University of Nevada, Reno the Scandalous Case of Isabel De La

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

University of Nevada, Reno the Scandalous Case of Isabel De La University of Nevada, Reno The Scandalous Case of Isabel de la Cruz Mejía: Healing, Ethnicity, and Gender in Seventeenth-Century Mexico A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art in History By Angela Chase Dr. Linda A. Curcio-Nagy/Thesis Advisor December, 2013 THE GRADUATE SCHOOL We recommend that the thesis prepared under our supervision by ANGELA CHASE entitled The Scandalous Case Of Isabel De La Cruz Mejía: Healing, Ethnicity, And Gender In Seventeenth-Century Mexico be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Dr. Linda A. Curcio-Nagy, Advisor Dr. Kevin Stevens, Committee Member Dr. Darrell Lockhart, Graduate School Representative Marsha H. Read, Ph. D., Dean, Graduate School December, 2013 i Abstract During the seventeenth century, the colony of New Spain experienced a dearth of formally trained and affordable medical practitioners due to the education, cost, and socioeconomic requirements dictated by the Protomedicato. In this absence, Novohispano society learned to heal itself. Influenced by Iberian, Mesoamerican, and African religious and medical traditions, popular healers of mixed caste, gender, and ethnicity learned to heal in a hybrid colonial context. Heavily influenced by popular Spanish Catholicism, urban casta healers like Isabel de la Cruz Mejía functioned as intermediaries between their elite criollo clientele and the native peddlers of empirical healing remedies. They practiced a healing methodology that incorporated many types of knowledge and rituals that colonial society expected and accepted, and thus worked within socially demarcated frameworks by using effective gossip networks, accepted hybrid rituals, and popular religious beliefs. As a hybrid figure, the female casta healer put herself in a liminal position whereby she could easily be denounced to the Holy Office of the Inquisition. The case of Isabel de la Cruz Mejía demonstrates the ways in which the Inquisition was utilized by different segments of society for personal reasons that were in turn connected to larger colonial issues such as class, race, gender, and identity. Her case also suggests that there existed a fine line between magic, healing, and popular piety in colonial New Spain. ii Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction 1 Chapter 2: Popular Healing in Seventeenth-Century Mexico 34 Chapter 3: The Circumstances of Failure 70 Chapter 4: The Goals and Politics of the Inquisitorial Process in New Spain 101 Chapter 5: Conclusion 138 Bibliography 146 Appendix 157 1 Chapter One: Introduction On June 4, 1644 Doña Balthasara de Valcazar denounced the mestiza or mulata Isabel de la Cruz Mejía to the Inquisition of New Spain for being a charlatan healer, sorcerer, and for presuming to have a pact with the devil that aided her in performing malevolent activities in distant places.1 Isabel’s case officially began on September 1, 1651, thirteen years after she was first summoned to the house of Doña Balthasara, the wife of Don Rodrigo de Valcazar, a retired alcalde for the city of Mexico, to help heal the doña’s ailing grandson. It ended with Isabel being banished from New Spain for no less than five years, after receiving two hundred lashes at a public auto de fe on November 6, 1652. What should have been a routine medical call turned into a decade- long drama regarding gossip, gender, ethnicity, and class issues. All of which was connected to the question of whether or not Isabel possessed true clairvoyant and healing abilities, or if she was only a poor, lying casta pretending to possess such capabilities for monetary gain. Isabel’s case raises questions about how healing functioned in the colony of New Spain during the seventeenth century. What “education” was needed to be a healer? What were the racial and gendered aspects of healing as a profession? How did popular conceptualizations of healing contribute to the ways in which a casta woman such as Isabel became a healer? What role did gossip play with regards to healing? How significant was religion to the profession of healing? By working in an occupation that 1 “Isavel de la Cruz Mexia quarterona de mestiza o morisca nacio de Mexico, viuda. Por embustera, zahorí con presumpcion detener pacto con el demonio referiendo cosas que estaban en partes muy distantes,” BANC MSS 96/95 m v. 6:4, cover of file. 2 was traditionally the domain of the indigenous peoples of colonial Mexico, Isabel’s case highlights how popular ideas about health superseded ethnic, racial, gendered, and even religious boundaries. As such, the case also raises scholarly questions regarding how the Inquisition as an institution was utilized during the colonial era and which segments of society sought its authoritarian aid and why. Isabel’s case demonstrates how seventeenth-century Mexicans had sociocultural expectations concerning who could be a proper healer, what role the Inquisition should play in regulating health and healing, and the ways in which class, race, and gossip