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REVIEWS 543

In the case of Merian and Guyart, the comparisons are more obvious. Guyart's adventurous voyage to the New World of Quebec parallels Menan's to the New World of Suriname. In fact, one wishes that Davis had drawn more explicit links between their experiences-for example, a closer comparison between Merian's views of the Africans and Amerindians of Suriname with Guyart's comments on the Amerindian women of Quebec.

In fact, this comparative aspect is what this otherwise rich and original book Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jsh/article/30/2/543/955660 by guest on 28 September 2021 lacks. While Davis does treat some common themes in each of the chapters that she highlights in her short conclusion-the nature of these women's work, the influence of religion in each of their lives, the gendered nature of their individual experiences, and the importance of family relations and experiences-more sus' tained comparative analysis would have brought the three chapters together into a more satisfying whole. Most notable, according to Davis, were the unique lives these women created for themselves on the margins. I was not entirely satisfied with her definition of "living on the margins"-most individuals throughout history have lived "on the margins," away from centers of political power or formal centers of learning and cultural definition. However, her argument that "each woman appreciated or embraced a marginal place, reconstituting it as a locally defined center" (p. 210) isa persuasive and compelling one. Clearly, these women had an impact in their worlds, and their stories are well worth reading today.

St. Mary's College of Maryland Christine Adams

The White Woman's OtherBurden: Western WomenandSouth Asia During British Rule. By Kumari Jayawardena (New York: Routledge, 1995. x plus310pp. $17.95/paperback $59.95/cloth). The "myth of the memsahib," which is rooted in the fiction of Kipling, Forster, and Orwell, has long lingered in the history of British India. This traditional view of European women in the British Empire has been unrelievedly negative. Fiction writers and filmmakers, as well as historians, have portrayed the rnem­ sahib (literally the master's woman, but generally used to refer to British women in India) as a frivolous, self,absorbed creature, more concerned with idle flirta­ tions and lawn tennis than with understanding the "real" India in which she lived. More seriously, critics have condemned the British woman in India for institutionalizing a virulent racism that poisoned the previously amicable rela­ tions between (male) British imperial rulers and their Indian subjects, created a racially-segregated society and led eventually but inexorably to the downfall of the British Empire. Only recently, with the burgeoning interest in women's history and the emergence of feminist historiography have historians dispelled this myth through critical examination of the diverse roles of women in the British Empire and a more nuanced assessment of the complex interactions of race and gender in the imperial context. The intervention of women's historians in the field of imperial history has followed a trajectory similar to that in European and American women's his, tory. First came the effort to recover the histories of exceptional women whose 544 journal of social history winter 1996 lives and achievements had faded from historical memory. Historians also be­ gan to pursue the everyday experiences of ordinary women. Working with the rich trove of memoirs and letters left by European women in India, historians sympathetically detailed the physical, financial and emotional hardships experi­ enced by the typical memsahib. Feminist historians attacked the stereotype of the racist memsahib head on. Arguing that Western women were, like the colonized peoples, oppressed by the patriarchal imperial hierarchy, they postulated the Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jsh/article/30/2/543/955660 by guest on 28 September 2021 existence of empathetic bonds between the two subordinated groups. Far from being racist, feminist historians argued, European women reached out to their fellow sufferers, the "natives," through charitable, social service and medical endeavors. Most recently, historians such as Barbara Ramusack and Antoinette Burton have begun to explore the complex interconnections between feminist women in the metropole and developments in the Empire. The intricacies of colonialism, however, complicate the assessment of women's place in imperial history. Asian feminists have argued that Western feminist models, methods and goals are inadequate to chart and assessthe progress of women in Asia. The history of Asian (and of Western women's role in that movement) can thus be understood only when viewed in the dual contexts of Asian culture and the legacy of Western imperialism. In The White Woman's Other Burden, which examines the lives and work of Western feminists in British India (now India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Myanmar), Kumari [avawardena ambitiously attempts to participate in many of these ongoing debates. First, she focuses on Western women who achieved renown (and in some cases, notoriety) for their involvement with South Asian feminism, politics, or culture, but who have since become a "distant memory." Second, }ayawardena examines these women's lives from an avowedly feminist perspective, emphasizing their awareness of the patriarchal hierarchy and their efforts to rectify for themselves and for other women the resulting imbalances of power. Finally, }ayawardena grapples with the thorny issue of assessing Western feminism in an Asian context, evaluating her subjects with what she describes as an "Asian 'feminist gaze'." ]ayawardena is most successful in achieving her first goal of recovering the histories of hitherto forgotten women. The white women of her title are not the memsahibs who, along with their husbands, fathers and sons, heeded Kipling's in­ junction to disseminate Western civilization among the "benighted" peoples of the Empire. Rather, these Western women shouldered the very different burden of bringing the benefits of education, social reform, political freedom or personal liberation to their Asian sisters. Structured as a series of biographies, the book is divided into five parts, corresponding to the five different types of women profiled: missionaries and other religious women; social reformers; theosophists and orientalists; Western disciples of Asian religious figures; and socialists. AI, though some of the women, such as and Margaret Noble (Sister Nivedita), will be familiar to those with an interest in South Asian history, most of her subjects are, indeed, women who have hitherto been hidden from history. All of the biographical sketches are lively and informative, and [avawardena does an excellent job of summarizing basic facts and enhancing them with more esoteric details. She expertly distills, for example, the history and thought of the Theosophical Movement and compresses the many lives of Annie Besant REVIEWS 545 into twelve action-packed pages. Most interesting, however, are accounts of the less well-known figures, such as Florence Farr, Shavian actress and friend of Ezra Pound, who ended her days as principal of a girls' school in , or the socialist women actively involved in Sri Lankan politics in the 1930s and 1940s. The project of reclaiming forgotten women, however, often makes for strange bedfellows. The Sisters of Loreto, the Irish Catholic Nuns who established con' Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jsh/article/30/2/543/955660 by guest on 28 September 2021 vent schools throughout India for the genteel education of proper (and wealthy) young ladies would undoubtedly be aghast to find themselves linked with the likes of Agnes Smedley, socialist, revolutionary and mistress of Virendranath Chattopadyaya, a leader of India's nationalist movement. Jayawardena argues that the common thread linking such different women is feminism, i.e., "a con, sciousness of injustices based on gender hierarchy, and a commitment to change." This sweeping definition raises more questions about the nature of feminism than it answers, however. For example, how is the reader to assess the feminism of Madeline Slade, the upper,class British woman who became Gandhi's per­ sonal assistant. Her devotion to the Gandhian cause and to the leader himself challenged "the established gender roles for white women." Yet her duties in the service of the Mahatma-eooking, cleaning, washing and drawing Gandhi's bath-echo women's traditional subservience to men. Is it, therefore, a feminist act simply to challenge the existing power structure even if such subversive ac­ tivity apparently reinforces women's subordinate role? Similarly, the connection with South Asia, which Jayawardena presents as a second unifying theme among her subjects, is often tenuous. Several of the women never visited South Asia. Others became interested in India only during their marriages to politically ac­ tive Indians; their enthusiasm for South Asia collapsed along with their marital relationships. For reader and author alike, however, the greatest challenge in assessing the role of Western women in South Asian history lies in understanding the com, plex dynamics of feminism and anti-imperialism. Like Socialist women in Eu­ rope who often abandoned their feminist goals for the benefit of the broader workers' movement, Western feminists in India frequently faced accusations of impeding the "greater" struggle against British imperialism. Feminist criticisms of child marriage, purdah or female illiteracy appeared to play into the hands of British imperialists who argued that Indians were too "uncivilized" to assume the responsibilities of self-government. However, the position of the militant anti, imperialists, who argued that Westerners must abstain from all criticism of and interference in Indian culture could, where women were concerned, "legitimize existing repressive structures." Not surprisingly,Western women responded in a variety of ways to this dilemma. Some, like the educator Annette Ackroyd and Katherine Mayo, opponent of child marriage and author of Mother India, openly criticized the status of women in Indian society and argued that India should not be accorded self-government until women's disabilities were remedied. Oth­ ers, such as Annie Besant, an ardent feminist in England and an equally ardent nationalist in India, renounced efforts to import Western feminism to India, believing that one should "wear sandals in India and shoes in the West." Some women, like the socialists, attempted an uneasy and generally unsuccessful rec­ onciliation of the feminist and nationalist positions, while others, such as the 546 journal of social history winter 1996 orientalists, stripped their ideological beliefs of immediate political import by camouflaging them in academic esoterica. Is feminism (or at least Western feminism) thus inherently incompatible with the anti,imperialist struggle? Although Jayawardena professes to analyze her subjects from the perspective of an Asian feminist, she finds no resolution for this difficult paradox. If anything, her sympathies seem to lie with those women who conform most closely to traditional conceptions of Western feminism. The Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jsh/article/30/2/543/955660 by guest on 28 September 2021 debate, however, has thus far been dominated by the views of (male) Indian nationalists and (female) Western feminists. As Jayawardena notes, the "key question" to be researched and discussed further is the reaction of Indian women to efforts on their behalf by their western "sisters." Her book provides a stim­ ulating introduction to the crucial issues in this debate and opens the door to continuing investigation of these questions.

