'Devoted to the Interests of His Race': Black Officeholders
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How North Carolina's Black Politicians and Press Narrated and Influenced the Tu
D. SHARPLEY 1 /133 Black Discourses in North Carolina, 1890-1902: How North Carolina’s Black Politicians and Press Narrated and Influenced the Tumultuous Era of Fusion Politics By Dannette Sharpley A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Honors Department of History, Duke University Under the advisement of Dr. Nancy MacLean April 13, 2018 D. SHARPLEY 2 /133 Acknowledgements I am very grateful to have had the opportunity to write an Honors Thesis in the History Department. When I returned to school after many years of separation, I was prepared for challenging work. I expected to be pushed intellectually and emotionally. I expected to struggle through all-nighters, moments of self-doubt, and even academic setbacks. I did not, however, imagine that I could feel so passionate or excited about what I learned in class. I didn’t expect to even undertake such a large project, let alone arrive at the finish line. And I didn’t imagine the sense of accomplishment at having completed something that I feel is meaningful beyond my own individual education. The process of writing this thesis has been all those things and more. I would first like to thank everyone at the History Department who supports this Honors Distinction program, because this amazing process would not be possible without your work. Thank you very much to Dr. Nancy MacLean for advising me on this project. It was in Professor MacLean’s History of Modern Social Movements class that I became obsessed with North Carolina’s role in the Populist movement of the nineteenth, thus beginning this journey. -
Civil Rights Activism in Raleigh and Durham, North Carolina, 1960-1963
SUTTELL, BRIAN WILLIAM, Ph.D. Campus to Counter: Civil Rights Activism in Raleigh and Durham, North Carolina, 1960-1963. (2017) Directed by Dr. Charles C. Bolton. 296 pp. This work investigates civil rights activism in Raleigh and Durham, North Carolina, in the early 1960s, especially among students at Shaw University, Saint Augustine’s College (Saint Augustine’s University today), and North Carolina College at Durham (North Carolina Central University today). Their significance in challenging traditional practices in regard to race relations has been underrepresented in the historiography of the civil rights movement. Students from these three historically black schools played a crucial role in bringing about the end of segregation in public accommodations and the reduction of discriminatory hiring practices. While student activists often proceeded from campus to the lunch counters to participate in sit-in demonstrations, their actions also represented a counter to businesspersons and politicians who sought to preserve a segregationist view of Tar Heel hospitality. The research presented in this dissertation demonstrates the ways in which ideas of academic freedom gave additional ideological force to the civil rights movement and helped garner support from students and faculty from the “Research Triangle” schools comprised of North Carolina State College (North Carolina State University today), Duke University, and the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Many students from both the “Protest Triangle” (my term for the activists at the three historically black schools) and “Research Triangle” schools viewed efforts by local and state politicians to thwart student participation in sit-ins and other forms of protest as a restriction of their academic freedom. -
92Nd Annual Commencement North Carolina State University at Raleigh
92nd Annual Commencement North Carolina State University at Raleigh Saturday, May 16 Nineteen Hundred and Eighty-One Degrees Awarded 1980-81 CORRECTED COPY DEGREES CONFERRED A corrected issue of undergraduate and graduate degrees including degrees awarded June 25, 1980, August 6, 1980, and December 16, 1980. Musical Program EXERCISES OF GRADUATION May 16, 1981 COMMENCEMENT BAND CONCERT: 8:45 AM. William Neal Reynolds Coliseum Egmont Overture Beethoven Chester Schuman TheSinfonians ......................... Williams America the Beautiful Ward-Dragon PROCESSIONAL: 9:15 A.M. March Processional Grundman RECESSIONAL: University Grand March ................................................... Goldman NORTH CAROLINA STATE UNIVERSITY COMMENCEMENT BAND Donald B. Adcock, Conductor The Alma Mater Words by: Music by: ALVIN M. FOUNTAIN, ’23 BONNIE F. NORRIS, JR., ’23 Where the winds of Dixie softly blow o'er the fields of Caroline, There stands ever cherished N. C. State, as thy honored shrine. So lift your voices; Loudly sing from hill to oceanside! Our hearts ever hold you, N. C. State, in the folds of our love and pride. Exercises of Graduation William Neal Reynolds Coliseum Joab L. Thomas, Chancellor Presiding May 16, 1981 PROCESSIONAL, 9:15 am. Donald B. Adcock Conductor, North Carolina State University Commencement Band theTheProcessionalAudience is requested to remain seated during INVOCATION DougFox Methodist Chaplain, North Carolina State University ADDRESS Dr. Frank Rhodes President, Cornell University CONFERRING OF DEGREES .......................... ChancellorJoab L. Thomas Candidates for baccalaureate degrees presented by presentedDeans of Schools.by DeanCandidatesof the Graduatefor advancedSchool degrees ADDRESS TO FELLOW GRADUATES ........................... Terri D. Lambert Class of1981 ANNOUNCEMENT OF GOODWIFE GOODHUSBAND DIPLOMAS ................................ Kirby Harriss Jones ANNOUNCEMENT OF OUTSTANDING Salatatorian TEACHER AWARDS ...................................... -
