Code-Switching, Intuitive Knowledge, and the Bilingual Classroom. PUB DATE 88 NOTE 12P.; In: Garcia, Herman S

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AUTHOR Aguirre, Adalberto, Jr. TITLE Code-Switching, Intuitive Knowledge, and the Bilingual Classroom. PUB DATE 88 NOTE 12p.; In: Garcia, Herman S. and Chavez, Rudolfo Chavez. Ethnoliriguistic Issues in Education, 1988. For a related document, see ED 309 002. PUB TYPE Reports - Evaluative/Feasibility (142) -- Viewpoints (120)

EDRS PRICE MFO1 /PCO1 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Behavior Patterns; Bilingual Education; *Bilingual Students; *Bilingual Teachers; *Code Switching (Language); Educational Strategies; *Student Characteristics; *Teacher Attitudes

ABSTRACT The role of language alternation, or code-switching, in the bilingual classroom can be used as a teaching and learning strategy. Code-switching is simply a recognition of the fact that more than one language can define events and persons. Not all forms of code-switching are regarded as acceptable in the bilingual classroom. Language alternation in bilingual classrooms must be meaningful in itself and not simply reflect a language choice. A teacher who is bilingual has intuitive knowledge of bilingual behavior that can be instrumental ir constructing a sociolinguistic profile of the student in the bilingual classroom. With this knowledge, the teacher can determine (1) what is being switched and how it is being switched;(2) whether a student is mixing or alternating languages in a manner that communicates confusion; and (3) criteria for separating meaningful from meaningless code-switching. BasPd on these discoveries, the teacher can structure classroom behavior more effectively. (MSE)

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points of view or opinions stated in this dOcu. official TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES men( do not necessarily represent 'NFVRMATIDN VENTER (ERIC)." OERI position or policy ode-Swutching, Intuitive Knowledge, and the Bilingual Classroom*

Adalberto Aguirre, Jr.

This paper discusses the role of language alternation,or code-switching, in the bilingual classroomas a learning and teaching strategy.Particular focusis on the conceptual complexity surrounding the definition of code-switchingin the bilingual classroom, andon the association between code-switching and intuitive knowledge of bilingual behavior. The principal assertion in this paper is thata bilingual teacher's intuitive knowledge of bilingual behaviorcan be instrumental in his or her construction ofa sociolinguistic profile for the student in the bilingual classroom.

Most explanations of social behavior bypersons in everyday life arc not the products of explicit mental modelsor coherent theoretical substructures, according to diSess.t (152,8f). Asmuch as one would like believe that social explanation in ..veryday life is the product of a calculative and contrastive analysis,social explanat;,n is primarily a cognitiveprocess based on elements in commonsense observation. For example, persons often dependon feelings("Something doesn'tseemright....Itdoesn'tfeel right") or perceptions ("It doesn't look right...Something looks out of WmC.) to construct explanations that fit their observations. As organizing principles in the explanation ofeveryday life, elements incommonsense observation, such as feeling and perception, enable personsto gathertheirobservationsinto meaningful categories.

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THE OBSERVATION OF ALTERNATION A questionteachersofbilingualchildreninbilingual classrooms often askis, "What doesit mean when bilingual children alternate languages in ongoing discourse?" Thequestion isinresponse to the observationthat bilingual childrendo alternate or switch their two languages in thesame sentence or utterance. Secondly, the question is produced by interpreting the observation to mean that language alternation ismeaningful to the bilingual speakers involvecl in the social interaction.There areatleasttwotypesofworkingexplanationsforthe phenomenon one can construct:(1)language alternationin bilingual children's discours demonstrates their speakingknowl- edge of two languages, and (2) language alternation inbilingual children's discourse indicates that the speakerspossess a sociolinguistic competency that permits themto alternate languages in a meaningful and communicativemanner (Aguirre, 1985). Given that language alternation isa sociolinguistic feature in the discourse of bilingual speakers, howmay teachers construct working explanations for language alternation that willenable them to understand what the alternationmeans, and what it communicates about a bilingual child's sociolinguistic behavior? My purpose inthe following pagesisto examine language alternationin bilingual speech and itsutilityto teachers of bilingual children in bilingual education classrooms.hat is, this paper focuses on theuse of language alternation, or code- switching, as a teaching and learningstrategy in the bilingual classroom, and on the association of code-switchingwith a teacher'sintuitive knowledge of bilingualbehavior. Thus,I intend to demonstrate thatintuitive knowledge of bilingual behavior is both appropriate' and essentialfor evaluating the sociolinguistic eventsthat produce questions about bilingual behaviorthatateoftei:assumedtobeunanswerable 01 unwot kable.

