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Abbatial Jerusalem: Reformed Monastic Ideas by the Third Crusade in the Sermons of Garnerius of Rochefort and Adam the Scot

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Abbatial Jerusalem: Reformed Monastic Ideas by the Third Crusade in the Sermons of Garnerius of Rochefort and Adam the Scot Quidditas Volume 38 Article 5 2017 “Dwellers in Shadows” & Abbatial Jerusalem: Reformed Monastic Ideas by the Third Crusade in the Sermons of Garnerius of Rochefort and Adam the Scot Todd P. Upton Denver, Colorado Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/rmmra Part of the Comparative Literature Commons, History Commons, Philosophy Commons, and the Renaissance Studies Commons Recommended Citation Upton, Todd P. (2017) "“Dwellers in Shadows” & Abbatial Jerusalem: Reformed Monastic Ideas by the Third Crusade in the Sermons of Garnerius of Rochefort and Adam the Scot," Quidditas: Vol. 38 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/rmmra/vol38/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Quidditas by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Quidditas 38 (2017) 37 “Dwellers in Shadows” & Abbatial Jerusalem: Reformed Monastic Ideas by the Third Crusade in the Sermons of Garnerius of Rochefort and Adam the Scot Todd P. Upton Denver, Colorado In the crusading era of the Twelfth Century, a majority of Latin sermons presented Jerusalem as a visio pacis (“vision of peace”) that maintained an original characterization of the city made by Pope Urban II’s 1095 sermon at Clermont that launched the First Crusade. This essay dem- onstrates significant ways in which Garnerius of Rochefort and Adam the Scot transformed that visio pacis by the end of the twelfth century. For Garnerius (d. 1215)—a bishop at Langres (in northeastern France) from 1193 who wrote against the Amaurian pantheistic heresy, and died at Clairvaux—the traditional Augustinian visio spiritualis of Jerusalem was reversed, in that Garnerius saw not a celestial or even idealized earthly city, but a physical Jerusalem whose “dwellers in shadows” were practic- ing abominations in the eyes of the Lord. Similarly, in sermons by Adam the Scot (c. 1140-1212)—a Premonstratensian abbot at Dryburgh (Bor- ders area of Scotland) from 1184 to 1188, who wrote many tracts and sermons before retiring as a Carthusian at Witham—the writer described a Jerusalemite visio pacis that could be seen via a journey no farther than the walls of an abbey. This investigation serves a couple of purposes; first, it hopefully contributes to the study of mentalities in the Middle Ages, in that its attention to previously untranslated Latin sermons brings into relief aspects of a monastic homiletic discourse bounded almost solely by biblical typologies without reference to the multitude of contemporary sources about conditions in Jerusalem and the Latin Kingdom; secondly, it continues the necessary foundational work for an upcoming monograph on western sermon depictions of locales and peoples in the Holy Land during the Crusades from 1095-1291.1 1 An early version of this article was presented at the 49th Annual Conference of the Rocky Mountain Medieval and Renaissance Association (Grand Junction, Colorado: 23-24 June 2017); I am grateful for the comments and questions both from audience members and subsequent Quidditas reviewers. Quidditas 38 (2017) 38 Introduction By the end of the twelfth century, the standard for presenting Jeru- salem as a visio pacis (“vision of peace”) had undergone a series of transformations by select writers of the period, reforming in many ways the original characterization of the city made by Pope Urban II’s 1095 sermon at Clermont that launched the First Crusade.2 This essay will use an established methodology to examine previously unassessed Latin sermons of two writers, Garnerius of Rochefort and Adam the Scot, who represented a sea change in the monastic mental landscape that informed the homiletic presentations of Je- rusalem.3 On the one hand, we’ll see that the “shadows” that haunt Garnerius’s Jerusalem were no longer the “perfidious Saracens” of Urban II’s Clermont sermon; instead, Garnerius’s sermons share the same “enemies of Christ” that would have been very familiar to Pe- ter the Venerable—heretics and “bad Catholics” (mali Catholici).4 On the other hand, changing a traditional allegorical paradigm was the last thing on the mind of Adam the Scot; rather, in a return to the kinds of perceptions expressed by Anselm of Canterbury from a century previous, Adam’s sermons reveal a complete retreat from any of the traditional perspectives of Jerusalem (heavenly, earthly, internal) in an attempt to recreate the city in his own Premonstraten- sian and Carthusian abbeys. Declaring an abbey as having its own efficacy as a local Jerusalem had ramifications far beyond the tra- 2 For a comparative examination of the extant sources, see Munro, “The Speech of Pope Urban II,” 231-242; for an analysis of both Munro’s assessment and the chronicles them- selves, see Cowdrey, “Pope Urban II’s Preaching,” 177-188. 