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Reviews of Papua New Guinea and functions to perform as stipulated in West Papua are not included in this Fiji’s 1997 Constitution. Perhaps the issue. sdl government assumed too much about people’s acceptance of the Fiji rule of law in a developing country By January 2006 the confl ict between or Third World context. As can be the Fiji Military Forces and the now gauged from Fiji’s coup culture since ousted government, which had been 1987, the causes of political confl ict led by the Soqosoqo Duavata ni in the country extend far beyond the Lewenivanua (sdl) party, had been scope of the modern rule of law, and continuing for almost fi ve years. One solutions involve additional political, of the main criticisms put forth by legal, and even customary measures. the commander of the Fiji Military Perhaps continued dialogue between Forces, Commodore Voreqe Baini- the sdl government and the Fiji marama, was that Laisenia Qarase’s Military Forces outside the param- government was lax in dealing with eters of Parliament could partially the 2000 coup perpetrators. A number have resolved Fiji’s ongoing political of high chiefs were allowed to serve crisis. After all, 95 percent of both the their prison terms extramurally, and sdl government and the Fiji Military one chiefl y parliamentarian returned Forces were indigenous Fijians. During to Parliament after his sentence. This 2006, the commander’s public com- confl ict was later compounded by the ments about the sdl government were introduction of the Reconciliation and sometimes perceived as seditious and Unity Bill by the sdl government. The treasonous, but the government did bill was aimed at reconciling the per- not really take concrete steps to rectify petrators and victims of the 2000 coup the situation. The February 2006 issue led by George Speight. Commodore of Fiji Islands Business noted, “In any Bainimarama, who was also a victim other democratic country, and Fiji is of that coup through the November (or was) basically one, Mr. Bainima- 2000 mutiny, along with other critics, rama’s stance would have promptly detested the introduction of this bill. caused his dismissal. The magazine They believed that if passed, the bill went on to say that Bainimarama’s would serve as a green light for future behavior has gone beyond the usually coup perpetrators in Fiji. accepted state of affairs in a democ- sdl government leaders did little racy, wherein the military is subservi- to allay this fear. They simply kept ent to civilian rule (FIB, Feb 2006, 9). on with the tasks of leadership based In addition to the continuing politi- on their constitutional roles. They cal tussle between the commodore understood that the government and and Prime Minister Qarase, Fiji’s the various institutions of the state, economy was not in perfect health. including the military, had specifi c As early as March 2006, the Reserve

578 pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 579

Bank warned that high internal that the sparteca-tcf provision of consumption rates could no longer be 50 percent local content was a trade sustained by depressed exports and barrier. He argued that reducing the high oil prices. By the end of 2005, local content from 50 percent to 30 Fiji’s export stood at f$1.18 billion, percent would facilitate trade and was and total imports at f$2.72 billion in no way a threat to Australia’s tcf (f$1.00 averaged approximately industry, especially when customers in us$0.58 throughout the year). At the Australia selected fabrics and garment same time the trade defi cit increased to patterns. He added that the fabrics f$1.53 billion. By the end of February chosen were often either too expensive 2006, the interest rate had increased or did not qualify under the rules of from 2.25 percent to 3.25 percent. origin. Reducing the rules of origin Fiji’s foreign reserve fi gure, which would enable the Fiji tcf industry to stood at f$991 million in mid-2005, import fabrics from other countries had decreased to f$822 million by and give the customers more choice. December 2005. Governor of the Orders diverted to Asia because of the Reserve Bank of Fiji Savenaca Narube rules of origin could be returned to warned that the only way to improve Fiji. An additional challenge to Fiji’s Fiji’s deteriorating economic situa- f$200 million tcf industry is the low- tion was to raise the level of exports ering of Australia’s import duty from and investments (FIB, March 2006, 6). 