International Journal of Integrative Humanism Vol. 12, No. 1, March. 2020

MARKET PLACE AND INTEGRATION: INTERROGATING AND TIV WOMEN IN CROSS BORDER TRADE By IROM, OBAR AYAMI Department of History and International Studies University of Calabar Calabar - [email protected], [email protected] 08066632945, 07086510451

Abstract Obudu and Tiv people share boundary with Obudu located on the northern side of and Vandeikya on the southern side of . As neighbours, they have interacted among themselves although these interactions were sometimes friendly and other times hostile. In most discussions and researches around these areas, the emphasizes has been more on factors that have tended to disunite them like wars and ways of resolving them. Not much attention has been given to the market place which apart from being an economic device for the distribution of goods, also brings people of diverse ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious affiliations. Why is the market place synonymous with women and why do they take so much risk across warring borders to market places? The paper relies on field work carried out in these areas to demonstrate how economic intercourse through the venue of the market place brought about integration of people, cultures and ideas in the area. The paper concludes that there is a need to reposition the market place to once again play its historic role as a center of unity in the midst of the challenges of cooperate existence facing these border communities and the nation at large. Key Words: Cross Border, Inter-group relations, Obudu, Tiv, Trade, Introduction The history of cross border trade among communities’ dates back to pre-colonial times. Researchers including A.G. Hopkins (1975), Robert July (1976), and Onwuka Njoku (2001) have all observed that the history of circulation of people and trade able goods in the continent dates from pre-colonial times. Market activities particularly among women, dates back to pre-colonial times and their dominance of the market place has been well documented by scholars including Charles Patridge (1905), Akin Mabogunje (1961), B.W. Hodder and U.I. Ukwu (1969), R.N. Henderson (1972), A.G. Hopkins (1975), P.O. Sada and M.I. Mcnully (1978), O.B. Olaoba (2000), Yakubu Ochefu (2002) and Obar Irom (2012). As Esther Boserup (87) has noted, the women of West Africa are famous for their ingenuity in trade as they accounted for eighty percent of the population in the market place, and went further to distinguish themselves as having economic independence. Cross border market places is also a work place as trading is women’s work, not only because it brings them income but because it is a major source of identity (Worsley 65). This is so because this is an area were women in the area have continued to demonstrate their prowess as business women since their empowerments flow from this avenue. The Tiv in the southern area of Benue and their closest neighbours the upper Cross River people had since the 19th century established economic relation with the establishment of border markets. The antiquity of these trade relations is not only traceable by trade routes which connects Calabar from the Akwa Ibom axis, passing Ikom, Ogoja, Yala, Obudu up to Benue Valley passing

