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Cultural Adaptations After Progressionism Lauren W. McCall Cross-Cultural Research 2009; 43; 62 DOI: 10.1177/1069397108328613

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Downloaded from http://ccr.sagepub.com at DUKE UNIV on January 9, 2009 Cross-Cultural Research Volume 43 Number 1 February 2009 62-85 © 2009 Sage Publications Cultural Adaptations After 10.1177/1069397108328613 http://ccr.sagepub.com hosted at Progressionism http://online.sagepub.com Lauren W. McCall National Evolutionary Synthesis Center

How should behavioral scientists interpret apparently progressive stages of cultural history? Adaptive progress in biology is thought to only occur locally, relative to local conditions. Just as evolutionary theory offers physical anthropologists an appreciation of global human diversity through local adaptation, so the metaphor of adaptation offers behavioral scientists an appreciation of cultural diversity through analogous mechanisms. Analyses reported here test for cultural adaptation in both biotic and abiotic environments. Testing cultural adaptation to the human-made environment, the culture’s pre-existing technical complexity is shown to be a predictive fac- tor. Then testing cultural adaptation to the physical environment, this article corroborates Divale’s (1999) finding that counting systems are adaptations to unstable environments, and expands the model to include other environmental indices and cultural traits. Interpreting divergent and convergent behaviors as due to differences and similarities of local environments repre- sents an enlightened, post-progressionist research program for the investiga- tion of cultural adaptations.

Keywords: complexity; counting; cross-cultural; cultural evolution; number; number systems; progressionism

he assumption that history equals progress is as deep seated and T deceptive as the sun’s apparent rise and fall. Evolutionary theory helped 19th-century anthropologists unlearn this assumption and brought an appreciation of diversity to the study of human histories. Indigenous human cultures of the past and present were no longer seen as steps on

Author’s Note: I wish to thank Gunther Eble for helpful statistical advice. This research was begun at the Leverhulme Centre for Human Evolutionary Studies and is currently supported by the National Evolutionary Synthesis Center (NESCent), NSF EF-042364. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Defining Social Complexity symposium in the Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge, UK, in 2005.

Downloaded from http://ccr.sagepub.com at DUKE UNIV on January 9, 2009 McCall / Cultural Adaptations After Progressionism 63 a single ladder of global social progress reminiscent of Aristotle’s Scala Naturae. However, the unlearning was incomplete. Anthropologists abandoned universal claims but preserved their progressionist arguments by hypothe- sizing that societies each pass through a parallel series of successive stages from savagery to civilization. Archeological progressions like the stone, bronze, and iron ages reflected a moral judgment on the social classes at home and colonies abroad: Morgan’s (1871) savage, barbaric, and civilized ethnical periods; Tyler’s (1871) stages of upward development; and later, Sahlins’ (1976) and Service’s (1962, 1975) band, tribe, chiefdom, and state sequence. These typological stages were eventually reformulated in less moralistic terms, by inferring an intrinsic drive toward complexity (e.g., Carneiro, 1967, 1968, 1970, 1973; Naroll, 1970, 1973; Naroll & Divale, 1976). Despite the framing of anthropological questions in more neutral language, anthropology still harbored a skewed view of the biological theory of evolution a century after Darwin’s publications. An evolutionary perspective makes clear why the ethical progress, for example, made in many cultures in recent centuries toward greater urban infrastructure and civil rights, increased longevity, diminished child mortal- ity, and the specialization of scientific and technological skills should not be confused with any objective standard of progress. In evolutionary terms, adaptive progress can only be judged relative to local conditions as reflected in number of offspring. Part of the problem is that evolutionary processes are too often confused by the persistence of a transformational model of evolution (after Spencer, 1862) in place of the variational theory initiated by Darwin (Lewontin, 1983). For example, the demographic transition associated with urbanization is often referred to as the developmental transition. This conceptual error is ubiquitous, from the world development reports of the World Bank to the millennium development goals of the United Nations. Current terminology continues to endorse an analogy of cultural histories with organismal development and with a predetermined, progressive advance- ment through unfolding, transformational stages.

