THE MANSO INDIANS
en 1:0<..I .. ; 0 by .. ~.Patrick H. Beckett ' and Terry L. Corbett
mustrated by Marquita Peterson . f / t c
THE MANSO. INDIANS
bY. ' Patrick 'H. Beckett and Terry L. Corbett
Illustrated by Marquita Peterso~
01992 ' COAS PubUshhlJ and,~rcb Las Cruces, N. M:¥. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS
The authors are indebted to a great many persons who have shared their ideas, references and enthusiasm through the years. A debt of gratitude is owed to Rex E. Gerald, page 1 Robert Uster, and Thomas H. Naylor to whom this page2 monograph is dedicated. These three individuals shared page 3 many ideas ered to read the preliminary manuscript page4 before pilb are sad that none of these three friends ever · published form. page 14 page 19 We want to B. Griffin, Myra page 23 Ellen Jenkins, John L. K Sell, '11 rt H. Schroeder, and page 32 Reege J. Wiseman for readinfr.'.1.nd gi:ving leads and suggestions on the rough draft. nianks to Meliha S. Duran page 39 for editing the draft. page 48 page 53 Hats off to Mark Wimberly who always knew that all page 57 the Jomada Mogollon diµ not leave the area but changed page 62 their habitation.. patterns. page 70 Thanks to our archaeological colleagues who have page 85 discussed the Manso problem with the senior author over the years. These include but are not limited to Neal Ackerly, David 0. Batcho, Mark Bentley, Ben Brown, David Carmichael, Linda S. Cordell, Charles C. DiPeso, Peter L. Eidenbach, Michael S. Foster, Patricia A. Gilman, John Hedrick, Paul R. &. Suzanna R. Katz, J. Charles Kelley, Jane Holden Kelley, Charles H. Lange, Karl W. Laumbach, Donald J. Lehmer, Steven H. Lekson, David T. Kirkpatrick, Robert I. ~alloof, Michael B. Marshall, Paul E. Minnis, Thomas C. O'Laughlin, David INTRODUCTION Snow, Thomas Todsen, Michael E. Whalen and John P. Wilson. At the time of Spanish contact, the Manso were the native Indian people of the El Paso and Mesilla valleys Thanks to our historical colleagues Thomas Carroll, of ~ar west T~xas, south~rn New M,.e~co and northe~n Bernard Fontana. Bud Newman, Charles Polzer, Terry Chihuahua. Smee they d1sappeveNew Mexico State Um ity'io;~'.}University this together the available of Texas at El Paso, the De Vargas 'ect, Mexico monograp~~J>rought historical, ethno ic~1tnguistical and archaeological State Archives and Record Center, Docume i.\ations of the Southwest, and the Southwestern Mission Research data pertaining to ~~~ely unknown group. Center. .; "' , -. We believe that the M.~JlSO were one of the groups Thanks to David Hill who wrote the Appendix on descended from the J orna:c&a Mogollon Culture found ceramics. archaeologically in the same region. We do not believe that all descendants of the Jomada Mogollon became As in all publications the authors take full responsibility Manso. The Manso were one of several groups for the contents and the interpretations of the data inhabiting the northern Chihuahuan Desert and sharing presented. a similar culture. Several of these groups, including the Manso, spoke Uto-Aztekan languages.
ii 1 GEOGRAPHY Rancheria, a paraje 21 leagues north of Paso del Norte, had formerly been the chief campsite of the Manso Rivera 1945 :69). This is undoubtedly the The extent o1i-\he~t·--~~ the Manso occupied is Ran~i ande of Miera y Pacheco's Map (Adams not well defined. It see~~extended from south and Cfttt..q;~ ·268). of El Paso, Texas, to, l'ttc1 as r north as Hatch, i' ..f.J,. ' New Mexico (Hammond ~ 953:661). Both Eviden~v. !9.e .PY Forbes (1959:107) Espejo and Oi'iate met Manso~n \h~ El Paso Valley. demonstrates tha e ~ Jocome were politically The early Spanish explorers found r~cherias of straw and linguistically pan o the Manso. The territory of houses in the area of the Caballo Mountains. There is this larger ethnic entity ·extended as far as Janos in no way of knowing if the inhabitants were Manso or northwest Chihuahua and to the Chiricahua Mountains Apache (Hammond and Rey 1966:219). We may of southeastern Arizona. presume that their territory included the Franklin and Organ Mountains ta th~ east,. as these were ~wn. as the Sierra de los Mansos (Rivera 1945:69, Kinnaird NOMENCLA Tu.RE 1958:84). The range of Manso country to the west must have been at least to the Florida Mountains, where one band had a rancheria as early as 1667 The first name applied to the Manso may have (Forbes 1959: 118). been Tanpachoas, a name used by Luxin in his journal of the Espejo expedition of 1582 (Hammond and Rey To the west and southwest lived their relatives, the 1966:169). Jano and Jacome. The Suma occupied the country south of the Manso. The Piro inhabited the Rio Grande Sixteen years later. Oiiate met people in the same in the area of Socorro and San Marcial. To the east, region and reported: " .. .sus primeras palabras fueron near Mountainair, were the Tompiro. There were also manxo, manxo, micos, micos, por decir mansos y Apache bands, relative newcomers to the region, living amigos. Their first words were manxo, manxo, micos, in adjacent areas (Benavides 12-17). 1945: micos, by which they meant "peaceful ones and friends" (Hammon 2 J What meaning the Manso intended when they used the and Governor Bernardo LOpez de Mendizabal sent word manxo and micos will never be known. troops to rescue the missions.des (Hughes 1914:304). 1 In 1601, Juan de Ortega stated that the Gorretas or Finally in 1659 , Fray ·Garcea de San Francisco Pataragueles were fishing in the Rio Grande half way succeeded in establishi0g the mission of Nuestra between El Paso and the Piro Pueblos (Hammond and Senora de Guadalupe de los Mansos at Paso del Norte Rey 1953:661). Fray Alonso de Benavides notes that (Presently Cd. Juarez, Mexico). He was assisted by six Gorretas was another name for the Manso. The term Christian Indians from the Piro pueblo of Senecll in Gorreta was used, " .•. because they cut the hair in New Mexico (Hughes 1914:306). He also brought ten such a fashion that it looks [as if] they wore a small families of Piro Indians from Senecll to aid in setting cap set on the head." Benavides indicated they were up the mission to~onvert the Manso and Suma Indians called Mansos because it was their custom to shout of the area (H,u~~~J914:308). "Sal ail Sal all Manso! ~o!" (Benavides 1916:13). {.• ~ . j~~ Soon, and their Piro assistants had •. : ~if'}'µ ~.,, . th~ 4s~ · .... q~J.~! 'Some contend the date should be 16.57 or 16511 (Walz 19SI: 16). 4 5 (Forbes 1959: 118). Capit4n Chiquita's Manso had Governor Otermf n established four new pueblos to earlier allied themselves with the Apaches (Forbes accommodate the new refugees. These pueblos were 1960:162). moved closer to Paso del Norte and were reorganized in 1683 (Hughes 1914:328-9). In the same year, The mission of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe de Governor Cruzate moved the presidia to Paso del los Mansos at Paso del Norte was formally dedicated Norte (Hughes 1914:365). In doing so, he acquired on January 15. 