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through Tsar (Effa-Attoe 176). It was this trade that introduced Tiv to metal products and also salt, which replaced Mtsem (potash) (Maker 78). The importance of salt was not only in diet, but as a preservative for hides and skin and as currency. It was these markets that “became the meeting points of the exchange of products between Tiv and upper Cross River traders. The market became necessary in the wake of the constant and increased conflict and hostilities between the Tiv and the Ogoja peoples” (Agber 59). In the post colonial times, in spite of these conflicts, borders are still characterized by mobility of especially women and their goods to border markets places. A glossary look at literature on cross border trade shows that much work has been done especially in the Southern African Development Community Region (SADC). With emphasis on Mozambique and South Africa border S.A. Perberdy (2000) and S.A. Perberdy and J. Crush (2001) have shown that the majority of the people who travel across these borders daily are women. For the study area women are seen daily crossing these borders with items of exchange to a specific market place whose operational day falls on that day. Most importantly, A.P Cheater and R. B Gaidzanwa (1996), V.N. Muzvidziwa (1998), have demonstrated that these cross borders informal trade by women take place in the face of stiff resistance and opposition by patriarchal states in the region. In the study area, the risk involved is that of communal clashes at the borders as the women are either on their way to or from market places. This becomes more worrisome for the Obudu and Tiv since the borders are still in contention. Interestingly, Obudu and Vandeikya share similar characteristics in many respects. Whereas Obudu occupies the north most Local Government Area in Cross River State. Vandeikya is situated in the south most area in Benue state. Utuqwang communities of Obudu have the Banyago Tiv villages as neighbours; the Igwo-Ukanbi villages of Obudu urban areas of Atikpe, Abonkip, Bebuatong share boundary with Tiv communities of Tsar, Tsekwinge and Bezelemu. For the paper cross border market places represents the intersection between Local Government Areas and borderlines of communities between the Tiv areas and the Obudu areas which could sometimes be hostile or cooperative. This is so since Tiv contacts with the Obudu people during Tiv migration and settlements in the area witnesses a lot of conflicts and resulted in traditional enmity (Atagher 249). Colonial administration in the area confirmed this enmity and it was in an attempt to reduce this enmity that the “Mushin wall” was erected to check Tiv incursion into Obudu lands. (Tseror 25). These borders have been neither stable, rather they have often been porous, fluid and ever changing since between 1950 and 2005 eight of such wars have been fought and the reason has been the incursion of the Tiv of Tsar communities beyond the “Mushin wall” to farm. This situation has influenced most writers to gloss their relations from the angle of conflict and wars connected to borders. This paper argues that economic relations especially those in the market place continued irrespective of conflict. This is so because While aggressive tendencies can be pervasive in relationships, they must be seen as having their limits especially when economic realities begin to dictate the form group relations have to take. Tiv needed and still need the economic support of their neighbours just as their neighbours too fall back on them for some critical needs they cannot satisfy locally (Tseror 14) The social importance of the market place as noted by Robert Levine (1962), Paul and Laura Bohannan (1968), Hodder and Ukwu (1969), Falola (1996), Igirgi (2007) and Olaoba (2000) is not out of place since it must have been this social links that kept the market place going in the face of conflicts and its aftermath.

OBUDU AND VANDEIKYA ECONOMY

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Since pre-colonial times, the life of the people of the area was intimately connected. The base of the economy was agriculture, but craft industries and hunting, also contributed to the economy. The market played a very important part in the locational and appropriational movement of material items. Christopher Fyfe has observed that “trade in early times and now results from the fact that no community is self sufficient. It is the need of each person to get what he wants and dispose what he has that gave rise to trade” (67). Studies by Ndoma Egba (1972); and Ecoma (1998) attribute the development of trade and markets among the societies in close proximity, to ecological variations that provided occupational specialization which enabled the people to produce goods in exchange for those they lacked. It was the need for exchange that prompted these southern Tiv to establish border markets especially at Iyon and Tsar to acquire needed goods from the Obudu and Yala areas of Northern Cross River. For example, while the Ubwa-Agabi was established by the Mbekyegh and Yache in Yala to abate their constant conflict, Awange market on the other hand was established at Tiv border with Yala to ease their women the burden of travelling too far into upper Cross River market places to obtain salt (Akoko Akough). Although most household production was geared towards surplus for exchange, the basic aim of most household products was to cater for the well being of the family for as long as products could last. With traditional rites undertaken during planting seasons, planning for disasters like famine, soil infertility, drought and pest destruction was not considered and these often led to considerably more agricultural produce than they actually used for their consumption. As E. Ulmen has noted, “If trade is to develop between any two locations, there must be a marketable surplus in one area and an effective demand in the other” (51). This ‘Marketable Surplus’ he defined as “theoretical surplus available for disposal with the producer after his genuine requirement of family consumption had been met” (26). These surpluses were devoted to obtaining through the markets items that were essential to the communities, as these essential items could not be obtained in any other manner. For the Mbaduku and Mbayongo people, the marketable surpluses included especially the Tiv cloth which Igirgi has noted “was produced not just for subsistence but for the market” (61). Chukwan market serves as the place where Tiv cloth is bought in large lots by traders for resale to the Ibo of Abakalike and the Udam tribes. “Otugwang, like the rest of Udam wear Tiv cloth and in return they purchased marketable surplus like salt, palm oil, camwood and other European goods” (Atagher 270). One of the important factors in the marketing organization was the market ring and market periodicity. Market rings have been suggested to be market cycles; that is, a chain of markets situated within short distances from each other within a community, possibly dealing in goods that may not be quite dissimilar while specialization of some sort may be agreed upon villages to limit competition (Ndoma-Egba 61). The Obudu markets within these rings included Lifembe market in Amoukong village, Lifedian market in Utugwang village, Azul in Ukp village, Ugidi in Okordem village and Katube in Obudu urban. Markets in this ring met every day and it was from these smaller markets that goods moved. Out of these market rings grew markets which became central and served as periodic markets for other communities especially those outside the immediate environment. Markets like Lifedian, Katube, Adikpo and Tsar market acquired these statuses since they were the most stable of these markets, both in location and continuity, as large numbers of people from outside also patronized them. This was aptly pointed out by David Northrup thus: “although in theory every market belonged to a village or village groups, in practice when in session, it belonged to those who attended it” (32)