Ecologically Informed Approaches to Assessing Cross-Cultural Regularities

Human cultural traditions are not infinitely variable but are based on plesiomorphies, the retained traits shared with other primates, and apomorphies, the traits uniquely derived in humans (e.g. Brown, 1991; Henshilwood

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& Marean, 2003). They are then further shaped by resource availability, learning, and other forms of acclimation into convergent behavioral polymorphisms, called polyethisms (West-Eberhard, 2003). Statistical methods of comparing cultural adaptations provide an established frame- work for identifying convergent human behaviors (Ember & Ember, 2001). Ideally, conclusions about historical processes should be drawn exclusively from diachronic data. However, synchronic analysis has become common in the reconstruction and explanation of evolutionary histories (Krebs & Davies, 1993; Pianka, 1999). In either method of doing evolutionary analysis, it is important to address indigenous cultures of preferably long descent in a single location due to the expected adaptive lag between the rate at which an organism adapts to its environment and to the rate of environmental change. For this reason, evolutionary ecologists often consider extant phenotypes to correspond not with current adaptive problems but those encountered ancestrally, in the so-called environment of evolutionary adaptedness (the EEA; see Foley, 1996). In the analyses to follow, apparently progressive historical stages are considered to reflect key innovations in tool use around that related cultural states cluster because technical traditions functionally mediate the expression of other cultural traits. To test this, cultural traits that reflect a higher degree of tool use are predicted to correlate more strongly than nontechnical cultural traits within a given society. Following this initial analysis are further conceptual and analytical explorations of the place of culture in the human ecological niche. The concept of the ecosystem suggests a dynamic equilibrium or degree of stability among a population’s ecological resources. Cultural traits should exhibit a functionally stabilizing relationship with other cultural traits and ecological resources, if together they make up an integrated socioecological system. For instance, Divale (1999) explained the variability in traditional counting systems by their interaction with local ecological constraints. He proposed that societies that live in areas of climatic instability tend to have periodic starvation and famine, which in turn stimulates societies to store and preserve food, along with the use of higher numbers to accurately estimate food storage requirements. Here, this correlation is corroborated and expanded to include further indicators of external instability, such as geological fault activity as well as additional cultural traits pertaining to number.

Sources of Cultural Data

Cultural data were found using the ethnographic human relations area files (HRAF) search engine, or else were deduced or inferred directly from

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Figure 1 Data Points Representing Cultures in Analysis

descriptions in the literature. Socioeconomic data were then included from the Ethnographic Atlas (Gray, 1999; Murdock, 1962-1980). For the remaining, incomplete cases, the cultural groups’ synonyms as listed by Gray (1999) or The Ethnologue (Grimes & Grimes, 2002) provided additional data. Descriptions of the groups’ physical environment were found using a geographic information systems database from the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS, 2003). In total, the indigenous cultural traits of 97 linguistic groups of varying size, geographical scope (see Figure 1), and linguistic/ genealogical origin (see Table 1) were considered sufficiently informative out of the many hundreds of modern and archeological human cultures explored. Because of the paucity of strictly cultural (as opposed to socioeconomic) data, a reduced, standard sample could not be used; rather, the data were maximized on the assumption that data recorded in the ethnographic literature are unbiased with respect to genealogy or geography. Data were sought pertaining to cultural traits as conventionally thought of, that is, seemingly arbitrary, nonfunctional, cognitively oriented traits. Therefore the socioeconomic data provided by secondary sources like the Ethnographic Atlas were supplemented by additional codifications of cultural

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Table 1 Cultures in Analyses and Their Language Family of Origin, as Classified by The Ethnologue