1668, with a great celebration and with several houses in the Manso Pueblo to be used as the 400 Manso in attendance. There were fireworks, and Casas Reales. These were apparently located just west the Manso danced to celebrate the dedication of the of the mission (Urrutia Map of 1766 in Gerald church. The mission had an acequia and an orchard. (1966:38]). Escalante describes the new Indian pueblos The Indians were given three meals each day as an of the El Paso a.ftl in 1685 in the following manner: enticement to come to the mission (BNM 1668; l; • ~ ",(., Scholes 1929:195-201). Two leap o~elow Nuestra Sei'iora de Guadalupe de ~l(~iio.s and Tomplros Indians, the pu dfl : a league and a The Great Pueblo Revolt of 1680 brought a flood half toward the eas ihuas Indians, the of Hispanic a Christian Indian refugees to Paso del pueblo of Corpus Cl)r · Isleta; twelve Norte. After tury of exploitation and abuse leapes from El Paso, and a half from the Puebl *w Mexico united in an la Isleta, following the same ~ del Norte, with outburst of.fury ro jh~:spanish and their Indian Piros Indians, a few Thanos, and some Gemex, 1 the third pueblo, with the appelation of Nuestra allies out of New Me ·· ( Seiiora del Socorro. [Hughes 1914:323) ' The Spanish were joined in their retreat from In northern New Mexico by 317 Indians. These included 1684, some Manso of the Guadalupe Mission plotted a revolt against Spanish rule. On March 14, Piro from Sevilleta. Alamillo, Socorro and Senecu, as well as Tiwa from the pueblo of Isleta, New Mexico 1684, the Manso Governor, Don Luis. and other (Hackett 1942: 159). In 1682 three hundred and eighty leaders of the Christian Manso of El Paso met with five (385) more Indians from Isleta, New Mexico were Capitan Chiquito, the leader of the unconverted Manso. They attQJnpted to r~cruit the Piro to assist in brought to the El Paso area by Governor Otermin as a result of his failed attempt to reconquer New Mexico the revolt, but instead of cooperating the Piro informed Governor Cruzate, who arrested Don Luis and several (Hackett 1942:ccix). conspirators. Diego, the Lieutenant Governor of the Manso, later escaped. In May 1684, at the order of 8 g -· t Ideta a Snilleta a Ah1Ulo I Socorro *senecd c·-·J '., \ SONORA / CHIHUAHUA Mission at Paso del Norte El Paso Region Missions 1680 6 7 'Diego, many of the Christian Manso fled to the rancheria of Capitlin Chiquito. At about the same time the Jano and Suma of La Soledad revolted, as did the Suma of Santa Getrudis and San Francisco de Toma. These were joined by the Jocome and Chinarra (Hughes 1914:340-7). Evidently some of the Manso of the Guadalupe Mission remained Joyal, since Governor Cruzatc reported sending a loyal Manso to persuade those who had joined Capi~n Chiquito to return to the mission. In the last part of July of 1684, another loyal Manso was sent to the rebel rancberia which was located in a dense wood twenty leagues. from El Paso (Hughes ORGAN HTNS. 1914:348; Walz 1:9~1:153)" This messenger was met on his way back' "" 1!SO by Governor Cruzate and a squad of !~' The Manso were alerted to Cruzate's apprd"~b {~fel)t fhei.r women and children across the river for sff~ .~· b~ttle..Jollowed, and the Manso fled acro.ss the nWP~:CA.J;ate set fire to the rancheria and returned to El Paso rffpghes 1914:350). -··-··-··-.. £l PASO adatupe de tos Mansos "i::~ Stmeet1 ateta Upon returning to El Paso, Cruzate determined to declare war on the Manso and to execute their leaders that he held captive, including Diego the Lieutenant who had been recaptured in July. On August 5, 1684, the prisoners were hung (Hughes 1914:350). The rest of the 'Seventeenth century was a period of unrest and conflict at Paso del Norte. Peace was restored with some of the Manso in 1686 {Hughes El Paso Area Missions in 1692 1914:361). 10 11 In 1691, Fray Franciso de Vargas founded the new 27th of November, they had been persuaded to return mission of San Francisco de los Manses at a Manso to Paso del Norte (IMA 1711). In the same year, the rancheria (AGN 1691). Governor Don Diego de ; Manso are reported raiding into Chihuahua (Griffen Vargas locates this mission eight or nine leagues from 1979:23). After this time, the history of the Manso Paso del Norte (Adams and Chavez 1956:260). He merges with that of the other Indians of the Guadalupe notes that the mission was in an isolated situation mission at Paso del Norte. As late as 1751, Spanish (AON 1691). In his recommendation of 1693 that San government records list the Manso as one of the ethnic Francisco be abandoned, Fray Joachin de Inojosa groups at Paso del Norte (JMA 1751). reported that the mission was six leagues from El Paso and one league from the river (AASF 1693). De El Pa~~ I~ian Census Reports Vargas does not mention San Francisco in his journal . ~~ of 1692 (Espinosa 1940). He traveled.north on the east Paso San ~nt ~ Yslata Sur Socorro 1730" 300 51 ' . 300 102 side of the rivS1!ien~ .. way from Paso del Norte to 1 1749" 200+ 150 Northern Ney·~ ~¥1,as would have passed ~~ SM 250 near San Frittci · it ~ the east side of the 1752" 234 ~ 353 135 river and would have ioned it in his 1760" 249 58 429 /~ 353 135 journal. Had it been to the sont .. · ~ould have been 1765. 222 62 407 349 181 near Socorro del Sur and not in an iso'ttted locale. This 1795' 212 30 250 194 information indicates that San Francisco was north of Paso del Norte on the west side of the river. The 1798° 180 24 308 236 n 1803b 221 30 318 239 50 marriage records for this mission end in 1693 (Chavez .·' 1958:16). After 1693, this mission is not mentioned in 1804' 191 30 320 205 37 known records. Presumably the recommendations of 180& ?22 30 343 226 43 Fray Joachin de Inojosa that it be abandoned were 1815k 239 19 291 heeded, and its people were transferred to Paso del 226 68 1AAD 1no Norte (AASF 1693). "BNM 1749 0AGN 1752 .A.AD 1760 Peace with all Manso bands was not reached until •cutter 1975 1698 (Forbes 1960:278) The last colonial period 1JMA 1795 'BNM 1798 record of the Manso as an independent group occurs in .,JMA 1803 1711. On November 16, 1711, the Manso and the Jano 1JMA 1804 1JMA 1806 of Paso del Norte fled to the Organ Mountains. By the "JMA 1815 12 13 By 1680, sixty two Piro, seventeen Suma, ten 2 Tano , five Apache and five Jumano had been baptized at the Guadalupe Mission (Hughes LOSS OF ETHNIC IDENTITY 1914:314). Otermfn in 1680 remarked with apprehension about the large numbers of Piro and ' other New Mexico Indians at the Guadalupe From its foundation, the Mission of Nuestra Mission (Hughes 1914:335). The early church' Sefiora de Guadalupe had a tribally mixed records note a variety of different peoples at El population. The Franciscans established the mission Paso (JCA 1663-1821). So also do the reports for the Manso and Suma, but there were Piro concerning the Mission made by both religious and aiding the missionaries from the beginning. The civil authorities. In 1698. a group of Jano Indians 1670s were troubled times in New Mexico. were settled at Paso del Norte (Hackett 1937:377). Drought and an ever-increasing threat from the "'"'"~ J~ : "" warlike Apache tribes forced the evacuation of the When~~ ·vera inspected El Paso in 1728, Salinas region. Records indicate that some of the he com~n~1ha e Indians of the Guadalupe people of that area sought refuge at the Guadalupe Mission lived:Jfr~)a f!t~· areas, one area for the Mission in Paso del Norte (Scholes and Mera Manso and a?~~~~.J?f' fbe Piro. The chu~ch 1940:284). records also 1nd1Ci.le."~t 'lJ.vo separate Indian ~ settlements were attaC1Ied,°rjhe mission. One was Th~ dalupe Mission at Paso del Norte referred to as Pueblo Amf>a or Pueblo de los becam~n for an increasing stream of Indian Mansos and the other as Pueblo Abajo or Pueblo de refug 6 , many Indians from Las Jumanas los Piros. Each of these pueblos had its own Pueblo ( ira) were living in El Paso. By separate governor. After the numerous Indian 1671, India b6 were at El Paso (Bandelier deaths that took place in the epidemic of 1748, the 1890:267), ~~. lhers from Quarai (Bandelier government of the two pueblos was merged (JCA 1890:262). In·f ;Apaches destroyed the pueblo 1748). of Senecll del e. Some of the Piro survivors fled south to El Paso (Bandelier 1890:250). When Lafora (1939:88) visited El Paso in 1766, he comment~d that the Mission had originally 2Perhaps a misinterpretation of Jano. 14 15 been for the Manso Indians, but that they were nearly extinct by 1692. In 1773, a Spanish settler at EI Paso, in a contradictory manner, stated that the Indians of El Paso were Manso, Piro and Pima3, but that the Manso wea:c totally extinct (Hackett 1937:507). By the 1760s, the Manso were too few in number to retain a separate tribal organization. The church records of Nuestra Sei\ora de Guadalupe indicate that a few Manso continued to live at the mission. They intermarried with the other tribal groups living at the Guadalupe Mission and lost their Manso identity. However, the Mission Indians of El Paso c~~1torecognize their Manso heritage. In 183~ · a legal dispute over a piece of land, e made note of their antecesores, the so 6-1836). t?