structured society. It was expected that healers were female, of mixed race, were a part of social circles and gossip networks, and practiced a learned healing method that differed from the formally accepted Spanish medical system. As such, healers blended localized religious elements with empirical knowledge of native flora and fauna, and acquired their abilities either through divine grace, ancestry, or close association with other reputable healers. Isabel’s basic knowledge of herbs and drinks, clairvoyance, divine grace at birth, and strategic use of gossip and rumor demonstrates how she was a product of her society’s views regarding healing. Popular Healing, Magic, and Medicine Popular healers were a staple of seventeenth-century Mexican society because health concerns were basic features of the social landscape. Illness and death were a constant occurrence in the daily lives of colonial inhabitants; and, they sought answers and help from healers for a variety of different ailments. Men and women like Isabel could be found though out the capital peddling their healing concoctions, remedies, and ingredients to aid in combatting disease and death. Such popular healing methods were 3 socially circumscribed and people expected the integration of spirituality and the basic incorporation of scientific knowledge of herbs to be part of a healer’s repertoire. Efficacy of a healer’s power was also spread via gossip and rumor, and thus reputation was a huge determinant in how healers survived and thrived in their field. Hence, class, gender, and magic accompanied popular religious rituals and practices as integral elements to notions of healing and medicine during the colonial era. The professionalization of medicine was both limited to class and race and its discussion in the colonial context is best understood as hybrid and socially constructed. This means that colonial Spanish medicine was not merely a syncretic product of the blending of Spanish and native approaches. On the surface, the transmission of Spanish medicine into New Spain conformed to the same dynamic that characterized the diffusion of other elements of Iberian culture to the New World: an elite/formal level and a popular/informal level existed; but, in reality, such a binary is not entirely indicative of colonial medical approaches.2 At the time of contact, Spanish medicine was dominated by Greek humoral pathology, which was not entirely different from Mesoamerican healing practices and beliefs of hot and cold properties.3 Motivated by a fascination with what they deemed witchcraft, and a general curiosity at the effectiveness and use of unknown herbs and techniques, the colonists were especially impressed with native medicine, and quickly spread word of its wonders.4 While indigenous healing techniques remained the more utilized and trusted source by the majority of the New Spain’s 2 Luz María Hernández Sáenz and George M. Foster, "Curers and Their Cures in Colonial New Spain and Guatemala: The Spanish Component," in Mesoamerican Healers eds. Brad R. Huber and Alan R. Sandstrom (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2001): 22. 3 Hernández Sáenz and Foster, "Curers and Their Cures,” 19. 4 Hernández Sáenz and Foster, "Curers and Their Cures,” 21. 4 population during the early part of the colonial era, any supposed separation of Spanish versus native medicine quickly disintegrated as time passed, especially in the urban centers. The social complexity of early colonial Mexico created opportunities for “enterprising practitioners to peddle their goods and skills as the demand for medicines grew and new forms of healing evolved.”5 This meant that there existed a variety of practitioners who dispensed care and catered to different classes and illnesses simultaneously. Many of the colonial practitioners were neither licensed nor recognized by the Royal Protomedicato, the Crown’s official medical board. This was most certainly due to the requirements and rules regarding the qualifications for a certified physician. The necessary racial purity, economic standing, university degree, and license to practice barred the majority of society from becoming physicians while simultaneously exalting those who could and did.6 This meant that the great majority of legally approved physicians in New Spain were criollos (Spaniards born in the New World) who saw the medical profession as an opportunity for social advancement, prestige, and a respectable income.7 Due to the racial and gendered monopoly concerning physicians, those who were rejected from the officially sanctioned medical field usually became technically illegal practitioners. Such practitioners operated within what the Protomedicato or elites deemed as the acceptable fringe positions that, while unsanctioned, were allowed and flourished 5 Sherry Fields, Pestilence and Headcolds: Encountering Illness in Colonial Mexico (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), 40. 6 Luz María Hernández Sáenz, Learning to Heal: The Medical Profession in Colonial Mexico, 1767–1831 (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 1997), 21. 7Hernández Sáenz, Learning to Heal, 63.