55 percent in 1981 to the current 17.5 Concerned about economic survival percent, making it cheaper for other and meeting regional and interna- garment-producing countries to export tional trade challenges, the Fiji textile, their products to Australia (FIB, April clothing, and footwear (tcf) industry, 2006, 6). proposed a reduction in the local area General elections dominated the content as required under the rules of political agenda in the fi rst four origin regulations of the South Pacifi c months of 2006. In April, Fiji’s voting- Regional Trade and Economic Coop- age citizens went to the polls to elect eration Agreement (sparteca). This 71 members to the House of Repre- regional trade agreement, signed in sentatives for the next fi ve years. Since 1981 by Australia, New Zealand, and 1999, Fiji has utilized the Alternative the Pacifi c Islands Forum countries, Vote system, borrowed from Austra- allows products to enter Australia and lia. Fiji’s electoral system is based on New Zealand duty free, provided that ethnic politics, which makes it quite 50 percent of the raw materials used complex. Voters are grouped together are produced locally (FIB, April 2006, as Fijian, Indian, or General Vot- 6). This move was vigorously opposed ers—that is, individuals who are not by the Textile and Fashion Industry registered as Fijian or Indian. There of Australia (tfia), which argued that are 46 Communal seats where people reducing the rules of origin would vote for representatives of their own result in long-term harm to the Aus- ethnic categories (Fijian, Indian, or tralian tcf industry (FIB, March 2006, General), and 25 Open seats, which 5). However, the Fiji tcf industry, are contested without reference to through Ramesh Solanki, argued ethnicity. The Open seats, introduced 580 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007) for the fi rst time in the 1999 elections, committed when it offered eight aim to promote multiracialism. Fiji’s cabinet seats to the Fiji Labour Party. 1997 constitution also requires that While Mahendra Chaudhary as leader all parties with more than 10 percent of the Fiji Labour Party declined to be of seats in Parliament be invited by a member of the cabinet, eight of his the winning party to join a multiparty parliamentarians accepted the offer. cabinet. Given the ethnic nature of However, since the constitution does Fiji’s politics, this was the foremost not specify the “rules of engagement” challenge for the winning party in the for a multiparty cabinet, it was a 2006 general elections. Although eight testing time for the new government. political parties plus Independent can- In the cabinet, members of the Fiji didates participated in the 2006 elec- Labour Party were unsure whether tions, two political parties dominated they had to abide by sdl terms and the competition for parliamentary conditions, or whether they were seats. These were the Fijian-dominated answerable to flp leader Chaudhary. Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua During the vote for the 2007 bud- (sdl) party, and the Indian-dominated get in November 2006, a number of Fiji Labour Party (flp). flp cabinet ministers were away on The sdl party, led by Laisenia overseas engagements and so could Qarase, won the 2006 general elec- not vote. The leader of the Fiji Labour tions for a second fi ve-year term, with Party asserted that this scheduling was all 23 Fijian Communal and Fijian a deliberate ploy by the leader of the Urban seats, and 13 of the 25 Open sdl party to enable the passage of his seats; the Fiji Labour Party won all government’s budget. Whether such 19 Indian Communal and 12 of the political incidents were foreseen by the Open seats. The remaining 4 seats architects of the 1997 constitution is were taken by two Independent candi- not clear. dates and two members of the United Public sector reform continued to People’s Party (Fiji Elections Offi ce be a major issue confronting the sdl 2006). The 2006 election results con- government after its election vic- fi rmed a number of voting trends in tory. The large size of the civil service Fiji. Voting was ethnically oriented in has been on the reform agenda since both Communal and Open seats. The 1984–1985, when a World Bank two parties won all of their respective and International Monetary Fund Communal seats; of the Open seats, country mission recommended that the sdl party won in constituencies the government be restructured. A with a majority of Fijian voters and wage freeze had immediately been the Fiji Labour Party won in con- implemented, and a debate about civil stituencies with a majority of Indian service downsizing had commenced. voters. Multiracial politics may take But over the years, through