~ When Bandelier visit ~ d,~l Norte in the 1880s, he commented on ~¥confused tribal identity of the Manso at El Paso: It is much more difficult to separate, among the descendants of the Mansos living to-day in the so called Barreal (one of the outskirts of the newly fledged Villa Juarez), the original Manso element from its admixture with Tiguas, Piros, Sumas, Janos and other tribes who have married or crept into the original blood of the settlers of . 3Probably a. copyist error for Tiwa. 16 El Paso del Norte and founders of the Indian mission there. l have been misled myself by not paying sufficient attention to the numerous MODERN DESCENDANTS miscegenations (from the standpoint of tribal integrity and purity of blood) that have occurred here (Bandelier '1890:247). ' Today there are still people who can trace their Ethnic groups of the Guadalupe Mission lineage back to a Manso ancestor. In the last half of the nineteenth century many of the Indian families from the Guadalupe mission moved north to the Las DATE: ETHNIC GROUPS: Cruces area. Some of these people eventually joined with other immigrants from Senecd and Ysleta del Sur 1706 Manso, Piro and Jano (Hackett 1937:377) to form the group known today as the Tonugas Indians (Beckett and Corbett 1990;7). The Roybals are.one of 1727 Mansos, Piros, Tiguas and Zumas (BNM 1727) the leading families of this group. The first cac1que of the Las Cruces area Indians was Felipe Roybal. His 1728 Manso and Piro (Rivera 1945:67) son Vicente was also the cacique for many years (Reynolds 1982:7). Although this family is mostly 1730 Tigua, Piro and ~anso (AAD 1730) Tiwa in Indian ancestry, they have Manso ancestors (Corbett n. d.). 1749 Tegua a~d Piro ( 1751 1766 1790 Piro (IMA 1790) GGGP ETHJflC ID G-G Grandparenta Great Grandparents Grandparents Parents Comanche ] Comanche eom&nche ) J.~yetano Roybal Comanche Vecino ..~ .t Jose Roybal Vecino ] Alejandro Benavides J Vecino ] Fermina Hufiez 1-"""".atrstasia Benavides Vecino Piro Agapito Piro J Juan Felipe Anaya Roybal Tiwa ] Micaela Geronima Antonio Anaya } Tiwa Tiwa Leogarda Anaya Piro J Juan Ascencio Trujillo "1_ Tiwa J Maria Juana Ilisi ______[-" Guadalupe Trujillo Tiwa Tiwa Piro J Juan Ascencio Trujillo]- Tiwa Maria Juana llisi ~ Josf Velarde Tiwa ] =1 JosA Velarde Tiwa ] Tiwa Domingo cantor -==r Maria Faustina .'.~ Tiwa Manuela Perea Tiwa ) -.~"<- Albina Tiwa ] ~;,' Velarde Apache Francisco de ~aCruz: .. ~- Tiwa ~ina Iliai Juan ..:!{>'J.ff ~-Jte Tiwa ] .~+ ~;.' Manuela Jeaioem::e-1 Jtere• ) ~ £'' ....~ Piro Juan Agustin Queres-=i- t\~ Jccoba Lainaa Jano Maria Reyna Laines Manso ) Tbe parent.a of Maria Reyna Lainas were Cab.del Laina.a (Jano) and Josefa (Manso). (JCA) Genealogical Chart 1 Jose Roybal's Ancestors ~ ~--~~~------, ETHNOGRAPHY A;aplto Roybal - Albina Velarde Most of our knowledge of Manso culture is based on the observations of Fray Alonso Benavides in 1630 Jose Roybal • Isidora Lopez and 1634 (Benavides 1916,. 1945). AdditionaJ information is found in the joumaJs and reports of the early Spanish explorers. The first notice of people who can be identified as Jos6 Montoya-Isabel Roybal ,,~ .,,.,~,~.... Manso occurs in the Hernan GaJlegos report on the .• • ...... I Chamuscado-Rodrfguez expedition in the summer of 1581. Two days after leaving the Amotomanco Indians, the expedition came to another nation speaking Candelario Vicente Victor A1f111la Montoya a different language. Hammond and Rey (1966:78-9) Roybal Roybal Roybal de l)Qlll!n;wz identify these people as Caguates and speculate that they may have been Sumas, but according to Ludn (chronicler of the Espejo expedition) the Caguates spoke almost the same Janguage as the Amotomancos, whom he call$ Otomoaca's. Gallegos indicates his party had an interpreter for the Amotomancos, but none for Oen ea.I these people (Hammond and Rey 1966: 168). Gallegos Jose Roybal's Par des~ribes this "different nation .. as follows: After two days we came to another nation of friendly people, fine Tqen who received us well ~ and offered us of w9~t 1:hey had, in the same manner as the oth~ 'i'fad dOn These people call the arrO\- "£~~-~~ iyen to bamboo by the Mexic~J:mm>aN they gave us were two "'1nn 22 23 numerous macaw feathers. {Hammond and Rey traveling fifteen days from the Tanpachoas (Hammond 1966:79) and Rey 1966). Espejo's account of the area between El Paso and the Piro Pueblos is as follows: The second account of the Manso occurs in Diego Perez de Luxin' s account qf the Antonio de Espejo From the place where we left these Indians, expediton of 1582. After leaving the Caguate Indians we traveled upstream another four days and on January 7, 1582, they traveled north along the Rio came upon large numbers of people who lived Grande for ten leagues. On the ninth of January they near several lakes through which the RJo del Norte flows. These people, numbering upward came upon a different nation called the Tanpachoas of one thousand Indians of both sexes, dwelling (Hammond and Rey 1966:168-9). Lunn gives the in ranchedas and straw houses, came out to following description of the Tanpachoas: welcome us - men, women, and children - each one carrying a present of Mesquital (made A large number of Indian men and women from from a fruit resembling carob beans). and many a difforent nation, called Tanpachoas, came to varieties of fish, which abound in those lakes. this place (Los Cbarcos del CanutllloJ. Durina They brought also other ptes of their food, the six or seven days that we rested there in in su~h great quantity that st'of}! was wasted order to refresh our horses, they brouaht us because of the amounts they g e m_;.Dpring the larae quantities of mesquite, com, and fish, for three days we spent amo they they fish much in the ls with small dragnets. performed their mitotes day n1 both They are people f eJ,>lood/ and type as dances of their own and others like' the the Otomoaeos. :1 dress, except Mexicans. They gave us to understan~!"'!mutn!: that the men tie their ·vy ~Jt} a small of signs that there were many of their ·~ion at ribbon. some distance from there, but we failed to learn Their mode of fighting is i's.bows what this was, for lack of interpreters. and arrows. and bludgeons as m f r Among these people we found a Conchos yard in length, made of torni ,.i¢d Indian who told us by means of signs. pointing [Hammond and Rey 1966:171]. ~ toward the west, that a fifteen days' journey away there was a very large lake, on whose After leaving the Tanpachoas, according to Lunn shores were numerous settlements with houses of many stories. He added that Indians of the the expedition met no other people until they reached Conchos nation dwelt there, people who wore the first .Piro pueblo, but they " ... found numerous clothes and had an abundant supply of corn, traces *O"f them and many abandoned rancherias turkeys, and other provisions. The natives (Hammond and Rey 1966: 170)." Espejo, however, offered to take us to that lake, but we did not states tnat the' expedi.tion came across a rancheria after go, as our itinerary called for a continued march 24 25 with hostility. and thal when they come peacefully and tame [mansos} we say to the dogs: "Sal all"[get: out!] so that they may not bite them, they also are accustomed to take precautions that we tie up the dogs. crying to us, "Sal al! Sal al! Manso! Manso!