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(University College London) the Subjunctive Conundrum Plenary II, Thursday, 9:00 – 10:00, Room 1010

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(University College London) the Subjunctive Conundrum Plenary II, Thursday, 9:00 – 10:00, Room 1010 CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by University of Huddersfield Repository ABSTRACTS OF TALKS AND WORKSHOP PAPERS Bas Aarts (University College London) The subjunctive conundrum Plenary II, Thursday, 9:00 – 10:00, Room 1010 The view espoused in Palmer (1987: 46) that “the notion of a subjunctive mood is a simple transfer from Latin and has no place in English grammar” is generally accepted in most modern descriptive frameworks. But the consequences of accepting such a view have not been sufficiently appreciated in the literature. In this paper I will discuss a number of approaches to the English subjunctive, and I will argue that none of them deals adequately with the fallout of denying the existence of an inflectional subjunctive in English. I will propose that English subjunctive clauses can be described by making reference to the notion of Subsective Gradience (Aarts 2007), and that the grammar of English should recognise a ‘subjunctive clause type’, along with declaratives, interrogatives, imperatives and exclamatives. Palmer, Frank (1987) The English verb. London: Longman. Elsbieta Adamczyk (University of Poznan) On morphological restructuring in the early English nominal system: the fate of Old English consonantal inflection Wednesday, 12:00 – 12:30, Room 1016 The paper investigates the morphological shape of the early English nominal inflection, focusing on the developments which contributed to its later restructuring. A prominent feature of the early English inflection was an evident tendency, revealed by nouns considered minor (unproductive) to adopt the inflectional endings of the productive types. This marked inclination of some nouns can be particularly well seen in consonantal stems, such as r-stems (deriving from PIE *-es/-os stems). The available textual material proves that members of this small declension tend to fluctuate between the inherited and innovative paradigmatic patterns, testifying thus to a growing instability of this declensional type already in Old English. Analogical formations on the pattern set by the productive a-declension can be found in such forms as the nominative/accusative pl. (cealfas, ehras, lomberu, attested alongside the expected endingless cealf, æhir, lombor) and genitive and dative sg. (cealfes, cealfe, hroðre, found next to the archaic calfur, hroðor). Such fluctuation in the inflectional paradigms attests to an ongoing restructuring process, resulting in the eventual demise of the original stem type distinctions. The factor primarily responsible for the gradual transition of nouns from the minor to the major declensional type is the working of analogical processes, aimed at levelling the irregularity within the paradigm; yet analogy cannot be the only disintegrative factor, and a number of additional aspects need be taken into account to explain the motivation behind the transition. The present analysis is intended to be both a qualitative and quantitative study of the Old English r-stem paradigm. Aimed at presenting a systematic account of this emerging tendency, the investigation will seek to determine the extent and pattern of dissemination of the productive inflectional endings in the original *-es/-os stems. Due attention will be paid to the niceties of the process of gradual reorganisation of this consonantal type, its consequences in the later inflectional system of English and its theoretical implications. 47 Karin Aijmer (University of Göteborg) Well in a social and regional context Friday, 12:00 – 12:30, Room 1016 The background for the present study is the observation that we need to take a broader perspective on pragmatic markers, classifying them and describing their class-specific properties. Moreover there are certain areas where research on pragmatic markers is scanty or is missing. For example, we know very little about pragmatic markers or their sociolinguistic use (social class, age, genre, the relationship between speakers) or their distribution across text types. The British Component of the International Corpus of English (ICE-GB) provides a resource for studying the frequencies of pragmatic markers over different text types as well as to study prosodic features of the markers. In addition it is interesting to make comparisons with other regional varieties, in particular American English. In my contribution I will look at the pragmatic marker well in a social and regional context. This is one of the most frequent and most discussed markers in English (see eg Carlson 1984, Jucker 1993, Schiffrin 1987, Schourup 2001). However we still know very little about how it functions and how wide-spread it is in different functions in varieties of English. Carlson, L. (1984) ‘Well’ in dialogue games: A discourse analysis of the interjection ‘well’ in idealized conversation. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Jucker, A. (1993) The discourse marker well. A relevance-theoretical account. Journal of Pragmatics 19 (5): 435-53. Schiffrin, D. (1987) Discourse markers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Schourup, L. (2001) Rethinking well. Journal of pragmatics 33: 1026-1060. Takanobu Akiyama (University of Nihon) On non-restrictive infinitival relative clauses: a corpus-based approach Thursday, 15:00 – 15:30, Room 1023 This paper deals with the non-restrictive infinitival relative clause (henceforth, NIRC) in English (e.g. An independent review, to be funded by Ealing council and Ealing health authority, has been commissioned (BNC: A96 443). The discussion of NIRCs has been neglected by linguists, although there have been a number of publications on restrictive infinitival relative clauses on the basis of various approaches (c.f. Berman 1974, Bhatt 2006, Geisler 1998). This paper will, I hope, bring us one step closer to a full characterization of the nature of the NIRC in English through a careful and extensive empirical scrutiny of the construction on the basis of corpus data. The main purposes of the discussion are: (a) to give an accurate description of the syntactic and semantic properties of the NIRC on the basis of corpus data, and (b) to come up with a full and valid specification of the restrictions which apply to the use of NIRCs. With respect to the first purpose, the corpus-based approach taken here will clarify that the shades of meaning expressed by this construction are similar to ones represented by the is to construction: plan, necessity/appropriateness, future in the past, and circumstantial possibility. Regarding the voice of the NIRC, there is a strong tendency for this construction to occur as a passive, although there are some apparent exceptions in which it occurs in the active voice. Concerning the pied-piping construction, we will find that the NIRC has this syntactic variant, though its frequency is very low. In regard to the second purpose of this paper, the restrictions on the use of NIRC seem to be concerned with the problem of parsing the to-infinitive clause, in particular, choosing between an adverbial purposive clause and an NIRC. I will put forward a specification of the restrictions on the use of this construction on the basis of a) the causality between the subject of the NIRC and the situation denoted by this construction, and b) the number of the ‘empty categories’ of the NIRC. 48 Ulrike Altendorf (Pädagogische Hochschule Karlsruhe) Concept stretching and model merging: a tripartite continuum approach to language variation Saturday, 11:30 – 12:00, Room 1015 This paper proposes a revised version of Coseriu’s tripartite model of language for the study of the variation and in particular the international variation of English. It will argue that it is especially Coseriu’s third and intermediate level of abstraction, the norm, that can more appropriately bridge the gap between a system-based linguistic ideal and the dynamic nature of actual language use than the simple dichotomy between langue/competence/system and parole/performance/ usage. The theoretical discussion will be illustrated by results obtained from a corpus- and web-based study of idiom variation across different national varieties of English. The proposed model agrees with Coseriu’s model in having a tripartite structure. The most important level in the present context is the level of norm that in Coseriu’s conceptionalization as well as in the present model holds what is “normal”, i.e. habitual within and potentially variable across different speech communities (e.g. Coseriu 1975, 88). The notion of norm and its potential for generating variability will be shown to be the key to understanding the heterogeneous internal structure of national varieties and the frequently statistical rather than categorical differences among them (see e.g. Hundt 2001, 738). There are also aspects in which the proposed model differs from Coseriu’s model. For instance, Coseriu’s fourth level, the individual norm (e.g. Coseriu 1975, 91), will be more clearly integrated into the next higher level of abstraction, the (social) norm. The resulting level of analysis, termed usage norms in the revised version, will be characterized by a continuum structure gradually leading to the most concrete level of the individual utterance and thus bridging the gulf between individual language use and the linguistic system. The data presented in this paper will in particular illustrate the transition from social to individual. Coseriu, Eugenio (1975) “Sprachtheorie und allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft.” München: Fink. Hundt, Marianne (2001) “Grammatical variation in national varieties of English: The corpus-based approach.” Revue Belge de Philologie et d’Histoire 79, 737-755. 49 Lieselotte Anderwald (University of Kiel) Standardization vs. language change: first results from 19th-century grammars Wednesday, 15:30 – 16:00, Room 1098 The 19th century is not generally noted for being a period of rapid language change in English. In fact, it is not generally noted for being anything much at all, since even scholars with an interest in the late modern period have as a rule concentrated on the 18th century as the object of study (e.g. Dossena and Jones 2003; Tieken-Boon van Ostade forthcoming).
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