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Katube Lifembe

Ugidi

Azul

Lifedia FIG. 1 Market Cycle in Obudu Area In Vandeikya the market ring moved around Adikpo market located in Nanev, Ihugh market in Mbadede, Agbor in Mbakange, Iyom in Tondov 1, Tsar market in Tondov 11 in Mbaduku. The intervals at which markets were held were termed market periodicity. Five days periodicity was observed for Ketuba and Tsar. This was confirmed by numerous informants from Tsar who said that they derived this from their Udam neighbours so that the market patronage could be symbiotic (Rosemary Ujeje). Women in particular have been connected with these periodic markets because their economic roles were diffuse combining the roles of food producers, processors, traders.

Tsar Adikpo

Iyon

Ihugh Agbor FIG. 2 Market Cycle in Vandeikya Area In another study, Dumor (1972) pointed out the role of influential urban traders on market mummies in West Africa. This point deserves mention because, according to him, women exert considerable influence on supply and prices and hence on food production in general. As he suggests, women possess uncanny knowledge about the major periodic markets and the dominant produce sold in these markets. They are much more capable of moving large quantities of local food stuff such as maize, cassava, yams, bananas, kola and vegetables like tomatoes and okra, locally made palm oil and palm wine, pots, calabashes, firewood’s and bundle of wrapping leaves, into periodic markets from within the market rings in which the markets lie to markets in major

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towns than most large scale formal institutions, governments and private enterprises. These periodic markets are unlike the daily markets in cities and big towns which have the major attribute of retail selling and buying. A typical market day in this area was a replica of that described by Charles Patridge: Soon after daybreak, the villages of the neighbourhood are astir busily arranging their baskets-loads of goods … with produce and along all the roads leading to the market. They come in single file scores of traders, chiefly women, staggering under their loads, their faces serious with thought as they plan how to do a good day’s business. Exchanging greetings and gossips with their neighbours, they take their accustomed place in the market; arrange their goods to the best advantage, and then squat down behind them. The whole place is soon filled with the hubbub of commercial transaction, and there is a much keenness displayed as at the Royal Exchange, Mark Lane or Covent Garden (250). Although these borders have been in contention since pre-colonial times, journey to the market place like all other vocations in the area of study was primarily an individual affair. It was never an affair either of state or of a few principal merchants who organized it in the model of the East Africa trade in which well armed trading caravans was fitted out to journey into the interior (R. Oliver and G. Mathew 253-351); neither was it like the pre-colonial trade of the Tiv of especially northern Benue river that needed to use warrior traders “because of the volatile nature of the relationship between the various groups in the area at this period” (Agber 57). Rather, these women often set out on their own, or with friends and relations to other market places to try their fortunes and specially to meet with their kith and kin and friends. As they journeyed, they fall in with other traders from other areas and thereby augmented their numbers. In these market places, goods are placed on mats spread on the ground; in basins and containers so that buyers could readily see what was on display for purchase this was mainly for items which could not be carried around the market. Items that could be hawked were put in transparent plastic containers and wheel barrows and taken around the market place. In the Obudu market places, items were organized along commodities of trade like livestock dealers as members of the same trade guild sat close to one another. This arrangement made it convenient for buyers to locate with ease the item needed; it reduced the possibility of making excessive profit and it enabled consumers choose the best from a large number of the same goods (Gbayanga Abele). Apart from being responsible for trade and trade prices as well as control of the market, these trade guilds also received revenues, fines and foods. In Vandeikya market places on the other hand, commodities were arranged according to either lineages or the names of their neighours. The reason was to make goods from an area like Obudu readily accessible to buyers who were specific about what they wanted to buy and from which community. Generally, these markets were orderly, according to a foreign observer: That such immense crowd should meet day after day in perfect harmony and order, and transact their affairs like one great family, without fighting and blood- shed is wonderful, because it stands out in such bold contrast to what is seen in land which boast of civilization and good government (Atanda, 267). The market place, whether for petty trading or for putting up an attendance, formed part of women’s way of life. However, her rewards could be found as much in the social life offered by the market place as in her financial profits. Petty trading was a skill, a pleasure and a necessity, and to walk through almost any market was to appreciate that the market place was the essence of social