· [Oet out! we are tame. or peaceable!] And by this name of Mansos they are commonly known among us. This also is a people which has no houses, but onJy huts of branches [ranchos de rama.r]. Nor do the [men] wear any clothing in particular, but all [go] naked. And the women onJy cover themselves from the waist down with two deer· skins, one in front and the other behind. Likewise, they are th&,temper (condlclonJ of the foregoing; that if ey' their way they do all the evil they can; b i aJ>le [to do any] they all come peacefully s • that we may give them something to eat>s IS their Chief aim. And between a few of eat a cow raw. leaving nothing of the pau , since they do not even pause to clean it 'Of its filth but swallow it as it is, like dogs, gnbbing it with the mouth and cutting it off with knives of flint, and swallowing it without chewing. These Mansos. then, since they are at the crossing (£1 pas.ro) of this river, have always to be encountered. And they are accustomed to take us to their own rancherias, that we may give to eat to their women and children. And likewise they are accustomed to regale us with what they have - which is fish and mice1 It is a people very comely. well featured and robust. [Benavides 1916: 13-4] i The Manso Greeting Oftate I 28 29 ------·"'· northward in order to succor the above by the sargento mayor. After being clothed they mentioned friars and the persons who remained were sent to tell their friends and to bring them with them. In this rancherfa and its vicinity the in. That day about eight Indians came of their land and climate are very good, and near by own accord. They were of the kind we called there are buffalo herds, abundant game beasts muleteers (arreadores}, because to say "yes' they and birds, mines, many forestii and pasturelands, roll their tongues against their palates as we do water, salines ,of very rich salt, and other when driving animals, ff arre." profitable resources. On May 4 we did not travel farther than to the Continuing up this same river, we traveled for pass of the river and the ford. Forty of these fifteen days away from the site of the lakes, Indians came to the camp. They had Turkish without meeting any people. We passed through bows, long hair cut to resemble little Milan mesquite groves and cactus fields, and over caps, headgear made to hold down the hair and mountains wooded with pine forests producing colored with blood or paint. Their first words pifion nuts like those of Castile, as well as with were manxo, man.xo, micos, mlcos, by which savins and junipers. At the end of this march, they meant "peaceful ones" and "friends.• They we came upon a thinly populated rancherfa make the sign of the cross by raising their containing a .number of straw huts. Here we thumbs. They told us very clearly by signs that found many 'deerskins as well dressed as those the settlements were six days distant, or eight brought from Flanders, quantities of excellent days along the road. They mark the day by the white salt, some jerked venison, and other course of the sun; In tbese things they are like provisions. The Indians of the rancherra ourselves. (Hammqnd and Rey-'1953:315) welcomed us and accompanied us for a two days' journey from that spot to some pueblos, Fray AJ,onso' de Benavides' best description was always ltee the course of the aforesaid ;o published Memorial of 1630: R!o del No ~ we consistently followed contained in· his upstream ever ~·~ching it {Hammond and Having traversed these one hundred leagues, Rey 1966:218~ t"'.'El· \ , we reach the famous Rio del Norte, which has this title because it brings its current from that direction manf l~gues. A hundred leagues Ma! 1;~:ww!~~·~tfi~~~ ·~~:'~!~ before reachs·~~ Mexico. this river is he described them thus: "'~ 1} inhabited by in Wh' we commonly call ~' ..J'' Mansos or Gorret ~eJatt ecause they cut On May 1 we marched two leagues up the the hair in such faSl?'~-'lb3il it] they river. On the 2nd we traveled a league and a wore a small cap set upt . · ~n the half. On the 3rd, two leagues. At this place the like manner, warned by [the ~ct . ~ dogs first Indians of the river were brought to camp have bitten them sometimes when,,~ met us 26 27 Benavides in his revised memorial of l 634 adds the following: They sustain themselves on fishes from that river, which are plentiful and good, devouring chem raw, just as they do the meat of all the animals lhey hOnt, not leaving even lhe blood. As for the entrails, they do not even take much trouble to clean them; they devour it all like animals. They are a robust people, tall, and with good features, although they take pride in bedaubing themselves with powder of different colors which makes them look very ferocious. {Benavides 1945:52·2) From this information we may conclude that the Manso possessed a hunting and gathering subsistence similar to that of their Suma neighbors. They lived in wickfop-style shelters. It is interesting to note that Hodge in an article in the Handbook of Nonh American Indians, states that the Manso: " ... before the coming of the Spa~!\fds, had changed their former solid mode of buildio 'fpr habitations of reeds and wood (Hodge 1907: ~ ·~\ 30 same as the Nahuatl word for cane which is acatl. It is LANGUAGE likely that ocae is a copyist error· for acal, which would be phonetically /aka/I. The Manso language is"'1cnown from two words One form in Tarahumara for arrow is wdka recorded in early Spanish sources and from seven (Bennett and Zingg 1935: 1iS): The Tubar, another words recorded by Bandelier in 1883. Numerous Uta-Aztecan tribe of the Sierra Madre, called an arrow personal names for Manso Indians are recorded in the wakat (Hartman 1893). The tat the end of the Tubar records of the Guadalupe Mission, but there is no way word is a nominative suffix that varies with r in the of knowing if the words are actually in the Manso Tubar language. The original Manso form may have language. Even if we could establish that they are been wakal, which sounded to the Spanish like akal. Manso, they would be of almost no linguistic value, because their meanings are not given. Even their value The words recorded by Bandelier in his journal in for determining the phonetics of the language is 1883 and partially published in 1890 are: atsherehue practically nil, because we have nQ idea what sounds [acerewe], cacique; tsherehuepama [cerewe-pama), the missionaries were trying to convey. captain; tshamhuiimere [camwi'imere], governor; tshahuiireue [cawi 'irewe]. men; topeoi [tope 'o 'z1, Onate recorded a word that sounded to him like women; hiuetataiue i[~etata 'iwe], sun; and arre to be the Manso word for yes (Hammond and Rey himamapao [himamapa ~ ~o~ (Bandelier 1883). 