four coups a while to gain acceptance across the and much political maneuvering, the ethnic divide. size of the civil service has actually In the spirit of promoting multi- increased. Since the fi rst coup in 1987, racial politics in Fiji, the sdl gov- Fijian political leaders have increased ernment appeared to be serious and the size of government to secure their pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 581 power bases and political support. The sack him while he was overseas, the now ousted sdl government employed commander threatened a “clean-up” cabinet ministers as well as state of government. This attempt failed ministers, which added to the cost of when the offi cer who was nominated government. to be the new commander preferred There was a little light at the to be appointed after the com- end of the economic tunnel after mander returned to Fiji. A number the November 2006 Pacifi c Islands of institutions, including the Bose Forum Meeting, when Fiji, along Levu Vakaturaga or Great Council of with Vanuatu, Sämoa, Tonga, Tuvalu, Chiefs, expressed concern about the and Kiribati, successfully negotiated escalating tensions. a temporary labor migration scheme After its meeting on 10 November with New Zealand. The much-wel- 2006, the Great Council of Chiefs comed New Zealand scheme will established a reconciliation commit- offer seven-month temporary work tee to attempt to mediate between visas to fi ve thousand workers from the government and the military. The these six countries. Australia, on the committee consisted of high chiefs other hand, refused to implement such from various traditional matanitu schemes but offered other alternatives or confederacies, as well as a legal such as building technical colleges in adviser, a political adviser, and a the islands (IB, Nov 2006, 20). These psychologist. Talks were initiated and colleges would enable Islanders to a few meetings convened, but by that earn trade certifi cates, which would time relations had deteriorated too qualify them to apply for skilled work far. A further attempt at reconcilia- in Australia and New Zealand. tion was undertaken by New Zealand The issue dominating Fiji’s politi- Prime Minister Helen Clarke, also cal landscape throughout 2006 was in November 2006. However, these the escalating war of words between reconciliation attempts were unable to Qarase’s sdl government and the avert the coup, which occurred on 5 Commander Bainimarama of the Fiji December 2006. Military Forces. The challenges to Fiji is again in the doldrums after the sdl government by Bainimarama the execution of the December coup, paused for a while after the elections, the fourth since 1987. International but reemerged and intensifi ed toward sanctions have been imposed by coun- the end of 2006. Apart from the tries such as Australia, New Zealand, ongoing debate about the aftermath and the United Kingdom, and mem- of the 2000 George Speight coup, two bers of the military, their families, and measures that angered the commander coup supporters are unable to travel were the Reconciliation, Tolerance and to these countries. The military regime Unity Bill and the Qoliqoli Bill, which, has, in turn, imposed its own travel if passed, would have given customary bans on critics of the coup. Against users ownership of qoliqoli or tradi- a backdrop of increasing economic tional fi shing grounds. By November instability, Fiji is faced with long-term 2006, the debate had escalated. After sociopolitical and economic problems. the sdl government attempted to Recent events have once again high- 582 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007) lighted the complexity and precari- the country to continue its progress ousness of Fiji’s democracy and rule toward self-governance. But the once- of law, which are based on compet- dominant loyalist Rassemblement ing traditional and modern political pour la Calédonie dans la République interests. Perhaps the biggest challenge (rpcr), in league with loyalist voters for future governments is how to get associations and the fn, became more rid of an established coup culture and militant about protecting universal a subculture that offers immunity after suffrage and ties with France. the execution of coups. In elections for the French president alumita l durutalo or legislature, municipal elections, or European Union elections, any French citizen in the country can vote, but References the Noumea Accord endorsed restrict-

