The Network for Religious and Traditional Peacemakers publication 1

Véronique Dudouet

BASELINE STUDY Tradition- & Faith-Oriented Insider Mediators (TFIMs) as Crucial Actors in Conflict Transformation

Case Study:

2016 © The Network for Religious and Traditional Peacemakers Traditional and Religious for Network The © 2016

Commissioned by by Commissioned by Supported by Conducted

All case studies, the main study, and a synopsis are available at www.peacemakersnetwork.org/tfim. at available are synopsis a and study, main the studies, case All

Availability

Sidonia Gabriel, Head of Policy & Platform at swisspeace, and Anne Savey, Sahel coordinator at Promediation. at coordinator Sahel Savey, Anne and swisspeace, at Platform & Policy of Head Gabriel, Sidonia

I would like to thank all my interviewees, and in addition two persons that greatly helped me with accessing contacts in Mali: in contacts accessing with me helped greatly that persons two addition in and interviewees, my all thank to like would I

Acknowledgements

She holds a PhD in Conflict Resolution from Bradford University (UK). (UK). University Bradford from Resolution Conflict in PhD a holds She

Service, UNDP and the OECD-DAC), and serves as Academic Advisor of the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict in Washington. Washington. in Conflict Nonviolent on Center International the of Advisor Academic as serves and OECD-DAC), the and UNDP Service,

formation. She also conducts research consultancies for various international agencies (including the European Parliament/External Action Action Parliament/External European the (including agencies international various for consultancies research conducts also She formation.

onflict trans onflict c in organisations society civil and movements resistance/liberation of roles the on projects international various coordinates -

Dr. Véronique Dudouet is Director of the Agents of Change for Inclusive Conflict Transformation programme at Berghof Foundation. She She Foundation. Berghof at programme Transformation Conflict Inclusive for Change of Agents the of Director is Dudouet Véronique Dr.

About the author the About

the mediation roles, potential and constraints of TFIMs. of constraints and potential roles, mediation the

to understand understand to out carried was that research empirical the of part is study case This values. concepts/ non-traditional and (secular) ligious

who may, on principle and/ or strategically, draw tools and inspiration from (multiple) faiths, cultures and traditions, as well as from non-re from as well as traditions, and cultures faiths, (multiple) from inspiration and tools draw strategically, or and/ principle on may, who -

r actors actors r othe also but leaders/authorities, religious and traditional include may TFIMs mediation. towards support methodological as and

n, guidance guidance n, motivatio inspiration, as sources) other (among faith and tradition culture, from practices and values concepts, of assortment

, often gets more legitimacy to mediate than an outsider. Tradition- & faith-oriented insider mediator (TFIMs) are those who take an an take who those are (TFIMs) mediator insider faith-oriented & Tradition- outsider. an than mediate to legitimacy more gets often , partial

high-context societies, an insider mediator who is intrinsic (geographically, culturally and normatively) to the conflict context, and thereby thereby and context, conflict the to normatively) and culturally (geographically, intrinsic is who mediator insider an societies, high-context

third party mediator is sought. In certain contexts, especially in traditional and and traditional in especially contexts, certain In sought. is mediator party third impartial and outsider an usually processes, mediation In