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life from childhood upwards. As a result of redirecting money back to subsistence and household needs, a woman had to be extremely successful economically. Apart from the great number of women engaged in the preparation for sale of foodstuffs in various forms, women also featured in other forms of occupation. The craft items and especially the pottery items by Tiv women were finished products ready for use. Similarly, cooking oil required no more processing, but was an ingredient for cooking at home while its preparation, or in its use for cosmetic purposes, was also a highly skilled specialized occupation and a source of income for women. Some other women devoted their whole time to the making of beads, mats, baskets and they also prepared indigo-dye stuffs for sale to other women from other areas. Except for the extremely deformed and aged, all women engaged in household production such as crafts and trade. Their trading activities varied according to their means, from selling small quantities of food items outside their compounds, or in the market place or travelling to other areas to trade. In addition, women exchange foodstuffs for those other foodstuffs, which are preferred as relishes, but which were often difficult for a woman to grow herself. This was so because the market was also an accommodating institution that responded to the changes in the patterns of farming to avoid drastic changes in the way of living. Thus, with time, wives and women came to depend more and more upon this frequent exchange of small local surpluses through the use of the market place (Mccall 670). Although most women who entered the market place entered and left with foodstuffs and household needs, a woman had to be extremely successful economically so as to redirect money back to subsistence But also, women’s involvement in the market place went beyond the basic need to feed and clothe herself and her children. The desire for a higher or at least a more independent status than their traditional one was another reason why many women traded in the market place. Success in trade and control of her own income provided some economic independence, a place to stand in domestic discord, and some political economic power in the community. For the unmarried girls and divorced women, they could earn money to buy themselves clothes and ornaments so they could be seen as progressive and desirable. Some spinsters, for example, sold vegetables in order to obtain money with which they bought bracelets and necklaces and accessories to adorn themselves (Andevbenye Inyaka). SOCIO – ECONOMIC RELATIONS IN THE MARKET PLACE AND BEYOND Social interaction is very salient to economic development in any society. The market place as an economic institution promoted social interaction amongst the traders on one hand, between the traders and buyers on the other, and also between people who went to the markets to fulfill social obligations. This is so as ethnic differences had not always been inimical to marketplace relations. In the market place, people interacted freely without restrictions especially as they spent their leisure time with members of other communities. From these interactions, foundations of socio-cultural relations beyond the market place later developed. Some of these relations and exchanges went far deep into the society that it has become difficult in this post colonial era to identify political and socio-cultural traits that are indigenous to the communities in the area and those that came through interactions in these border market place since “sometimes, the stranger is viewed as a culture bearer and is honoured as a valuable asset by his host” (Skinner 318). The roar in the market and the hundreds of people who varied in age, sex and occupation left no one in doubt that the market place served as the center for social life and social communication in the area as friends as well as enemies met within its confines. Many persons went there with no purchase in mind but simply because everyone else was there. In these border market places, the number of persons who were neither buying nor selling was often greater than the