Recommended publications
  • Russian Orthodoxy and Women's Spirituality In
    RUSSIAN ORTHODOXY AND WOMEN’S SPIRITUALITY IN IMPERIAL RUSSIA* Christine D. Worobec On 8 November 1885, the feast day of Archangel Michael, the Abbess Taisiia had a mystical experience in the midst of a church service dedicated to the tonsuring of sisters at Leushino. The women’s religious community of Leushino had recently been ele­ vated to the status of a monastery.1 Conducting an all-women’s choir on that special day, the abbess became exhilarated by the beautiful refrain of the Cherubikon hymn, “Let us lay aside all earthly cares,” and envisioned Christ surrounded by angels above the iconostasis. She later wrote, “Something was happening, but what it was I am unable to tell, although I saw and heard every­ thing. It was not something of this world. From the beginning of the vision, I seemed to fall into ecstatic rapture Tears were stream­ ing down my face. I realized that everyone was looking at me in astonishment, and even fear....”2 Five years later, a newspaper columnistwitnessedasceneinachurch in the Smolensk village of Egor'-Bunakovo in which a woman began to scream in the midst of the singing of the Cherubikon. He described “a horrible in­ *This book chapter is dedicated to the memory of Brenda Meehan, who pioneered the study of Russian Orthodox women religious in the modern period. 1 The Russian language does not have a separate word such as “convent” or nunnery” to distinguish women’s from men’s monastic institutions. 2 Abbess Thaisia, 194; quoted in Meehan, Holy Women o f Russia, 126. Tapestry of Russian Christianity: Studies in History and Culture.
    [Show full text]
  • How Can Spirituality Be Marian? Johann G
    Marian Studies Volume 52 The Marian Dimension of Christian Article 5 Spirituality, Historical Perspectives, I. The Early Period 2001 How Can Spirituality be Marian? Johann G. Roten University of Dayton Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.udayton.edu/marian_studies Recommended Citation Roten, Johann G. (2001) "How Can Spirituality be Marian?," Marian Studies: Vol. 52, Article 5. Available at: https://ecommons.udayton.edu/marian_studies/vol52/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Marian Library Publications at eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marian Studies by an authorized editor of eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Roten: Spirituality Spirituality HOW CAN SPIRITUALITY BE MARIAN? Johann G. Roten, S.M.* "There is nothing better than true devotion to Mary, con, ceived as an ever more complete following of her example, to in, troduce one to the joy ofbelieving."1 Can this statement, formu, lated with the spiritual formation of future priests in mind, be applied to all Christians? Is it true that sound Marian devotion is "an essential aspect of Christian spirituality"F Or must we con, cede that Marina Warner's prophecy has come true, namely, that the "reality of her [Mary's] myth is over; the moral code sheaf, firms has been exhausted"?3 While reducing Marian devotion to an expression of the "traditionalist counter,movement," a recent sociological study reached a different conclusion: "With the weight of the history I reviewed ... firmly supporting the following con, elusion, I contend that Marian devotion will continue well into the next millennium.