University of Pennsylvania Mary A. Procida

TheMaking ofEurope: Conquest, Colonization, and Cultural Change, 950­ 1350. By Robert Bartlett (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1993. 432pp. $29.95/cloth $16.95/paperback).

Robert Bartlett has a remarkable story to tell; and he does so remarkably. The story is the "making of Europe," the process whereby an unusually expansive society-that of former Carolingian Europe-carried out its self-appointed task of spreading out over the face of the earth. This, Europeans accomplished with the use of what the author calls "blueprints" for the domination of the nat, ural and social environment, a peculiar blend of techniques and technology that proved exceptionally effective in the settlement and transformation of a wide variety of cultures. Perhaps the single most striking revelation of Bartlett's wide-ranging work isthe similarity of European expansion regardlessof which di­ rection and what differing terrains this people moved into-the literate Muslim Mediterranean, the oral heathen east, the literate and Christian North. Bartlett analyses local variations, but the common themes dominate: the Irish, Christian long before the conversion of these now domineering Franks, submitted to much the same transformation under this "European" rule as did Muslims and Slavs. Everywhere we find vigorous colonizers of all sorts-warriors, traders, church, men and peasants-whose formula for success included military and agricultural technology, the extensive use of charters and coinage, a disciplined and admin­ istrative church, and, back home, an intellectual and commercial "core region" that generated the necessary social energy to fuel the outposts of this expan­ sion. In a book of monumental proportions, Bartlett has filled in the detail of a picture that medieval historians have long asserted. Between the eleventh and the fourteenth centuries, a culture that first began in Frankish Europe, spread out from a base of France, Northern Italy and Western Germany, and systematically conquered and (rejsettled regions from Southwest Spain and Mediterranean islands to the Dead Sea rift, from the Irish valleys and the Norse fjords to the