MICROTARGETING AS INFORMATION WARFARE Jessica
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Arxiv:2103.00242V1 [Cs.CL] 27 Feb 2021 Media-Platforms-Peak-Points.Html Aint Ohr.Ti Silsrtdi H Entosof Definitions the in Illustrated Is This Disinfo of Harm
A Survey on Stance Detection for Mis- and Disinformation Identification Momchil Hardalov1,2∗ , Arnav Arora1,3 , Preslav Nakov1,4 and Isabelle Augenstein1,3 1CheckStep Research 2Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Bulgaria 3University of Copenhagen, Denmark 4Qatar Computing Research Institute, HBKU, Doha, Qatar {momchil, arnav, preslav.nakov, isabelle}@checkstep.com Abstract these notions by Claire Wardle from First Draft,2 misinforma- tion is “unintentional mistakes such as inaccurate photo cap- Detecting attitudes expressed in texts, also known tions, dates, statistics, translations, or when satire is taken as stance detection, has become an important task seriously.”, and disinformation is “fabricated or deliberately for the detection of false information online, be it manipulated audio/visual context, and also intentionally cre- misinformation (unintentionally false) or disinfor- ated conspiracy theories or rumours.”. While the intent to do mation (intentionally false, spread deliberately with harm is very important, it is also very hard to prove. Thus, the malicious intent). Stance detection has been framed vast majority of work has focused on factuality, thus treating in different ways, including: (a) as a component misinformation and disinformation as part of the same prob- of fact-checking, rumour detection, and detecting lem: spread of false information (regardless of whether this is previously fact-checked claims; or (b) as a task in done with harmful intent). This is also the approach we will its own right. While there have -
An Analysis of Facebook Ads in European Election Campaigns
Are microtargeted campaign messages more negative and diverse? An analysis of Facebook ads in European election campaigns Alberto López Ortega University of Zurich Abstract Concerns about the use of online political microtargeting (OPM) by campaigners have arisen since Cambridge Analytica scandal hit the international political arena. In addition to providing conceptual clarity on OPM and explore the use of such technique in Europe, this paper seeks to empirically disentangle the differing behavior of campaigners when they message citizens through microtargeted rather than non-targeted campaigning. More precisely, I hypothesize that campaigners use negative campaigning and are more diverse in terms of topics when they use OPM. To investigate whether these expectations hold true, I use text-as-data techniques to analyze an original dataset of 4,091 political Facebook Ads during the last national elections in Austria, Italy, Germany and Sweden. Results show that while microtargeted ads might indeed be more thematically diverse, there does not seem to be a significant difference to non-microtargeted ads in terms of negativity. In conclusion, I discuss the implications of these findings for microtargeted campaigns and how future research could be conducted. Keywords: microtargeting, campaigns, negativity, topic diversity 1 1. Introduction In 2016, Alexander Nix, chief executive officer of Cambridge Analytica – a political consultancy firm – gave a presentation entitled “The Power of Big Data and Psychographics in the Electoral Process”. In his presentation, he explained how his firm allegedly turned Ted Cruz from being one of the less popular candidates in the Republican primaries to be the best competitor of Donald Trump. According to Nix’s words, they collected individuals’ personal data from a range of different sources, like land registries or online shopping data that allowed them to develop a psychographic profile of each citizen in the US. -
Exploring the Utility of Memes for US Government Influence Campaigns
Exploring the Utility of Memes for U.S. Government Influence Campaigns Vera Zakem, Megan K. McBride, Kate Hammerberg April 2018 Cleared for Public Release DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. Approved for public release: distribution unlimited. D RM-2018-U-017433-Final This document contains the best opinion of CNA at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the sponsor. Distribution DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. Approved for public release: distribution unlimited. SPECIFIC AUTHORITY: N00014-16-D-5003 4/17/2018 Request additional copies of this document through [email protected]. Photography Credit: Toy Story meme created via imgflip Meme Generator, available at https://imgflip.com/memegenerator, accessed March 24, 2018. Approved by: April 2018 Dr. Jonathan Schroden, Director Center for Stability and Development Center for Strategic Studies This work was performed under Federal Government Contract No. N00014-16-D-5003. Copyright © 2018 CNA Abstract The term meme was coined in 1976 by Richard Dawkins to explore the ways in which ideas spread between people. With the introduction of the internet, the term has evolved to refer to culturally resonant material—a funny picture, an amusing video, a rallying hashtag—spread online, primarily via social media. This CNA self-initiated exploratory study examines memes and the role that memetic engagement can play in U.S. government (USG) influence campaigns. We define meme as “a culturally resonant item easily shared or spread online,” and develop an epidemiological model of inoculate / infect / treat to classify and analyze ways in which memes have been effectively used in the online information environment. Further, drawing from our discussions with subject matter experts, we make preliminary observations and identify areas for future research on the ways that memes and memetic engagement may be used as part of USG influence campaigns. -
