The Taxation of Trusts in Sadc Member States
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Nation- and Image Building by the Rehoboth Basters
Nation- and Image Building by the Rehoboth Basters Negative bias concerning the Rehoboth Basters in literature Jeroen G. Zandberg Nation- and Image Building by the Rehoboth Basters Negative bias concerning the Rehoboth Basters in literature 1. Introduction Page 3 2. How do I define a negative biased statement? …………………..5 3. The various statements ……………………………………… 6 3.1 Huibregtse ……………………………………… ……. 6 3.2 DeWaldt ……………………………………………. 9 3.3 Barnard ……………………………………………. 12 3.4 Weiss ……………………………………………. 16 4. The consequences of the statements ………………………… 26 4.1 Membership application to the UNPO ……………27 4.2 United Nations ………………………………………29 4.3 Namibia ……………………………………………..31 4.4 Baster political identity ………………………………..34 5. Conclusion and recommendation ……………………………...…38 Bibliography …………………………………………………….41 Rehoboth journey ……………………………………………...43 Picture on front cover: The Kapteins Council in 1876. From left to right: Paul Diergaardt, Jacobus Mouton, Hermanus van Wijk, Christoffel van Wijk. On the table lies the Rehoboth constitution (the Paternal Laws) Jeroen Gerk Zandberg 2005 ISBN – 10: 9080876836 ISBN – 13: 9789080876835 2 1. Introduction The existence of a positive (self) image of a people is very important in the successful struggle for self-determination. An image can be constructed through various methods. This paper deals with the way in which an incorrect image of the Rehoboth Basters was constructed via the literature. Subjects that are considered interesting or popular, usually have a great number of different publications and authors. A large quantity of publications almost inevitably means that there is more information available on that specific topic. A large number of publications usually also indicates a great amount of authors who bring in many different views and interpretations. -
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia's Colonization Process
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia’s Colonization Process By: Jonathan Baker Honors Capstone Through Professor Taylor Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa Baker, 2 Table of Contents I. Authors Note II. Introduction III. Pre-Colonization IV. Colonization by Germany V. Colonization by South Africa VI. The Struggle for Independence VII. The Decolonization Process VIII. Political Changes- A Reaction to Colonization IX. Immediate Economic Changes Brought on by Independence X. Long Term Political Effects (of Colonization) XI. Long Term Cultural Effects XII. Long Term Economic Effects XIII. Prospects for the Future XIV. Conclusion XV. Bibliography XVI. Appendices Baker, 3 I. Author’s Note I learned such a great deal from this entire honors capstone project, that all the knowledge I have acquired can hardly be covered by what I wrote in these 50 pages. I learned so much more that I was not able to share both about Namibia and myself. I can now claim that I am knowledgeable about nearly all areas of Namibian history and life. I certainly am no expert, but after all of this research I can certainly consider myself reliable. I have never had such an extensive knowledge before of one academic area as a result of a school project. I also learned a lot about myself through this project. I learned how I can motivate myself to work, and I learned how I perform when I have to organize such a long and complicated paper, just to name a couple of things. The strange inability to be able to include everything I learned from doing this project is the reason for some of the more random appendices at the end, as I have a passion for both numbers and trivia. -
IMPACT REPORT a Word from the Founder and Director|
2017 - 2020 IMPACT REPORT A word from the founder and director| In October 2017 as we were preparing to launch a collaborative " network of journalists dedicated to pursuing and publishing the work of other reporters facing threats, prison or murder, prominent Maltese investigative journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia was horrifically silenced with a car bomb. Her murder was a cruel and stark reminder of how tenuous the free flow of information can be when democratic systems falter. We added Daphne to the sad and long list of journalists whose work Forbidden Stories is committed to continuing. For five months, we coordinated a historic collaboration of 45 journalists from 18 news organizations, aimed at keeping Daphne Caruana Galizia’s stories alive. Her investigations, as a result of this, ended up on the front pages of the world’s most widely-read newspapers. Seventy-four million people heard about the Daphne Project worldwide. Although her killers had hoped to silence her stories, the stories ended up having an echo way further than Malta. LAURENT RICHARD Forbidden Stories' founder Three years later, the journalists of the Daphne Project continue and executive director. to publish new revelations about her murder and pursue the investigations she started. Their explosive role in taking down former Maltese high-ranking government officials confirms that collaboration is the best protection against impunity. 2 2017-2020 Forbidden Stories Impact Report A word from the founder and director| That’s why other broad collaborative On a smaller scale, we have investigations followed. developed rapid response projects. We investigated the circumstances The Green Blood Project, in 2019, pursued behind the murders of Ecuadorian, the stories of reporters in danger for Mexican and Ghanaian journalists; investigating environmental scandals. -