Linguistic Communities Under Analysis Language Family of Origin

Ainu, Andaman, Palikur, Basque, Pawnee, Atroari, No known relatedness Ona, Chukci, Pomo, Iroquois, Japanese, Korean, Tzeltal, Masaai, Zapotec, Yagua, Inca, Stoney, Thai, Tukano, Saami, Warao Akamba, Ashanti, Azande, Banyoro, Bemba, Berom, Niger-Congo Bete, Dan, Dogon, Fanti, Fulah, Ganda, Koro, Kulango, Luba, Serer, Tiv, Wolof, Yasgua, Yoruba Tlingit, W. Apache Na-Dene Aztec, Hopi, Tarahumara Uto-Aztecan Blackfoot, E. Ojibwa, Ojibwa Algonquian Cuna, Kogi, Talamanca Chibchan Amhara, Babylonian, Egyptian, Hausa, Hebrew, Somali Afro-Asiatic Api, Caroline Islanders, Chuuk, E. Toradja, Hawaiian, Malayo-Polynesian Houailou, Iban, Kodi, Malagasy, Malekula, Tikopia, S. Toradja, Trobriand Islanders Karaja, Xavante Macro-Ge Khasi, Khmer, Santal Austro-Asiatic Klamath, Lake Yokuts, Tsimshsian, Yokuts Penutian Bengali, Croat, Greek, Kurdish, Maldivian, Roman, Serb Indo-European Guarani, Munduruku Tupi Copper Inuit, Inupiaq Eskimo-Aleut Chepang, Chinese, Tibetan Sino-Tibetan Kapauku, Kewa Trans-New Guinea Turkish, Mongolian Altaic

Source: Grimes and Grimes (2002). data (see appendix) using original variables on word order, calendars, and writing system type as well as several original variables on number use, since neural constraints on numerical parsing (Cowan, 2000; James, 1890; Miller, 1956) are potential constraints on cultural adaptations. Three of these original variables are described below.

Methods of Counting Two styles of counting are categorized: tallying practices that are entirely tool using (including words and stylized markings) and tallying practices that involve some object use (including body parts, sticks, and

Downloaded from http://ccr.sagepub.com at DUKE UNIV on January 9, 2009 McCall / Cultural Adaptations After Progressionism 67 shells or pebbles). This classification of methods of counting takes into account the prevalence of object use and the rarity of tool use brought to light by zoologists (Beck, 1980; Panger, 1998). To alternatively describe counting systems as either tallying or nontallying would not capture any key functional shift, as all nonitemizing counts are tallies of some sort, whether they rely on fingers, toes, abacus beads, or numerals (or, arguably, neural representations). Nor would discriminating between iconic and noniconic symbols help in understanding the functional basis of counting, as all nonitemized counts are originally iconic. For example, many of the European words for the numbers four and five are related to ancient words for fingers and fist (Butterworth, 1999). Only the symbols used to count have changed in function and use, from tallying using objects to tallying using tools increasingly dissociated from their original contexts.

Lucky Numbers In a story about people encountered in the Austronesian islands, Barnes (1981) described how connotations with number are a fundamental cognitive trait whose cultural expression varies among populations.

A distinction between the odd number and the even number series belongs to proto-Austronesian and hence is universal among Austronesian languages. Even numbers are in fact “complete” ones. The Malay use of ganjil, incomplete numbers, to mean peculiar or strange, bears comparison with the English use of “odd.” The opposition between complete and incomplete numbers also has widespread symbolic application, though there is variation as to which series is preferred. In Kédang, this opposition may be said to be among the most important to their lives. The Kédang accept that “Good luck lies in odd numbers . . .” (Shakespeare, Merry Wives of Windsor, V, i, 2), but whereas the playwright continued, “they say there is divinity in odd numbers, either nativity, chance, or death,” for the Kédang it is complete numbers which mark such changes. (p. 4)

In way of explanation for the existence and variation of this trait, many hypotheses have been put forward. To take one example, according to Boas (1940),

The difference in favorite rhythms may account for the occurrence of different sacred numbers; and since the preference for a definite number is a general psychological phenomenon, their occurrence must not be due to historical transmission, but may be considered as based on general psychological facts.