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numbers who were not. This was truer for centrally located market places as they also served as crossroads for these communities. The influence of the market place on socio-cultural bonds strengthened overtime did not cease to be important, the use of ties of friendship and neighbourhood to organize production and distribution allowed ethnically diverse Obudu and Tiv groups in Vandeikya the flexibilities to seize new economic opportunities within the market place such as, travelling further to trade and coming back with not only new items of trade but cultural exchanges to their original communities. For example, Obudu women went to Tsar Market and extend futher to Awanga, Ubwa Shiriki and Ikyobo in Benue state while Tsar women stretched to Obudu, Chukwa, Gbeda, Bekwara, Ogoja. The influence of their northern Cross River neighbours is seen in “the evolution of full-time long- distance traders in Tivland … traced to the southern Tiv clans …who have taken up to trade in a manner that no other Tiv group had hitherto done,” (Terhemba 145). That they were able to harness their geographical location as border towns to monopolize the trade with the Cross-River people was not in doubt as they have become “the first entrepreneurs and traders of repute in Tivland” (Bohannan 204). For both Local Government Areas the market day was the center of the village week. Chief Utsu Sampson Ogar of Begiaba commenting on the integrative aspect of the market place stated that “a market is a place where people meet to buy and sell. People travel from one market place to another market place and on the way; they stop and see their friends in other villages. In the market place, one often meets and takes a drink with his friend.” Lending support to the contention that the market is a place where people meet with friends and also take a drink is the fact that some of the shelters which were not used for trading served as galleries where the young men looked out and commented on the passing scene. Others were used as meeting places by adult men who sat and discussed all sorts of affairs. Still others were used by old men who gathered together and spent a great deal of time reminiscing about their youthful adventures, and receiving benevolence from the market women. Kutio (Palm wine) regarded as the supreme item of the market place and in a category by itself, was always given a place of its own in the markets place Palm wine and local gin rendered an important service as well as refreshment. Traditionally, this product was much more than food and drink; it was the universal social lubricant without which hospitality was not possible and conviviality difficult. A household’s importance depended on its ability to give it to its guest (Aplife Udama). Palm wine of course was ready to consume on the spot and was usually one of the things, which was available for immediate consumption in the market place. Although tapped by men, it was the women that sold it in the market place.

According to Richard Kwambe from Mbaduku the quest for palm wine has extended from the market place to more personal relationship with other Tiv communities apart from Vandeikya communities defying conflict to go as far as Bebuabong, Bendi, Bebuaswan and especially Betukwel to drink palm wine from one Otunche. Ashang Adah from Bebuaswan collaborates the story of Otunche being one of the best palm wine tappers in the area. He goes futher to note that up till Otunches death seven years ago, “Otunche kept so many Tiv people in his compound during boundary conflicts.” Another example was the relationship that developed between sellers as they lured the buyers into agreeing to buy their goods. Male buyers were nicknamed-my husband especially by older and widowed women, my son –in-law, my good-looking son, while women buyers were nicknamed daughter-in-law, good wife, beautiful one etc. These names were accompanied by appeals like, please help open my market as I have not sold since morning, i will sell it well for you and sometimes, they promised to reduce the price especially were perishable goods were involved.

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Other times they went into the advertisement of the items for sale – it is good tomatoes, can’t you see how ripe it is, and your husband will praise you if you use this fresh okra for soup. The buyer was disposed to buy mainly out of sentiments. This might yield lower immediate profit but was used in the development of a good social relationship that had its inherent benefits within the market place and beyond (Bello 15; Esser and Komorita 870). Informants in both Local Government Areas were quick to state that the market was one of the few places where men and women could initiate relationships, which could end up in marriages. Tiv men especially initiated and married women from Udam because “they were well behaved and honest and it was the believe among us that the children from Udam women do better in all aspects of life (Ihjev Akuruka). Madam Monica Ogar reiterated by stating that her sister and daughter are married to Tiv men from Vandeikya and Local Governments Area respectively and that “we like to marry Tiv men because they treat their wives well and there is hardly any large compound in Tiv land today that you do not find at least one woman from the neighbouring areas of their trade partners in upper Cross River.” One reason for these marriages was that Tiv men do not exploit the labour and produce of their women. These marriages were effective in promoting cordial and long-lasting ties across ethnic and cultural zones. This was so especially through the coming and going of in-laws, of grandchildren and other ethnic kinsmen on both sides. Some of these marriages were often useful in settling disputes between communities living within the zones of the ethnic or cultural transition. No wonder, one finds people of different ethnic groups referring to themselves as ‘brothers’ and ‘sisters’.