1953:315). In X~;:; th~s would be alla (Johnson Bandelier notes in his 18 ~ct"on that the word 1962:248), in~ 'lli '" (Lombardo 1702:210), for sun is used to address t "' ~~ty, which was and in Tarahumara 1 •. i (tips··neJ 1972:47). Th~ Ir/ male, and that the word for mo · ~~ to address and Ill are interchangeab · oran languages, the moon deity, which was e~ _~Bandelier and as the Yaqui, Opata ae:d u words show 1890:249). Bandelier got the words ~~icomedes the vowel sounds are somewhat uns • It looks very 1 Lara only after Lara had told Bandeli .r several times probable that the Manso word is cognate with the that he did not know the Manso language. Lara's Sonoran examples and is closest to the Yaqui form. genealogy indic~tes that his father was Hispanic and his mother was of mixed Piro-Tiwa ancestry (Corbett I Gallegos reported that the people of the El Paso n. d.). The words are therefore suspect. The words for area used the word ocae to mean arrow (Hammond cacique and captain seem to contain the same root, and Rey 1966:79). He noted that this word was the /cerewel. It is interesting to note that the Tarahumara 32 33 word for governor or chief is siri-ame {Lionnet Forbes attempts to strengthen his argument with 1972:87). references from seventeenth-century sources that are quoted as saying "Apaches Jocomes," which he Forbes (1959:97-159) attempts to show that the believes proved the Jacome were Apache. As Forbes Manso spoke an Athabascan language. Through the use notes, however, the Yavapai are referred to as Apache. of nonlinguistic histo.rical data, he concludes that the The Yavapai are a Yuman-speaking people. Jocome, were Apache because they were intermarried and allied to the Apache, and that the Chiricahua Cultural evidence also argues against the Manso Apache later had a band named Chokome. He also being Apache. Most Apachean groups had a taboo ~otes that the Joconie, Jano and Manso are mentioned against eating fish, which sharply contrasts to observed m several documents in connection with the word Manso customs. Apache. Using infdrmation from early Spanish documents that state that the Jano and Jacome spoke The evidence he presents for a link between the the same ~~·e and that the Jano and Manso spoke Manso. Jano, and Jacome languages is based on much the same Jaltsu~~ he concludes that the Manso must firmer ground. The statements in the early documents have also been 4fathean in s~ech. are clear and direct: The main proble Forbe's argument lies with 1. Testimony of March 1683: " ... [the Manso] es the first link in his ch ing the Manso with una misma Iengua con los Janos" (Forbes the Apache. There is n fatement or indirect 19~9: 1-05; SAN1'4 .1'683). [The same language as evidence in the early docu that either the Jocome that of the Janos.] Jano or Manso spoke the same language as th~ 2. Rami5rReporlof May 12, 1684, states the Apache. As Forbes himself points out in his langu ', · e Jano and Ojocome is the same ~ntroducti.on, the fact that two peoples are allied or {Forbe . mtermamed does .not prove that they spoke the same 3. In 1691, ,yola of Chinipa or even related languages. Neither does the fact that a requested inte the rebel Jano people merged with the Apache identify their original and Jocome, indicat a anish-speaking lan?~age. Perhaps part of the Jacome merged with the Manso would do (Forbes I 106). Chmcahua Apache. gave up their own language, and 4. In 1707, severat'Janos were questioned through became the Chokome band. a Manso interpreter (Forbes 1959: 107). 34 35 That Jano and Jocome were the same language is generally known that the Chinarra spoke the same further attested to by a letter from Francisco del language as the Manso, Jano, and Jocome. Castillo Betancourt of July 16, 1686, in a record from the Parral Archives concerning the trial of the Pima The Chinarra have been identified as Concho Chief Canito (Sauer 1934:75). The document states (Griffin 1979:31). In 1716, the Concho governor of I.I' that Jano and Jocome are all-the same language. These San Pedro de los Conchos acted as interpreter for the several pieces of evidence establish that the Manso, Chinarra, which seems to support this identification Jano and Iocome spoke the same language. (Griffin 1979:43). The Concho language is known from three words recorded by Gallegos (Hammond and In 1695, It was necessary for the Spanish to use Rey 1928:275). These were: sanate, com; bate, water; both Crist6val Granillo, a Spanish soldier who knew and yolly, people. The root Iba/ is the common Suma, and a Jocome woman, who also knew Suma, to Sonoran root forYwater, and I sunul is the common root • 'l >;:<,, <) communicate with the Jocome (Griffen 1979:43). In for corn. Hew &'~~ran language of the Opatan 1706, a similar situation occurred during peace talks . group. uses the r~~jo mean person. The Hewe with the Jano and Jacome (Forbes 1959:110). This !di is the regular e'fiOl-'JJ,1 in many of the other indicates that the Jano, Jocome, and Manso spoke a Uto-Aztecan language ~ different l&~\tage than the Suma. ~ Rudolph Troike (198 , after reviewing the There is ~~!?~cf"ai tial evidence linking the data. concluded that Condtp an 36 37 ARCHAEOLOGY No archaeological sites specifically identified as Manso have been found. This is partly because few archaeologists have looked for them and partly because it is difficult to know what to look for. If the Manso did not make pottery before colonization by the Spanish, their rancherias could resemble Archaic stage campsites. If they did make pottery {presumably a local brown ware), then these I sites might be mistaken for Mesilla phase pithouse ~ villages. Sites without ceramics might resemble :1 Archaic hunting and gathering camps. Bandelier states: 1 "they [the· Piro of Senecu del Sur Pueblo] make the same pottery as the Mansos (Lange & Riley 1970: 163)." This reff)(S to the situation as he observed , it in 1883. The ~arl~;'d.ocuments are silent on this .~ point. ..J{t "-, ,,; -~.. ., ',.. ·~ We believe that the·-~~~. t\1~ _descended from the El Paso Phase of the ~~ntJ~ ~ollon. Hodge (1907:801) indicates that the ~~jy~:·iP permanent dwelJings until shortlt before the'Plecnning of the Spanish. If so, perhaps some El Pas9 Phase pueblos are ancestral Manso sites. The totaf area of known d Manso occupation is within Lehmer's (1948: 11) Indigenous Groups 1650 f geographical distribution of the Jomada Mogollon. 38 39 ARIZONA NEW MEXICO Lehmer(l 948: 1I) divides the J ornada Branch of the Mogollon into the northern and southern variants. The El Paso phase is the last period of the southern Jornada Mogollon (Lehmer 1948:80). Wiseman suggests," Some [El Paso phase people] may simply have remained in the El Paso region and abandoned agriculture for a hunting gathering existence (Wiseman 1988: 153). Some archaeologists have contended that there was an abandonment of the Jornada Mogollon area between the end of the El Paso phase (A.D. 1400-1450) and the occupation 9f t~~rea by hi~toric groups such as the Manso. This~:t~~~~ased on ceramic cross dating and the pr· ~ that late radiocarbon, archaeomagneti ~~ian hydration, and thermoluminescence t~~ brown ware sites in the Jornada Mogollon regi ~error. ~o The authors believe that tnere was not abandonment of the Jornada Mogollon Arel. but that around A.D. 1350-1450 events took place that caused the abandonment of permanent adobe village sites and I • shifted the settlement pattern to a more mobile f rancheria type of dwelling. r1., Both the Manso and their ancestors, the El Paso \ ·\ phase of the Jornada Mogollon, exploited the northern j portion of the Chihuahuan Desert. Climatic fluctuation ...... _,. Jornada Mogollon Area--- l and the resulting ecological changes caused a change in \ .. Manso Territory······ the subsistance and habitation patterns, but not total \ abandonment. Others have suggested this pattern (e.g. SOt\ORA I CHIHUAHUA 40 41 Wimberly and Rogers 1977:451-53; Tainter 1985:146; In addition, Chupadero Black-on-white, which also Carmichael 1986: 17). occurs in El Paso phase sites, and has been used as a time horizon marker, continued to be manufactured in Lehmer's (1948:87) cutoff date for the El Paso Tompiro pueblos until the mid 1500s. Breternitz phase is A.D. 1375-1400. He based this on the fact (1966:72) lists Chupadero Black-on-white as a trade that Rio Grande Glaze ware found on sites in the area ware from A. D. 1051 to l 612 + . Smiley, Stubbs, and was Agua Fria and Arena! {Glaze A) and that later Bannister (1953:58) list the end date for Chupadero glaze wares were not present in El Paso phase ceramic Black-on-white as about A.O. 1675. Alden Hayes (in assemblages. Glaze A was not produced in the El Paso Hayes et al. 1981 :72) lists the terminal date of Phase of the Jornada Mogollon but was a ware traded Chupadero Black-on-white at Gran Quivira as A.O. into the region. However, Glaze A pottery lasts over 1545. This coincides with the introduction of Tabin1 a long period of time in the Piro and Tompiro regions. Black-on-white, a ware that originated from Chupadero In both of these regions, there is very little production Black-on-white. Tabira Black-on-white was made in of the Middle Glaze wares. What few there are in the the three J umano pueblos and is characterized by archaeological record were probably produced in broader line designs, some life forms, feathers and the manufacturing centers t)/ the north. addition of Spanish styles (e.g. candlestick holders, ...t ....., pJates, etc.). Tabira Black-on-white was named by Cordell and l ~4:90), who excavated at LA Toulouse (1949:19) from his excavation at A~6. 