    [Show full text]
  • Ecstasy and Mysticism by HANS HOF
    Iv Ecstasy and Mysticism By HANS HOF The task I set myself in this paper is that of finding and understanding the structures in human consciousness which characterise the experience of certain kinds of ecstasy. The context in which I try to perform this task is an outline of fundamental changes in consciousness brought about by those methods of meditation which, under optimal conditions, give rise to mysti- cal experience. I define the terms "ecstasy" and "mysticism" within the scope of this outline. My presentation will be divided into three sections. In the first section I discuss a method of finding and interpreting structures of consciousness relevant for understanding the phenomena of ecstasy and mysticism. In the second section I present the results of an investigation based on the given method: an outline of the realms of human consciousness where different ecstatic and mystical phenomena can be placed. In the third section I offer some considerations regarding the phenomenological method that I recom- mend for examining the structures of consciousness of ecstasy and mysti- cism. 1. Concerning an experimental method in study of ecstasy and mysticism Phenomena such as ecstasy and mysticism display both psychological and physical features. We find their defining features within the psychological sphere: what makes ecstasy ecstasy or mysticism mysticism is their psy- chologically describable features and not the physical ones. The physical features which are a part of these phenomena are usually regarded as secondary in relation to the psychological ones. This relation entails a methodological problem. How does one go about an experimental investi- gation of phenomena whose main features are to be found in subjective experience? How can one find intersubjective criteria? 16—Religious Ecstasy 242 HANS HOF A useful approach in obtaining an answer to these questions is shown by the experiences afforded us through the so called "meditation" of the last two decades.
    [Show full text]
  • Birkbeck Institutional Research Online
    Birkbeck ePrints BIROn - Birkbeck Institutional Research Online Enabling open access to Birkbeck’s published research output Queer Walsingham Book chapter (Author’s draft) http://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/4244 Citation: Janes, D. (2010) Queer Walsingham – In Janes, D.; Waller, G. - Walsingham in Literature and Culture from the Middle Ages to Modernity pp.147-166 (ISBN: 9780754669241) © 2010 Ashgate Publisher version ______________________________________________________________ All articles available through Birkbeck ePrints are protected by intellectual property law, including copyright law. Any use made of the contents should comply with the relevant law. ______________________________________________________________ Deposit Guide Contact: [email protected] 209 Chapter 10 Queer Walsingham Dominic Janes A banner reading “The Bible. Cure for Sodomy” was deemed to be sufficiently inflammatory that the police escorting the National Pilgrimage of Our Lady of Walsingham in 2004 required that it be taken down (fig. 9).1 Disgust at this official line can be found, as a component of a substantial campaign of vilification of the shrine, on the website of the European Institute of Protestant Studies (EIPS) which is housed in the Paisley Jubilee Complex of the Martyrs‟ Memorial Free Presbyterian Church in Belfast. Its President is Ian Paisley, until recently First Minister of Northern Ireland, founder and moderator of the Free Presbyterian Church in Belfast and possessor of an Honorary Doctorate from the evangelical Bob Jones University in Greenville, South Carolina. The purpose of the institute is to “expound the Bible and expose the Papacy” and it offers courses which include “showing Roman Catholics the way to Christ,” “False doctrines of Roman Catholicism,” and “The Church of Rome and Politics (an exposure of the Vatican conspiracy to overthrow civil government from the twelfth century to the present, with particular emphasis on the history of Papal assaults against Britain and Rome's contemporary involvement in the European Union).”2 [Fig.
    [Show full text]
  • CHURCH and PEOPLE " Holyrussia," the Empire Is Called, and the Troops of The
    CHAPTER V CHURCH AND PEOPLE " HOLYRussia," the Empire is called, and the troops of the Tsar are his " Christ-loving army." The slow train stops at a wayside station, and..among the grey cot- The Church. tages on the hillside rises a white church hardly supporting the weight of a heavy blue cupola. The train approaches a great city, and from behind factory chimneys cupolas loom up, and when the factory chimneys are passed it is the domes and belfries of the churches that dominate the city. " Set yourselves in the shadow of the sign of the Cross, O Russian folk of true believers," is the appeal that the Crown makes to the people at critical moments in its history. With these words began the Manifesto of Alexander I1 announcing the emancipation of the serfs. And these same words were used bfthose mutineers on the battleship Potenzkin who appeared before Odessa in 1905. The svrnbols of the Orthodox Church are set around Russian life like banners, like ancient watch- towers. The Church is an element in the national conscious- ness. It enters into the details of life, moulds custom, main- tains a traditional atmosphere to the influence of which a Russian, from the very fact that he is a Russian, involuntarily submits. A Russian may, and most Russian intelligents do, deny the Church in theory, but in taking his share in the collective life of the nation he, at many points, recognises the Ch'urch as a fact. More than that. In those borcler- lands of emotion that until life's end evade the control of toilsomely acquired personal conviction, the Church retains a foothold, yielding only slowly and in the course of generations to modern influences.