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The difference between the sacred numbers would then appear as different manifestations of this mental reaction. One may wonder whether the purported symbolic importance of numbers could constitute a widespread, variable cultural trait. (p. 409)

Number System Bases The highest recorded base (radix) used in a counting system is a quantita- tive variable that is used as a way to multiply numbers by a standard power, for example by the power of 10 (in decimal systems), 12 (in duodecimal systems), or 60 (in sexagesimal systems). Lower-range bases within counting systems also vary from culture to culture and from context to context within cultures and are not necessarily tied to the larger base of the system. Natural number systems have been studied in terms of their complexity and efficiency (e.g., Zhang & Norman, 1995) and are commonly studied historically, but never has the cultural tradition of systematic numeration been shown to have a relationship with the environment. This possibility has even been anecdotally falsified (Kroeber, cited in Farris 1990). Nested lower bases (such as 2, 4, and 5) also vary from culture to culture and often reflect earlier counting systems that have been superseded. Seidenberg (1960), in The Diffusion of Counting Practices, traced these early number systems along pathways of modern human dispersal. Most probably shared by a common ancestor is the Base-2 system of counting by the addition of pairs, for which there is evidence of continued use through the 20th century by groups living in Brazil, Australia, Papua New Guinea, and South Africa. Instead of inventing new words for numbers over two, these groups repeat the words for one and two, sometimes with a qualifying conjunction such as and or again, sometimes making distinctions by emphasis in vocal pitch. With the exception of Australia, where the Base 2 has been preserved in every instance (even in its vigesimal system), super- seding systems or new words often make it difficult to determine the evidence of earlier systems. Counting in pairs corresponds with what linguists label as an improper base because it is used to formulate higher numbers by addition, whereas proper bases are used to formulate higher numbers by multiplication (Polomé & Justus, 1999). Base-2 systems, with a proper base of two, described by Seidenberg as the result of a major diffusion from Mesopotamia, are found throughout much of the rest of the world. Concentrated today in Melanesia, North America, and equatorial Africa, this system often functions implicitly by multiplication, as it is usually associated with hand gestures, drawings

Downloaded from http://ccr.sagepub.com at DUKE UNIV on January 9, 2009 McCall / Cultural Adaptations After Progressionism 69 or piles of items depicting equal or quasiequal parts such as two fingers on each hand to mean four, three fingers on each hand to mean six, and three on one and two on the other to mean five, as found depicted in Ancient Egyptian records. Despite the seeming eccentricity of this notation to users of decimal systems, the widespread preeminence of counting by pairs is a compelling reason to wonder whether the multiplicative Base-2 system may have been invented more than once. Overlying these Base-2 systems and often replacing them are various emergent decimal, vigesimal, duodecimal, and sexagesimal systems. For example, evidence of the multiplicative Base-2 system is found in Middle and ancient Persia, concurrent with Hellenistic influence in India, and in ancient Egypt, all cases in which it is superimposed by or works in concert with a decimal system. The Babylonian sexagesimal system, the rarest form of counting, likewise had its ancestry in multiplicative Base-2 counting in Sumer, although the Base 60 can instead be traced in the historical record via a Base-3 system, which may have derived from the earlier, apparently Base-6 system associated with Vinca currency and with Sumerian scripts around the Black Sea, a region suggested as the original residence of the Sumerian people (Laki, 1969).

Cultural Adaptation to the Biotic Environment

Human ecological niches can rely primarily on interactions with other humans, in which case population’s ecology is largely socioeconomic. When this happens, not only do external resources act like energy gates but key traditions do so as well, whether in the form of domesticates or invented technologies. In other words, as in an ecosystem, certain traits in a society can make related traits more likely, or reinforce them. This was shown by the ethnographic comparisons of anthropologist Jack Goody (e.g., 1977, 1986, 2000). Goody’s exploration of change in cultural media uncovered correlations between literacy, which is the mastering of one kind of tool, and other technical specializations, for example, astrology and cartography. Rather than an intrinsic drive for populations everywhere to attain predetermined states of optimum fitness, functionality or complexity, differential trait integration may be due to historical constraints such as technical level among changing sets of individual traits. The analysis in this section tests the prediction that cultural traits reflecting degree of technical complexity should show stronger correlations among themselves than cultural traits not reflecting technical complexity. Technical complexity is defined here as number of steps taken in the