CODE-SWITCHING ( :ode- switchingisatel usedtodescribethosespeech situations in which (a) speakers alternate betweentwo 01 more languages, varieties of language,or speech styles; (h) speakers alternate between two different language codes within thesame discourse. which implies thatthe speakers ate aware of the switch: 01 (c) speakers alternate betweentwo different language systems because of the envitonment (for instance, thepresence of

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a speech partner with whom the speaker prefers to speak in the other language) or topic of discussion (Hymes, 1974; Linn', 1970; St. Clair ge X'al&s, 1980). A general survey of the code-switching literature reveals that one can identify two major concerns. On the one hand, a focus on the sot ial uses of code-switching In,s resulted in analyses of therulesforspeaking,Orcommunicative competence,for bilingual speakers (Denison, 1968; Lipski, 1980; X'alds, 1980). Theserulesforspeakingare examinedbyobservingthe participation of bilingual speakers in social events that require istic interaction. By noting the association between rules for speaking and ongoing social interaction, the observer can outline theprocessby whichspeakersselectthe appropriate code (language), and can understand how code selection contributes to the maintenance of the social context. As a result, one can observe the contextuali/ation of social interaction. For example, a social dimension such as social distance can affect code selection; the c hoice of Haitian French or Creole in Haiti marks role shifts within a social event. Concern with the lingustic features of code-switching also has led researchers to examine those linguistic environments in which code-switching occurs(Pfaff,1979;Sridhar & Sridhar,1980; X'al(ks-Fallis,1976). By uncovering linguistic regularity in the production of code-switching, studies of linguistic environment attempt to demonstrate that bilingual speakers possess subsets of grammatical knowledge that permit the ordered alternation of languages.Forexample, among English/Spanishbilingual Mexican-Anwiican speakers in California, adverbial constructions may be switched: "Faros next week," but not as interrogatives, "When vamos?"; a switch may occur at a noun phrase only after a determiner: "Se lo di a mi grandfather," but not as, "Se to di a my grandfather": an adverb may be switched before an adjective: "Es very friendly," but not, "Escry amistoso" (Gumperz & Hernandet-(:lnive/. 1970). Code-sv:itc ping is then an instrum,ntal activity in constructing and maintaining bilingoal social interaction, and it indicates the operationofanorderedlinguisticprocessthatfacilitates bilingual communication. Code-switching is not random linguis- ticproduction, in the sense that itis only speech mixture, but rather is the product of ordered linguistic selection.it follows, then, that code - switching is not an indication that a bilingual speaker is linguistically incongruent with ongoing social inteiac-

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lion;itis instead an active process of negotiation thatensures a high degree of linguistic and socialcongruence within a given context (Aguirre, 1978; Miller, 1984).