Background of this case study case this of Background

...... References 7. 11

...... Conclusion 6. 10

...... risks and opportunities Needs, Support: 5. 9

...... challenges and Successes 4. 7

...... tools methods, approaches, Mediation 3. 6

...... engagements and roles Mediation 2. 4

...... Introduction 1. 3

ontents C 1. Introduction

This report on the role, potential, challenges and needs the modernisation and development processes undertaken of tradition and faith-oriented insider mediators (TFIMs) during the period of French colonisation, and continued in Mali is primarily based on a one-week fieldwork visit after Mali gained independence in 1960. This has contrib- to Bamako in early April 2015. This trip included a two- uted to the marginalisation of the northern communities day conference on human security and civil society (which and the reduction of their opportunities for legal sources provided an opportunity to become more familiar with the of income. In turn, this situation has provided a context for current state of debates on ongoing developments in the the series of Tuareg-led rebellions, and for the more recent peace process and the role of state vs. non-state actors), emergence of violent armed groups with various Islamist followed by four days of semi-structured interviews and fo- agendas, and national and transnational organised crime cus group discussions. Some of these interviews and dis- (Sköns 2013). cussions took place with TFIMs, comprising two prominent The latest, ongoing cycle of violence emerged in ear- imams and their staff, two leaders of a Muslim women’s or- ly 2012, when northern insurgent groups launched an ganisation, one leader of a youth group associated with the armed insurrection against the Malian government, led High Islamic Council of Mali (HCIM), one Catholic Church by the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad official, and two leaders of the network of traditional com- (MNLA – an organisation fighting to make Azawad an municators (ReCoTrade). These were complemented by in- independent homeland for the Tuareg people). On 22nd terviews with external observers (state officials, civil society March 2012, the Malian President was ousted by muti- representatives and international partners/donors) in order nous soldiers in a coup d’état over his handling of the to obtain a more independent assessment of the role of crisis, a month before a presidential election was to have TFIMs. In comparison with some of the other case studies, taken place. As a consequence of the instability that fol- traditional authorities play a prominent role in Malian so- lowed the coup, Mali’s largest three northern cities – Kidal, cio-political life; nevertheless, these actors are difficult to Gao and Timbuktu – were overrun by the rebels. On 5th access from Bamako, since most of them operate locally April 2012, the MNLA declared Azawad’s independence and do not have any national representation in the capital from Mali. The MNLA was initially backed by the Islamist city. For this reason, the fieldwork data was complemented group . After the Malian military was driven by a review of existing studies and newspaper articles on out of Azawad, Ansar Dine and a number of smaller Al the subject matter. Quaida-affiliated Islamist groups began to impose strict The purpose of this introduction is to provide some brief law. The MNLA and the Islamists struggled to rec- general information on the context in question, namely, on oncile their conflicting visions for a planned new state, and the nature of conflicts in Mali and the role of religion and began fighting for control over the region. By mid-2012, tradition in Malian society. The rest of this report is or- the MNLA had lost control of most of northern Mali’s cities ganised along the same structure as the other case study to the Islamists. The Malian government requested foreign reports, and successively analyses the nature and role of military help to re-take the North. On 11th January 2013, TFIMs (and the levels at which they intervene), their ap- the French military began operations against the Islamists, proaches and methods, their successes and challenges, and forces from other African Union states were deployed before assessing their needs and the potential controver- shortly after. By 8th February, the Islamist-held territory had sies and risks associated with supporting TFIMs in a highly been re-taken by the Malian military with help from the violent and politically tense environment. international coalition. A ceasefire agreement between the government and 1.1 A land of conflict the Coordination des Mouvements de l’Azawad (CMA) – Most conflicts in Mali – both local and national – have comprising the MNLA and other allied Tuareg-led armed been continuing for several decades and appear to be groups – was signed on 18th June 2013 in Ouagadougou stuck in cycles of settlement attempts and resumptions. In with the President of Burkina Faso acting as the principal fact, these conflicts alternate between phases of latency mediator; its main achievement was to make possible the and violent eruptions. Most conflicts are caused by feelings presidential and parliamentary elections of July/August of injustice within or between communities, which provide and November 2013. Following months of renewed fight- the foundation for (violent) radicalisation. ing (involving jihadi groups as well as the MLNA, which At the macro level, one of the root causes of the cur- claimed that the government had not respected its com- rent political and security crisis is the long-standing lack mitments) and sporadic ceasefires, another cycle of medi- of economic development in northern Mali (i.e. in the ated negotiations took place in Algiers, leading to a peace self-proclaimed independent state of Azawad), which be- accord signed by various militias on 19th February 2015 gan with the failure to include these peripheral regions in and finally by the CMA on 20th June 2015.2 Meanwhile,

2016 © The Network for Religious and Traditional Peacemakers 2. During the fieldwork for this study, the negotiations in Algiers were still ongoing, which influenced to some extent the tone of the conversations (all interviewees voiced their opinions on the fairness (or unfairness) of the proposed deal, and on the responsibilities of the various parties (including the mediating bodies) for the refusal of the main opposition coalition to sign it).