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modification of objects for use as tools, following the primatological defini- tions of Beck (1980) and Panger (1998), and the archeological definition of Clark (1977). To test the hypothesis that cultural traits reflecting technical variation should show stronger correlations among themselves than nontechnical cultural traits, two sets of eight traits belonging to each category were analyzed. The set of technical cultural traits comprised the following: number system base, highest recorded count, method of counting, writing type, intensity of agriculture, calendar type, originality of writing system, and days in the week. The set of nontechnical cultural traits comprised the following: dominant deity/mythical hero gender, domestic organization, word order, presence of high Gods (Gray, 1999), preference for even or odd numbers, dominant recorded ritual or lucky number, and pattern of marriage residence. Within each set, a nonparametric dissimilarity coefficient, phi square, was calculated for all possible trait pairings. The phi square coefficient is like the Cramer’s V measure of association, but it is appropriate for 2 × 2 contingency tables (comparing pairs of binary-coded variables) and is commonly used in cross-cultural research (Ember & Ember, 2001), although cluster analysis can also be useful in identifying suites of coevolving cultural traits (Peregrine, Ember, & Ember, 2004). Because some of the variables are nominal, nonparametric coefficients of association such as Kendall’s could not be applied. The phi square coefficient analysis was chosen because making all the variables binary has the advantage of relia- bility, since binary codes, like those used in connection with information theory and cladistics, have less chance of being wrong than do classifica- tions using multiple codes (Sneath & Sokal, 1973). In passing, it may be noted that the phi (φ) coefficient is a measure ranging from –1 to 1, and could itself have been used, but because this range is not directly interpret- able, squaring it gives a positive magnitude and was used instead. The interest here is on the magnitude of dissimilarity, rather than its absolute value or direction. (Siegel & Castellan, 1988).

Results of Analysis

As can be seen in the contrast between the graphs shown in Figure 2, there is a highly significant tendency (p < .002; Mann-Whitney test) for traits coded in terms of alternative technical strategies to be less dissimi- lar among themselves than non-tool-based cultural traits. Variants of traits that take a particular technical strategy like mode of counting are

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Figure 2 Correlations Among Technical vs. Nontechnical Cultural Traits

Note: These graphs represent twenty-eight pairwise correlations of phi-square coefficients. On the left is shown eight technically oriented cultural traits, and on the right is shown eight non-technically oriented cultural traits. Technical traits covary more than nontechnical traits (p < .005). thus more likely to covary with other technical strategies such as calendar or writing system, than nontechnical traits, explaining to some degree the appearance of stages in cultural histories.

Cultural Adaptation to the Abiotic Environment

This section focuses on cultural adaptation to the external environment, rather than to the internal, pre-existing state of the culture. This approach takes its cue from Divale’s (1999) finding that counting to high numbers is found predominantly in high-risk or unstable physical environments. Divale’s study of counting (1999) is a role model for comparative, environmentally informed approaches to cultural data. The study tests a personally communicated hypothesis of the anthropologist Lewis Binford that populations in colder or more unstable climates are likely to store food and thus to count to higher numbers. Binford’s hypothesis is consistent with the

Downloaded from http://ccr.sagepub.com at DUKE UNIV on January 9, 2009 72 Cross-Cultural Research theory that writing was invented for the purpose of cataloguing inventory, making it an illuminating example of Foley’s (1991) potential versus actual dichotomy describing behavioral variants in humans and other behaviorally flexible species. Humans are constitutionally capable of counting indefi- nitely, but not all are motivated to do so by their local environments. Divale’s study (1999) is a univariate study; however, behavioral traits should cohere in many ways with environmental patterns as a reflection of the relationships among cultural traits and elements of the external environment, if together these make up an integrated socioecological system. In addition to general correlations, specific correlations related to seasonally extreme climates and other indicators of environmental instability such as geological fault activity might be hypothesized to lead more populations than in other areas to make use of predictive tools such as number systems and solar calendars as well as to have stabilizing effects on social organization. The demonstration of Divale (1999) that cultures at extreme latitudes and climatic conditions count to higher numbers for food-preservation purposes is retested and expanded to include many associated traits. I supplemented Divale’s data by further research of both HRAF and non-HRAF documents. Although the external sociopolitical environment of neighbor- ing cultures can be expected to play a similar role in stabilizing or destabi- lizing a culture to the extent that it changes its cultural traits, these analyses pertain only to the physical environment, as a first step in addressing the question of cultural adaptation to external conditions. For cultures whose status is gleaned only from historical and archeological records, the physical environment may also be more easily assessed than the sociopolitical environment.

