Inventaire Lucien Herr
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Marins Sous La Coupole
Marins sous la Coupole Le 22 juin 1989 dans son discours d’accueil de Jacques-Yves COUSTEAU à l’Académie française l’académicien Bertrand Poirot-Delpech déclarait : "Vous voilà le septième officier de la Royale à prendre le Quai Conti à l’abordage, après l’amiral d’Estrées en 1715, l’amiral de la Gravière en 1888, Pierre Loti en 1891, Maurice de Broglie en 1934, Claude Farrère en 1935, et, en 1936, l’amiral Lacaze, ministre de la Marine pendant la Grande Guerre, cet amiral un peu coléreux, à qui Henri Mondor, en bon médecin, lança un jour, pour prévenir un coup de sang : « Amiral, attention à vos vaisseaux ! » Il avait omis l’amiral Jean-Baptiste-Henri de VALINCOUR élu en 1699 et il faut rajouter Michel Serres élu académicien en 1990 ce qui porte à neuf le nombre d’officiers de marine "Immortels". http://www.academie-francaise.fr 1699 Jean-Baptiste-Henri de VALINCOUR (1653-1730) Historiographe, amiral Élu en 1699 au fauteuil 13 Prédécesseur : Jean RACINE Successeur : Jean-François LERIGET de LA FAYE Né à Paris, le 1er mars 1653. Secrétaire des commandements du comte de Toulouse, prince du sang et grand amiral, il fut historiographe de France. Écrivain et poète de peu de valeur, il fut l’ami fidèle de Racine et de Boileau : il était dépositaire du manuscrit de la Vie de Louis XIV par Racine ; cette pièce précieuse fut brûlée, en 1726, dans l’incendie qui dévora les sept ou huit mille volumes formant la bibliothèque de Valincour. Élu le 30 mai 1699 en remplacement de Racine, il fut reçu par La Chapelle le 27 juin suivant, et harangua, comme directeur, le roi Louis XV lorsqu’il visita l’Académie le 22 juillet 1719. -
Corriveau David 2016 Memoire.Pdf (1.283Mb)
Université de Montréal L'historiographie française du Second Empire français : de la légende noire à la restauration par David Corriveau Département d’histoire Faculté des arts et des sciences Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l’obtention du grade de maître ès sciences en histoire option enseignement collégial Mai 2016 © David Corriveau, 2016 Résumé La perception du Second Empire français a longtemps été sujette à controverse dans l’historiographie française. Alors que le régime a été synonyme de honte nationale pendant plusieurs décennies, l’historiographie en a tracé un portrait peu flatteur qui a tardé à évoluer. Cette interprétation négative dure jusqu’aux années 1930-1940, à partir desquelles les historiens remettent en question les idées reçues sur le régime et le perçoivent positivement. En effectuant une critique externe et interne d’ouvrages publiés par des auteurs français sur le Second Empire depuis 1870, le présent mémoire vise à identifier les facteurs qui expliquent la lente transformation de la perception du régime et de l’Empereur. La critique externe démontre que les auteurs, le contexte historique et la discipline historique ont joué un rôle dans cette perception. L’analyse interne de la politique socio-économique, intérieure et extérieure du régime, ainsi que de la personnalité de l’Empereur, démontre que d’autres facteurs, comme l’utilisation de sources et la façon d’aborder le sujet, ont eu un impact sur l’évaluation de Napoléon III et du Second Empire. Mots-clés : historiographie, Second Empire français, légende noire, Louis- Napoléon Bonaparte, Napoléon III, historiens. ii Abstract The perception of the Second French Empire has long been a subject of controversy in French historiography. -
IS LAÏCIT ´E the CIVIL RELIGION of FRANCE? According to Robert
\\jciprod01\productn\J\JLE\41-4\JLE402.txt unknown Seq: 1 14-MAR-11 11:25 IS LAICIT¨ E´ THE CIVIL RELIGION OF FRANCE? BLANDINE CHELINI-PONT* According to Robert Bellah, in his article, “Civil Religion in America,” civil religion is a combination of collective rituals that reveal a devotion to the unity of a nation and a national mythology made up of a diffusion of beliefs and representations that consti- tute the dominant mental attitudes of a society.1 Civil religion has its own unique history and its own mythical or providential origins. It allows the population of a country to identify itself as such. It gives a national group the feeling of belonging, attachment, and a common sense of pride.2 From this definition, Bellah considers civil religion a real religion, which he calls a “national faith.”3 The famous French intellectual Regis´ Debray believes that there is something more primitive and invincible beyond this faith, a state of very elaborate feelings of belonging that he calls le sacre´, “the sacred.”4 According to Debray, the sacred “allows a group of * Assistant Professor in Contemporary History, Universite´ Paul Cezanne´ of Aix-en- Provence, France. Ph.D. 1994, Institut d’Etudes´ Politiques de Paris. She works on the contemporary changes of the French la¨ıcite´ concept and national mythologies and their connection with constitutional foundations. See, e.g., JEREMY GUNN & BLANDINE CHELINI- PONT, DIEU EN FRANCE ET AUX ETATS-UNIS: QUAND LES MYTHES FONT LA LOI (2005). She is also responsible for the Law and Religion Program of the Faculty of Law and Political Science of University Paul Cezanne´ and edits an annual review, Annuaire Droit et Religion. -
The Representation of Frederick II and George III: a Comparison
Friedrich300 - Repräsentation und Selbstinszenierung Friedrichs des Groûen Tim Blanning The representation of Frederick II and George III: a comparison <1> Accounts of the representation of European sovereigns usually take their lead from Jürgen Habermas's influential work The structural transformation of the public sphere, first published in 1962.1 At the centre of his analysis is the relationship between what is regarded as public and what is regarded as private. In the Middle Ages, he argues, there was no clear distinction between public and private because there was no clear concept of private property.2 Those who exercised power - monarch, nobles, prelates - expressed their status in public in a concrete, non-abstract way, through insignia, clothing, gesture, or rhetoric. Power was both exercised and represented (in the sense of `being made present') directly: `as long as the prince and the estates of the realm still "are" the land, instead of merely functioning as deputies for it, they are able to "re- present"; they represent their power "before" the people, instead of for the people'.3 <2> This is representational culture4. Confined to those who exercise power, it assumes an entirely passive attitude on the part of the rest of the population. It reached its apogee in the courtly-chivalric court-culture of France and Burgundy in the fifteenth century, but it lived on through the early modern period, transforming itself into the baroque. By now, however, representation had become more confined, moving from the streets of the city to the parks and state apartments of the château. In a bourgeois house even the ceremonial rooms are designed to be lived in; in a baroque château, even the living rooms have a ceremonial purpose. -
