground of the regimes during which Posada came to maturity, and which afforded training for his penetrating observations of the Porfiriato. Chapter Two discusses the artistic milieu, both urban and country, from which he fiinally evolved a style to which the illiterate masses responded, a natural response because this style drew mainly upon indigenous art forms as expressed by the people themselves. Chapter Three is devoted to the exposition of sixty-three graphics, part of a larger body, which establish Posada as both social-political and artistic revolutionary. We can only conjecture as to the importance of the response of the masses to these graphics, and to what degree they may have aided in inciting the Mexican people to revolt in 1910. It is our belief that Posada's graphics were a factor. We do know that thousands of them were distributed to far-flung hacienda and rancho. Eighty-four per cent of the people were illiterate and conse­ quently were primarily interested in the illustrations of the colored broadsheets which sold for one centavo. Along with news of sensational crimes and current social events, the peasants learned of Indian deportations, land grabbing, in­ human treatment of agricultural and industrial workers, execu­ tions and other injustices which were taking place. Even a sampling of Posada's graphics, as demonstrated in Chapter Three, will support the conjecture that they helped to form public opinion and awareness of social, economic and political inequalities, and so aided in fomenting resistance to the Diaz regime when given leadership. Had Order and Progress existed for the Mexican masses, the Revolution of 1910 could not have drawn sustenance from the thousands of peons who rallied to support the Creoles and mestizos who instigated it. "The movement, once initiated, soon took a different turn. The Mexicans, so to speak, discovered themselves and turned their eyes toward their own people." Mexico eventually was to oust foreign cultural and economic domination and to draw • 15 upon its own native resources. As artist, Posada had already taken this step toward Mexican self-awareness twenty years earlier, when he discarded foreign stylistic borrowings and drew upon Mexican art forms. In native visual language they under­ stood, he spoke to his countrymen of inequalities which existed and which demanded repudiation by them. Diego Rivera aptly evaluated Posada's contribution: "And the monument to Posada; where is it? who raised it? It lies in those who one day were to give rise to the Revolution, the workers and the peasants of Mexico." Posada's aficionados claim that his greatness may be equated with that of three renowned European satirists: Jacques Callot, a seventeenth century graphic artist of extraordinary skill, and Honore Daumier and Francisco Goya, both satirists of the eighteenth century. Representations of identical subjects illus­ trated by these three artists and by Posada make interesting comparisons. A hanging in Goya's "Disaster of the Wars" repro­ duced in the Complete Etchings of Goya matches a hanging, obviously a suicide, drawn by Posada for La Gaceta. Edwin T. Bechtel, in Jacques Callot, includes the French master's magnifi­ cently detailed "The Temptation of St. Anthony" as well as six individual delineations of the "Seven Capital Sins." Reproduc­ tions of both subjects as expressed by Posada merit comparison. And finally, a Posada graphic depicts a murder victim lying in almost the identical position of the central murder victim in Daumier's "Rue Transnonain" as reproduced by Carl Zigrosser in Six Centuries of Fine Prints. Today few historians would challenge Posada's place as one of the great Mexican artists of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

16 •mi

Del banquete ds i Cuba es el primer p hiego Mexico, y des pues despugs un tat Eso podra sucede si no es que se le al tanta tierra, 6 se le. un hueso por la gar

At the banquet of Uncle Sam Cuba is the first course Then Mexico, and then . . . perhaps a little indigestion. If not, he will take more territory or he may choke on too much land. JOSE GUADALUPE POSADA Lo que veran nuestro: huespedes en 1910

Centecario

That Which Our Guests Will See in 1910 This graphic refers to the Centennial of Hidalgo's Grito de Dolores which proclaimed Mexico's independence from Spain. Diaz planned this spectacular celebration in order to show to the world at large how much progress had been made in Mexico during his regime. Thousands of foreigners did attend and over 20,000,000 pesos were spent to entertain them. JOSE GUADALUPE POSADA Porfirio Diaz is depicted as the Virgin Mary riding upon an ass called Nacion, which might represent Mexico, the nation, or a daily paper, La Nacion. JOSE GUADALUPE POSADA o Elinor Wylie's Novels, Allegories of Love