282, a Piro site ne h;ro, suggest that the earliest glaze types, Grou ntinued to be produced or The reevaluation of the terminal dates for Glaze A used in the Rio Aba 'about A.D. 1500. In the wares and Chupadero Black-on-white indicates that Piro pueblo of Quala e A rim forms appear sites in the Paso del Norte area containing these wares throughout the entire st · c section, which dated could have been occupied as late as the Spanish-contact between A.D. 1400 and (Marshall 1987:72). period, thus pus~g the cut off date of the El Paso Glaze A is also the predo tint glaze ware of the phase to circa A:Jf.f-~50-1600. Tompiro pueblo of Gran Quivira (Beckett 1981 : I09) ~..(..s,.... '· and appears to last almost until Spanish contact. In the Northe~o.:?;,ornada Mogollon area, Jane Marshall points out. "Indeed Glaze A rims are known Kelley reports that: 1 ;.,;;:,;y "- to have persisted throughout the glaze continuum v.ii -l't, ~' (Marshall 1987:72)." The Robinson Site chro t• fall within a time frame consistent with t\iidence but exceed the time frame at b~die lower and 42 43 upper ends. The later dates are especially and 34 were considered a yariant of El Paso Brown noteworthy (Stewan. Driver&. Kelly 1991: 188). and are medium to coarse tempered with sand These dates also bring the northern area occupation (O'Laughlin 1980: 150). Carmichael (1986:249, Fig. 5) closer to Spanish contact times. indicates four chronometric dates falling between A.D. 1400 and 1500+ from Site 37 at Keystone dam. The A number of late chron6'metric dates have also hut structures at Site 37 are not at all like pueblo ~n found within the area of Manso occupation. houses; their nearest archaeological analogies are the Pickup Pueblo, an El Paso phase site in northeast El houses recorded at Site 33 of Keystone Dam Paso, yielded a radiocarbon date of A.O. 1530 ± 110 (O'Laughlin 1980), Castner Range (Hard 1983), and (Gerald 1988:46). This site produced El Paso Brown, Fort Bliss Site 3:739 (Whalen 1978), all of which are El Paso Polychrome, and Chupadero Black-on-white. attributed to mobile foraging strategies (Carmichael 1986:252). Two small field-house sites have been found along the western edge of the San Andres. These have been Another interesting site that produced El Paso dated to the late El Paso phase (LA 72147 at A.O. Polychrome is Site 3:1642. a late pueblo period site 1480 ±50 and LA 72861 at A.O. 1365 ±60). The excavated by Whalen (1980:47, 50) in the Hueco structures are associated with El. Paso phase ceramic Bolson northeast of El Paso, Texas. It had a types (Browning 1991) thermoluminescence date of A.D. 1561. Whalen {personal communication 1991) feels that the thermo LA 49340 (Laboratory of Anthropology site files, luminescence dates in the'·. ~ Bolson are off by Santa Fe) is only a few mil s from known historic hundreds of years. This sit (~642) was not cross Man~o occupa~ion site~:'f Sa ta Teresa, New dated by carbon-14 and is Joe t~fithe periphery of known Manso territory. ~ ~ Mexico. The site was ass1 e e Archaic and ~~ Mesilla phase. Three hearths. 'tli brownwares ,... c:.... were in association. One heart p an A.O. The main problem with e::.""''cuw g a Manso 1450-1654 radiocarbon date (Rave o 8:59). connection with the Jornada Mog o s that no pure Manso site has been positively 'd ·fled in the O'Laughlin's (1980:48) excavatio ~'keystone archaeological record. As a result~~ Dam in northwest El Paso (Site 33) yield~MASCA culture is not well defined. "" corrected radiocarbon date of A.D. 1500 ± l IO in pit fill. Sixty·five percent of the ceramics from Sites 33 The location of the Manso settlement at the Mission of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe del Paso del 44 45 CONCLUSION The Manso were part of a larger tribal group that included the Jano and Jocome. This group spoke a language in the Sonoran branch of the Uto-Aztecan f language family. They were not Athabascan speakers. l They had a culture similar to that of the tribes of northeastern Chihuahua such as the Suma and Concho. The Manso are the direct descendants of the El Paso phase of the Jornada Mogollon. By the mid 1700s they had ceased to exist as a separate ethnic group, as a result of decreased numbers and intermarriage with other groups. It i to1'$jhoped that more information on this group can .. jn the archives and 'that historians and arch· ~~'~southwestern New Mexico and southeaste I\ ·~·~will be on the lookout for Manso-Jano-J ~tc:s and historic d~c;uments that could increase l ~ledge of the Manso. ·~,. 48 Norte is known. This site has two major problems. It Based on the a~chaeological dates presented and is located in downtown Ciudad Juarez, and it is mixed the. new data on Glaze A and Chupadero Black-on with Piro, Tompiro, and Tiwa artifacts from the 1660s wh1te, there does not seem to be a temporal hiatus onward. between the Jornada Mogollon and the historic Manso population encountered by the early Spaniards in the El Dr. Rex Gerald cpllected arti'tacts, including some Paso region. ceramics, from the area near the Guadalupe Mission. This area was the site of the Manso mission settlement It is likely that some of the pit structures at the when the mission church was built in the 1660s. Dr. Keystone Dam Sites 33 and 37 are late El Paso phase Gerald (personal communication 1989) stated that he or early Manso structures. Most sites with late believed the Manso were using brown ware ceramics. chronometric dates also have brown ware ceramics. Some sites with late chronometric dates have ceramics Th~se near the Rio Grande Valley generally are a with a different temper. than. those found at earlier vanant of El Paso Brown with coarse sand temper. sites. If these llfC Manso ceramics, they would be This agrees with David Hill's (Appendix A) findings similar to thos,s: ~~cribed by David Hill (Appendix A), on the brown wares of the region. and also those'iic.d' ded by O'Laughlin (1980:48) at the Keystone Da~it ,33, A climatic shift circa A.O. 1350-1450, could have > ~.t. caused local population to move from the pueblos The histof!01i Ii rature gives the general location along mountain bases and large playas. This would of several Ma · an herias in southern New Mexico. create ~ more m~b!!~pulation with strong riverine The best site o se · n terms of known history was adaptations, as ob~~~y the Spanish and called Manso. . .., ~k~ the Mission of Sa'lf...,F ncisco de Ios Mansos and its ?",., '\,. C.'.