Namibia and Angola: Analysis of a Symbiotic Relationship Hidipo Hamutenya*
Namibia and Angola: Analysis of a symbiotic relationship Hidipo Hamutenya* Introduction Namibia and Angola have much in common, but, at the same time, they differ greatly. For example, both countries fought colonial oppression and are now independent; however, one went through civil war, while the other had no such experience. Other similarities include the fact that the former military groups (Angola’s Movimiento Popular para la Liberacão de Angola, or MPLA, and Namibia’s South West Africa People’s Organisation, or SWAPO) are now in power in both countries. At one time, the two political movements shared a common ideological platform and lent each other support during their respective liberation struggles. The two countries are also neighbours, with a 1,376-km common border that extends from the Atlantic Ocean in the east to the Zambezi River in the west. Families and communities on both sides of the international boundary share resources, communicate, trade and engage in other types of exchange. All these facts point to a relationship between the two countries that goes back many decades, and continues strongly today. What defines this relationship and what are the crucial elements that keep it going? Angola lies on the Atlantic coast of south-western Africa. It is richly endowed with natural resources and measures approximately 1,246,700 km2 in land surface area. Populated with more than 14 million people, Angola was a former Portuguese colony. Portuguese explorers first came to Angola in 1483. Their conquest and exploitation became concrete when Paulo Dias de Novais erected a colonial settlement in Luanda in 1575. -
THE BÊTE NOIRE of ORGANIZED CRIME © Pexel.Com © Pexel.Com CONTENTS CONTENTS
1 JOURNALISTS: THE BÊTE NOIRE OF ORGANIZED CRIME © Pexel.com CONTENTS Foreword 4 Shut up or die Crime terminology 6 Mafias and cartels Disturbing figures 1. Emergence of a European mafia 8 Murders in three EU countries in less than a year 8 • Slovakia: Ján Kuciak wasn’t just annoying the ‘Ndrangheta • Malta: symbol of persecution of investigative journalists • Bulgaria: journalist’s murder under investigation Organized crime tightens hold on many European countries 12 • In Italy: Saviano, Borrometi and 194 others • Two journalists protected around the clock in the Netherlands • France not spared Balkan journalists and Russian mob 19 • Jovo Martinovic in Montenegro • Albania: smeared, hounded and threatened, Alida Tota keeps going Soft control: infiltrating the media 20 • A Bulgarian deputy and oligarch’s media empire 2. Take care, subject off limits 22 Drug cartels show no pity towards journalists 22 • At least 32 Mexican journalists killed by cartels since 2012 • Colombia: no-go areas Environmental journalists targeted by local gangs 24 • India’s sand mafia sows death • Journalists versus Cambodia’s sand cartels • John Grobler runs into Cosa Nostra in Namibia © Pexel.com Organized crime allied with corrupt businessmen and politicians 27 • Poland: Tomasz Piatek versus Russian mafia • Russia: politicians and hitmen • Turkey: pro-government gangster’s blacklist Japanese media keep mum about the yakuza 30 • Yakuza – they who shall not be named 3 • Interview with US journalist Jake Adelstein: “The yakuza use the media as an instrument of -
100 Years Since the End of German Colonial Rule in Namibia, The
100 years since the end of German colonial rule in Namibia, the relationship between the former colonial power and the Namibian communities who were affected by its brutal colonial policies remains problematic, and interpretations of the past are still contested. This book examines the ongoing debates, conflicts and confrontations over the past. It scrutinises the consequences of German colonial rule, its impact on the descendants of victims of the 1904–08 genocide, Germany’s historical responsibility, and ways in which post-colonial reconciliation might be achieved. REINHART KÖSSLER is currently Director of the Arnold Bergstraesser Institute and Professor in the Politics Department of the University of Freiburg, Germany. His research includes social and development theory, political sociology and memory politics. Namibia and Germany: Negotiating the Past Reinhart Kössler University of Namibia Press www.unam.edu.na/unam-press [email protected] Private Bag 13301 Windhoek Namibia © Reinhart Kössler, 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system or transmitted in any form, or by any means, e.g. electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without prior permission of the author. First published: 2015 Cover photograph: Nicola Brandt, Spectre (2013), from her exhibition The Earth Inside, National Art Gallery of Namibia, 2014 Cover design: Steffen List Copy-editing: Tara Elyssa Design and layout: Vivien Barnes, Handmade Communications Printed by: John Meinert Printers, Windhoek ISBN 978-99916-42-09-3 Distributed internationally by the African Books Collective: www.africanbookscollective.com Westfälisches Dampfboot Verlag, Freiburg, has the English language rights for Germany, Austria and Switzerland: www.dampfboot-verlag.de ‘Even in brutality the inherited dress is sacred. -