Hoffmann, Stanley
The Nation, Nationalism, and After: The Case of France STANLEY HOFFMANN THE TANNER LECTURES ON HUMAN VALUES Delivered at Princeton University March 3 and 4, 1993 STANLEY HOFFMANN, currently Douglas Dillon Professor of the Civilization of France at Harvard University, has also been the Chairman of the Center for European Studies there since its creation in 1969. Born in Vienna, he gradu- ated from the Institut d’Études Politiques of Paris; he later taught there and at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales. His books include Contemporary Theory in Inter- national Relations (1960), The State of War (1965), De- cline or Renewal: France Since the 30s (1974), Duties Be- yond Borders (1981), and Janus and Minerva (1986), among others, and he is the coauthor of The Fifth Republic at Twenty (1981), Living with Nuclear Weapons (1983), The Mitterrand Experiment (1987), and The New Euro- pean Community: Decision-Making and Institutional Change (1991). I. FROM REVOLUTION TO LIBERATION My purpose in these lectures is not to discuss once again the enormous subject of the modern nation, its aspiration to have a state of its own in order to be independent, or its creation by a preexisting state. Nor do I want to describe the many varieties of nationalism. But at a time when nations multiply and when na- tionalism seems to be the most widespread and troublesome of the ideologies that survive after the fall of communism -thus guar- anteeing that there will be no “end of history” -it may not be without interest to examine one particular case, unique as it may seem; for the tribulations of France may carry lessons for con- temporary cases as well. -
University Microfiims 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor
INFORMATION TO USERS This dissertation was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced tecWogical means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation o1 techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "target"-for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Hissing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image ontlie film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have mowed during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand comer of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is contimied again— beginning below the first row and continuing on until ccmplete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. -
“Engagé”: Intellectual Identity and the French Extreme Right, 1898-1968
REDEFINING THE “ENGAGÉ”: INTELLECTUAL IDENTITY AND THE FRENCH EXTREME RIGHT, 1898-1968 Sarah E. Shurts A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2007 Approved by: Dr. Donald Reid Dr. Lloyd Kramer Dr. Jay Smith Dr. Paul Mazgaj Dr. Christopher Browning ABSTRACT SARAH E. SHURTS: Redefining the Engagé: Intellectual Identity and the French Extreme Right, 1898-1968 (Under the direction of Donald Reid.) Intellectual historians today continue to treat French intellectual history as the study of the figures, institutions, and ideas of the Left. This approach ignores the presence of self- identified intellectuals of the Right who conceived of their values, role, communities, and their very identity as intellectuals, differently than those on the Left. By basing discussions of intellectual life on only one of two existing models, historians have done a disservice to the field. This study examines the construction of an alternative intellectual identity by the engaged thinkers of the extreme Right in France between 1898 and 1968. The work of self- proclaimed right-wing intellectuals Maurice Barrès, Ferdinand Brunetière, Henri Massis, Charles Maurras, Abel Bonnard, Ramon Fernandez, Pierre Drieu la Rochelle, Alphonse de Châteaubriant, Maurice Bardèche, Jacques Laurent, and Alain de Benoist is used to trace this process of identity construction. From these case studies, it becomes apparent that throughout the twentieth century, intellectuals of the Right felt excluded from the cultural and political world by what they believed to be a hegemonic Left. -
University Microfilms International 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 USA St
INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. -
Abstract Language Defense, the French Response To
ABSTRACT LANGUAGE DEFENSE, THE FRENCH RESPONSE TO GLOBALIZATION: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS by Carmela Esther Nusky This thesis analyzes the French and Francophone responses to the declining status of the French language in the late nineteenth century and in the late twentieth century. I examine how France has used the Alliance Française to promote French in reaction to both threats. I discuss how the Francophone movement has connected to French and to France to preserve the international status of this language. I evaluate the evidence to determine if French is rightfully a global language. Throughout my analysis, I draw conclusions that differ from the views expressed by Jean-Benoît Nadeau and Julie Barlow in Sixty Million Frenchmen Can‟t Be Wrong, Pas Si Fous, Ces Français!, and The Story of French. I argue that France and the Francophone movement have realized that their cooperation is necessary to secure the future of French as an international language to counteract the domination of English resulting from globalization. LANGUAGE DEFENSE, THE FRENCH RESPONSE TO GLOBALIZATION: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of French and Italian by Carmela Esther Nusky Miami University Oxford, Ohio 2009 Advisor:_____________________________ Dr. Patricia Reynaud Reader:______________________________ Dr. Jesse Dickson Reader:______________________________ Dr. Mark McKinney © Carmela Esther Nusky 2009 Table of Contents Introduction