Tradition- & Faith-Oriented Insider Mediators (TFIMs) as Crucial Actors in Conflict Transformation. Case Study: Mali 3 French forces and the international coalition are still in- Sufi Islam has progressively faced competition from Wah- volved in helping the Malian military defeat the Islamist ji- habi and Salafi currents. The new elite vocally proclaimed hadi groups in the north (who were not party to the Algiers their concerns over and complaints against the lax ‘per- negotiations). missiveness’ of the 1990s, when new laws were introduced permitting gambling and allowing bars and nightclubs to 1.2 The role of religion and tradition in Mali remain open during Ramadan and pornographic films to Mali is a rather homogenous country where religion is be screened at cinemas, which offended many Malians. concerned: 90% of the population is Muslim, 2% is Chris- Women’s rights and anti-excision movements, and the tian, 8% is animist.3 In contrast to many of its sub-Saharan planned reform of family law were also criticised by these neighbours, the country has no history of inter-religious actors as un-Islamic and Western-influenced, and for de- (e.g. Muslim-Christian) confrontation. Instead, conflicts stroying Malian identity. One vocal representative of these between different currents within Islam have emerged since Arab-influenced Muslim elites is Imam Mahmoud Dicko, the 1990s, and particularly since the last conflict in 2011. the current head of the HCIM, who was also interviewed According to the interviewees, this is largely due to the for this study. Islamic organisations such as the HCIM have instrumentalisation of Islam by (foreign-dominated or in- a significant ability to mobilise people; they discuss and spired) actors who have their own political, profit-oriented debate Islam, Muslim values, morality and sometimes pol- or criminal agendas. itics, and though their aims range from attempts to foster In line with the French colonial tradition, the Malian moral reform to possible challenges to the state’s legitima- state is secular; accordingly, religious leaders are not cy, in general they support the idea of democracy (Soares entitled to play any public political role, nor is the state 2006). supposed to intervene in religious affairs. This principle is Tradition and ancestral customs also play a prominent highly respected among the political class in Bamako, and role in Mali, even though traditional leaders lost most of the two preconditions that were imposed on the opposition their formal official functions with the advent of ‘modern’ parties at the Algiers negotiation table were to abide by liberal democracy following independence (as further dis- the basic principles of secularism and respect for territorial cussed below). The country has a heritage of highly hi- integrity. Nevertheless, religion and faith do play a large erarchised communities, the three main historical classes role in Malian society. Where jurisprudence is concerned, being comprised by nobles at the top (sovereign families, for example, Muslims in Mali regularly adhere to Muslim chiefs and military leaders), guardians of tradition in the principles of law, especially in their personal lives and in middle (so-called Niamakala, including griots), and for- family law. mer slaves at the bottom (IMRAP 2015). The traditional Although Mali has multiple Islamic cultures, a shift has authorities are comprised of representatives of the first taken place in recent years. The 1991 coup and the sub- two classes, including village chiefs, district or tribal lead- sequent process of democratisation (which included the ers, cadis (Muslim judges), griots (storytellers and tradi- liberalisation of rights of association and speech) led to a tional communicators, also self-described in interviews as rise in private Arabic-language religious schools and reli- ‘spokespersons’ and ‘carriers of messages’), Marabouts gious organisations funded with foreign support; as a re- (living saints) and members of elders’ councils (Friedrich sult, the long-standing home-grown tradition of moderate Ebert Foundation 2004).

2. Mediation roles and engagements

This section reviews the various forms and levels of insid- • The armed conflict between the Malian state and (sepa- er mediation that have been practiced by TFIMs in recent ratist or Islamist) rebels in the north. years, beginning with top-level track 1 facilitation attempts, • The governance-related conflict between the armed all the way down to inter-and intra-community dispute res- forces and civilian authorities in Bamako during and im- olution. mediately after the 2012 coup. • The political conflict between the government, the polit- 2.1 Track 1 mediation ical opposition, and civil society leaders/groups in Ba- The representatives of traditional and religious authorities mako during the current security crisis over exit strategies described their involvement as intermediaries or peace ad- in the North-South confrontation. vocates as having taken place in several distinct but inter- twined types of national conflicts. These include:

3. There is, however, a well-known saying in Mali that the country is “98% Muslim, 2% Christian and 100% animist”, with Islam absorbing traditional practices and allowing people to retain connections with their customary spirituality – and thereby providing a formula for religious tolerance. (See Hicks 2013).