The Panama Papers and Investigative Journalism in Africa Lessons Learned from and About the Data
3. The role of open data THE PANAMA PAPERS AND INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM IN AFRICA LESSONS LEARNED FROM AND ABOUT THE DATA LESSONS LEARNED PAPER Summary Governments are tasked to raise and spend tax revenues wisely to improve the lives of all citizens. However, all too often resources are allocated to the few and away from the many who are most in need. Such discrimination needs to be documented and made transparent. Opening up data can help to facilitate the process. Data can often tell us the basics: the who, what, where, when and why of financial transactions. And investigative reporters can use data to provide answers to these crucial questions, and to mobilise citizens and institutions to hold the offenders to account. The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ), together with the German newspaper Suddeutsche Zeitung and more than 100 other media partners, spent a year sifting through 11.5 million leaked files from the Panama-based law firm Mossack Fonseca to expose the reported offshore holdings of world leadersand details of hidden financial dealings. The leaked data was commonly referred to as the Panama Papers. The African Network of Centers for Investigative Reporting (ANCIR), supported by funders such as the World Wide Web Foundation and Open Society Initiative of West Africa, coordinated and developed investigations in Africa. The Panama Papers project was the first time a major transnational investigation was coherently and collectively represented by journalists within the African countries being written about. This paper summarises the lessons learned from the African investigations of the Panama Papers, both in terms of what we learned about doing investigative data journalism in Africa and in terms of what those investigations revealed about the reported offshore holdings of the powerful and the deliberately complex governance structures allegedly set up to conceal the flow of money. -
Ethnicity in Namibia
Namibia Ethnicity in Namibia Group selection Ethnicity is relevant in Namibian politics but it is a complicated and unstable issue with constant re-groupings and changing identi- ties (see e.g. 3626; 3627; 3628; 3629; see 3630 for a list of the different 3626 [Flint, 2003] ethnic and linguistic groups, and their relationship and overlap- 3627 [Fosse, 1997] 3628 ping). Although the constitution and the government of Namibia are [Taylor, 2009] 3629 [Kjaeret & Stokke, 2003] strongly committed to a unified nation (“One Namibia, one nation”), 3630 [Lewis, 2009] there are differences regarding political representation and access to power which are to be explained by ethnic cleavages (3631). Most of 3631 [Daniels, 2003] the political parties in Namibia are formed around ethnic issues (see e.g. 3632; 3633). 3632 [Schillinger, 2005] 3633 [Emminghaus, 2002] Power relations 1990-2014 The SWAPO is dominating the political arena. It finds its support mainly among the Ovambos, yet as well to lesser extent among people of most other groups in the country, and includes members of other ethnic groups in the government: especially Hereros and Damaras and Namas following Schillinger’s and Suzman’s state- ments, as for example the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Min- ister hail from the Damara and Nama communities, respectively (3634, 12f; 3635, 16). When coming to power after independence, the 3634 [Schillinger, 2005] SWAPO was facing the problem of building a unified nation out of 3635 [Suzman, 2002] an ethnically divided society inherited from the former colonizers (see 3636, 7-10). To avoid tribalization or ethnicization which could 3636 [Suzman, 2002] threaten the integrity of the new state, the national government tried to include traditional leaders from different ethnic groups in the political decision-making (ibid., 10). -
Resource Open Letter to Rt Hon Jeremy Hunt MP
Rt Hon Jeremy Hunt MP Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Foreign & Commonwealth Office King Charles St Westminster London SW1A 2AH Tuesday, 9 July 2019 Dear Foreign Secretary, Anti-money laundering legislation and media freedom As representatives of some of the leading media and civil society organisations investigating and exposing criminal and corrupt practices in the UK, and around the world, we warmly welcome the leadership of the UK Government in hosting an important summit on press freedom. The success of this summit offers the opportunity for the UK government to set the gold standard for an environment that enables journalists to hold the powerful to account. Sadly, the government’s current approach to implementing a key piece of legislation to combat money laundering - the Fifth Anti-Money Laundering Directive (5MLD) - does not meet this standard. It appears designed to frustrate journalists and researchers from accessing, and ultimately reporting on, vital information about the beneficiaries of the opaque system of financial trusts that have tax liabilities in the UK. Investigative journalism has, in recent years, blown a hole in global financial secrecy that has been used to move illicit wealth, mask criminal activity or fund terror activities. From the Panama Papers, to the work of Daphne Caruana Galizia, news organisations and individual journalists are working to uncover the tide of dirty money flowing around the world. In Daphne’s case, she paid the ultimate sacrifice for this work. As well as exposing -