CODE-SWITCHING IN THE BILINGUAL CLASSROOM hen thoughcode-switchinghasattractedaconsiderable amount of sociolinguistic and psycholinguistic interest, its role in the bilingual classroomas a teaching and learning strategy has been subjected to only limited attention.Although teachers in bilingual classrooms readily admit thepresence of code-switching in classroom discourseamong bilingual children (Aguirre, 1984), researchers have been very cautious in describing therole of code- switching in bilingual classroomstructure and activity. This caution may be due in part toa concern shared by researchers that code-switching shouldnot be used as a language-assessment devicethatcouldresultina mismatch betweenbilingual discourse and bilingual behavior (see 1-1ude lson, 1983and Iluerta- Mocias, 1983 for interesting examples). The study of code-switchingas a classroom teaching and learning strategy has been plagued with problemsthat stem from the conceptual complexity of the description ofwhat type of code-switching is most productive in the bilingualclassroom. For instance, while Jacobson (1975, 1979) isa leading supporter of code- switching as a teaching strategy in the bilingualclassroom, heiscarefultopointoutthathis concernisonly with intersentential code-switching (thatis,the alternation of both languages in separate and independcntutterances that reinforce the sociolinguistic knowledge the speakerpossessesfor each language). Ac'c'ording to Jacobson (1931),any use of intersentential code-switching in the bilingual classroomshould be done with the following concerns in mind: I. The extent to which the native languagemust by developed in order for the learner to succeed in learninga second language; 2. 1-1w extent to which the home language "-.ouldbe used in school in order to develop positive attitudes towardit: 3. The extentto which firstlanguage maintenance in the primary grades willnotinlet fete with the transition to English in post primary education; f. The extent to which theuse of both languages would lead to an understanding ofthe bilingual functioning ofsome sectors in our society; and 1.S.S1'1.:S 1..1)I'LATION

5. The extenttowhich schoolsubjects could be learned through two language media. In a similar.'etcompeting, viewpoint, Gonzalez (1972)has argued against the use of code-switching in bilingualclassrooms. Underlying Cvonta leis viewpointare the observations that: 1. Children can learna second language while maintaining their first language, but allowing code-switching deprives the child of the opportunitytopractice using the two languages as separate modes of communication; 2. Code-switching in the bilingual classroomencourages the student to use the stronger language (usuallyEnglish) rather than attempting new linguistic expressionsin the weaker language; and 3. The useofcode-switchingpreventstheteacher from identifying language areas in need of remediation. In a reformulated view thatmerges closely with jambson's stance, Gonzalez & Mae/ (1980) argued that: "Code-switching of the intersentential type can and should 1w usedin teaching, while intrasentential code-switching should be accepted(as should any variety of language the child brings with him)but should not he used by the teacher. In addition, thetea( her should assure that when Gk. !hill does engage in innaseentialcode-switching, the v.ord switched to English is in his repertoire"(p.133). Code- s %itching then is regarded as a valuable tool in the bilingual classroom wh,to it occurs in separate and independentlinguistic events. In contrast, code-switching thatoccurs within the same linguistic event (intrisentential), while regardedas a sociolinguistic feature in bilingual speech, is viewedas an impediment to the development of independent bilingual languageuse. Thus the concern is Mg so much with the presenceor occurrenie of code- switching in the bilingual classroomasitis with the form it assumes.vbile the preceding in describing the role of code-switching in thebilingual classroom, theyareflint SellIalINT oftheprincipalconceptualissues surrounding the use of «le-switchingas a teaching strategy. One lutist note that the presence of code-switching in thebilingual lsstoois both obvious and unavoidable. Placingthe pedagog- ical issues aside, tea( hers in bilingual classroomsencounter code- switching in then students' discourseat hotthe intrasentential and intersentential levels.Itis necessary that teachers in these

6 .4(;111iRk.CODE.S11711:111,\Y; ya situations regard «nle-switching as a communicative strategy. By doing so, teac hers in bilingual education classrooms may be able tousethenintuitiveknowledge ofbilingualbehaviorto construct a sociolinguistic profile of a bilingual student.