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Packaging Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3th639mx Author Galloway, Catherine Suzanne Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California PACKAGING POLITICS by Catherine Suzanne Galloway A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California at Berkeley Committee in charge Professor Jack Citrin, Chair Professor Eric Schickler Professor Taeku Lee Professor Tom Goldstein Fall 2012 Abstract Packaging Politics by Catherine Suzanne Galloway Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jack Citrin, Chair The United States, with its early consumerist orientation, has a lengthy history of drawing on similar techniques to influence popular opinion about political issues and candidates as are used by businesses to market their wares to consumers. Packaging Politics looks at how the rise of consumer culture over the past 60 years has influenced presidential campaigning and political culture more broadly. Drawing on interviews with political consultants, political reporters, marketing experts and communications scholars, Packaging Politics explores the formal and informal ways that commercial marketing methods – specifically emotional and open source branding and micro and behavioral targeting – have migrated to the -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Effectiveness of Campaign Messages On Turnout and Vote Choice A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Sylvia Yu Friedel 2013 ©Copyright by Sylvia Yu Friedel 2013 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Effectiveness of Campaign Messages On Turnout and Vote Choice by Sylvia Yu Friedel Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2013 Professor Lynn Vavreck, Chair In this dissertation, I study campaign effects on turnout and vote choice. I analyze different campaign messages and the way they affect voters across various situations. First, through an online survey experiment, I study the impact of campaign messages and ideological cues on voters as they make inferences on candidates. Next, through a field experiment, I test whether microtargeted messages or general messages on the economy have any effect on turnout. Lastly, using online survey data, I examine how cross-pressured voters behave electorally when holding an opposing party’s position on social issues. These three studies indicate that different messages do, in fact, matter. Furthermore, voters are not fools—they are reasoning and rational. While partisanship does continue to heavily impact voting decisions, voters do consider issue positions and different voting dimensions (i.e., social, economic, moral). In light of this, campaigns should continue their efforts to persuade and inform the electorate. ii The dissertation -
Additional Submissions to Parliament in Support of Inquiries Regarding Brexit Damian Collins MP Dear Mr Collins, Over the Past M
Additional Submissions to Parliament in Support of Inquiries Regarding Brexit Damian Collins MP Dear Mr Collins, Over the past many months, I have been going through hundreds of thousands of emails and documents, and have come across a variety of communications that I believe are important in furthering your inquiry into what happened between Cambridge Analytica, UKIP and the Leave.EU campaign. As multiple enquiries found that no work was done, I would like to appeal those decisions with further evidence that should hopefully help you and your colleagues reach new conclusions. As you can see with the evidence outlined below and attached here, chargeable work was completed for UKIP and Leave.EU, and I have strong reasons to believe that those datasets and analysed data processed by Cambridge Analytica as part of a Phase 1 payable work engagement (see the proposal documents submitted last April), were later used by the Leave.EU campaign without Cambridge Analytica’s further assistance. The fact remains that chargeable work was done by Cambridge Analytica, at the direction of Leave.EU and UKIP executives, despite a contract never being signed. Despite having no signed contract, the invoice was still paid, not to Cambridge Analytica but instead paid by Arron Banks to UKIP directly. This payment was then not passed onto Cambridge Analytica for the work completed, as an internal decision in UKIP, as their party was not the beneficiary of the work, but Leave.EU was. I am submitting the following additional materials to supplement the testimony and documents I gave to the DCMS Committee last year as follows: 1) FW PRESS INVITATION HOW TO WIN THE EU REFERENDUM INVITE ONLY.pdf a. -
