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Qatar: the Limits of Nouveau Riche Diplomacy

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Qatar: the Limits of Nouveau Riche Diplomacy Qatar: The Limits of Nouveau Riche Diplomacy Gil Feiler and Hayim Zeev Ramat Gan 5290002 Israel Mideast Security and Policy Studies No. 131 www.besacenter.org THE BEGIN-SADAT CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES BAR-ILAN UNIVERSITY Mideast Security and Policy Studies No. 131 Qatar: The Limits of Nouveau Riche Diplomacy Gil Feiler and Hayim Zeev Qatar: The Limits of Nouveau Riche Diplomacy Gil Feiler and Hayim Zeev © The Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies Bar-Ilan University Ramat Gan 5290002 Israel Tel. 972-3-5318959 Fax. 972-3-5359195 [email protected] www.besacenter.org ISSN 0793-1042 April 2017 Cover image: Doha skyline by Francisco Anzola, Flickr Creative Commons The Begin-Sadat (BESA) Center for Strategic Studies The Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies is an independent, non-partisan think tank conducting policy-relevant research on Middle Eastern and global strategic affairs, particularly as they relate to the national security and foreign policy of Israel and regional peace and stability. It is named in memory of Menachem Begin and Anwar Sadat, whose efforts in pursuing peace lay the cornerstone for conflict resolution in the Middle East. Mideast Security and Policy Studies serve as a forum for publication or re-publication of research conducted by BESA associates. Publication of a work by BESA signifies that it is deemed worthy of public consideration but does not imply endorsement of the author’s views or conclusions. Colloquia on Strategy and Diplomacy summarize the papers delivered at conferences and seminars held by the Center for the academic, military, official and general publics. In sponsoring these discussions, the BESA Center aims to stimulate public debate on, and consideration of, contending approaches to problems of peace and war in the Middle East. The Policy Memorandum series consists of policy- oriented papers. The content of the publications reflects the views of the authors only. A list of recent BESA Center publications can be found at the end of this booklet. International Advisory Board Founder of the Center and Chairman of the Advisory Board: Dr. Thomas O. Hecht Vice Chairman: Mr. Saul Koschitzky Members: Prof. Moshe Arens, Ms. Marion Hecht, Mr. Robert Hecht, Prof. Riva Heft-Hecht, Hon. Shlomo Hillel, Mr. Joel Koschitzky, Amb. Yitzhak Levanon, Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman, Mr. Robert K. Lifton, Rt. Hon. Brian Mulroney, Mr. Seymour D. Reich, Mr. Greg Rosshandler, Amb. Zalman Shoval, Amb. Norman Spector, Ms. Drorit Wertheim International Academic Advisory Board Prof. Desmond Ball Australian National University, Prof. Ian Beckett University of Kent, Dr. Eliot A. Cohen Johns Hopkins University, Prof. Irwin Cotler McGill University, Prof. Steven R. David Johns Hopkins University, Prof. Lawrence Freedman King’s College, Prof. Patrick James University of Southern California, Prof. Robert J. Lieber Georgetown University Research Staff BESA Center Director: Prof. Efraim Karsh Research Associates: Maj. Gen. (res.) Yaacov Amidror, Dr. Efrat Aviv, Dr. Yael Bloch-Elkon, Brig. Gen. (res.) Moni Chorev, Dr. Gil Feiler, Prof. Jonathan Fox, Prof. Hillel Frisch, Prof. Eytan Gilboa, Col. (res.) Aby Har-Even, Eado Hecht, Dr. Tsilla Hershco, Prof. Efraim Inbar, Lt. Col. (res.) Dr. Mordechai Kedar, Prof. Udi Lebel, Dr. Alon Levkowitz, Dr. Yaacov Lifshitz, Prof. Ze’ev Maghen, Ambassador Arye Mekel, Col. (res.) Dr. Eran Lerman, Dr. Liad Porat, Mr. Amir Rapaport, Mr. Uzi Rubin, Dr. Jonathan Rynhold, Prof. Shmuel Sandler, Maj. Gen. (ret.) Dr. Emanuel Sakal, Dr. Eitan Shamir, Lt. Col. (res.) Dr. Dany Shoham, Prof. Shlomo Shpiro, Dr. Max Singer, Prof. Joshua Teitelbaum Director of Public Affairs: David M. Weinberg Program Coordinator: Hava Waxman Koen Publications Editor (Hebrew): Alona Briner Rozenman Publications Editor (English): Judith Levy In memory of Muzi Wertheim Qatar: The Limits of Nouveau Riche Diplomacy Table of Contents Executive Summary ....................................................................... 7 Introduction .................................................................................. 9 Understanding Qatar .................................................................... 11 Qatar's Economic Ascent .......................................................... 11 Far More Than Just a Petrochemical Economy ......................... 13 Qatar's Domestic State of Affairs .............................................. 15 Revamping the Emirates' Political Culture ............................... 19 The Role of Religion .................................................................. 23 The Great Disrupter: Al Jazeera ............................................... 26 Qatari Foreign Policy .................................................................... 