Results of Analysis

Environmental variables refer to regions with a radius of 150 km. Each variable was run individually because some variables are ordinal, some interval, some categorical. Unfortunately, different nonparametric tests are called for in each circumstance. In a preliminary test of behavior–environment correlation, subsistence strategy was found to correlate with average altitude (p < .035; Kruskall-Wallis), annual precipitation (p < .008; Kruskall- Wallis), landcover type (p < .006; chi-square test); forest type (p < .004; chi square test), latitude (p < .004; Kruskall-Wallis), temperature from December to February (p < .001; Kruskall-Wallis), and ecological type (p < .001; chi square test). Correlations with agricultural intensity mirrored

Downloaded from http://ccr.sagepub.com at DUKE UNIV on January 9, 2009 McCall / Cultural Adaptations After Progressionism 73 these findings, and additionally included highest altitude in the region (p < .005; Kruskall-Wallis) and lowest temperature from June to August (p < .001; Kruskall-Wallis). The variable of interest, highest recorded count, based on the same data as Divale’s (1999) original study with some additions, was tested for asso- ciations with latitude, altitude, temperature, and indices of ecological pro- ductivity without significant results. However, volcanic activity showed an overall similarity of variance (p < .152; Kruskall-Wallis) and annual precipitation had a strongly significant association of variance (p < .003; Kendall nonparametric coefficient), supporting an extended version of Divale’s specific finding. Language family size also had an interesting, if only marginally significant association of variance with highest recorded count (p < .079; Kruskall-Wallis), reflecting the larger cultural variation of now marginalized language isolates. Divale’s (1999) hypothesis was generalized to two other technical cultural traits potentially useful for prediction in unstable environments: number and calendar systems. Number system bases were tested with all the same environmental traits, producing a significant association with average altitude (p < .051; Kendall nonparametric coefficient), temperature from June to August (p < .053; Kendall nonparametric coefficient), volcanic activity (p < .055; Kruskall-Wallis), and landcover type (p < .039; Kruskall- Wallis). Calendar systems showed a significant result with only one of these environmental variables, precipitation (p < .025; Mann-Whitney). These findings are consistent with the extended Binford–Divale hypothesis and lend credence to the theory that culture traits are coherently integrated with or adapted to the local socioecological environment.

Discussion

The primary source of error in collecting and comparing data about number may be human error or incompleteness on the part of the ethnographer, especially when he or she assumes a position of superiority in learning about indigenous people. For instance, there is in such cases a more likely confusion in the description of number systems between higher bases, commonly twenty, and the lower-range bases as mentioned above, which are often four or five. For the same reason there is also the confusion of bases with the highest numbers to which people count. For instance, if a vigesimal system is in use, some ethnographers have recorded 20 as the

Downloaded from http://ccr.sagepub.com at DUKE UNIV on January 9, 2009 74 Cross-Cultural Research highest number to which members of the population were able to count. An additional problem for the ethnographer lies again in the diversity of intra- group contexts, as informants may not be familiar or interested in knowl- edge that is specialized to certain contexts or social groups. For this and various other taphonomic limits on ethnographic records, cultural data must often be collected from fragments. The more general problem of fundamental incomparability as it is usually posed is directly concerned with the bias of progressionism. The steps taken toward organizing society around key traditions, for example, agriculture, are not universal. Should we consider cultures and traditions to be essentially incomparable because of different underlying histories or different overlying functions? Or can historical steps toward organization around key technologies be investigated in statistical terms, to ask whether major organizational features of a society are correlated with certain other features in general? Structural cultural homologies and functional cultural homoplasies create historical patterns that can be tracked through the use of comparative statistical analysis. The comparative method used by biolo- gists has had additional controls incorporated to ensure that similarities and contrasts are only significant between groups that are historically independ- ent (Borgerhoff-Mulder, 2001). So a trait such as counting in pairs or groups of fives may not present an interestingly comparable trait, if like language or a 2.3.3.3. dental formula, it is shared with the common ancestor of all modern humans. Many of the criticisms of cultural quantification and comparison are made unnecessary by the mosaicism of cultural traits. Cultural traits are latent and express themselves mosaically in the appropriate environments. Cultural variants of universal behaviors function by analogy with a geno- type’s norm of reaction or range of phenotypic plasticity in different environments. So, a complex phylogeny is required for traits such as methods of counting, showing more reversals than novelties compared to most biological traits. Cultural innovations such as agriculture or writing rarely can be termed species typical, as would be necessary to represent late-ap- pearing (chronospecies) apomorphies on a phylogram. Particularly in the human species, behavioral novelties are common and cause large-scale innovations, but because of the large size of the human geographical range, few such innovations include every population in the species. A postprogressionist description of cultural dynamics must make use of the distinction between latent potential (whether cognitive, socioecological, or technological), and actualization (Foley, 1991), because every sort