4 Tradition- & Faith-Oriented Insider Mediators (TFIMs) as Crucial Actors in Conflict Transformation. Case Study: Mali This section focuses primarily on the first type of conflict. local authorities play an important but unofficial role within On several occasions, the state has relied on, or has sec- the politico-military movements, and were consulted by the onded/commissioned (the mandates were not very clear) CMA in March 2015 on the Algiers accord—a consulta- traditional or religious leaders to establish a dialogue be- tion which led to the CMA’s decision not to sign the accord. tween the central state and northern armed groups. TFIMs are likely to play a more central and active role in One prominent example is the attempt made by the the ‘Conference of National Understanding’ (Conference HCIM president, Imam Mahmoud Dicko, to facilitate dia- d’Entente Nationale) called for by the Algiers agreement. logue with the Ansar Dine leaders controlling the northern Several clauses also provide a window of opportunity for city of Gao in summer 2012. His conversations with these the formalisation of the role of traditional and religious actors seem to have focused on humanitarian access and authorities in the peacebuilding and reform process (as aid, but little is known about the results of the talks or argued further below). how they ended. According to media reports (Groga-Bada 2012), he supported the French military operation, and 2.2 Track 2 & 3 mediation believed that the Islamists were mainly led and influenced Track two mediation in Mali encompasses regional-level by foreigners. He therefore accorded them little authority initiatives, especially between northern communities. They to speak for Malians (especially where their strict imple- include the community pacts signed during the 1990s, mentation of Sharia was concerned). Nevertheless, he was which were facilitated by local leaders, most of them tra- also criticised for his mediation attempts and for failing to ditional chiefs. These talks were initiated after the 1992 condemn some of the Islamists’ actions. He justified this National Pact, which primarily addressed the relations be- as a necessary compromise in order not to undermine his tween the state and northern rebels, but did little to address talks with them.4 Imam Dicko also claimed that the HCIM’s the balance of power between the northern communities regional bureau in Kidal (the centre of power of the MNLA) themselves. Some regional elites took advantage of cer- played a key role in mediating the liberation of 160 Ma- tain provisions in the agreement and negotiated increased lian soldiers from the hands of the Tuareg rebels in April privileges to the detriment of other groups. The local pacts 2012 (Boisbouvier 2012). Other TFIMs also offered their negotiated between the communities of northern Mali, services as insider mediators during the occupation of with Western NGO funding, did not involve the central northern cities by Islamist groups. In 2012, for example, government at all (International Crisis Group, 2014, 8). the president of the Network of Traditional Communicators More recently, some TFIMs have also played important in- for Development (ReCoTraDe) appealed for support on termediary roles during the Islamist occupation of northern national television to go and talk to the ‘invaders’, though cities, by mediating between the Islamist groups and the without success. local population. Their mediation efforts included organ- More recently, during the conflict between the CMA ising crisis committees and advocating against the forceful and the pro-government Gandakoye militias in the Goun- imposition of an ‘imported’ version of sharia law. dam Circle region in May 2015, a local delegation com- Finally, at the local level, traditional mediation has prised of a female mayor and members of the Gina Dogon played a crucial role in settling intra-community or in- cultural association (characterised by several interviewees ter-community conflicts before and after Mali’s indepen- as a TFIM) successfully mediated a prisoner release deal. dence. Even if the role of TFIMs has been contested by They did so using traditional local communication meth- administrative and judiciary authorities, many Malians still ods such as Sinagouya (‘cousinage à plaisanterie’), as well prefer to resolve their disputes through traditional conflict as personal and family connections (Bamada.net 2015). settlement methods, without judiciary intervention. This This episode can be described as a track 1 initiative since is especially true in rural areas. Modern or state-based it provided a window of opportunity for renewed negotia- conflict settlement procedures run through administrative tions between the government and the CMA, and for the agencies or courts tend to be implemented only when latter’s decision to commit to the Algiers peace accord. traditional mechanisms fail to produce the desired out- With regard to the recent Algiers peace negotiations come. Resource conflicts, for example, are often dealt with themselves, it is interesting to note that traditional and reli- through village councils. Religious conflicts, for their part, gious leaders played no direct role in the process. Very few are mainly mediated by religious leaders (such as imams, of these actors were invited to the talks as part of the civil cadis or marabouts). Finally, social conflicts concerning in- society delegations selected by each negotiation delega- heritances or conjugal conflicts are first addressed within tion to attend the second phase of the talks. No interview- the family, then by neighbours and friends, religious au- ees could provide any definitive answer as to why this was thorities, and traditional communicators (griots) (Friedrich the case. One interlocutor, however, noted that traditional Ebert Foundation 2004).

4. He only condemned the destruction of shrines in Timbuktu, for example, following public pressure to do so.

Tradition- & Faith-Oriented Insider Mediators (TFIMs) as Crucial Actors in Conflict Transformation. Case Study: Mali 5 3. Mediation approaches, methods, tools