EVELYN THOMAS HELMICK

f Elinor Wyiie's contribution to the world had been in the field of mathematics, or science, or even music, much of this article could be regarded only as malicious gossip Iand might better be spread in a whisper to small groups. But literary criticism assumes a close relationship between a writer's life and his work. In the case of Elinor Wylie, whose most frequent theme was herself—as a great beauty, as a poet, as a lover—knowledge of the details of her life provides valuable insight into the creative process, particularly with her prose. Even her poems, she readily admitted, often were disguised portraits of herself: "Peregrine" is herself and Horace Wylie, her second husband; "Peter and Paul" are herself and William Rose Benet. Benet, her third husband, has said that the reader can know her really only from descriptions in her poems. Her prose contains even more revelations, none of them inadvertent. But they are hidden under layers of allegory. She explained her extensive use of this device in an essay called "Symbols in Literature": If you call a spade a diamond some people will think you are frivolous and affected, but other people will understand how much blacker things may be said about spades by the simple trick of pretending that they are diamonds.1 She was even more specific in an interview granted to a news­ paper critic: "Certain things," she said, "are so bitter that I don't want anyone to understand them—hence fantasy."2 By the time she wrote her novels—during the last five years of her life—she had accumulated much raw material for allegory, drawn from many bitter experiences. Elinor Wylie lived, in the words of one poem, "under a sky reversed and evil-starred." Whether the result of heavenly omen or of her own need to defy society, the events of her life were spectacular. And the lives of the other members of her family were no less remarkable. There was Morton Hoyt, • 17 her much younger brother, who, on the dare of a debutante, jumped from an ocean liner in mid-Atlantic, was rescued and spent the rest of the voyage in the brig. Soon afterwards, Nancy Hoyt, their novelist sister, eloped with one man the day before her long-awaited Washington society wedding to another was scheduled. Nancy's love affairs over the next few years were to fill many newspaper columns. Elinor helped to keep alive the family reputation as a zany one by appearing one night at Stonehenge and dancing among the monoliths in the belief that she was a Druid priestess. She always laughed at this story, since it was at least partly true. More tragically, another brother, Henry Martyn Hoyt III, truly gifted as painter, etcher, and poet, asphyxiated himself after a separation from his wife and child. But it was Elinor Hoyt who attracted the most attention. She would have done so if only because of her beauty and background. Granddaughter of a governor of Pennsylvania and daughter of Theorore Roosevelt's Solicitor-General, she descended from families of wealth and social position on both sides. In addition, her exceptional beauty meant that news­ papers and periodicals could print an interesting picture with each story. Later, when she had become a successful poet and novelist, lines from her works could be used as indictments against her. They were hardly needed; the facts were startling enough in themselves. Her early marriage to Philip Hichborn, son of a Washington admiral, was disastrous from the beginning. She married him after a short acquaintance following a disappointment in another romance. Most accounts state that Philip and Elinor, both under twenty-one, were married without their parents' knowl­ edge; but in fact the ceremony was performed in the Hoyt home by the Episcopal Bishop of Washington and attended by President Roosevelt. Such august presences could not assure a happy marriage. Just four years later, when her son Philip was two, Elinor eloped to England with Horace Wylie, a prom­ inent Washingtonian many years her senior. They lived for six years in England under the name of Waring—suggested by Browning's line, "What's become of Waring since he's given us all the slip?" Nancy Hoyt, in her • 18 memoir, Portrait of an Unknown Lady, describes their life in rural cottages, completely independent of other people, "steadily and intensely happy."3 Occasionally a former acquaintance would appear, eager to impart her knowledge of the Warings' irregular alliance to the townspeople, forcing Horace and Elinor to change residence from time to time. More seriously threaten­ ing their happiness was Mrs. Wylie's refusal, for six years, to permit divorce. Rumor said that she wanted Elinor to suffer the ignominy of producing an illegitimate child, but in spite of several stillborn children (reports vary from two to eight), Mrs. Wylie waited until Horce, a millionaire, settled most of his fortune on her before agreeing to divorce him. The most disturbing of all developments was Philip Hichborn's suicide. Elinor convinced her friends that he had manifested suicidal tendencies during their marriage, that the two-year interval since her departure proved her not responsible; nevertheless, her feeling of guilt over Philip's death and the desertion of her son haunted her for the rest of her life. During