Downloaded from http://ccr.sagepub.com at DUKE UNIV on January 9, 2009 McCall / Cultural Adaptations After Progressionism 75 of cultural adaptation is equally possible in every culture given the right conditions. This is the difference between cultural and biological evolution. So long as humans remain one species, their behavioral diversity can be explained as plastic responses to differing local conditions, rather than biologically evolved differences. The results of the analyses above show that cultural adaptations are made more likely by both cultural conditions and the conditions introduced by the external environment. There are many examples of environmentally induced plastic behaviors. The sporadic mosaicism of the shift to various forms of tool use in primate and nonprimate species is exemplified in humans by archeological variation among populations of hominid species (e.g., Yamei et al., 2000), including anatomically modern humans (Foley & Lahr, 1997, 2003). To take another example, the study of language requires a theoretical distinction between cognitive and communicative skill, as nonhuman animals have repeatedly shown themselves capable of linguistic skills. Cultural traits like counting by pairs and by fives are not hardwired, though they are widespread, probably shared with a common ancestor, and susceptible to evolutionary rea- soning based on their adaptiveness in the environments in which they appear. The evident recurrence of such elements of human socioecology as bilateral symmetry and the five digits explains the latency behind Base-2 and Base-5 counting systems relative to systems of Base 3, 4, 12, 20, and 60. The search for alternative explanations for adaptive cultural dynamics using neutral, assumption-free terminology apparently demands continued study and will depend on the accurate characterization of the mechanisms of cultural adaptation.

Appendix Cultural Traits Analyzed, With Brief Codification and Data Sources

Cultural Variables Categorical codes Source

Religious influence None/monotheist/Buddhist Gall, 1998; Yakan, 1999 or Hindu Language family size N/A Grimes & Grimes, 2000 Highest recorded N/A Ascher, 2002; Bartley, 1997; number system base Bennett, 1935; Bogoraz-Tan, 1909; Bowers, 1977; Butterworth, 1999; Caughley, 1988; Closs, 1986; de Coccola, 1986; Coninckx, 1978; Crump,

(continued)

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Appendix (continued)

Cultural Variables Categorical codes Source

1990; Dallet, 1874; Deacon, 1934; Dixon & Kroeber, 1907; de Fabrega, 1904; Farris, 1990; Ferreira, 2000; Firth, 1939; Flam, 1976; Gerhardt, 1987; Gusinde, 1931; Hilger, 1992; Hughes, 1982; Ifrah, 1998; James, 2002; Judd, 1917; Kroeber, 1953a; Krause, 1956; Laki, 1960; Larken, 1926; Mackinnon, 1977; Maloney, 1980; Marshall, 1950; Roscoe, 1911; Rattray, 1916; Schmidt, 1926, Seidenberg, 1960; Senft, 1986; Spier, 1930; Thomas, 1920; Talayesva & Simmons, 1942; Trumbull, 1874; Tschopik, 1946; Turrado, 1945; Zaslavsky, 1973 Highest recorded count N/A Adriani & Kruijt, 1951; Bogoraz-Tan, 1909; Cauty, 1986; Closs, 1986; Flam, 1976; Gusinde, 1931; Hollis, 1905; Itkonen, 1984; Krämer, 1932; Kroeber, 1953a, 1953b; Krause, 1956; Larken, 1926; Loeb, 1926; Man, 1932; Marshall, 1950; Pospisil, 1958; Turrado, 1945; Zaslavsky, 1973; Number of days N/A Ascher, 2002; Griaule, 1938; Hill, in the week 1966; Merker, 1910; Nilsson, 1920; Turrado, 1945; Zaslavsky, 1973 Lucky/ritual number N/A Adriani & Kruijt, 1951; Ames, 1953; Banerjee, 1962; Basso, 1966; Beattie, 1971; Bollig, 1927; Calame-Griaule, 1986; Chapman, 1982; Clark, 1932; Cole, 1969; Collinder, 1949; Culshaw, 1949; Deacon, 1934; Dempsey, 1978; de Schlippe, 1956; Dixon, 1916; Donnelly, 1994; Evans-Pritchard, 1937; Ewers, 1958; Fenton, 1936,