INTUITIVE KNOWLEDGE As mentioned previously, social explanation in everyday life is based on elements in commonsense observation. As a cumulative strategy inthe development of simple knowledge structures, principlesof commonsense observation makeitpossiblefor persons to develop a base of intuitive knowledge that reflects their own life experiences. This base of intuitive knowledge is used to infuse order into the meaning of everydaylife.For example, simple knowledge structures for global categories such as sex, class, or race enable persons to observe, in au ordered manner, the social behavior of persons possessing one or more of these globalcharacteristics. The cumulativeeffectofthese global characteristics results in the construction of structured relationships among global categories. The colstruction of structural relationships, in turn, facilitates the formulation Of expectations for interpreting everyday life. Thus persons experience order in their everydaylivesifpeople and eventsare' experienced as expected (Aguirre, 1981; Bouhling, 1981). Secondly, this base of intuitive knowledge allows persons to observe and order their observations zicross a variety and number of social contexts. Within any One social context, people observe ongoing social activity both from a variety of perspet tives, and one that is specific to [holr own interpretations of self in everyday life. It seems reasonable to state, then, that a person's explanation forhis orhetobservationswillexhibit varying degrees of understanding given tlw person's own interpretation of self. That is,the' closet the approximation between an olnervation and a person's base of intuitive knowledge, the higher the dewee of socialundeistandingreflectedintheinterpretationofthe ongoing social activity. Conversely, as approximation between an observation andint !dive knowledge decreases,the degree of social understanding oecrrases. Although the notion of intuitive knowledge is at great variance' with philosophical or phenomenological notions,itfocuses on only one feature: understanding. Where an epistemologist may focus on intuitive knowledge as a mode of evident:.,I am more concerned with the tole intuitive knowledge plays in developing voiNold,v(;17sTi(: 34 1)1,c/4770N levels of social understanding. Such a characterization of intuitive knowledge is also one thatis limited to use in the bilingual classroom. Similar to the viewpoint expressed by Noddings and Shore (1984) regarding the general use of intuitive modes in education, this paper considers how intuitive knowledge may contribute to the teaching of bilingual children and how such teaching may enhance intuitive capacities.

A METATHEORETICAL APPROACH We have already noted that bilingual speakers are able to alternate languages in a manner reflecting a process of ordered selection. Let us assume that this process of ordered selection is dependent on a bilingual speaker's base of intuitive knowledge for bilingual behavior. Let us further assume that this base of intuitive knowledge expands in correspondence with a bilingual speaker's ability to approach a state of balance for his or her language use. A prerequisite, however, for approaching a state of balanceisactive participationin bilingual contexts. Thus a bilingual speaker's base of intuitive knowledge for bilingual behavior will expand in correspondence with his or her degree of balance in language use and participation in bilingual contexts. As a result, simply speaking two languages is not sufficient to permit the development of a base of intuitive knowledge for bilingual behavior (see De Avila,1987;Pfaff,1987). We must assume thatteachers in bilingual classrooms are bilingual and proficient in the languages their students speak. For teachers in bilingual classrooms not to be bilingual would render both the classroom and its interactive behavior meaningless. Although the organizational features of the classroom would impose some order into classroom behavior, both student and teacher would beoperating withincontextsof ambiguous interpretation. In other words, in order to establish a relative degree of understanding for carrying out classroom lessons, there must be a high level of correspondence between a teacher'sand a student's base of intuitive knowledge (for example, see Heath, 1985,and Rodriguez,1985). Assuming that all of the preceding assumptions are operative in the everyday life of the bilingual classroom, how, then, can a bilingual teacher use intuitive knowledge of bilingual behavior :o enhance learning and teaching activities for bilingual chii..,11? The following observations are reflective, rather than inciliz.ive, of what is possible.