those years in England Horace taught Elinor a great deal about language and literature. His instruction resulted in her first book of poetry, unsigned and privately printed, called Incidental Numbers. Mostly sonnets with conventional themes, the thirty-four poems give only the slightest indication of her later craftsmanship. In 1916, Horace and Elinor found themselves aliens in a country at war. Since they could now be married, they returned to the United States. That same year, William Rose Benet, a Yale classmate of Elinor's brother Henry, began to visit often. He introduced her to his friends; Edmund Wilson, John Dos Passos, and Sinclair Lewis, among others, became early admirers and lifelong friends. More and more her life became involved with that literary world, and soon she was spending a great part of her time in New York. In 1922, she sued Wylie for divorce, although she continued to write under his name and they remained good friends, exchanging letters until her death. A letter to an intimate of Elinor's indicates that she was waiting for the birth of Benet's child at the time, but, like Horace's children, it was stillborn. In a letter to Benet several years later, • 19 she said that the greatest regret of her life was her inability i to bear him a child. Throughout these personal trials, she was plagued by lesser problems. One was that of the anonymous "rabbits" as Nancy Hoyt called them, who holed up in Washington bars to spend their time in gossip. And Elinor was most sensitive to gossip: she was known to refuse to read her poetry at a party because a "lady notorious for her aggressive conventionality"4 was sitting in the audience.4 The father of William Rose and Stephen Vincent Benet fled to Paris, according to Stephen's biographer, when the thought of Bill's imminent marriage to Elinor became unbearable. Her family and most of her friends, however, re­ mained loyal: Carl Van Doren, Dorothy Parker, Padraic and Mary Colum, James Branch Cabell, Edwin Arlington Robinson all accepted her high-strung, eccentric behavior. Sometimes it took courage. Edna St. Vincent Millay, for instance, challenged the League of American Penwomen, choosing, appropriately enough, the pen as her weapon. She wrote: Believe me, if the eminent object of your pusillanimous attack has not directed her movements in conformity with your timid philosphies, no more have I mine. I too am eligible for your disesteem. Strike me too from your lists, and permit me, I beg you, to share with Elinor Wylie a brilliant exile from your fusty province.5 The pen was also being flourished, with less finesse, by the other side. Two untalented lady writers, Anne Parrish and Kathleen Coyne, etched portraits in acid disguised lightly as novels. Newspaper writers attacked continuously, if often in­ accurately. Any news—the publication of a new book, her marriage to Benet, a literary visit to Richmond—became a pretext for moralizing. At her death, such a cynic as Heywood Broun wrote a column to lament the treatment given Elinor Wylie during her lifetime by his colleagues. These, then, were some of the bitternesses to be dealt with as allegory when she began, at the urging of Sinclair Lewis and Henry Seidel Sanby, to write prose. Her alliance with Benet led to her period of literary growth: from the time she decided to marry him in 1923 until her death five years later she wrote four novels and three further volumes of poetry. • 20 Nets to Catch the Wind, her first poems, and the occasional stories for the New Yorker and Vanity Fair were merely ad­ equate work. But from this time on, the critics almost unani­ mously agreed, "both her prose and her poetry grew perceptibly from mere brilliance and erudite polish to work of unquestioned genius."6 Her attitude toward her novels was strange, often ambivalent. She refused to call them novels, preferring "sedate extravaganza" for Jennifer Lorn, and "symbolic romance of the mind" for Mr. Hodge and Mr. Hazard. She liked very much one friend's description of Orphan Angel as "celestial fooling." That her material for her prose was very close at hand is revealed by her method of composition: she wrote a single draft at the typewriter, seldom changing a word and never bothering to make a carbon, to the consternation of her publisher. And yet her books are not casual; her serapbooks now in the Yale Library show that she took hundreds of pages of scholarly notes before she began to write. She spent days verifying that a pocket edition of Plato such as Mr. Hazard read was available in London during the period she was writing about. She resented the time that her novels took away from her poetry writing, but she regretted finishing Orphan Angel because its creation had so absorbed her. Contradictions about her prose often appear in her correspondence too. She was capable of saying in one letter that people took her novels too seriously; in another, that they could not recognize the meaning in them. But her inconsistencies disappeared as she became the dis­ ciplined artist whose purpose was clear when she could refine the rather messy experiences of her life into an orderly ex­ pression of their meaning. Each of her novels, undoubtedly, can be analyzed just in this way—as symbolic of the conflict she felt between the