(continued)

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Appendix (continued)

Cultural Variables Categorical codes Source

1953; Flam,1976; Frazer, 1920; Fruzzetti, 1984; Galaal, 1968; Gilliland, 1986; Goodwin, 1939; Gurdon, 1904, 1907; Harris, 1985; Heissig, 1944, 1980; Herskovits, 1934; Herzfeld, 1986; Hickman, 1963; Hobley, 1911; Izady, 1992; Janelli, 1982; Jensen, 1974; Johnson, 1932; Jordon, 1972; Kan, 1989; Kendall, 1985; Kroeber, 1953a, 1953b; La Barre, 1848; Layard, 1942; Leeming, 1990; Lindblom, 1920; Low & Roth, 1892; Lumholtz, 1900; Malinowski, 1926; Mfika, 1988; Nash, 1970; Nooy-Palm, 1986; Nordenskiöld, 1930; Osgood, 1951; Östör, 1980; Pavlovic, 1973; Pospisil, 1958; Radcliffe- Brown, 1922; Rattray, 1916, 1927; Redfield, 1964; Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1951; Rogers, 1962; Roscoe, 1911, 1923; Shimony, 1961; Sieroszewski, 1993; Skrefsrud et al., 1942; Smith, 1965; Snow, 1977; Sosa, 1985; Spencer, 1988; Spier, 1930; Talayesva & Simmons, 1942; Terwiel, 1975; Textor, 1973; Tschopik, 1951; Wang, 1974; Weltfish, 1965; Wilbert, 1972; Wyckoff, 1986; Young, 1970; Zaslavsky, 1973; Zulaika, 1988 Even/odd number even/odd See references for “Lucky/ritual preference number” “High gods” “absent or not reported/ Gray, 1999 (Gray, 1999) not active in human affairs/ active in human affairs but not supportive of human morality/ supportive of human morality”

(continued)

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Appendix (continued)

Cultural Variables Categorical codes Source

Word order SVO/SOV/VSO/VOS/ Hawkins, 1983; Grimes & OSV/OVS Grimes, 2000; Nichols, 1992; Nettle, 1999b Basic word order VO/OV Hawkins, 1983; Grimes & Grimes, 2000; Nichols, 1992; Nettle, 1999b Gender of absence of female Kendall, 1985 dominant element/ presence deities/mythical of female element heroes Calendar type lunar or other empirical/ Ascher, 2002; Aveni & luni-solar or other Brotherson, 1983; Dunn, 1992; arithmetic Marshack, 1970; Merker, 1910; Nilsson, 1920; O’Neil, 1976, Richards, 1998; Turrado, 1945 Method of object tallying present/ See references for “Highest counting total tool tallying recorded number system base” Writing system alphabet/ syllabary/ Coulmas, 1999; Crystal, 2004; type logographism Omniglot, Web site Writing system Indigenously invented/ Coulmas, 1999; Crystal, 2004; originality diffused/ brought by Omniglot, Web site colonists

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L.W. McCall is a postdoctoral fellow at the National Evolutionary Synthesis Center at Duke University. She received her degree in biological anthropology from the Leverhulme Center for Human Evolutionary Studies at the University of Cambridge, UK, in 2005. Her interests are cultural group selection and other examples of multilevel dynamics in nature, the evolution and development of the brain and developmental plasticity, and strategies for scientific train- ing and biology education in the behavioral sciences and humanities.

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