FIB, Fiji Islands Business. Monthly. Suva. ing the local electorate in provincial elections and in referendums on Fiji Elections Office. 2006. Elections 2006, independence to long-term residents. Fiji Islands. Online at http://www.elections The flnks argues that the indigenous .gov.fj / results2006 / elect_candidates.html Kanak people were deprived of the IB, Islands Business. Monthly. Suva. right to vote for a century by French colonialism (from 1853 to the early 1950s), even though international law has recognized their right, as New Caledonia the fi rst occupants of the country, to The approaching French legislative self-determination. They say that in and presidential elections of 2007 negotiations in 1983 (Nainville-Les- amplifi ed political rhetoric and maneu- Roches), 1988 (Matignon-Oudinot), vering in New Caledonia in 2006 over and 1998 (Paris-Noumea), Kanak issues such as the freezing of the elec- leaders made concessions to immi- torate for future provincial elections, grants of long residence (whom they tensions within the coalitions that had regard as fellow victims of history) by signed the Noumea Accord of 1998, agreeing to work together toward a multinational takeovers and environ- common destiny, but that the commit- mental protests over mining develop- ment in those agreements to restricting ment, social and economic reforms, who can determine the future status emergence as a quasi-autonomous of the country must be respected. Few Pacifi c country in regional affairs, and residents object to having the restric- paralyzing labor strikes, which, at tion apply to future referendums, and times, had political overtones. Ongo- in the provincial elections in 1999 and ing situational cooperation between 2004, a “sliding” electorate (anyone the loyalist Avenir Ensemble (ae) and with ten years’ residence) has applied. elements of the pro-independence But because the Congress will have Front de Libération Nationale Kanak the right, according to the Noumea et Socialiste (flnks), and sometimes Accord, to propose a referendum on even the local branch of the archcon- independence between 2013 and 2018, servative Front National (fn), enabled the flnks has lobbied Paris to restrict pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 583 the electorate in the 2009 and 2014 from seven to fi ve years—means a provincial elections to a “frozen” deadline of 2007. In early 2005, the pool of long-term residents, namely European Court of Human Rights people who were eligible to vote in approved the frozen electorate, which the 1998 referendum on the accord, bitterly disappointed a movement of and their descendants (NC, 14 Dec metropolitan French in New Caledo- 2006). The flnks points to massive nia, who resented becoming “second- French immigration during the 1970s, class citizens,” and in March 2006, which marginalized the Kanak and the French Council of Ministers in pushed them to revolt in the 1980s—a Paris adopted a text (NC, 31 March demographic threat that is reviving as 31, 14 Dec 2006). The new law nickel mining is booming due to the would exclude only about 10 percent rise in demand for stainless steel in of current voters in New Caledonia China and India. French migrants to from voting in provincial elections in other countries must abide by local 2009 and 2014, but the proportion is laws, the flnks argues, so they should higher in the populous, predominantly respect that Kanaky / New Caledonia is non-Kanak South (14 percent), and “a country going through a process of especially in Noumea (20 percent) emancipation” (NC, 30 Dec 2006). The (NC, 26 April 2006). loyalists believe, however, that New The rpcr, which like the fn relies Caledonia is France, despite its being considerably on French migrant votes, on the other side of the world. began a campaign in February against Rock Wamytan of the flnks argues the proposal, arguing that the 1988 that Kanak martyrs Jean-Marie Tji- and 1998 accords had been capitula- baou and Yeiwene Yeiwene sacrifi ced tions by the ruling Socialists in Paris their lives over the citizenship conces- to flnks threats of further violence, sions they had made to non-Kanak a charge that goes back to old loyalist immigrants, when a radical separatist accusations that the Kanak uprising assassinated them on Ouvea in 1989. in the 1980s was fueled primarily by The provisions of the Noumea Accord misguided promises by the Socialists, were enacted into laws in 1999 by the then led by President François Mitter- French National Assembly and Sen- rand. Pierre Frogier, president of the ate, which also approved the frozen rpcr and deputy to Paris, said he had electorate concept. The full Congress a petition signed by thousands of loy- of Versailles (combined Assembly and alist residents