The Evolution of the Digital Political Advertising Network
PLATFORMS AND OUTSIDERS IN PARTY NETWORKS: THE EVOLUTION OF THE DIGITAL POLITICAL ADVERTISING NETWORK Bridget Barrett A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the Hussman School of Journalism and Media. Chapel Hill 2020 Approved by: Daniel Kreiss Adam Saffer Adam Sheingate © 2020 Bridget Barrett ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Bridget Barrett: Platforms and Outsiders in Party Networks: The Evolution of the Digital Political Advertising Network (Under the direction of Daniel Kreiss) Scholars seldom examine the companies that campaigns hire to run digital advertising. This thesis presents the first network analysis of relationships between federal political committees (n = 2,077) and the companies they hired for electoral digital political advertising services (n = 1,034) across 13 years (2003–2016) and three election cycles (2008, 2012, and 2016). The network expanded from 333 nodes in 2008 to 2,202 nodes in 2016. In 2012 and 2016, Facebook and Google had the highest normalized betweenness centrality (.34 and .27 in 2012 and .55 and .24 in 2016 respectively). Given their positions in the network, Facebook and Google should be considered consequential members of party networks. Of advertising agencies hired in the 2016 electoral cycle, 23% had no declared political specialization and were hired disproportionately by non-incumbents. The thesis argues their motivations may not be as well-aligned with party goals as those of established political professionals. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES .................................................................................................................... V POLITICAL CONSULTING AND PARTY NETWORKS ............................................................................... -
Is America Prepared for Meme Warfare?
EN MEMES Is America Prepared for Meme Warfare? Jacob Siegel Jan 31 2017, 10:00am Memes function like IEDs. Memes, as any alt-right Pepe sorcerer will tell you, are not just frivolous entertainment. They are magic, the stu by which reality is made and manipulated. What's perhaps surprising is that this view is not so far o from one within the US defense establishment, where a growing body of research explores how memes can be used to win wars. This recent election proved that memes, some of which have been funded by politically motivated millionaires and foreign governments, can be potent weapons, but they pose a particular challenge to a superpower like the United States. Memes appear to function like the IEDs of information warfare. They are natural tools of an insurgency; great for blowing things up, but likely to sabotage the desired eects when handled by the larger actor in an asymmetric conict. Just think back to the NYPD's hashtag SHARE TWEET EN boondoggle for an example of how quickly things can go wrong when big institutions try to control messaging on the internet. That doesn't mean research should be abandoned or memes disposed of altogether, but as the NYPD case and other examples show, the establishment isn't really built for meme warfare. For a number of reasons, memetics are likely to become more important in the new White House. To understand this issue, we rst have to dene what a meme is because that is a subject of some controversy and confusion in its own right. -
Science & Technology Trends 2020-2040
Science & Technology Trends 2020-2040 Exploring the S&T Edge NATO Science & Technology Organization DISCLAIMER The research and analysis underlying this report and its conclusions were conducted by the NATO S&T Organization (STO) drawing upon the support of the Alliance’s defence S&T community, NATO Allied Command Transformation (ACT) and the NATO Communications and Information Agency (NCIA). This report does not represent the official opinion or position of NATO or individual governments, but provides considered advice to NATO and Nations’ leadership on significant S&T issues. D.F. Reding J. Eaton NATO Science & Technology Organization Office of the Chief Scientist NATO Headquarters B-1110 Brussels Belgium http:\www.sto.nato.int Distributed free of charge for informational purposes; hard copies may be obtained on request, subject to availability from the NATO Office of the Chief Scientist. The sale and reproduction of this report for commercial purposes is prohibited. Extracts may be used for bona fide educational and informational purposes subject to attribution to the NATO S&T Organization. Unless otherwise credited all non-original graphics are used under Creative Commons licensing (for original sources see https://commons.wikimedia.org and https://www.pxfuel.com/). All icon-based graphics are derived from Microsoft® Office and are used royalty-free. Copyright © NATO Science & Technology Organization, 2020 First published, March 2020 Foreword As the world Science & Tech- changes, so does nology Trends: our Alliance. 2020-2040 pro- NATO adapts. vides an assess- We continue to ment of the im- work together as pact of S&T ad- a community of vances over the like-minded na- next 20 years tions, seeking to on the Alliance. -
Safeguarding Digital Democracy Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative Roadmap