demands of life and the demands of art. In each one, art is the stronger of the demands. Her first novel, Jennifer Lorn, explores the period of Elinor Wylie's early awareness of the need to forge nature into art— that period of her marriage to Horace Wylie. The story of Jennifer, as Harriet Monroe said in Poetry Magazine, has "never a trace of reality in the whole concoction." Jennifer Lorn, we • 21 are told, was the most beautiful girl in Devonshire. Gerald Poynyard, a minor nobleman and collector of objects of art, decides that she is an exactly suitable object to help furnish his palace in India. All that is demanded of her is that she dress only in black or white and pose beautifully in the drawing room. She is able to languish this way (dreaming, it must be confessed, of a mildly exciting romance) until Gerald is wounded and left for dead during a journey through India. Jennifer is carried to the Khan's palace, where she is told she must eat mutton fat (she who is accustomed to artichoke hearts and almond milk) to make her plump enough to please the Khan or she will be stuffed with pistachio nuts and served to him for dinner. Faced with these alternatives, she does what any enterprising woman would do under the circumstances— she faints. But, luckier than most, she revives in the arms of a prince. Prince Abbas is a denial of everything that Gerald represents: he is young, emotional, completely natural, and impetuous. Jennifer's lethargy immediately disappears, and the two decide to escape the palace together. But as Jennifer catches a glimpse of a revived Gerald, she realizes that escape is impossible. She returns to the palace, hoping to find her husband, but finds instead only imprisonment and then death. The Prince dies of a broken heart on her grave, as Gerald walks slowly through an eighteenth century garden, dressed in white linen and holding one perfect rose. The theme of the conflict between art and nature is obvious even in this short summary. Less obvious is the tone of the novel. It manages beautiful lyricism of baroque descriptions along with a burlesque of many earlier novels—Tom Jones, Vathek, Orlando, and Rasselas among them. She meant to emphasize the satirical, even using as a working title, The Lady Stuffed with Pistachio Nuts. With the title changed to Jennifer Lorn, many readers missed the satire as well as the pun; so many that Elinor Wylie wrote to Carl Van Vechten: You are the most delightful person to like Jennifer, and above all I bless you for thinking she is funny, instead of piling the responsibilities of an historical novel upon her porcelain shoulders.7 • 22 No one realized that Elinor Wylie was analyzing and satirizing herself at the same time. Characters and events in the novel have very apparent parallels in her own fife. Nancy Hoyt wrote of the physical resemblance of Gerald Poynyard to Horace Wylie; certainly it was Horace who taught the young, untutored Elinor the discipline of art and beauty as Gerald taught Jennifer. Elinor consciously identified with poor Jenny (as she did with all her leading characters). In a letter to Benet written as she worked on the novel, she said, "I lay supine—quite like Jennifer —all day, glad enough to be alone and neither read nor write." And the romantic Prince Abbas, whom Jennifer had to escape, most certainly represents Benet. Perhaps the more earthy, less rarified atmosphere of the world of Abbas-Benet and his journalist friends explains Elinor's strange need each summer to escape to England in order to write in the very towns where Horace Wylie had taught her about art. Not only do characters and events of Jennifer Lorn force comparisons with her life; its language was very close to her. Her first words to Benet about its inception were: "I have found a certain way to write, and I don't know where it comes from. Do you think it can be a throw-back to some remote ancestor?" Benet explains, "She had not so much adopted an eighteenth century manner as found it deeply interwoven in the fabric of her mind."8 But whether read as historical novel, satire, or allegory of her life, the book was successful. Sinclair Lewis cabled from Europe, "At last, a civilized American novel!" Carl Van Vechten led a torchlight parade down the streets of New York to celebrate its publication. And sales were surprisingly good, paving the way (with gold) for the publisher's eager acceptance of her second novel. That was Venetian Glass Nephew, again with an eighteenth Century setting, this time in the Italy of art, religion, and magic. The good Cardinal Peter Innocent Bon asks of his old age only to have a nephew to alleviate his loneliness. Through the efforts of Chastleneuf (Casanova) and an evil glass blower, Luna, a glass nephew, Virginio, is created, then vivified. He needs, of course, a wife, and is married to Rosalba, the natural daughter • 23 of another Cardinal. They are fond of each other, but their marriage is certain to fail, given his rigid glass body and her warm flesh. Rosalba tries first to die in a fire, then agrees to be transmuted by means of that fire into porcelain herself. Elinor Wylie felt that she had undergone the same kind of transmutation, a kind of purification through emotional pain. In a poem called "Epitaph" she wrote of herself:

In coldest crucibles of pain Her shrinking flesh was fired And smoothed into a finer grain To make it more desired. Pain left her lips more clear than glass; It coloured and cooled her hand. She lay a field of scented grass Yielded as pasture land. For this her loveliness was curved And carved as silver is: For this she was brave: but she deserved A better grave than this.9 In other ways Elinor Wylie resembles Rosalba. Most observers described the author much as Rosalba appeared after her ordeal: There was about her an air of perfect calm; she was poised, composed, and quiet, yet without stiffness; her attitude had the grace of a bird arrested in flight, a flower flexible, but un­ moved by wind.10 The Cardinal is pleased by the change. He "knew instinctively that her spirit was unstirred by any pang that may not be suf­ fered by an exemplary child of seven." This is among the lightest of the book's ironic observations that those who seem most innocent and pious, like Cardinal Innocent, can unin- telligently cause much evil, and those who seem corrupt, like Chastleneuf, can know the meaning of the greatest good. Thus, her allegory serves not only as comparison between art and Nature, again, but also as an attack on the society she so despised. Implicit in this theme is a criticism of her earlier attitude toward poetry. The most frequent theme of the poems in Nets to Catch the Wind had been the beauty of the passionless world of art, stated in the popular poems, "Wild Peaches," • 24 "Winter Sleep," and "Velvet Shoes." Such poems earned for her a reputation as a brilliant, emotionless craftsman. The novels, however, suggest that she regretted the circumstances that made her art so calm. With the next two volumes of poetry, Black Armour and Trivial Breath, she moved quickly toward a more personal, less reserved expression. Two further prose works helped to carry forward her ex­ ploration of herself. The Orphan Angel is again a novel of the eighteenth century. The narrative tells of the rescue of Shelley during the storm which sank his boat. He is brought to America, where his European elegance is tested by the hard­ ships of life in the wilderness. Most critics recognize that this is not a story about America, but most fail to see that it is not a story about Shelley, either. Although Elinor Wylie's so- called Shelley obsession is well known, and her longstanding identification with him as a poet, as a thinker, as an authentic human being, becomes total in The Orphan Angel, he is only a part of the subject of this novel. The real subject is Elinor Wylie herself. Not only is she the aristocratic Shiloh, the Shel- leyan figure, she is every major character in the book. Davy Butternut, the simple American who serves as Shiloh's com­ panion, is the most important of these. She had always insisted that, in spite of her many years abroad, one part of her was rooted in her family's New England past. She talked often about her homsespun side, and in "Wild Peaches" she wrote about the "Puritan marrow of my bones." Davy Butternut is all of these elements in her nature. In addition, she was gradually abandoning the baroque language of her earlier works. Dialogue between Shiloh and Davy demonstrates the extremes of language possible in the Wylie novels. Neither form of speech is close to anything a living person would use. Shiloh's is formal speech filled with erudite references: "The principle of virtual velocities employed by Lagrange to elucidate his theory of the libration of the moon . . ."n His criticism of Davy's language brings a reply in the American idion: Hold your infernal hush, you blasted son of a gun. Language, is it? How about your own language, which I'm sick to death of hearing of it, with all them everlasting long words and lunatic expressions as'd make cow laugh and drive a Christian • 25 crazy? You're a pretty one so talk about language now; you could be took up anywhere and jailed for most of the verbs you uses in an hour.12 The tastes of the two men in food, clothing, recreation, even women, are, similiarly, on opposite ends of the scale, showing the polarities of Elinor Wylie's personality. The women Shiloh and Davy meet on their trek across the continent are also facets of Elinor Wylie's personality: the very young, naive Melissa Dangerfield, whom they rescue from an unsuitable life with her father; Rosalie Lillie, a frontier bluestocking, who represents what the young Miss Hoyt of Washington society might have become, the lovely Anne, daughter of missionaries, who be­ comes an Indian princess; and finally Silver Cross, who is a symbol of Platonic intellectual beauty. Many critics think she is the soul sister Shelley sought and finally found through Elinor Wylie's intercession. But Shiloh rejects Silver Cross, in fact, after he has found her, as the author herself was rejecting the purely intellectual life. She advised in "The Minotaur," written during this period: Go study to disdain The frail, the over-fine Which tapers to a line Knotted about the brain. This only is the cure, To clasp the creature fast; The flesh survives at last Because it is not pure.13 She made her meaning even more specific in terms of The Orphan Angel when she wrote to a friend, "As a matter of fact, Shiloh went back to Anne, but this is too dear a secret to be divulged to the many." To the same correspondent she revealed how immediate the problems of this novel were to her: When I wrote my Angel, I built up a world so real to me and so desirable that I have never been able to escape from it since, into any sort of conceit with the present. I lived in it too long, and now I don't feel at home in what is reality.14 She did not want reality enough to try to capture it in her final novel, Mr. Hodge and Mr. Hazard. In that book, she brought back to life not just one poet, but a composite of many poets of the Romantic age, in the person of Mr. Hazard, a poetic • 26 failure as the author declared herself to be. Mr. Hazard's attrac­ tion to the two daughters of Clara Hunting, Allegra and Rosa, again reveals two sides of Elinor Wylie's nature. Further, this novel, like The Orphan Angel, traces the progress of its creator's language: Mr. Hazard's hair had been changing from bronze into silver, the virgin gold of his heart had been mixed with a sad alloy. If a heart is open, iron may very easily enter it, to alter the first purity of its metal.15 Elinor Wylie became very fond of "poor Mr. Hazard" as she described him in her letters. There is no doubt that he is the author herself, since she made the statement in an interview for the New York Sun shortly before her death. And Benet notes that she characterized the whole of her life in one para­ graph in that book: Now Hazard's own mind bloomed with auguries; it was spring, the jocund freshness of a morning to which high summer will succeed as noon. The autumnal evening of such a time could not fail to be a harvest of contentment. Only good luck could grow in such a land and such a season. Some devil had sown tares in the garden he had sought to plant in this green valley, but his impatience had despaired too soon, he had let an army of wretched weeds drive him out of his inheritance. He had been infantile in his swift despair; he had never lacked courage, but he had lacked fidelity and that careless trust in his own powers which is worth more to a man than the affection of families and the approval of publics. He should have forgotten his gibbering peers; he should have ignored the brute com­ monalty. He should have let the world run softly by, as the Thames ran softly between water-meadows, until all his songs were ended.16 Images of death appear frequently in this novel, as in her final book of poems, Angels and Earthly Creatures. But some­ thing more significant occurs in that final volume. With the nineteen sonnets called "One Person" her work arrives at that expression of herself which she had explored in her four novels. "This miracle," as she calls it, of falling in love unexpectedly produced these poems which have been compared with all the great sonnet sequences. Prepared for publication the night she died, they are a fitting final achievement for a poet who struggled so hard to find her individual voice. "Such a spirit," Edmund Wilson said, "among human beings can nowhere find itself • 27 at home. Received in the conventional world with aversion, i suspicion, and fear, it creates in that other world where people avowedly live by their wits and their imaginations, an embar­ rassment almost equally uncomfortable."17 Elinor Wylie man­ aged to face both worlds with courage and integrity. A stanza from "Let No Charitable Hope" shows her strength: In masks outrageous and austere The years go by in single file; But none has merited my fear, And none has quite escaped my smile.18