The TFIMs interviewed for this study associate a wide range At the track 2 and 3 level, a number of third-party inter- of roles, approaches and functions with the term ‘insider vention methods have been used to settle conflicts between mediator’. Not all of them are strictly linked to inter-party or within communities and families, including mediation, facilitation; the work of some might better be described as consultation, arbitration, investigation, confrontation and dialogue support or peace advocacy. accommodation. All of these methods were described as One function often mentioned was that of a top-down being motivated by the drive to stabilise or appease social relay between the state and citizens. Indeed, some cus- relations, and to preserve social peace and balance. The tomary leaders (especially traditional communicators) ReCoTraDe leaders, for example, argued that 90% of the have been invited (or even hired) by the Ministry for Na- daily work of traditional communicators involves “putting tional Reconciliation to mobilise and sensitise the popula- out fires in homes” through family and neighbourhood tion to the government’s vision for peace, for example by mediation. HCIM President Imam Dicko also described his organising marches in support of the Algiers process, or organisation’s current dialogue promotion work (between/ explaining the contents of the peace accord to the public. within mosques, between communities, and between the Griots play an important role in this regard, in translat- majority and opposition parties) as a conflict prevention ing the provisions of the accord into local languages for strategy, which aims to prevent the conflict from taking on illiterate citizens. When asked about their position on the a communitarian or inter-religious dimension. Algiers accord, all of the TFIMs interviewed agreed that Interfaith dialogue figures prominently in the range of “the accord is not perfect but no accord is perfect”, and activities mentioned under the heading ‘mediation’. These described it as a step forward in unifying the country and include: the communication of unified messages through rebuilding social cohesion. the ‘sacred union’ between the HCIM, the archbishop, and Fewer examples were given of bottom-up peace advo- the Protestant leadership; the Muslim-Christian dialogue cacy to relay the demands of the base to the authorities. set up by Imam Diallo’s Association for Peace and Sal- One illustration was nonetheless provided by the leaders vation in 2008; and multi-confessional, joint prayers for of the National Union of Muslim Women of Mali (UN- peace organised by religious leaders, particularly women AFEM), who cited a campaign (described as very effective) (including members of UNAFEM). launched after the 2012 coup: their large organisation A last category of activities mentioned during interviews gathered together all of the political parties and notables would best be described as ‘countering violent extremism’ and asked them to reconcile with one another or face its (CVE) measures, such as promoting a tolerant form of Is- members’ resignation from all political parties. Interna- lam (e.g. Imam Diallo), engaging youth, and promoting a tional peace advocacy was also mentioned: several del- pluralist vision of religious texts to prevent radicalism (e.g. egations of religious leaders have travelled to Europe to Sabati youth organisation, ICCO cooperation). mobilise financial and diplomatic support for the peace process.

6 Tradition- & Faith-Oriented Insider Mediators (TFIMs) as Crucial Actors in Conflict Transformation. Case Study: Mali 4. Successes and challenges

4.1 Assets and resources According to a study comparing traditional and state- Mobilisation capacity based conflict resolution mechanisms in Mali (Friedrich According to Imam Diallo, religious leaders are closer to Ebert Foundation, op.cit 2004), the former have the ad- the people than politicians, and can mobilise much larg- vantage of being easier, cheaper and faster than the latter; er numbers of people (the HCIM, for instance, is able to they are also described as being better adapted to the so- bring hundreds of thousands of supporters onto the street) cio-historic realities and cultures of the region, since they because the credibility of the political class among the allow illiterate (and often rural) citizens to be included and population has been weakened by years of state misman- frequently involve the entire community in the search for a agement and corruption. Despite being governed by a solution. Other advantages, assets and resources which secular state, Malian society is very religious, and religious TFIMs have at their disposal include: authorities therefore have a huge influence, since believers naturally listen to them. For its part, the Catholic Church Moral authority and popular support represents a small minority of believers but is respected by TFIMs such as cadis or griots are hereditary functions trans- all, including the Muslim majority. mitted from father to son or daughter. These actors are therefore mandated to play the role of conciliators from Representative power birth. Their authority is also dependent on their alleged In terms of gender representation, Imam Dicko claimed wisdom: on account of their knowledge of legal regula- that the HCIM has a higher proportion of women members tions and their capacity to analyse and understand, they and leaders than the government. It cooperates closely are held to always tell the truth. The level of popular sup- with the UNAFEM in promoting women’s rights. The Cath- port enjoyed by such insider mediators is illustrated by the olic Church also has a women’s body, the Association of fact that during the 2014 National Forum on Decentrali- Catholic Women of Mali. sation, most participants supported the idea of enhancing the role of traditional authorities within the municipalities. 4.2 Challenges Furthermore, a recent survey revealed that 82 percent of Malians place a great deal of trust in traditional authori- Lack of official recognition ties, whereas only 50 and 43 percent feel the same about In Mali, traditional authorities do not have any official the police and the courts, respectively (Wing and Kassibo status (in contrast to neighbouring countries such as Ivory 2014). Coast, Burkina Faso or Sierra Leone) on the basis of which they would be recognised and organised, or even elected Access and remunerated. One impediment to such recognition Some TFIMs have access to all communities and to the is the fact that their role was delegitimised when the Re- whole territory, including regions such as Kidal where no public was established in the 1960s. Traditional leaders other Malians can go. According to the interviewees, this came to be seen by some elements of the Bamako elite as is allegedly the case for traditional communicators (who anti-modern and in contradiction with the basic principles rely on a national network that has existed since the 18th of the Republic. century), the HCIM (through the mosques that act as a Similarly, a number of politicians (especially among the unifying body across all ethnic groups), the Catholic clergy opposition) consider that increasing the role of imams and (through bishops and parishes—albeit to a lesser extent in cadis in the provision of justice and mediation would rep- the North), and the UNAFEM (which coordinates 180 as- resent a violation of the principle of secularism. Others, sociations across all areas of the country except for Kidal). however, believe that given their considerable influence, These actors also claim that they do not face any security their role should be regulated by the state–for example, challenges due to their credibility across all communities. via a Ministry for Islamic Affairs that would exert control Particularly important is the access they claim to have to over religious authorities. The secretary of the Archbishop armed (and especially radical Islamist) groups, which relies of Bamako also identified as an obstacle to effective medi- on personal connections with their leaders. Both the HCIM ation a lack of understanding among some citizens of the and (its former youth wing) Sabati have used such contacts active political role the church might be required to play in order to establish dialogue. As one interviewee put it, for the sake of the country “Mali is a small country, we all know each other!” Among TFIMs, traditional communicators also have a State instrumentalisation and/or collusion unique capacity to mobilise people, since all political and By contrast, other interviewees strongly believe that the religious authorities rely on them to translate their messag- politicisation of TFIMs is incompatible with a mediating es or protocols. Thanks to these pre-established lines of role. For many, the explicit political position assumed by communication they are able to convene all TFIMs, when- Sabadi (formerly the youth wing of the HCIM, now a dis- ever necessary. tinct social movement), which conducted campaigns in