28 A Disappointing Mediation Record .......................................... 29 Egypt: When the Stakes Became Too High ............................. 31 Accusations of Terror Financing .............................................. 32 The Effect of American Policy, or Lack Thereof ........................ 38 Israel .......................................................................................... 40 Conclusion .................................................................................... 44 Notes ............................................................................................ 47 Qatar: The Limits of Nouveau Riche Diplomacy Gil Feiler and Hayim Zeev EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Under the leadership of Sheikh Hamad al-Thani (1995-2013), Qatar established itself as a regional mini superpower. It launched and subsidized the global media giant Al Jazeera, poured billions into its unrivalled liquefied natural gas (LNG) infrastructure, made a successful bid for the 2022 FIFA World Cup, and diversified its economy through international acquisitions by its Qatari Investment Authority. This newfound wealth emboldened the emirate to attempt to broaden its diplomatic profile and extend its influence. And it is in this sphere that its maverick foreign policy, which at times spanned the world’s most fraught ideological lines (Israel and the Taliban, the US and Iran, ISIS and Hezbollah), has led to increased tensions with its immediate neighbors and some unequivocal diplomatic disasters. In March 2013, neighboring UAE officials described Doha as “public enemy number three” – after Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood – in part because of its support for the latter organization, which also put it on a collision course with Egypt. Indeed, Qatari financial support for Islamist movements, including jihadist groups, has come under scathing international criticism with many countries pointing an accusatory finger at what once were termed bold intercessions, suggesting new limits on Qatar’s influence. In 2014, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and the UAE withdrew their ambassadors over Doha’s perceived interference in their domestic affairs. The June 2013 succession of Sheikh Hamad by his son Sheikh Tamim was thus viewed as a rebranding attempt at a difficult time for Qatar. The new emir’s first three years were marked by a rollercoaster ride that eventually led to a degree of rapprochement with fellow Arab states. The threat of ISIS, the triumph of Egypt’s Sisi, a carved-up Syria, a fractured Libya and the war on Iranian-supported Houthis in Yemen have all changed the landscape. Qatar has become part of a Saudi-led coalition of more than ten countries pledged to protect the Hadi government in Yemen. It has dutifully fulfilled Saudi demands and so far has managed not to infuriate its other large neighbor, Iran. Qatar: The Limits of Nouveau Riche Diplomacy Gil Feiler and Hayim Zeev INTRODUCTION Qatar has made a name for itself in the new millennium. Its AAA-rated economic rise has been as indisputable as its diplomatic activity has been contentious. The tiny (4,473 sq mi/11,586 km2) emirate reflects the influence of many elements – deep-rooted Bedouin tribalism, conservative Islam, and, most significantly, enormous wealth, the product, to a certain extent, of certain risky commercial decisions taken in the 1990s to develop its enormous oil and gas reserves. Qatar has shown truly disruptive entrepreneurial leadership. It has launched and subsidized the global media giant Al Jazeera, poured billions into its unrivalled liquefied natural gas (LNG) infrastructure, made a successful bid for the 2022 FIFA World Cup, and diversified its economy through international acquisitions by its Qatari Investment Authority. Constitutionally, in 2013 the emirate became the only Arab state ever to have a peaceful abdication of a ruling Sheikh. Gil Feiler is a senior researcher at the Begin Sadat Center for Strategic Studies. He wrote his doctoral thesis on political-economic relations in the Middle East and has published extensively on business opportunities in the Middle East, political economy, economic cooperation, and terrorism financing. His most recent book is Investing in Russia, the Ukraine, Latvia, Lithuania and Kazakhstan (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2007; with Alexandre Garese). Hayim Zeev completed a Master’s degree at Harvard University. He then worked for almost a decade for an international bank in corporate finance and fixed income origination, during which time he was involved in transactions throughout the Gulf. He currently works as an independent consultant in the field of project finance deal structuring and financial modeling as well as researching Africa equities. 10 I Qatar: The Limits of Nouveau Riche Diplomacy This newfound wealth emboldened Qatar’s
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