DIDI Roadmap March 2020 | No. 4 Safeguarding Digital Democracy Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative Roadmap Karen Kornbluh and Ellen P. Goodman with contributions by Eli Weiner Washington, DC Ankara Belgrade Berlin Brussels Bucharest Paris Warsaw DIDI Roadmap March 2020 | No. 4 The Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative The Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative works to foster innovation and ensure that technology strengthens Table of Contents democracy. DIDI leverages GMF’s transatlantic network and network of senior fellows to promote strategies for reforming policies for the digital age. 3 Executive summary Authors 8 Introduction Karen Kornbluh, former U.S. Ambassador to the Organiza- tion for Economic Cooperation and Development, is Senior 10 Politically motivated Fellow and Director of the Digital Innovation and Democracy disinformation campaigns Initiative at the German Marshall Fund of the United States. Ellen P. Goodman is a professor at Rutgers Law School, where 27 After tech utopianism she is co-director and co-founder of the Rutgers Institute for Information Policy & Law at Rutgers Law School, and Non-Resident Senior Fellow at the German Marshall Fund. 30 Policy roadmap for safeguarding digital democracy Eli Weiner is a research assistant with the Digital Innovation and Democracy Initiative at the German Marshall Fund of the United States. Karen Kornbluh & Ellen P. Goodman 2 DIDI Roadmap March 2020 | No. 4 Even before a global pandemic hit, the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists announced that the Doomsday Clock had advanced for the first time ever to 100 seconds before midnight. The Bulletin cited “information warfare” as a “threat multiplier” that is reducing trust and corrupting the information ecosystem needed for democratic debate. -
Media Manipulation and Disinformation Online Alice Marwick and Rebecca Lewis CONTENTS
Media Manipulation and Disinformation Online Alice Marwick and Rebecca Lewis CONTENTS Executive Summary ....................................................... 1 What Techniques Do Media Manipulators Use? ....... 33 Understanding Media Manipulation ............................ 2 Participatory Culture ........................................... 33 Who is Manipulating the Media? ................................. 4 Networks ............................................................. 34 Internet Trolls ......................................................... 4 Memes ................................................................. 35 Gamergaters .......................................................... 7 Bots ...................................................................... 36 Hate Groups and Ideologues ............................... 9 Strategic Amplification and Framing ................. 38 The Alt-Right ................................................... 9 Why is the Media Vulnerable? .................................... 40 The Manosphere .......................................... 13 Lack of Trust in Media ......................................... 40 Conspiracy Theorists ........................................... 17 Decline of Local News ........................................ 41 Influencers............................................................ 20 The Attention Economy ...................................... 42 Hyper-Partisan News Outlets ............................. 21 What are the Outcomes? .......................................... -
Super Pacs and 501(C) Groups in the 2016 Election
Super PACs and 501(c) Groups in the 2016 Election David B. Magleby* Brigham Young University Paper presented at the “State of the Parties: 2016 and Beyond”, Ray C. Bliss Institute of Applied Politics, University of Akron. November 9-10, 2017. *I would like to acknowledge the research assistance of Hyrum Clarke, Ben Forsgren, John Geilman, Jake Jensen, Jacob Nielson, Blake Ringer, Alena Smith, Wen Je (Fred) Tan, and Sam Williams all BYU undergraduates. Data made available by the Center for Responsive Politics was helpful as were two interviews with Robert Maguire, whose expertise in political nonprofits was informative. 1 Super PACs and 501(c) Groups in the 2067 Election David B. Magleby Brigham Young University In only a short period of time, Super PACs have come to be one of the most important parts of American electoral politics. They raise and spend large sums of money in competitive federal elections. They have become fully integrated teammates with candidates, party leaders, and interest groups. While initially they were most visible in paying for television advertising, by 2016 they expanded their scope by providing a wide variety of campaign services once thought to be funded by candidate campaign committees (campaign events) or party committees, (get-out-the-vote, voter registration, list development). Where does the money come from that funds Super PACs and other outside groups? While much of the attention on sources of funding for Super PACs was initially on corporations and unions, the reality has been that most of the funding for Super PACs has been individuals. Publicly traded corporations have been infrequent funders of Super PACs, while unions have been more active in using Super PACs.