Tradition- & Faith-Oriented Insider Mediators (TFIMs) as Crucial Actors in Conflict Transformation. Case Study: Mali 7 support of certain parties and candidates, goes one step poorly connected to international organisations and West- too far. As a result, this organisation, along with the HCIM ern donor agencies—though they have strong links with itself, has been described as having been instrumentalised sources of support in the Arab world. This weakness can by the government in order to spread its political message. partly be explained by the aforementioned politicisation of These debates indicate that it is important to avoid a sim- such actors, which makes it difficult for them to raise inter- plistic vision of religious leaders as solely a force for peace. national funding for their activities. One can also assume Instead, these leaders all seem to have their own interests that it can be difficult for Islamic organisations to raise and to compete with one another for political and popular funds from Western organisations. This creates a double influence. obstacle for UNAFEM, since the barrier constituted by Is- lam prevents its members from benefitting from Western Maintaining the status quo? support, while the gender barrier impedes its ability to gain Some interlocutors and authors even go one step further, support from Islamic countries. describing some TFIMs as conservative (vs. progressive) elites, while traditional conflict management customs such Contested legitimacy and representativeness as cousinage à plaisanterie are depicted as instruments for Beyond state collusion and political interests, there are maintaining the status quo rather than promoting social also other factors that impede the recognition of TFIMs justice. According to one expert, “the real Mali, in which as neutral and objective mediators. Traditional conflict most people mostly live their lives, is defined by a host settlement mechanisms at the local level are more likely of less visible institutions derived from tradition, religion to become dominated or manipulated by family or clan or customs which, while they flex and adapt over time in interests, thus threatening their representativeness. Some response to external stimuli, do so merely as a self-pres- traditional chiefs such as cadis in the northern cities are ervation reflex, and tend to be conservative in character, also perceived as having collaborated with the Islamist keeping things largely the way they are and were” (Vernon occupation after 2011, which has affected their popular 2014). legitimacy. One indication of such an orientation is the fact that At the national level, the HCIM is becoming increasing- traditional methods have not been able to solve the un- ly influenced by the radical Wahhabi and Salafi currents of derlying causes of community conflicts, since the latter Islam, whereas at the national level these currents are still still exist and continue to erupt in a cyclical fashion. These underrepresented among the population. One can thus mediation mechanisms are thus seen by many Malians as question how representative of the Malian people as a being part of the problem rather than the solution: they whole such entities really are. contribute to the recurrence of the conflict and thus to an environment of constant insecurity (IMRAP 2015, 158-9). Lack of coordination and operational challenges Another interviewee described the traditional authorities in Finally, a number of operational challenges were men- the North as representatives of the local elite who ruled tioned as impeding the provision of effective conflict reso- the region until their former vassals emancipated them- lution support. Most of the traditional authorities involved selves through armed rebellion. Yet another respondent in mediation, for example, are not coordinated via net- described the tacit cooperation between the state and all works; they only operate (and only exert an influence) at traditional and religious authorities in maintaining the peo- the local level. The traditional communicators are the ex- ple’s submission to authority and the status quo. Imams, ception here, since they have offices across Mali through indeed, represent order and submission, and are known the ReCoTraDe. to preach obedience to power as being synonymous with Legally, the role of TFIMs is also constrained, since they obedience to God. are bound to respect the limits imposed by authorities on what they can and cannot do (especially with regard to Difficulty of gaining international support engaging with armed actors listed as terrorist entities). Ac- The TFIM organisations with the greatest mobilisation cording to the archbishop’s secretary, this creates a real capacities and influence (such as the HCIM) seem to be challenge in reaching out to violent hardliners.