Notes — Elinor Wylie Elinor Wylie, Collected Prose (New York, 1934), p. 879. 2Undated clipping in the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University. 3Nancy Hoyt, Elinor Wylies Portrait of an Unknown Lady (Indianapolis and New York, 1935), p. 27. 4This is Henry Seidel Canby's phrase from American Memoir (Boston, 1947). 5Edna St. Vincent Millay, Letters. Edited by Allan Ross MacDougall (New York, 1952), p. 217. 6Stanley Kunitz, Twentieth Century Authors (New York, 1942), p. 1557. 7November 28, 1923. Manuscript in the New York Public Library. 8William Rose Benet, The Prose and Poetry of Elinor Wylie (Norton, Massachusetts, 1935). 9Elinor Wylie, Collected Poems (New York, 1932), p. 51. 10Collected Prose, p. 313. 11Collected Prose, p. 422. 12Collected Prose, p. 542. 13Collected Poems, p. 114. 14Letter to Arthur Ficke, December 28, 1926 (Yale). 15Collected Prose, p. 678. ^Collected Prose, p. 689. 17Edmund Wilson, The Shores of Light (New York, 1952), pp. 395-396. 18Collected Poems, p. 65. • 28

\m Recent Gifts and Acquisitions It is not at all surprising that of the most significant additions to the Library's collections in the past three or four years many were nearly or completely unattainable just a short time earlier. One development in the field of publishing has placed research materials within the reach of libraries whose history covers only a few decades in the twentieth century; the reprinting efforts of many publishing houses have contributed titles that until lately could be found only in the older academic institu­ tions and in private collections, whose combined resources could not begin to satisfy the needs of the nineteen-fifties, let alone the future. Johnson, Kraus, Burt Franklin, Benjamin Blom, and Gregg are a repre­ sentative few of such reprint publishers. Another development—or perhaps here trend is the better word—that has permitted libraries like our own to afford to our readers the possibili­ ties for serious and broad research is the printing in book form of cata­ logues of important collections. Some of these publications have been the work of the academic institution of which the collection is a part, others have been printed by private publishers. A representative group of such bibliographical publications follows, all of them purchased within the past two years.