    [Show full text]
  • St. Catherine of Bologna Church
    1 ST.ST. CATHERINECATHERINE OFOF BOBOLOGNALOGNA TWENTY-SIXTH SUNDAY IN ORDINARY TIME OCTOBER 1, 2017 READINGS FOR SUNDAY: EZ 18:25-18; PS 25,4-9; PHIL 2,1-11; MT 21,28-32 112 Erskine Rd, Ringwood, NJ 07456, Phone: (973) 962-7032 [email protected], www.stcatherineofbologna.org Parish office: Monday-Thursday 9:30am-3:00pm MASS SCHEDULE PRAYER TO ST. CATHERINE OF BOLOGNA Weekdays Monday-Friday 9:00am St. Catherine of Bologna, patron of artists and of our parish, Saturday I humbly ask you to intercede on my behalf 9:00am, 5:00pm (Vigil Mass) to gain for me, my family and our parish Sunday the grace of love and trust, peace and forgiveness. 7:30am 9:00am O Dear St. Catherine, 11:00am Let your uncorrupt body be a sign of God’s 6:00pm presence in our midst and of the unconditional love our crucified Lord has for each one of us. CONFESSION Saturdays May your art inspire us 8:30am-9:00am, 4:00pm-4:30pm and may the Franciscan spirit of humility, First Fridays simplicity, and obedience, 6:00pm-7:00pm so close to your heart, EUCHARISTIC ADORATION be present in our words, actions and thoughts at every moment. Fridays 9:30am-10:30am St. Catherine of Bologna - pray for us! First Fridays 9:30am-1:00pm, 6:00pm-7:00pm 2 TWENTY-FIFTHSIXTH SUNDAYSUNDAY IN IN ORDINARY ORDINARY TIME TIME SEPTEMBER OCTOBER 24, 1, 2017 MASS INTENTIONS PRAY FOR OUR MILITARY For those in the military serving overseas & their families that TWENTY-SIXTH SUNDAY IN ORDINARY TIME October 1 they complete their mission & return home safely.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of the Pentecostals
    ANDREW SINGLETON The rise and fall of the Pentecostals The role and significance of the body in Pentecostal spirituality he body has always been centrally important to Christianity. Michael TFeatherstone (1991a: 182) observes that prior to the twentieth century, Christians predominantly glorified the soul and suppressed the body. For close to two thousand years, in the pursuit of greater intimacy with God, the physical body has been ordered in particular ways during worship (e.g. kneel- ing during prayer), or disciplined and denied as part of daily religious prac- tice (e.g. fasting, self-flagellation). Giuseppe Giordan (2009: 228) notes that Christianity has controlled the body ‘through a complex system of rules, rules governing everything from sexuality to dreams, from food to desire, from work to emotions, from medicine to dress, from birth until death, including even the celebration of mourning’. In the final century of the millennium, however, a discernible shift has taken place in popular religious practice away from ordered asceticism to an eager ‘consumption’ of the power of God, especially in the Pentecostal and charismatic churches. In Australia, the UK and Western Europe, Pentecostals are one of the few Protestant groups to have grown in the past two decades. Within this tradition the body is not subordinated to attain a higher spiritual- ity, rather spiritual experiences are openly signified through the ‘out-of-con- trol’ body. The body is the site where the ‘power’ of God is manifested through the believer (as is the case with speaking in tongues). With experiences of this kind the worshipper is overcome by the ‘power’ of God, rather than in- stigating the bodily experience themselves, as is the case with swaying during prayer, fasting or liturgical dancing.