5. With the exception of religious authorities and griots, who do not represent the incumbent elites.

8 Tradition- & Faith-Oriented Insider Mediators (TFIMs) as Crucial Actors in Conflict Transformation. Case Study: Mali 5. Support: Needs, opportunities and risks

5.1 Support needs Networking support and The needs mentioned by the TFIMs and external observers/ coordination of international assistance experts interviewed ranged from political/legal needs to As seen above, very few customary or traditional leaders technical and financial requirements for effective action. are organised according to country-wide networks. One interlocutor in particular stressed the need to provide more Official recognition and role in the peace support to cross-regional initiatives that can link various (building) process actors, particularly across the North/South divide. Several interlocutors stressed the need to involve TFIMs, With respect to international sponsors of dialogue ac- and especially the HCIM, more prominently in the peace tivities, the interviewees expressed a desire for better coor- process, and for the international community in Bamako dination in order to avoid a duplication of efforts. At the to engage with it more directly. Others expressed their wish national level, there are allegedly too many conferences for religious leaders generally to be more engaged in po- with too few results, while at the regional level, it was felt litical life and debates, or at least to regulate their political that the relevant organisations and the UN Stabilisation participation in a more transparent manner using formal Mission (MINUSMA) should invest more resources in creat- channels (as suggested earlier). ing spaces for local reconciliation and supporting national appropriation of the accord beyond the Algiers process. A Training lack of coordination of international support at the track In terms of capacity-building needs, interviewees argued 3 level causes communities to become confused by too on the one hand that religious and traditional authorities, many workshops. What is required is first of all improved such as griots and cadis, are untrained, since (with the mapping of existing initiatives and their sources of support, exception of imams) their positions are hereditary. Never- as well as efforts to design more creative formats to pro- theless, most interlocutors mentioned a range of techni- mote reconciliation and inter-Malian dialogue. cal gaps which could be remedied with external support. Imam Dicko, for example, mentioned that the HCIM needs 5.2 Opportunities to harmonise the levels of knowledge and skills among its Now that the Algiers accord has been signed by all major members across the country, especially in the North (e.g. political stakeholders (with the exception of armed Islamist in Kidal and Gao). entities), it is necessary to assess whether its implementa- The archbishop’s office is in need of mediation train- tion will contribute to strengthening the role and formal rec- ing for church leaders. The UNAFEM requested support ognition of TFIMs. Given the likely future decentralisation for specific training for members of its central committee, scheme, the role of traditional authorities is bound to be- and especially for youth members who are progressively come more significant. These actors are also likely to play replacing the ageing generation of founders. This would a prominent role in the transitional justice mechanisms cur- include training in communication, leadership, and current rently being set up by the Ministry for Peace and Reconcilia- topics (for sensitisation missions). Imam Diallo, for his part, tion. The Algiers accord recognises the crucial role of tradi- stressed the need to counter-balance the current asymme- tional authorities, imams and cadis in the administration of try in training capacities and resources between the two justice and civil mediation – which would seem to amount main competing currents of Islam in Mali. He commended to a long-overdue formal recognition of these functions that Morocco’s efforts to train 500 Sufi imams who promote a have been performed informally for many generations. more tolerant and peaceful version of Islam, in order to Training for cadis is also planned, in order to support compensate for the significant support that Wahabis and their role in alternative justice mechanisms. Furthermore, Salafis receive from and Qatar. In his view, funding is promised for traditional authorities to support and female preachers should also be better trained. valorise their ceremonial role (i.e. in preserving social har- mony). Traditional, religious and customary authorities are Financial and logistical ‘accompaniment’ also invited to serve in the soon to be established consulta- In addition to training TFIMs and harmonising skills across tive local security committees as relays for the government the country, one interviewee mentioned the importance and to sensitise the population to the accords. Finally, the of providing logistical means and resources to support accord also mentions a future representation of traditional peace-oriented preachers and imams, e.g. through re- authorities in the Senate. gional radio networks, in order to counter-balance the influence of Salafi-oriented radio stations. Other interloc- utors expressed an interest in receiving logistical support to organise transport to remote areas and adequate financial remuneration for the ceremonial services provided by tra- ditional authorities.