3 For qualified assessments of sermon evidence, this essay employs the same method- ololgical approach used in my previous Quidditas publications in that it adapts the work of David D’Avray to: (1) identify specifictopoi within an array of documents (e.g., terms such as loca sancta, visio pacis, etc), (2) assess sermons comparatively within both same period and over a given time span (c. 600-1300), with qualifying attention to (2.a) environmental factors, (2.b) intellectual milieus, and (2.c) aspects of material culture; and, finally, (3) provide a comparative counterpoint (exegetical traditions, travel literature, chronicle de- pictions, etc) that keeps the investigation tightly focused on the demonstrable perspectives of monastic sermon writers. [See D’Avray “Method in the Study of Medieval Sermons,” in Beriou and D’Avray, Modern Questions about Medieval Sermons, 1-27.] 4 A term used by a twelfth-century sermon writer, Honorius Augustodunensis in Ser- mones, PL 172: 1097A-1098A. Quidditas 38 (2017) 39 ditional “monastic retreat” from the world, and would have under- mined Urban II’s entire logic for making an armed pilgrimage to the real Jerusalem if such an ethos had been present a century before. General Twelfth-Century Concepts of Jerusalem There were many sources of information to which sermon writ- ers could have referred when conceptualizing Jerusalem, foremost among which was a Bible-centered exegetical tradition.5 Familiar- ity with a biblical Jerusalem was standard knowledge for European monastic writers by the twelfth century, and extensive Bible studies occurred from oblation, through monastic and cathedral education, and thence to daily familiarity in the lectio divina, or “Divine Read- ing,” an established Benedictine way of engaging the Scriptures that involved daily reading, prayer, and (potentially) mystical union with God.6 Novices at manuscript-producing monasteries such as Reichenau or St. Germain-des-Prés would have been just as com- fortable discussing the sacral nature of Mount Zion from the Old Testament as their scholarly peers at Oxford or Chartres would have been imagining the Jerusalem Temple of the Gospels.7 Basic reading requirements of the trivium (grammar, rhetoric, and logic) depended upon a tradition of religious knowledge about Jerusalem that relied on gospel renderings and authoritative texts.8 This phenomenon was a central fact of medieval monastic culture. Indeed, a cursory glance at the work of literati from previous centu- ries reveals a consistent expectation by authors that there existed an audience familiar with Jerusalem and eastern lands. Alcuin of York (d. 804) held as much trust in his Carolingian audience’s ability to 5 For exhaustive introductions to Jerusalem (with extensive bibliographies) see Arm- strong, Jerusalem: One City, Three Faiths and Levine, ed., Jerusalem: Its Sanctity and Centrality. For eyewitness accounts through the ages, see Peters, Jerusalem: The Holy City. For introductions to other aspects of Jerusalem in the medieval period, see: Boas, Jerusalem in the Time of the Crusades and Schein, Gateway to the Heavenly City. 6 Jaeger, The Envy of Angels, 25-27. 7 Southern, Scholastic Humanism, I: 102-133. 8 Southern, Scholastic Humanism, I: 132-133. Quidditas 38 (2017) 40 construct an imaginary Holy City in his Book of the Soul’s Reason9 as Liudprand of Cremona (d. 972) had in his Ottonian patrons in The Embassy to Constantinople where he described Saracens and Greeks in eastern Mediterranean lands.10 For monastic schoolmen of Gode- fridus of Admont’s own time, standard references such as Isidore of Seville’s seventh-century work, Etymologies, still provided gospel- based depictions of Jerusalem that described the city alternately as a “vision of peace” (visio pacis), as an emblem of Christ’s death on the Cross, or as the site of the prophesied “heavenly Church” (coelestis ecclesiae).11 Nor were such conceptions completely static. Peter Lombard’s Sen- tences (1148-1151) demonstrates that a thorough familiarity with (and manipulation of) Hebraic and Christian authorities was de ri- gueur for scholastic interpretations of the city. In one passage, the Lombard synthesized sacral Judaic signification for Jerusalem (Da- vid’s founding of the city), Jesus’ prophesying of the city’s fall from Luke (19:45-47), and St. Augustine’s caution about interpretation from On Christian Doctrine.12 Finally, sermon writers could have turned to biblical glosses for yet more references about the city; in these, descriptions of Jerusalem sometimes went beyond tropology and achieved geographical perspective of eastern Mediterranean places. For example, Lanfranc of Bec called Jerusalem the “source of the [Christian] faith” (ab Hierusalem doctrina fidei) from which Apostles spread the gospel throughout the Mediterranean to Greece and Macedonia.13 Sermon writers also gleaned knowledge about Jerusalem and the Holy Land from the daily material culture of western Christendom. 9 Alcuin of York, De animae ratione, PL 101, cols. 642 A-C. 10 Liudprand of Cremona, Relatio de legatione constantinopolitana, PL 136, cols.
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