who opposed the frozen Senate) needed to ratify the latter in electorate as a matter of democratic order to amend the French national principle, because its adoption would constitution, but it never met, due to suggest that “we are no longer in many criticisms of the text. In 2003, France but in an unidentifi ed political President Jacques Chirac visited New status” (NC, 17 Feb 2006). The flnks, Caledonia and vowed to fi nd an of course, has clearly identifi ed that acceptable solution before the end of proposed status, but loyalists oppose his term of offi ce, which—because a independence. Because the rpcr and French constitutional referendum in many members of the ae are mem- 2000 shortened the presidential term bers of the French president’s Gaullist 584 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007) party, the Union pour un Mouvement 1970s, pointed to an irony in the fn’s Populaire (ump), local loyalists were strong opposition to immigrant rights divided over whether or not to sup- in France and its support for French port Chirac’s backing of the frozen migrants to New Caledonia: “The fn electorate, and in Paris even a minor- is a profoundly xenophobic party and ity of the ump, led by presidential a professed adversary of the rights of hopeful Nicolas Sarkozy, supported immigrants in France. It is a menace the rpcr. Simon Loueckhote, rpcr for democracy. We understand very senator in Paris, upped the ante and well that she is coming here to help suggested that a “sliding” residence certain citizens who think that the of only three years, not ten, should be history of the country begins with the rule, claiming it was the flnks, their arrival at the airport” (NC, 4 Dec not the rpcr, that was breaking its 2006). About eight hundred people word (NC, 7 Feb 2006). The flnks attended the debate, nearly all of sent a delegation to Paris to lobby for whom opposed the frozen electorate what it regarded as the French State’s and angrily demanded a local referen- commitment to the Noumea Accord dum on the issue as well as a debate and for keeping Chirac’s promise of a in the local Congress, whose majority solution by 2007. The French Social- is loyalist. The only pro-indepen- ists supported the flnks position, dence speaker was Pascal Naouna of as did key leaders of the ump and the Union Calédonienne (uc), who its centrist rival, the Union pour la voiced his usual support for the frozen Démocratie Français (udf) (NC, 26 electorate and the right of the Kanak May 2006). Chirac’s overseas minister, people to self-determination: “The François Baroin, announced that the country is not only Noumea. For what two houses of the French Parliament is to come after 2018, the discus- would vote on the proposed frozen sions are still ahead of us.” ae lead- electorate law in late 2006 and early ers, however, despite being loyalists, 2007, so that the full Congress of many of whom have long opposed the Versailles would be able to ratify it “secret accord” of 1998 between the soon afterward, but Frogier vowed to Socialists, flnks and rpcr, accused prevent that from happening (NC, 20 the rpcr of simply playing politics for Oct 2006). the 2007 elections. The restriction of The rhetoric became more heated in the electorate was expected for a long December, as Marine Le Pen, daughter time, and the rpcr had not organized of Jean-Marie Le Pen of the extreme its opposition campaign until it sud- nationalist fn, was invited to a public denly found itself a minority in the debate organized in Noumea by three Congress after the 2004 provincial loyalist citizens’ associations. The elections. The ae leaders said they had local chapter of the League of the more important work to do governing Rights of Man (ldh-nc) refused to the country (NC, 6 Dec 2006). participate in what it called a mixing rpcr founder Jacques Lafl eur, who up of French national and territorial had signed the Matignon and Noumea politics. Its president, Elie Poigoune, Accords, now says the frozen elector- a veteran of Kanak activism in the ate issue needs more discussion, but pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 585 when the rpcr and fn tried to start regional and personal rivalries have a debate about it in the Congress in caused parties to drop out or join December, the government executive up since its creation in 1984. Today, voted nine to three against the discus- the two key opponents are the Union sion. The ae voted with the flnks, Calédonienne (uc), the oldest party and the ae president of Congress, in the country, which arose from Harold Martin, told the rpcr, “Either Kanak church