& "' associated ranchen'it · ·is rancheria was located near . ~.. · La Union, New Me co. The mission was occupied !' between 1691 and 1693 (AASF 1691, 1693 1 AGN 169 l). Additional references refer to rancherias in New Mexico near Las Cruces and Dona Ana, and in the Florida Mountains. Locating any one of these rancherias could answer many of the questions about Manso material culture. 46 47 APPENDIX A The Possible Bearing of Historic Native Ceramics on Manso Archaeology David V. Hill Patterns of human settlement have been studied by determining the relationship of communities to their local environment. Shifts in settlement patterns should produce corresponding changes in the procurement of raw materials. Changes in the pattern of procurement of raw materials for producing ceramics in the Paso del Norte area between the prehistoric and historic periods reflect such a settlement shift. Historic, native-made pottery found in the Paso del None region is produced by essentially the same manufacturing technique as the prehistoric wares of the area, wilh the exception of the tempering material. El Paso Polychrome and El Paso Brown generally have a granitic temper. The · oric brown wares found in the region are tern · 'th sand or andesite. One possible expJana this difference in temper is that most large El~ 'ill.~ villages are found in the well-watered mountain~ off zone (Wiseman 1988: 152) close to the\~ 'ns and a convenient granite source. The 'ri~r nearby sand dunes contributed the temper for hist potters and possibly. the Mauso. Ethnographic stu'aie ve shown that clay SJ l l ,• moisture. It has also been suggested that the environment was moister before A.D. 1400 (Horowitz, Gerald. and Caiffetz 1981). However, detailed paleoclimatic and paleohydrologic studies of this APPENDIX B critical period are only just beginning. If Southern New Mexico and west Texas underwent a climatic change that reduced rainfall to a level below what was ORIGINAL BENAVIDES TEXT necessary for runoff horticulture, the nearest source of permanent water would have been the Rio Grande. It was along the Rio Grande trench that the Spanish first encountered the Manso and apparently where their Nacion Manfa del rio del Norte. small settlements were located (Hammond and Rey 1929; Benavides 1945). It is assumed that the Manso practiced a ceramil technology that was based on Affadas dlas cicn leguas,llcgamos al fa .. procuring resources that were locally available along P mofo rio ddNorte!,quc ti enc cfladt!no- the Rio Grande Y;alley. 1ninacio,por tracrde alla muchas lcguas fuco rrictc; cOa dle rio cicn lcgua~ antes de l~cga; Settlements in the Rio Grande valley persisted al Nueuo-Mexico, habitadq'dt vna nac10n,q until coming of the Spaniards and the use of irrigation agriculture for growing both New a~d Old world crops comunmencellamamos,M:mfos,oGorrecas; (Adams 1954). porquc de cal fucric/~fcitan cl cabdlo, quc parccc tracn pucfia n{i91rcta en la cabe~a: y aGimifmo, efcarm nffr 56 57 and temper are usually collected within 4 to 7 km of the potter's residence unless these materials were potters memories of where their grandmothers had procured during other pursuits (Arnold 1985; Gayton collected these materials (Hedrick 1971). 1929). . Cer:amics fr?m Casa de Huesos were tempered Limited petrographic studies'have been conducted usm~ d1fff~rent kinds of andesi.te. Andesites are present as mtrus1ves along the Rio Grande Rift most of native-made ceramics from historic settlements in . ' the El Paso/Ciudad Juarez area for the purpose of prominently on the University of Texas at El Paso examining re ional patterns of ceramic resource campus and across the Rio Grande in Ciudad Juarez though other outcrops are present· in the Sierra d; acquisition ~ 991). Ceramics were ex:amined from four sites: . t1'1 Senora del Socorro, Ysleta del Sur, Jucirez, Sierra del Cristo Rey, and Sierra de San Presidio de:i'i,Elizario and Casa de Huesos. Casa de Ignacio (Garcfa 1970; Harke :d985: Wacker 1972). Huesos is I some 48 km south of Ciudad Juarez While some andesitic intrus ur in the Sierra de on the first above the Rio Grande floodplain. San Ignacio, near the C Huesos Site. no The site con ~of a six-room adobe structure with fragments of andesite were reco from excavation. associated, l~~etl-constructed outbuildings. The The ceramics tempered with a ~~: from Casa de ceramics were d~~ from contexts dating from the Huesos may have derived from tri~ · Cid'. . '• (:,,,~ late 17th (Casa ~e .Huesos, Nuestra Senora del '.~ Socorro), 18th.~\Presidio de San Elizario) and 19th Historic potters' use of sand and and~ : ooth of which could have been obtained near the RiifGrande centuries (Ysleta del Sur, Nuestra Senora del Socorro). ' The 19th century sample from Nuestra Senora del contrast sharply to El Paso Phase ceramics from Socorro came from a vessel that may have been northeast El Paso that were tempered using granite associated with a burial that was excavated into the from the nearby Franklin Mountains (Deen 1974; Hill ruins of the 17th century mission. 1988). Granite need not have been collected from outcrop sources, as granite pebbles are abundant on the The sherds from Nuestra Sefiora del Socorro, alluvial fan deposits. Ysleta deJ Sur and Presidio de San Elizario were tempered with rounded quartz sands that could have The larger El Paso phase communities within the been derived from channel bars or terrace deposits. Hueco Balson are located primarily on alluvial slopes The Rio Grande terraces served as a source of clay and to take advantage of the rainfall runoff from the sand temper during the early 1970s, based on the mountains for agricultural purposes (Whalen 1978). Simple moisture retention devices such as check dams were probably used to increase the effective soil 54 55 fituado pillra focorro de los .Rcligiofos, y·1 gle . afsi ellos tuuie!fen muy' grandc fee con dla. fias a qV. !vi. acude con, can Catol1co zelo., y que en fus enfermcdades la adoralfen, y to auque es verdad, que cfia fituado y decermma caffen~ que fi reman fee, quc fanarian dellas: do, quc (c ha_ga puntualn;iente cada trC:S an?S• Cofade vercra los que IIegauan Jucgo a la /e fuelen paflar cinco y leis, fin que los 06c1a .. 1 fanra Cruz de rodillas a tocarla y bcuda, co lc:S Rcalcs fc acucrden de nofotros; y fabe mo me lo auian vifio hazer, y enrrc orras vi Diosloquecucfta clfolicitarlo. Etlaya cA:a: 1 Ile gar vna India con dolor de muclas, y que lnacion Manfamuyd1fpuefia para fuconuer- con grandc afecto abria la boca con las ma fion;porque todas lasvczcs qm: lcs hablamos nos, yarrimaua las muelas a la fanta Cruz; y lde Dios, nos oyen con mucho agrado, 1- ficn orra con dolorcs de parto, con la n1ifma· fee ten mucho CJUC ayan de ir a. ardcr al infierno llcgar, y arrin.iar cl vicntrc ala fanca Cruz; y lino fc baunzan:y afsi dizcn,que cfran con pc aunquc alli no t~ue interprerc ~o quicn Caber na de que no ticne,como las demasnadones, .. cl c:fcro, tcngo gf~ec con Ia d1wna Magcf Relig1ofos que alli los enfe~cn. ~o puedo tad , que obran~ a~n alh fus marauillas dcxar de ~-~ziGl,o~ a~ui me .fucedJO; y ~uc, en confirmacion ~~ina palabra, y co mo quc cncrando chena defta nac1on c non efi veflrum no e tl~ra vel momenta, Manfa, pufe en ell a1t~~<.tde1 tamauo de qu"1 po.fa# 'Deus in u'tijoteflate ; d fabe vna lan£a, y les dixe,cn. c ~ cofas. que ~- quando fe Uegara Jaho "11dichofa a cfia na quell a era la feiial de D1os, t los ~hnf.. cron,y confuelomccon crfblamencc porao tianos la tcniC1mos co nofocr· . tcmamos ra Ia difpoficion que tiene. c:n Jos pueblos, y cafas en que ¥miamos, que en nucfiras neccfsidadcs~dolores,y cnfrrme. Principio de la n~cion Apache. dad cs le pediamos cl rcmcd10,y porvirtud de Rofiguie:ftdo pues al mifnioNonc rrein. aquc:lla fanta Cruz, nos las remediaua: yq~ P ta I cguas por cfia nacion Manfa, to pa. a/;j B il n.1os 60 61 JO c1lc nobrc de Manfos fon conocidos comun .. fornida. De