    [Show full text]
  • April 19, 2020
    St. Elizabeth Ann Seton “Peace be with you.” Catholic Church John 20:19-31 P.O. Box 187 Bark River, MI 49807 April 19, 2020 Rev. Darryl J. Pepin, Pastor [email protected] www.dioceseofmarquette.org/stelizabethbarkriver Cynthia DeFiore ~ Parish Secretary Bonnie Cowell ~ Bookkeeper Kelley VanLanen ~ Religious Ed. Ray Viau ~ Maintenance Call the Parish Office at 906-466-9938 Colleen Knauf ~ Organist ~ 466-2872 Ruth VanEnkevort ~ Musician ~ 280-1422 Diocesan Pastoral Council Connee Sagataw ~241-0454 or [email protected] St. Elizabeth Ann Seton St. Vincent de Paul Conference: 906-466-9050 “Have you come to believe PARISH MEMBERSHIP because you have seen me? Parishioners should be registered, as this is the usual means to certify that one is a member of the Parish Blessed are those who have when seeking sponsor certificates for Baptism, Confirmation, and Marriage. Call the Parish Office to register. 906-466-9938 not seen and have believed.” The Divine Mercy is a devotion to Jesus Christ associated with the apparitions of Jesus to Saint Faustina Kowalska in the 1930’s. She was instructed to have a picture of Jesus as Divine Merc, “The Fount of Mercy.” painted. The venerated im- age under this Christological title refers to what Kowalska's diary describes as "God's loving mercy" towards all people, especially for sinners.[2] Kowalska was granted the title "Secretary of Mercy" by the Holy See in the Jubilee Year of 2000. Kowalska reported a number of apparitions during religious ecstasy which she wrote in her diary, later published as the book Diary: Divine Mercy in My Soul.
    [Show full text]
  • Saint Padre Pio Sacred Heart Novena Prayer Chaplet
    Saint Padre Pio Sacred Heart Novena Third bead: Hail Mary. Prayer Chaplet Fourth bead: Glory be to the Father. Feast Day: September 21 Fifth bead: Sacred Heart of Jesus, I place all my trust in You. Patron Saint: Healing, Stress Relief, Civil Third Set: First bead: O my Jesus, You have said: "Truly Defense Volunteers, and I say to you, heaven and earth will pass away but My Adolescents words will not pass away." Encouraged by Your It is made up of a medal of Padre Pio followed by fifteen beads and infallible words I now ask for the grace of (mention your ending with a medal of the Sacred Heart. The prayer below request). (written by St. Margaret Mary Alacoque) was the one Padre Pio would use when people asked him to pray for them. Second bead: Our Father. Third bead: Hail Mary. On the Padre Pio medal: Fourth bead: Glory be to the Father. Dear God, You generously blessed Your servant, St. Pio of Pietrelcina, with the gifts of the Spirit. Fifth bead: Sacred Heart of Jesus, I place all my trust in You. You marked his body with the five wounds of Christ Crucified, as a powerful witness to the saving Passion On the Sacred Heart medal say: O Sacred Heart of and Death of Your Son. Jesus, for Whom it is impossible not to have compassion on the afflicted, have pity on us miserable sinners and Endowed with the gift of discernment, St. Pio labored grant us the grace which we ask of You, through the endlessly in the confessional for the salvation of souls.
    [Show full text]
  • Ecstasy—A Way to Religious Knowledge —Some Remarks on Paul Tillich As Theolo- Gian and Philosopher by TAGE KURTEN
    Ecstasy—a Way to Religious Knowledge —Some Remarks on Paul Tillich as Theolo- gian and Philosopher By TAGE KURTEN Most of the articles in this volume look at ecstasy from the point of view of psychology, history or sociology. With my contribution I wish mainly to stimulate some philosophical reflection on ecstasy. This I shall do by presenting some points in the philosophical and theological thinking of Paul Tillich. 1 In the context of this volume it is possible to argue for a description of Tillich's thought along at least two different lines: 1. He can be looked upon as a religious thinker. In this case he is of interest for religiology2 mainly as historical material. Then he can be seen as a Christian who in modern time has tried theoretically to reflect upon his own religious faith and the place of ecstasy in that faith. 2. He can also be regarded as a philosopher of religion, who tries to reflect universally and critically upon the phenomena of religion and ecsta- sy. In that case his main contribution to religiology is to help religiology to reflect upon the question of what possible meaning the concept of "reli- gious ecstasy" can have in a modern scientific context. This paper will attempt to cast some light on both sides of Tillich's thinking. I Tillich was born in 1886 in Prussia. His brellaterm" for all the disciplines of the sci- father was a Lutheran priest. He studied the- entific study of religion (excluding scientific ology and philosophy. In I91I he became theology), the main disciplines of which are doctor of philosophy, in 19I2 licentiate of the history, sociology, psychology and phe- theology, in both cases on a thesis dealing nomenology of religion.