associations allied with those who signed the Accord did not white liberals and leftists and this year explain everything to you, or you are celebrated its fi ftieth anniversary (NC, liars.” He pressed his button to restore 18 Dec 2006), and Palika (Parti de order, and the rpcr walked out, call- Libération Kanak), which arose out of ing it a “sad day for democracy” (NC, radical student movements and cele- 13–14 Dec 2006). The next day, the brated its thirtieth anniversary (NC, 13 French National Assembly voted for July 2006). The uc once dominated the frozen electorate, with a major- the flnks in the Tjibaou era, but now ity of the ump in favor along with Palika does, and under the banner of the Socialists, Communists, and udf, the National Union for Independence using the arguments that the State (uni) in coalition with the rump had to keep its word and that no one flnks (ie, uni-flnks), it controls the wanted a return to the violence of the Northern Province, excluding the uc 1980s in New Caledonia (NC, 15 Dec from leadership posts. The complex- 2006). The rpcr got no satisfaction ity of politics in the Islands Province in a debate it tried to provoke in the testifi es to Kanak diversity, while in assembly of the Southern Province Grande Terre municipal councils, in Noumea a week later, as Provin- pro-independence Kanak parties often cial President Philippe Gomes of the form ad hoc coalitions with loyalists. ae called their efforts an “electoral Palika continues to espouse revo- mascarade” (NC, 22 Dec 2006). The lutionary socialist Kanak indepen- French Senate would vote on the law dence, said spokesperson Charles in mid-January 2007, so the flnks Washetine, as “the only way for a and its allies vowed to march in colonized people to regain its dignity,” Noumea to show their support for the though it also embraces the welfare law to succeed, while opponents also of non-Kanak as “victims of capitalist planned to march against it (NC, 30 exploitation.” Palika has no president Dec 2006). and governs itself collectively through Some critics of the flnks have a ten-member political bureau, relying called the fl uctuating membership on internal self-criticism and demo- of its coalition of pro-independence cratic centralism to remain both a parties a Kanak problem, since the party of action on the ground and, indigenous people comprise nearly since the Matignon and Noumea thirty language groups and over one Accords, of participation in governing hundred tribes (or clans) that “natu- institutions (NC, 13 July 2006). The uc rally” squabble among themselves under Naouna has mostly separated over leadership and policy. There from the flnks and used boycotts and is some truth in that criticism, as abstentions to oppose various poli- 586 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007) cies. It too supports the accords, but and adopted a new militancy against it tends to favor “individual initia- the Noumea Accord, which Lafl eur tive” and integration of Kanak into touted as his crowning success at the economy. In November, Naouna peacemaking. In 2001, Harold Martin surprised many by proposing free of the ae had also had a falling-out association between New Caledonia with Lafl eur, who forced him out of and France, “to take into account the rpcr. By early 2006, Frogier and the realities of globalization. We’re Martin were trading barbs openly in headed there, even if some don’t dare the press, as Martin accused Frogier of or want to say it” (NC, 8 Nov 2006). using two old Lafl eur tactics: diversion In response, Pierre Bretegnier of the and fear. Frogier accused Martin of rpcr proposed a federal arrange- spending unnecessary money on lim- ment, whereby France would keep ousines to move around Paris, while key governing powers but each of Martin accused the rpcr of diverting the three provinces would have more millions of francs in public funds to its autonomy, thus leaving the Kanak own clients. Martin also accused the to rule themselves in the North and rpcr of using Sylvain Nea’s militant Islands provinces, and the multiethnic labor union as an army to disrupt the South relatively on its own (NC, 21 country’s economy just to undermine Nov 2006). the ae regime (NC, 1 April 2006). Still, a close look at fl uctuations in In May, Frogier spoke to the rpcr- the composition and labels of French ump convention in Boulouparis, reiter- metropolitan parties shows that ating his party’s attachment to France, splintering and forming new coalitions including its desire to adopt the euro is also a very French style of politics, as local currency. He denounced because proportional