The Race Riot Narrative and Demonstrations of Nineteenth Century Black Citizenship
MCFARLAND, EBONE, M.A. Why Whites Riot: The Race Riot Narrative and Demonstrations of Nineteenth Century Black Citizenship. (2011) Directed by Dr. Mark Rifkin and Dr. SallyAnn Ferguson. 74 pp. Why Whites Riot: The Race Riot Narrative and Demonstrations of Nineteenth Century Black Citizenship examines the Philadelphia riots between 1834 and 1849 and the Wilmington 1898 riot to explore how black fiction counters white explanations of race riots. White newspaper reports of race riots have historically depicted blacks as the oppressors and whites as victims, but black fiction illustrates race riots as white onslaughts against blacks who suffer the brunt of injuries, typically involving physical injury or property destruction. Particular narratives in the black literary tradition are uniquely constructed around race riots, offering it as a lens through which readers can examine the ways black intellectuals challenge dominant narratives on race riots and specifically the ways they theorize the relation between violence, “race,” property, and citizenship. I figure race riot narratives as particularly distinguished by their rhetorical aims to contest black substantive citizenship as untenable and by their exposure of white violent social practices as evidence of white fear of black social, political, and economic power. In this thesis, I examine The Garies and Their Friends and Charles Chesnutt‟s The Marrow of Tradition as two defining texts of the race riot narrative genre. These texts demonstrate how the black domestic/public space serves as a signifier for the social, economic, and political privileges of substantive citizenship. The black domestic space, then, becomes important to understanding why black property ownership threatens whites, and in particular, why whites riot. -
Persecution and Perseverance: Black-White Interracial Relationships in Piedmont, North Carolina
PERSECUTION AND PERSEVERANCE: BLACK-WHITE INTERRACIAL RELATIONSHIPS IN PIEDMONT, NORTH CAROLINA by Casey Moore A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of North Carolina at Charlotte in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Charlotte 2017 Approved by: ______________________________ Dr. Aaron Shapiro ______________________________ Dr. David Goldfield ______________________________ Dr. Cheryl Hicks ii ©2017 Casey Moore ALL RIGHTS RESERVED iii ABSRACT CASEY MOORE. Persecution and perseverance: Black-White interracial relationships in Piedmont, North Carolina. (Under the direction of DR. AARON SHAPIRO) Although black-white interracial marriage has been legal across the United States since 1967, its rate of growth has historically been slow, accounting for less than eight percent of all interracial marriages in the country by 2010. This slow rate of growth lies in contrast to a large amount of national poll data depicting the liberalization of racial attitudes over the course of the twentieth-century. While black-white interracial marriage has been legal for almost fifty years, whites continue to choose their own race or other races and ethnicities, over black Americans. In the North Carolina Piedmont, this phenomenon can be traced to a lingering belief in the taboo against interracial sex politically propagated in the 1890s. This thesis argues that the taboo surrounding interracial sex between black men and white women was originally a political ploy used after Reconstruction to unite white male voters. In the 1890s, Democrats used the threat of interracial sex to vilify black males as sexual deviants who desired equality and voting rights only to become closer to white females. -
Rebel Salvation: the Story of Confederate Pardons
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 12-1998 Rebel Salvation: The Story of Confederate Pardons Kathleen Rosa Zebley University of Tennessee, Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Zebley, Kathleen Rosa, "Rebel Salvation: The Story of Confederate Pardons. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 1998. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/3629 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Kathleen Rosa Zebley entitled "Rebel Salvation: The Story of Confederate Pardons." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in History. Paul H. Bergeron, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Stephen V. Ash, William Bruce Wheeler, John Muldowny Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Kathleen Rosa Zebley entitled "Rebel Salvation: The Story of Confederate Pardons." I have examined the final copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degreeof Doctor of Philosophy, witha major in History. -
And Type the TITLE of YOUR WORK in All Caps