    [Show full text]
  • Religious Studies (RELS) 1
    Religious Studies (RELS) 1 RELS 013 Gods, Ghosts, and Monsters RELIGIOUS STUDIES (RELS) This course seeks to be a broad introduction. It introduces students to the diversity of doctrines held and practices performed, and art RELS 002 Religions of the West produced about "the fantastic" from earliest times to the present. The This course surveys the intertwined histories of Judaism, Christianity, fantastic (the uncanny or supernatural) is a fundamental category in and Islam. We will focus on the shared stories which connect these three the scholarly study of religion, art, anthropology, and literature. This traditions, and the ways in which communities distinguished themselves course fill focus both theoretical approaches to studying supernatural in such shared spaces. We will mostly survey literature, but will also beings from a Religious Studies perspective while drawing examples address material culture and ritual practice, to seek answers to the from Buddhist, Shinto, Christian, Hindu, Jain, Zoroastrian, Egyptian, following questions: How do myths emerge? What do stories do? What Central Asian, Native American, and Afro-Caribbean sources from is the relationship between religion and myth-making? What is scripture, earliest examples to the present including mural, image, manuscript, and what is its function in creating religious communities? How do film, codex, and even comic books. It will also introduce students to communities remember and forget the past? Through which lenses and related humanistic categories of study: material and visual culture, with which tools do we define "the West"? theodicy, cosmology, shamanism, transcendentalism, soteriology, For BA Students: History and Tradition Sector eschatology, phantasmagoria, spiritualism, mysticism, theophany, and Taught by: Durmaz the historical power of rumor.
    [Show full text]
  • ECSTATICISM in ISRAEL PROPHETIC TRADITION and AFRICAN PENTECOSTAL MOVEMENT by OLUGBENGA OLAGUNJU Ph.D
    ECSTATICISM IN ISRAEL PROPHETIC TRADITION AND AFRICAN PENTECOSTAL MOVEMENT BY OLUGBENGA OLAGUNJU Ph.D INTRODUCTION The phenomenon of ecstasy is an interesting subject to the psychologists and anthropologist. Herschel notes that Of all the forms of religious experience, none has been as fascinating to both the psychologist and the historian as esctaticism. It has often been regarded as a universal phenomenon, the elucidation of which ecstasy would solve the riddle of how religions have come into being (342). Ecstasy is part of the prophetic tradition of the religion in the Ancient Near East and this is confirmed from the Mari and Ugaritic text (Bright 69). Archeological discovery shows that the prophets at this primitive stage were ecstatic. Some scholars believed that the idea of prophetic ecstaticism was borrowed from the Canaanites prophetic tradition which had grown up to maturity by the time the Israelites occupied the land of Canaan and it was likely that the Israelites copied this form of prophetic disposition from the Canaanites who were their neighbor (Harrison 742). Buller says “in the early primitive tradition ecstaticism is a social reality and a norm for prophetic acceptance” (663). During the time of Samuel ecstatic prophecy had become a common charismatic phenomenon among the prophets of Yahweh. There was the possibility of tension between the prophets of Dagon the gods of Ekron and the prophets of Yahweh. The Canaanites prophets prophesied by soothsaying and fortune telling and moved around in company or group to conjure magic and perform “miracles” which attracted the attention of the people in Canaan. Yahweh had earlier warned the Israelites to beware of these practices because it is an abomination to Him (Deut.
    [Show full text]