NEW YORK. PUBLIC LIBRARY. HISPANIC AND LUSO-BRAZILIAN Schomburg Collection of Negro COUNCILS. Canning House Library. Literature and History. The nine- Canning House Library, Hispanic volume dictionary catalog, publish­ Council, London; author catalogue ed in Boston by G. K. Hall, 1962. and subject catalogue, and Canning House Library, Luso-Brazilian BOSTON UNIVERSITY. LIBRARIES. Catalog of African government Council author and subject cata­ documents and African area index. logues. Together five volumes. Boston, G. K. Hall, 1967. Boston, G. K. Hall, 1964. JAHN, JANHEINZ. A bibliography of HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA. neo-African literature from Africa, LIBRARY. Catalogue of the Library. America, and the Caribbean. New Ten volumes. Boston, G. K. Hall, York, F. A. Praeger, 1965. 1962. NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY. LIBRARY. Evanston, Illinois, Library. Catalog Various sections of the Widener of the African Collection. Two Library Shelflist, published in Cam­ volumes. Boston, G. K. Hall, 1962. bridge and distributed by the Har­ vard University Press, 1968. In­ LONDON. UNIVERSITY. School of cluded are Canadian History; Latin Oriental and African Studies. Li­ America and Latin American brary Catalogue. Twenty-eight vol­ Periodicals; Russian History Since umes. Boston, G. K. Hall, 1963. 1917; China, Japan, and Korea; COMHAIRE, J. L. L. Urban Condi- Southern Asia . . . ; Africa; Ameri­ tions in Africa. London, Oxford can History; Bibliography; and Ed­ University Press, 1952. ucation and Education Periodicals.