A market place was therefore a place for any kind of news; that of disseminating useful news from the government including upcoming events like immunization information, political campaigns and dates of elections etc. Although such information was carried by the media all policies and programmes of development had better hearing during market sessions. Observably, women who constitute the larger population in the market place knew the best way to inform their husbands (Olaoba 11); news of a runaway wife, of any stranger in the area, news of happenings in the area like upcoming marriages, festivals, burials and meetings region could be heard there. it was a place to disseminate information and spread news and rumours about current events in the society (Falola 60). For example, in Tsar market, Madam Doshima Takaar sold vegetables ostensibly to purchase soap but most of her time in the market was spent discussing with her friends who accompanied her to the market. The case of this woman was illustrative of behavior mentioned by almost all informants. Buyers and sellers often spend long hours discussing the events of the day or week instead of haggling over the price and quality of commodities. Politics, internal activities/developments and world affairs were discussed in regular course during a typical market day. In this way, these border market places became places of social intercourse and political activity. An important entertainment akin to the modern agricultural shows was Bewhutang (yam festival) synonymous to a national day for the Obudu people since it was the most important festivals held once a year when new yams were harvested (Ukaka 46). Although the Tiv do not celebrate new yam, they made up the highest population of invited guest during Obudu new yam festivals and most of them arriving the eve to the festival day. They came with their dances like Mukpa, Ibumegbe, Shen and Kwanger or kwangh-Ajom to join in the entertainment. The Kutio held its important place in a festival such as this as it was the most impotant liquor for the day with efforts made by Obudu people to tap enough for their invited guest (Godwin Azauka).

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Another integration trait is the type in which we find names of some areas in other areas. Richard Ushie has noted that trade relations between the Tiv and the Obudu people has resulted in a place called ‘Bakunde’ which is the local name for Makudi (Benue State). Akpena, Adie and Wanidye are examples of obudu names born by Vandeikya areas as names like Utsu, Akande and Upurigh are now indigenous to Obudu areas. This is a follow up to the fact that Bette has become second language to especially the southern Tiv and vice verse. The languages apart from being spoken by large populations of both areas with perfection, they alternate the use in the market place and beyond (Clinton Aniah). The Ukpatemena dance in Tsar and the Ekpatemana dance in Obudu is a clear case of similarity in pronunciation although it is now difficult to ascertain which area borrowed from which. Food types and varieties of crops have been exchanged over the years. Sweet potatoes (the pink skin specie), and locust bean seed were introduced to Obudu people in these market places traders. Today sweet potatoes are grown in Obudu that is because the Tiv did not only market the item, they went as far as showing them how to grow it (Irene Adie). Tiv traders are also remembered to have brought plates and drinking water pots made from clay that replaced drinking pots and plates made from calabashes. Mrs Monica Ogar remembers that her mother and aunty became experts in the production of these clay pots (December 2014). Till date, drinking pots made from clay are still in use. Although Obudu women were known to farm beniseed, a legume used for a major soup known as beniseed soup in the area, these border markets have shown a shift as this plant is now grown and marketed in large quantities by the Tiv women to Obudu women and other upper Cross River areas that use it. The reasons for the shift in its production could not be explained. The system of local banking have been taken up by the women to raise money and at the same time develop inter-personal relations useful in times of peace, disaster and war especially as membership depended on trust and friendship. “Ubam” (Obudu) and “Bam” (Tiv) evolved in the market place as a thrift and loan cooperation society. It was started in Tsar market by Akpena Tarkaa, but it later spread to Iyon market under the leadership of Tsua and then to Bendi and Utuqwang market areas in Obudu. Bam as an upshot from the market place was another avenue which made people from both communities across the borders to save or borrow money depending on their preference. Bam also represented a long term cumulative cash savings for especially celebrations like Bewhutang, Christmas and the New Year. It was discovered during this research that every obudu family no matter how poor identified themselves with an Ubam group since contributions were in catagories. This money was used to buy especially food items like rice, tomatoes and animal meat like cow and goat (Ukaka 31). These Ubam breached the gap between the rich and the poor since all could afford enough to eat and entertain their guest during festive periods. The popularity of bam is due to the ease with which these women could access their money in times of depressed financial markets this is opposed to the high interest rates in banks and the assertion by March and Taqqu’s that “rotating credit and saving groups are poor men’s substitute for formal financial institutions” (29). Perhaps and most importantly, one of the main reasons why women dominated the market place was for the important social function it performed. For women, the neutrality of the market place was important in the sphere of kinship, as it served for the perpetuation of lineage rights and obligation (Hodder and Ukwu 51). Each family compound was made up of a lineage, or part of a lineage tracing its descent from the same male ancestor. The lineage itself was part of a social grouping, whose members recognized a distant kinship with each other, though the relationship was not traced directly.