LAND OF THE BRIGHT LEAF: YELLOW TOBACCO, ENVIRONMENT, AND CULTURE ALONG THE BORDER OF VIRGINIA AND NORTH CAROLINA by DREW A. SWANSON (Under the Direction of Paul Sutter) ABSTRACT Bright tobacco became the staple crop along the Piedmont border of Virginia and North Carolina around 1840. Although regional farmers had long cultivated tobacco, bright tobacco was a new variety of the old staple, and its culture transformed both land and people. Bright tobacco was a product of established tobacco culture, environmental conditions, and consumer preferences. The new crop brought amazing benefits: it grew best on the poorest Piedmont soils, land unsuited to other crops, and it sold for astonishingly high prices. Bright tobacco also supported a local manufacturing industry that produced chewing tobacco and cigarettes for national and global markets. But bright tobacco eventually impoverished both land and people. The crop’s culture led to severe soil erosion, deforestation, a dependency on commercial fertilizers, overproduction, and indebtedness. Bright tobacco culture’s environmental foundations also shaped regional race relations before and after emancipation. Regional African Americans’ prospects for landownership and independent labor, and white perceptions of black land stewardship, depended to an extent on white conceptions of crop and environment. Bright tobacco’s story was ultimately a tale of the degradation of land, landowners, and labor, but the crop’s decline had its roots in regional farmers’ desires for permanence, improved agriculture, and sustainability. INDEX WORDS: Tobacco, Southern environment, Agriculture, Soil, Erosion, Slavery, Fertilizer, Agricultural reform, Virginia, North Carolina, Piedmont, Deforestation LAND OF THE BRIGHT LEAF: YELLOW TOBACCO, ENVIRONMENT, AND CULTURE ALONG THE BORDER OF VIRGINIA AND NORTH CAROLINA by DREW A. -
Education Packet.Pub
Pre-Visit & Post Visit Packet—House Tour/Site Tour EDUCATION PACKET Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace State Historic Site 911 Reems Creek Rd. Weaverville, North Carolina 28787 (828) 645-6706 Fax (828) 645-0936 [email protected] Pre-Visit & Post Visit Packet—House Page 2 Pre-Visit & Post Visit Packet—House Page 57 Department of Cultural Resources The North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources was formed in Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace 1971 to serve North Carolina’s citizens State Historic Site across the state in an outreach to 911 Reems Creek Rd. broaden minds and spirits, preserve Weaverville, North Carolina 28787 history and culture, and to recognize (828) 645-6706 and promote our cultural resources as an essential element of North Carolina’s economic and social well-being. It was the first state organization in the nation to include all agencies for arts and culture Welcome: under one umbrella. Thank you for your interest in the Zebulon B. Cultural Resources serves more than 19 million people annually through three major areas: The Arts, The State Library of North Carolina and Archives and His- Vance Birthplace State Historic Site. The site preserves tory. the birthplace of North Carolina’s Civil War Governor, and The North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources includes the State Library, the State Archives, 27 Historic Sites, 7 History Muse- interprets 18 th and 19 th century history through the lives ums, Historical Publications, Archaeology, Genealogy, Historic Preser- vation, the North Carolina Symphony, the North Carolina Arts Council, of Zebulon B. Vance and his family for the education of and the North Carolina Museum of Art. -
William W. Holden and the Standard-- the Civil War Years
The Woman's College of The University of North Carolina LIBRARY COLLEGE COLLECTION JANNETTFG^RfRINa^H FIORE WILLIAM W. HOLDEN AND THE STANDARD-- THE CIVIL WAR YEARS by Jannette Carringer Fiore A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts Greensboro June, 1966 Approved by Director APPROVAL SHEET This thesis has been approved by the following committee of the Faculty of the Graduate School at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, North Carolina. Thesis Director- /^/^r?^. Oral Examination A V Committee Members (/-f ft O A 0 Date of Examination 297101 FIORE, JANNETTE CARRTNGER. William W. Hol'ien and the Stan-'ard--The Civil War Years. (1966) Directed by: Dr. Richard Bardolph. op. *2, One of the most controversial Civil War political figures in North Carolina was William W. Holden, editor of the powerful Raleiph, North Carolina Standard, member consecutively of four political parties, and reconstruction governor of North Carolina. Holden has been cenerallv re- garded as a politically ambitious and unscrupulous man, as well as some- thing of a traitor for his role as advocate of pence during the Civil War. Holden, trained in newspaper work from boyhood, left the Whig partv in 1843 to accept the editorship of the Standard, the Democratic partv organ in Raleigh. He rapidly built it into the larrest paper in the state and became a leader in the Democratic partv, and one of its more liberal voices. Originally a defender of the right of secession, his liberal position on other matters and his humble origins had led bv 1860 to his alienation from the leadership of his party, and from the slaveholding interest in North Carolina. -