tamas vezcs como lcs aucmos mente en ere nofotros. Tambicn cfia es gence pred1cado,me dixcron aora quando pafse poi· quc no ticne cafa, ftno ranc.bos de ramas , ni dlos. que fc holgariande tcner alli Rcligio fiembran, ni re villcn cllos en particular. fino fos que los enfciiatfcn, y baucizaffcn. y fuera todos def.QJJ.40~; y folamcnce re cubren las de muy grande imporrancia; porque de mas mugercs~efl'i~~ta a baxo, con dos pellejos de lo principab que cs Iaconuerlion de las al de venado, v"it> ~delancc, y otro atras. Tam ma~ redemidas,como las nudhas,con Ia fan bicn fon dliicondicion de los anteceden grede nucfiro Scfior;fuera tambicn affegurar ces, quc ft v'ln!a fyya hazcn todo el mal que cl patfo 64 65 APPENDIX C Total de Senecu .503. (Transcribed with original spellings) Pueblos de la Jurisdiccion del Passo Ysleta dependiente de la Provencia de Nuevo Mexico Fray Raphael Benavides, 60 aiios de edad, natural de Zultepec, Arzobispado de Mexico, Su provencia Santo Evangelio, Su graduacion Predicador General 23 aiios Noticia de las missiones del Passo' del Rio del Norte . . ' que cargan los religiosos de la regular observaccion de en existenc1a en esta Custodia. Nuestro Santissima Padre San.F.rancisco pertenecientes Indios: Hombres 115, Mugeres 124, total 239. a la referida Custodia que depende de la Provencia del Espaiioles y Castas: Hombres 113, Mugeres 089, total Santo Evagelio. Sus fundaciones, estado actual en que 202. Total de Ysleta 441. se hallan$.s~~ p.r~gresos en l~s ~iios de ~801, y 1802, el numer0}_1ijo.ticta de los Mm1stros, que Jes sirven sinodos qtJe Btt:a'n, y total de alnias con distinciones d; Socorro clase y sex~~: ·. [Visita de Ysleta] Indios: Hombres 026, Mugeres 024, total 050. ~ ·": 1 Real'· Fray Jose t,q~aiez, 4Q aiios de edad, natural de ~;rnoles y Cas·t~~~J:lombres 263, Mugeres 295, total Villamor d~ prbigo, Obispado de Astorga, Su Total de So~~~6b~; . ·· · provencia: sirfiago, Su graduacion: Predicador, 11 _--~ '. aiios de existeniffi. en esta Custodia. Indios: Hombreiiolo, Mugeres 014, total 030. T6~'9-.i~02: 1857 Espafioles y Castas: Hombres 140, Mugeres 135, total Indios: Hombres 32l";~eres 316, total 637. Espaiioles y Casta:s: Ho~ms 6()9, Mugeres 611, total 275 1220 . is>, -'76 . Total de Real 305. • 66 67 3 ... Las referidas missiones estan dotadas ,con 330 en etas viven interpopulados con los Indios, o dispersos pesos cada afio. los que se perjiban en la Real. immediatos de los Pueblos, a que pertenesan y soi de Tesorario de Chihuahua, aunque en la realidad lo tiene sentia, que atendida la mucha pobreza de estas suspendido la de la Isleta, la que primero fue agragada missiones, y lo abertidas que se hallan a mas de su como Visita a lade Senecu, y despues por una orden cortedad, no eran, ni estaran en muchos afios para subrepricia de la Comandancia ~neral vive en ella el erigirse en Curatos Seculares. R~verendo Padre Ministro del Socorro cuidando esta desde aquella. 7 ... Los Ramos de industria de estos Indios se reducen a sembrar maiz, trigo, frijol, algun algodon, chile, 4 ... En todas estas missiolles se enseiia la Doctrina zebolles, pero todo en corta cantidad, pues los mas Cristiana todos los dias por manana y tardea todos los afios por mucho que cosechen, no le sufraga a lo mas muchachos y muchachas capazes de ello, que no estan para el gasto del afio. Algunas tienen unas mas cortas casados, y los Domingos y fiestas principales por la vifias {no bastante aver in reducido dichas planta en mafiana a todos, y como hablan y entienden quasi esta Jurisdiccion que en el dia es su pricipal comercio todos mui regular el Castellano no obstante terner sus los Indios de Senecu .wiando poblar~n en. ella, pues ya Idiomas propios, estan segun sus capazidades mas que la cutibavan en su ':'p,rimera res1denc1a} pero los medianamente instuidos en las obligaciones de mayores pierden el\(ni~_~mo tambien de los arboles Christianos. por Ios yelos de la p'Qm~~. y quando se los da, no les aleanza, lo que sac)\n a-e.C)J.o, para medio vestir sus 5.. . Estas missiones co.wp todos las demas de la familias. Crias de ganapo!&';penen, y oi adquieron Custodia fueron decrru-,~~~trinas el aiio 1791, algunas bestias. y bueyas 'par~Ja labor, suelen durarles anterior por orden di na;~.... ,.. la Comandancia mui poco, ya por continuas ~asiones que por to?os General de estas Provencias te~11,fon dictamen de rumbos ban han padezido y pidezen de los Gentiles su asedor, y los Indios que ha · ari ~Jfea ban pagado Apaches, o ya por que se les muere por c~u~a ~e uns tributo alguno pues siembre han id 68 69 Bandelier. A. F. 1883 Manuscript journal, Museum of New Mexico. Bibliography 1890 Final Repon of Investigations Among the Indians of AAD (Archives of the Archdiocese of Durango) the Southwestern United States. Carried on Mainly ln 1730 Benito Crespo. Visita Pastoral del Obisbo Benito the Years from 1880 to 1885. Part I. Papers of the Crespo. 1729-1732. Libro XL~ Archaeological Institute of America, American Series, IV. 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Bradley and Charlotte WiUliams 1979 Indian Asslm!t~in the Franciscan Area of Nueva 1981 Prehistoric Diet and Subsistence Patterns of La Vizcaya. Anth i Papers of the University of Cabrafta Pueblo. The Anifact 19:151-168. Arizona, Numb T cson. ~~ 0::- 0 Forbes, Jack D. 1983 Southern Periph~ry~t.\ In Handbook of Nonh 1957 The Janos, Jocomes, Mansos and Sumas. New Mexico Amt;rlcan Indian, ~u~'tt~ 10:329-~42. edited by A. Historical Review 32:319-334. Ortiz, W. C. SUf~~.aat. Washmgton, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. 74 75 Hayes, Alden c .. Jon Nathan Young, and A. Helen Warren Hackett, Charlt1 W. 1981 Excavations of Mound 7, Grand QMMra National 1937 Historical Doc'llln81111 reltllin1 to New Mexlco, Nueva Monument, New Mexico. Publications in Archaeology VizCQ)'a. and Approaches ?hereto to 1113, Volume. 3. No. 16. National Park Service. Carnegie lnstituco of Washington Publication No. 330. 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Caciquo 19, 32 Caguato 23 Census 13 ~"* Chinama 11, 35, 36 ~ ~ Chiquito 5, 8, 9, 11 :2 Chiricahua Mountains Q ;o Chupadero Black-on·w to :IQJJ.4, 46 Concho 36. 37, 48 ::o ~ Cruz.ate 9, JI ~ !- Diogo 9, U, 12 !:: e... Dofia Alla 2, 46 o :;:- El Paso 1, 2, 4, S, 8, , 1~6, 18, 26, 27, 31, 44, 45, 46 El Paso Brown 44, 45 5 El Puo Phuo 39, 41, .42, i°8, 48 El Paso Polychromo 441 Epidemic IS Espejo 2, 3, 23·25 Ethnic troups 13, 11 Florida Mountains 2, 46 Oa1Jo1os 23, 31, 36 Gan:ia de San Fn.ncisc.o 4, S Olazo A 42, 44, 46 Oorretu 4, 27 Gracia S Oran Quivira 14, 42 Guadalupe 5, 8, 9, U, 13·16, 18, 19, 32, 45 Hatch 2 84 BS Hueco Bolson 4S Tabira Black-on-white 43 lnojosa 12 Tmo IS lsleta 8, 9 T anpachoa 37 Jaoo 2, 3, 11, 12, IS, 18, 33·36, 48 Tanpachoas 3, 24 Jaoos 3, 16, 34 Tarahumara 32, 33, 37 Jocomo 2, 3, 11, 33-36, 48 Tiwa 8, 16, 19, 33, 4S Jomada Mogollon l, 39, 41, 43, 43, 4S, 46, 48 Tompiro 2, 42, 43, 4S Jumano lS, 43 Tortugas 19 Keystone Dam 44-46 Tubar 33, 37 La Soledad 11 Ulo·Aztecan 33, 37, 48 Lafora IS, 18 Vargas 2, 12 Language 23, 32-36, 48 Yaqui 31, 36 Lara 33 Yavapai 34 Ludn 3, '23, '24 Ysleta 13, 19 Mettdi2'bal S Mountainair 2 cl' ODate 2, 3, 25, 32 "" Opata 32, 37 5 > Organ Mountains 2, 12 :V , Ortega 4 fl>· ~ Otermfn 8, 9, IS 0::: ~ 4 Puo l·S, 8, 9, lt-16,)8.j!!. , 32, 38, 40, 41, 43-48 P~rez 4, 23 . a: iJi Pickup Pueblo 4S ~ .q: ~ ~ Pima 16, 37 ·...r:·w"'..! Piro 2, 4, S, 8, 9, 14-16, 18, 24, 26, 33, 39, 42, 45 Pueblo Abajo IS Pueblo Arriba 15 Quarai 14 Rancboria 2, 3, ll, 12, 23, 25, 41, 46 Rivera 2, 3, 15, 18 Robinson Site 43 Roybal 19 San Francisco de los Maosos 12, 46 Santa Oetrudis l l Senecd s. 8, 9, 13, 14, 19, 39 Sevilleta 8 Soeorro 2, 8, 9, 12, 13, 42 Swm 2, S, 11, 14, IS, 29, 36, 48 86 87