29 CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE

EVELYN THOMAS HELMICK is a doctoral candidate and an in­ structor in English. Other articles have appeared in The Carrell (Winter 1966) and The American Studies Journal; and have been accepted by the Emerson Society Journal and the Emerson Society Quarterly.

ROBERT E. MCNICOLL graduated with the class of 1931 at the University of Miami, received his doctorate in Latin Amer­ ican History from Duke University, was a member of the faculty at the University of Miami from 1937 to 1946, and returned in 1966 as Professor of History and Director of Inter-American Studies in the Center for Advanced Inter­ national Studies.

LARUE STINGER STORM is a well known Miami artist who has exhibited, among other places, at the Corcoran Gallery, Wash­ ington, D.C., the Butler Museum, Ohio, the Columbia (South Carolina) Museum, the El Paso Museum, Texas. She currently is teaching art at the University of Miami and is revising her thesis on Jose Guadalupe Posada for publication by the Univer­ sity of Miami Press.

30 w FRIENDS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI LIBRARY

HE FRIENDS OF THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY is an association of book- Tloving people organized to increase the general interest in and knowledge of the Library of the University of Miami; to present lectures; to hold exhibitions and to sponsor publications; to add special materials for scholarly research to the Library's collections; to assist the work of the Library in its relation to every department of the University and to carry to the whole community the great tradition and ennobling force of letters. MEMBERSHIP. Any person interested in the objectives and activities of the Friends may become a member on application duly approved. DUES. The annual membership fee is $10 per person, $15.00 family, through October 31st of each year. Dues due November 1. PRIVILEGES. All lectures, exhibitions and publications of the Friends are free to members. Memorial and Honorary Life Memberships will be given year by year to individuals who have significantly contributed to the development of the Library. THE CARRELL will be published twice a year. One copy only will be mailed to family memberships. Subscription, by non-members or for mem­ bers' gift copies, is $2 annually; single current copies $1.25; back copies $2.

OFFICERS

President: MRS. HERBERT O. VANCE Vice-President and Chairman of the Spicer-Simson Lectures: MRS. HERVEY ALLEN

Secretary: MRS. GAINES WILSON Executive Secretary: MRS. SUE GREGG

Treasurer: DON WESSELL Chairman, Rare Book Group: ALFRED BARTON Co-chairman: MARJORY STONEMAN DOUGLAS

BOARD OF DIRECTORS Mrs. Bowman F. Ashe, Theodore Bolton, Mrs. Ellen Edelen, Dr. Henry Field, Edward P. Goodnow, Nathaniel Hooper, Jean Lee Latham, Anna Brenner Meyers, Mrs. William W. Muir, Mrs. Hollis Rinehart, Kenneth Triester, Mrs. Charles Thompson, Frank E. Watson, Mrs. Philip Wylie.