3. Political Parties and Personalities in Namibia
Donor Support of Opposition parties in Namibia Donor support of opposition parties in Namibia. How foreign support for parties effects democracy in a new democracy. By: Karl Wagner Karl Wagner 1 Donor Support of Opposition parties in Namibia Table of Contents Introduction…………………………………………………………………………4 Democratic Support………………………………………………………………..16 Political systems and parties: prevailing African democratic conditions…………. 27 Political Parties and Personalities in Namibia……………………………………...40 Namibian electoral systems and elections………………………………………….65 Support, past and present…………………………………………………………..87 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………101 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………….108 Karl Wagner 2 Donor Support of Opposition parties in Namibia Photograph copyright Tony Figueira, courtesy The Namibian Karl Wagner 3 Donor Support of Opposition parties in Namibia Introduction: Questions have emerged in academic and political discussions about the relevance and effectiveness of foreign donor support of opposition parties in democracies that emerged or re-emerged since the Cold War. They concern the effects of foreign support on political systems and democracy itself. Finally, tyring gauge how effective support is on particular countries? In a global historical context, political party support has been a favoured instrument of European and North American governments in foreign policy. Forms of support vary, the more visible and noticeable normally being military assistance to countries like South Vietnam, Taiwan and Guatemala. During the Cold -
IPPR Big2.Indd
INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY RESEARCH DECEMBER MUCKRAKING IN NAMIBIA: 2018 The status of investigative journalism on the Namibian anti-corruption landscape BY SHINOVENE IMMANUEL IPPR ANTI-CORRUPTION RESEARCH PROGRAMME MUCKRAKING IN NAMIBIA: The status of investigative journalism on the Namibian anti-corruption landscape KEY ASPECTS Investigative journalism plays a key role in anti-corruption by informing the public of administrative and governance malfeasance and by shining a light of accountability and transparency on those who wish to perpetrate corrupt practices under a shroud of secrecy. It is a form of journalism that goes farther and deeper than mere reporting and requires much of the journalist and the media organisation who engage in it. Namibia has a proud history of investigative journalism stretching over decades. However, at the same time investigative reporting has and continues to face many challenges. The main challenges facing the full potential of investigative journalism in Namibia are: • A lack of understanding of, commitment to and support for investigative report- ing in many media houses; • That only a small number of independent, private media organisations with limited resources engage in investigative reporting; • A general lack of resources, both human and financial, to engage in investiga- tive reporting initiatives; • The daily newsroom grind which can distract potential investigative journalists from fully exploring the field of investigative reporting; • An absence of collaborative investigative journalism -
Constitutional Democracy in Namibia
Drafting of Namibia’s Constitution* Hage G Geingob Constitutionalism has one essential quality: it is a legal limitation on government; it is the antithesis of arbitrary rule; its opposite is despotic government, the government of will instead of law. In modern times the growth of political responsibility has been added to this through the winning of initiative in the discretionary matters of national policy by people’s representatives; but the most ancient, the most persistent, and the most lasting of the essentials of true constitutionalism still remains what it has been almost from the beginning, the limitation of government by law. Charles Grove Haines1 Introduction The evolution of constitutionalism has been the process of limiting the power of the state. In that sense, Paine’s dictum that “a constitution is not the act of a government but of a people constituting a government”2 is fully valid. Commenting on this dictum, McIlwain3 observes that the consequence of the validity of Paine’s dictum is that the forms and limits followed in this ‘constituting’ become the embodiment of a ‘constitution’, superior in character to the acts of any ‘government’ it creates. He further argues that if this constituent act of the people entrusts certain definite powers to their government, ‘enumerated powers,’ as we term them, it is a necessary inference that this government cannot exercise any powers not so ‘enumerated.’ Thus, all constitutional government is by definition limited government or limiting of government. As noted above, Haines, too, emphasizes that “constitutionalism has one essential quality: it is a legal limitation on government.’4 Legal limitations on the government are, however, not arbitrary.