Tradition- & Faith-Oriented Insider Mediators (TFIMs) as Crucial Actors in Conflict Transformation. Case Study: Mali 9 5.3 Risks Another challenge, which is common to all research on While assessing support options to strengthen the role civil society, relates to the representativeness of tradition- and capacity of TFIMs in Mali, one should carefully assess al and religious authorities. While it is a laudable aim to the risks bound up with the above-mentioned challenges. reinforce their role in transitional justice mechanisms and The sample of interviews conducted in March/April 2015 North-South, state-society dialogue, the poorly organised with external experts (both Malian nationals and staff from process of selecting civil society representatives for the Al- international/donor agencies) reflect a wide range of as- giers negotiation process reminds us of the daunting task sessments on the nature (and interests) of traditional and of selecting which TFIMs should be supported/assisted, ac- religious authorities, and on the need (or not) to strengthen cording to which criteria. their role in conflict management mechanisms. For some, promoting TFIMs might impede conflict transformation and the search for more equitable social relations and ac- cess to political decision-making in Mali.

6. Conclusion

TFIMs in Mali have played a major role in fostering multi- abs). Given their experience and access, traditional and track dialogue, in settling disputes within and between religious authorities, are best placed to support trust-(re) communities, and in serving as transmission belts between building activities by fostering inter-community dialogue, state and society in the search for a peaceful exit strate- communicating messages of reconciliation on local radi- gy out of the current security mayhem in northern Mali. os, and so on. Nevertheless, for many local residents, the On the other hand, such actors should not be treated as authority and legitimacy of these actors has been under- an inherent force for peace; the interviews revealed that mined by their role during the occupation, or their per- controversies abound regarding their political influence, ceived (ethnic) proximity to the former occupiers. their change-oriented vs. conservative agendas, and their At the central, track 1 level, traditional authorities degree of legitimacy and representativeness. Prior to any should also have played a more active role in the Ouaga- support intervention, one therefore needs to conduct a dougou and Algiers negotiations, since their participation careful mapping of traditional and religious leaders who would have represented a pledge of credibility for the par- claim to be involved in mediation in order to assess their ties, given the high level of respect that traditional leaders various roles, assets and limitations (which should include enjoy among the population. a consideration of public/state/external perceptions of Finally, one might conclude that regardless of their real these actors). motivations and interests, religious leaders and traditional Here we might offer one example to highlight both the chiefs could also function as potential spoilers of peace potential and limits of TFIMs in leading dialogue and rec- given their huge mobilisation capacity, and that if only for onciliation efforts in war-affected regions. In northern cities this reason they should be constructively engaged and such as Gao and Timbuktu, social harmony between the supported, while ensuring that such support does not risk various communities has been severely affected by sev- reinforcing conservative, pro-status quo elites who would eral months of occupation by jihadists and rebel groups seek to re-establish an unjust social order and thus plant who have imposed their version of Islam and pitted ethnic the seeds of the next rebellion. groups against each other (particularly Arabs vs non-Ar-

10 Tradition- & Faith-Oriented Insider Mediators (TFIMs) as Crucial Actors in Conflict Transformation. Case Study: Mali 7. References

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Tradition- & Faith-Oriented Insider Mediators (TFIMs) as Crucial Actors in Conflict Transformation. Case Study: Mali 11 The Network for Religious and Tra- Finn Church Aid is the largest Finnish de- The Berghof Foundation is an indepen- ditional Peacemakers brings togeth- velopment cooperation organisation and dent, non-governmental and non-profit or- er actors to provide global support for the second largest provider of humanitar- ganisation that supports efforts to prevent grassroots to international peace and ian aid. FCA operates in over 20 countries, political and social violence, and to achieve peacebuilding efforts. The aim of the Net- where the need is most dire. FCA works sustainable peace through conflict trans- work is to improve the effectiveness and with the poorest people, regardless of their formation. With the mission of “Creating sustainability of peace focused efforts religious beliefs, ethnic background or po- space for conflict transformation”, Berghof through collaboratively supporting and litical convictions. FCA’s work is based on works with like-minded partners in selected strengthening the positive role of religious rights, which means that FCA’s operations regions to enable conflict stakeholders and and traditional actors in peace and peace- are guided by equality, non-discrimination actors to develop non-violent responses in building processes. and responsibility. the face of conflict-related challenges. www.peacemakersnetwork.org www.kirkonulkomaanapu.fi/en www.berghof-foundation.org