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The household in the area being mainly patriarchal in nature, women were separated from their kinsmen especially after marriage; hence they had to travel to see them, while on the other hand, men were surrounded by theirs. Bohannan has noted that The reason which Bohannan has noted in his manuscript “The Tiv Market Place,” is applicable in the area of study where constant travel by women to visit their kinsmen led to worries on the part of their husbands about their hold over their spouses should they visit their natal households regularly (615). But when they could meet their kinsmen in the market place, worries like these were dispelled, since in the market place the women could get all the news without creating a conflict, or arousing their husbands’ apprehension (617). This brought a lot of changes as the scale of social relations became wider and small kin groups became socially less self-contained than formally. This explained why some women ignored nearby markets and attended more distant markets instead. Women were able to travel freely, often times, moving between groups which were not at peace with one another, depending on their kinship, in-laws and associational ties. It is now difficult to estimate the extent of these trading journeys, but they might have been very considerable in numbers or in distance. The objects of trade themselves might have been exchanged between members of neighbouring area and so might move along the lines of kinship in this respect. Following these lines of kinship, in-laws and associational ties into market places far from their homes, they came back after weeks to start the process again. These women were able to embark on these trips because they had adult children and relations to take charge of the home front in their absence. With time, these trade relations naturally further songs, dances as well as ideas, cultures, and domestic arrangements. While the interaction between them might have started with trade relationship, it later developed into community or cultural relations. Igirgi noted this for the Tiv market place which … functioned not merely as centers for buying and selling but doubled as veritable tools for social interaction, cross-fertilization of ideas, celebrations and commemoration, all of which helped to accelerate the tempo of economic activities. (71). The place of war in the lives of the people has often been misunderstood. As a social phenomenon, it was considered to virtually be endemic and senseless. People fought when they had disagreements real or imagined which were considered grave enough to consider risking lives. Thus, In spite of these strong integrative ties that extended beyond the market place into the communities, conflict was inevitable because of the cosmopolitan nature of the market place. A E. Adeogun (1987) sees conflict as integral part of the society, Sofela (1973) sees conflict as essential ingredient for change. In another study J.W. Thibaut and H.H. Kelly have also explained conflict within the framework of the human nature and the environment in which man is found. They explain that some human beings are naturally disposed to aggressive behavior, which is aggravated by poverty, competition and overcrowding (40). These three factors are typical of a market place which does not only have ethnically, culturally and socially heterogeneous crowd but as the central nervous system of the community, hence the center for inter-ethnic contact and channels of communication, it was not surprising that “friends as well as enemies met within its confines” (Skinner 270). The market is also a place where people in dispute of any sort most likely came in contact. It was in Tsar market that Mr Undie Paul a farmer of Ukambi village in Obudu farmer settled his land feud with Taaker from Mbaduku. Mr Pauls need for a white goat for burial rites sent

