CHAPTER The Congressional 2 Budget Process HE FRAMERS of the Constitution deliberately lodged the power of the purse Tin Congress because it is the branch of government closest to the people. “This power of the purse,” wrote James Madison in Federalist No. 58, “may, in fact, be regarded as the most complete and effectual weapon with which any constitution can arm the immediate representatives of the people, for obtaining a redress of every grievance, and for carrying into effect every just and salutary measure.” Or as Senator Robert C. Byrd, D-W.Va., said more than 200 years after Madison, “The greatest power of the Legislative Branch is the power of the purse.”1 Under Article I of the Constitution, only Congress is empowered to collect taxes, borrowdistribute money, and autho- rize expenditures. And the executive branch can spend money only for the purposes and in the amounts specified byor Congress. As Section 9 of Article I proclaims, “No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law.” The House has the con- stitutional authority to originate revenue measures, which the Senate can amend. If the House believes the Senate has trespassed on its revenue- initiating authority, it will subjectpost, the measure to a “blue-slip” rejection: a notification on blue paper to the Senate that it has contravened the con- stitutional prerogatives of the House. Congress may also “lay and collect” income taxes under the Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution. The Constitution did not prescribe a budget system for the legisla- tive branch. Instead, the budget system evolved over time to reflect new demands and pressures,copy, such as the huge increase in the size and cost of government from the Great Depression through today. In the U.S. system of separate institutions sharing power, the president exercises significant fiscal notauthority through a wide-ranging ability to influence the lawmaking process, the constitutional veto power, and the authority to execute the law. Congress, which also recognizes the value of the president’s role in budget- ing, delegated to the president in the Budget and Accounting Act of 1921 Dostatutory responsibility for preparing a comprehensive federal budget each year. Using this responsibility, presidents have been able to spotlight their priorities, frame the budgetary debate, and effectively require Congress to respond to their budgetary proposals. Congress is not bound by the presi- dent’s recommendations, but it typically uses them as a starting point for the legislative budget process. 43 Copyright ©2020 by SAGE Publications, Inc. This work may not be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means without express written permission of the publisher. If Madison and the other constitutional framers returned today, they might wonder about the overall effectiveness of the congressional purse strings. After all, about two-thirds of federal expenditures are mandatory under existing law—that is, the government is required to spend money automatically for certain purposes because of laws previously enacted by Congress. This mandatory spending includes largely entitlements (laws that require mandatory payments to all eligible individuals, such as Social Security, Medicare, and government pension programs) and interest payments on the federal debt. One consequence of mandatory spending is clear. If the 116th Con- gress (2019–2020) adjourned immediately after convening on its opening day in January 2019, without passing any laws, federal government spend- ing for 2019 would still be almost $2.7 trillion.2 Furthermore, spending each year thereafter would continue—and increase—because many federal programs are indexed to the cost of living. Congress can convert manda- tory spending into annual appropriations by changing the basic law that establishes governmental obligations and authorizes automatic funding without regular legislative review.3 But members who wantdistribute to amend the law and subject certain mandatory spending, especially entitlement pro- grams, to annual budgetary scrutiny can incur serious political risks. Con- gress chooses to establish programs as mandatory entitlementsor for a variety of reasons. Stability, certainty, and preferred status are among the values that accrue to such programs. Retirees, for example, would have “to live under a great deal of financial uncertainty” if Congress subjected Social Security to annual review.4 The federal budget reflects the post,president’s and Congress’s choices among competing national priorities and identifies where the nation has been, where it is now, and where the administration and legislative branch plan to make future fiscal as well as policy commitments. Thus, the nation’s budget is both a fiscal and a political document. As a Democrat on the Sen- ate Budget Committeecopy, once said: By their nature, debates on the budget tend to be more partisan than other debates. After all, setting a broad plan for allocating resources necessarilynot depends on judgments based on established principles we bring with us from our views and priorities influenced by our respective partisan affiliations.5 DoThe bitter partisan battles over numerous fiscal issues in recent Congresses underscore the wide gap between the two parties on how to reduce the fiscal deficit and grow the economy. President Donald Trump and most congressional Republicans oppose revenue increases and cas- tigate an oppressive government that hampers business productivity 44 Congressional Procedures and the Policy Process Copyright ©2020 by SAGE Publications, Inc. This work may not be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means without express written permission of the publisher. through burdensome regulations and unnecessary taxes. Most congressio- nal Democrats want to raise taxes on the well-off and enact federal policies that both reduce the deficit gradually and stimulate the economy to create more jobs. Thus, the budget is more than just numbers for both parties and the chief executive. It is “the document through which an administration announces just what sort of polity it envisions, and which fights it is willing to take on to realize that vision.”6 In broad terms, federal budgeting is composed of four main phases: 1. Preparation and submission of the budget by the president to Congress 2. Congressional review of the president’s budget and action on required budgetary matters 3. Execution of budget-related laws by federal departments and agencies 4. Review and audit of agency spending distribute The first and third stages are controlled primarily by the execu- tive branch; the fourth is conducted by the orexecutive branch and the Government Accountability Office (GAO), a legislative support agency of Congress. This chapter focuses on the second stage, the basic elements of Congress’s budgetary process. The congressional budget process may be summarized as having three key features. First, the process post,is essentially a collection of separate deci- sions on legislation that affect federal spending, revenues, and borrowing.7 Second, it includes special measures and procedures (the budget resolu- tion and reconciliation) that are intended to facilitate the coordination of these separate decisions. Third, the process places restrictions on the con- sideration of spending and revenue legislation in terms of their projected budgetary effects.copy, In addition to these features, the calendar also plays a key role in the congressional budget process. The federal government, like any othernot organization, budgets by fiscal year, leading to an annual budget cycle that is repeated every year. The beginning and the end of the federal fiscal year—October 1 to September 30 of each year—forces Congress to make budgetary decisions, especially on spending legisla- Dotion. Congressional action on budgetary legislation therefore is largely guided by the budget cycle. But such action is not driven by only the fiscal calendar. Congress has also imposed deadlines on itself (and the president) by including expiration dates in budgetary legislation signed into law. Chapter 2 | The Congressional Budget Process 45 Copyright ©2020 by SAGE Publications, Inc. This work may not be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means without express written permission of the publisher. Authorization–Appropriations Process Fundamental to congressional decision making is the long-standing dis- tinction between authorizations and appropriations. As Senate Democratic leader Harry Reid, Nev., explained: Authorizations allow programs to be created and funded. When we pass an authorizing bill, we hope the authorized level will be looked at in [the] appropriations committee—as I did as a long- time member. But we realize there are competing priorities, and full funding doesn’t come very often.8 House and Senate rules created this two-step, sequential process. Authorizations establish, continue, or modify agency programs or policies; appropriations fund authorized agency programs and policies. An authori- zation, in brief, can be viewed as a “hunting license” for an appropriation.9 (Congress may also “deauthorize,” or eliminate, programs and agencies.) Both authorizations and appropriations bills must be approveddistribute by both houses and presented to the president for signature or veto. or Authorizations In the first step, Congress passes an authorization bill that establishes or continues—a reauthorization—an agency or program and provides it with