The North Carolina Historical Review
The North Carolina Historical Review Volume XX October, 1943 Number 4 PUBLIC BUILDINGS IN CRAVEN COUNTY 1722-1835 By Alonzo Thomas Dill, Junior I No greater problem faced the counties of early North Caro- lina than the periodical new construction and almost continuous demand for repair of public buildings. The costliness of some materials and the scarcity of skilled labor were only part of the trouble. The frequent indifference of officials and their inept- ness at collecting and accounting for revenues added to the diffi- culty. Public building was therefore a long-drawn-out under- taking. Construction of a courthouse might last a decade or more, and during these years taxes would sometimes double, so far as county levies were concerned. The erection of such a building required much effort, and its completion was a real accomplishment—one which this opulent generation, with its federal grants-in-aid and easy long-term borrowing, cannot fully appreciate. Today's epidemic of federal construction has resulted in the erection of so many public buildings of all kinds that perhaps, too, it is difficult to realize just how important these structures were to the early life of North Carolina. The jails with their pillory, stocks, and whipping post, the powder magazines for the militia, the courthouses and later pest houses and poor houses, served as a kind of common social denominator in whose creation everyone who paid taxes had a share and in whose benefits or miseries a large proportion of the population took part. The courthouses are a good example of this. -
Journalism, Racial Violence, and Political Control in Postbellum North Carolina
ABSTRACT BENTON, ANDREW MORGAN. The Press and the Sword: Journalism, Racial Violence, and Political Control in Postbellum North Carolina. (Under the direction of Dr. Susanna Lee.) Political tension characterized North Carolina in the decades after the Civil War, and the partisan press played a critical role for both parties from the 1860s through the turn of the twentieth century: Republican papers praised the reforms of biracial Republican legislatures while Democratic editors harped on white fears of “negro rule” and black sexual predation. This study analyzes the relationship between press, politics, and violence in postbellum North Carolina through case studies of the 1870 Kirk-Holden War and the so-called Wilmington Race Riot of 1898. My first chapter argues that the Democratic press helped exacerbate the Kirk-Holden War by actively mocking black political aspirations, criticizing Republican leaders such as Holden, and largely ignoring the true nature and scope of the Klan in the 1860s. My second chapter argues that rhetoric played a crucial role in the way the violence in Wilmington transpired and has been remembered, and my conclusion discusses the ways that the press manipulated the public’s historical memory of both tragedies. It is not my intention to argue direct causation between racist rhetoric and racial crimes. Rather, I argue that North Carolina’s partisan press, and especially its Democratic editors, exacerbated pre-existing racial tensions and used images and language to suggest modes of thought—defense of white womanhood, for example—by which white supremacists directed and legitimized violence. The Press and the Sword: Journalism, Racial Violence, and Political Control in Postbellum North Carolina by Andrew Morgan Benton A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of North Carolina State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts History Raleigh, North Carolina 2016 APPROVED BY: Dr. -
Daniel Lindsay Russell (7 Aug
Governors’ Papers Daniel L. Russell Page One GOVERNOR DANIEL L. RUSSELL, n.d., 1897-1901 Arrangement: By record series, then chronological Reprocessed by: James Mark Valsame Date: April 12, 2005 Daniel Lindsay Russell (7 Aug. 1845-14 May 1908), judge, congressman, and governor, was born at Winnabow plantation, in Brunswick County near Wilmington, the son of Daniel Lindsay and Carolina Sanders Russell. Both the Russell and Sanders families were wealthy and owned large numbers of slaves. Few people in North Carolina were such ardent Democrats or more enthusiastic about the cause of secession than the planters of the Lower Cape Fear. Yet in this respect Russell's immediate background was different. His father and his maternal grandfather, David W. Sanders, were active Whigs, and in 1860 the fifteen-year-old Russell and his father took the highly unpopular course of opposing secession. The following spring, however, when war became a reality, young Russell, then a student at The University of North Carolina, left Chapel Hill and returned home, where he and his father each organized a Confederate company and was commissioned captain. If the two Russells had been converted to the cause of secession, neither of them showed the slightest inclination to give up his established habit of quarreling with those gentlemen who were now the chief Confederate leaders. First, the Russells objected to the nature of their military assignments and applied to have their companies transferred to combat duty with the Army of Northern Virginia. Yet each was assigned to routine garrison duties around the forts of the Lower Cape Fear.