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him to Tsar Market in search of it. He was referred to a man who could help him; on getting there he discovered that “it was the man he had land matter with in 1980. I had to drop my ego, make peace with him since I needed the goat desperately. Taaker accepted my peace terms because he needed the money. Up until five years ago when he died, we became best of friends (Undie Paul 2014). Many of such stories abound but it was also in the market place that misunderstanding degenerated to a point where it became an ethnic issue. The July 2005 contention over the ownership of Branch market between Bebi in Obanliku and Tiv refugees displaced from Taraba following a violent clash with the Jukun. This contention was to stretch to a point were Bishir, and Bendi communities supported Bebi and Iyon supporting the Tiv refugees. By 2007 the conflict had became a full-blown war and had stretch to the border between the Shikpeche communities of Obudu and their immediate Abatola neighbours and with each side supporting their brothers (Peter Ajang) As instruments for enhancing social re-engineering in the society the role played by elders in the area in ensuring the safety of routes to border markets since pre-colonial times have been noted by Maker (1994) and Ayangaor (2009). Chief Agogu, Chief Yobee Aernyi have equally noted the secrets of peace making locked in their ways, formed from centuries of custom and used to avert conflict or especially when conflict became inevitable. Their important role to the whole market process is summed up in this statement, “no chief can refuse to hear a case brought to his attention at market, though he may postpone it until a regular court hearing” (Skinner, 271). Burton on the other hand suggests that effort should not be that of “eliminating conflict but rather seek for ways of managing it and resolving it interaction ally …as it guarantees that the aspirations of society will be attained” (137). Madam Andevbenye Inyaka maintains that in spite of conflicts, their relationship is cordial since they still eat together, their marriages and burials share identical trends, since especially wooden drum beats from both areas could be interpreted and understood by both areas and since they still share the same farm plots. This last point is important bearing in mind that southern Tiv are mainly farmers and by virtue of their large population and poor agricultural soil, they need lands to farm. They have to rely on the Obudu people to lease lands to them. And couple with the fact that the Tiv are hard working, they assist the Obudu farmers to till their farms CONCLUSION This cross border market places apart from being women’s identity, it also implies advancement and progress on the part of the women especially in economic and social terms as has been noted. This is so because children are educated, house hold welfare provision as food security is guaranteed and the women gain in terms of social standing. These women have been able to turn constraint to opportunities and have demonstrated the futility of border conflicts and have strengthened social relations since trade depends on successful cultivation of interpersonal relationship. As has been demonstrated these women have defined borders which could sometimes be hostile or cooperative as valuable resources in social struggles for existence and the enactment of livelihood. This is evident in their being at home in the market place since this was where the most part of their rest day was spent. The market place was largely ‘Her world’ (Mccall 667) and except for the small percentage of traders who were men, the process of the market place was said to be a mystery to men.

These cross border market places irrespective of the fact that it employs so much female labour and despite their contribution to the economies of the area especially through various kinds

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of tolls, they receive minimal recognition by government and their working environment is nothing to write home about as there is no attempts to upgrade the facilities. The government should not only seek to control these places by imposing heavy tolls, it should also create enabling environment. Like internal markets, women have participated in cross border market place irrespective of limitation in terms of items of trade and especially wars. Their contribution to the economies of their LGAs cannot continue to be neglected. Since they played a major role in the economy, as the gender ideology governing economic production was that of female industriousness. The structure discussed above gave credence to the place of the woman in the society without which the significance of the market as an important social and economic institution cannot be fully appreciated. This is especially so when one considers that cosmologically, markets in Yoruba were associated with a female deity Aje who demands regular worship from her priestesses and all traders in order to provide them with prosperity in trade (Sada et al 155). In Igbo land, there was the ritual link between Omu, queen of Onitsha women, and the head of the Association of Women Traders and Nri (Henderson 314).

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