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Fit st,the bilingual teacher inthe bilingual classroomcan listen to a student's code-switching inorder to identify what is being switched and how itis being switched, suchas word repetition across languages. Ifa teacher's intuitive knowledge tells him or her that the childpossesses similar linguistic ability ineach language, thenthe teacher may wanttoalternate languages with thestudentin ordertobuild on sentence compelxity and word power.In turn,the student's base of intuitive knowledge for bilingual behavioris enhanced. Asa result, both teacher and student increasetheir levels of understanding regarding ongoing social activity. Second, the bilingual teacher's intuitiveknowledge may tell him or her that a bilingual studentis mixing, rather than alternating, languages, ina manner that communicates confusion. For example, the language mixturemight be incongruent with whatissocially and linguistically possible withinthe context. The teacher can thenuse his or her own intuitive knowledge tointerpretthe observationinorderto separate language confusion from languagelearningproblems. The teacher can then employ code-switchingas a strategy to teach the student how to transferconcepts, and their linguistic symbols, from one language to another(Tsang, 1983). The goal is touse code-switching to developa student's linguistic knowledge for two separate symbols and their appropriate meanings. Third, the bilingual teachercan employ intuitive knowledge of code-switching to develop criteria for separatingmeaningful from meaningless code-switching. That is, thebilingual teacher can distinguish those speakers whose code-switchingis reflective of participation in bilingual contexts from thosespeakers who have learned how to code-switchas part of social activity, suc h as in language play as a process of,Troup identity (see Guniperz & Ilernandet-Chavez,1970). The formerareusuallyproficient bilinguals, while thelatter are limited intheir use of both languages. The implication, ofcourse, is that not all persons who code-switchare bilingual speakers. The teacher can develop sets of classroom lessons thatare bilingual in goals and can encourage reinforcement outside ofthe classroom (Ornstein, 1982). The preceding observationsare only those associated with the useofintuitive knowledge for code-switchingby bilingual teachers with bilingual students inbilingual classrooms. The attractiveness of the approach discussedin this paper is thatit

9 1..771,VO1.IM,U1NTIC IS.S(7, EDUC.ilioN takes into consideration the limited time available to teachers for making lengthy evaluations of students' language abilities and needs. Second, by using their own intuitive knowledge, teachers areinabetter positiontostructure classroom behaviorin correspondence with the span of bilingual abilities generated by studentsinthe classroom. Third, this approach enables the bilingualteacherto construct asociolinguistic profile for t.1 bilingual student given the teacher's intuitive knowledge of social and linguistic features in bilingual behavior. Thus the product would be a sociolinguistic profile highlighting global, rather than particularistic-. features in a student's bilingual behavior. Because the piocess of education is, in general, oriented toward students' global rather than particularistic learning features, such an approachiscompatible with whatisboth possible and probable in tlw school classroom.

SUMMARY The controversy will no doubt continue as to what role code- switching should playit'tue bilingual classroom.Itis worth noting that regardless of the view one holds, code- switching is a reflection of sociolinguistic negotiationin everyday bilingual behavior. The presence of code-switching is simply a recognition of the fact that more than one language is capable of defining events and persons. It is also worth noting that not all forms of code-switching are regarded as acceptable in the bilingual classroom. Intersentential code-switching is generally accepted as the most effective in the bilingual classroom because it provides for the development of language compartmentalization. That is, language alternation in bilingual classrooms must be meaningful in itself and not simply reflect a language choice. The alternation must communicate meaning and be linked to co-occurring features in the social context. Finally, the primary obstacle to the metatheoretical approach outlined in thi., paper stems from one of the many dilemmas facedbybilingualeducation:manyteachersinbilingual education classrooms are not proficient bilinguals, and many of those who are proficient bilinguals do not necessarily speak the same non-English language as their students speak (Aguirre, 1986). The bilingual studentisatriskinthese classroom situations becausetheteachetisunable to comprehend the manner in which the student is negotiating his 01 her social and

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linguistic identity. A teaher's limitedcomprehension of bilingual behavior results in the identificationof learning pi oblems that are assumed to be reflective of languageproblems, but that are not reflective of a student's language learning needs.The unavoidable outcomeisthatclassroom structure becomesa barriertosociolinguisticinteraction and exchange between teacher and student.

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