representation the “socialist and pro-independence encourages a multitude of chameleon- reading of the Noumea Accord,” like movements. For example, the voicing his opposition to not only the ruling ump was founded only in 2002 frozen electorate concept but also the from the Gaullist Rassemblement pour partnership between the Palika-ruled la République, the rpcr’s ally in Paris North and a Canadian mining corpo- for thirty years, plus some parties ration to develop a nickel-processing from the udf, which was founded by plant. He preferred that the French- former President Giscard d’Estaing in affi liated Société le Nickel (sln) build 1978. In fact, the “tribalism” among that project (even though another loyalists in New Caledonia became Canadian fi rm was building the rpcr- even more pronounced in 2006, espe- initiated Goro project in the South). cially in the mostly non-Kanak South- He said the primary rpcr adversary ern Province. The rpcr splintered was the pro-independence parties, again, after already losing dissidents to especially the “communist” regime the ae coalition that won leadership in the North, but he also denigrated of the South and the Congress in the the ae, calling it “irresponsible” and 2004 elections. In 2005, Frogier and “incompetent” for not recognizing the Lafl eur had a falling-out, as the former independence threat and for cooperat- took over the rpcr from its founder ing with pro-independence parties in pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 587 the Congress while excluding the rpcr self as ae candidate for deputy to the from power (just as the rpcr previ- French Parliament against an rpcr- ously did to other parties). He called ump candidate (NC, 26 July 2006). the Noumea Accord an “act of gener- Gomes of the ae, also a former rpcr osity” on the part of the rpcr, which member, was surprised by the talk of had a sincere desire to “live together,” a “sandwich coup” negotiated at the but it promised a sliding, not frozen, Paris café and said the ae should not electorate, which New Caledonians allow itself to be manipulated. Martin approved in the referendum of 1998. would likely run against Frogier in the He warned that if the pro-indepen- second district in the legislative elec- dence parties again “descend into the tions in 2007, and Leroux would run street” to get their way, “they will fi nd against whoever replaced Lafl eur (NC, us in front of them!” (Frogier 2006; 11 Aug 2006). NC, 22 May 2006). In the Southern In late July, Lafl eur announced that Province Assembly, the rpcr and ae he was forming his own new political did battle over such issues as environ- party, in reality re-forming the Ras- mental regulation of the Goro nickel semblement pour la Calédonie (rpc), project, and a political pamphlet of which he had created in 1977 before obvious rpcr origin circulated with affi liating it with Chirac’s rpr in 1978 the title “Rotten Future,” a play on and thereby changing the label to the ae party label “Future Together” rpcr. With his usual De Gaulle–like (NC, 16 June 2006). aplomb, he claimed that New Caledo- In July, at the ump national conven- nia “was turning again to me . . . so tion in Paris, presidential candidate that the country is all right.” Despite Sarkozy tried to broker a reconcilia- the economic boom in New Caledo- tion between Frogier and Martin, who nia, he argued, there was an emerging was also ump despite his ae affi liation social crisis of inequality and a lack in New Caledonia. A well-publicized of majority leadership in the govern- photo of the two sitting at a Paris café ment, so his connections with Paris started a lively discussion in the coun- after thirty years as deputy could try about whether the two leading loy- ensure that the country had the help it alist parties should unite against the needed to keep the peace. He said he pro-independence parties, as in days of was unable to reconcile with Frogier, old. Sarkozy said, “You are from the as Sarkozy had asked, because “I was same family, you must reunite the fam- not adept at the politics of the worst,” ily” (NC, 14 July 2006). For a while, implying that he would be less alarm- the antagonistic rhetoric died down, ist and polarizing than Frogier, whom and both Martin and Frogier made he had once designated as his heir. overtures in the press toward peace- He observed that the loyalists were making, though Didier Leroux, former divided, so it was time that he ended head of the anti-Lafl eur Alliance Party his retirement from politics: “It’s not (which was affi liated with the udf) I who need the people, but the people and now an ae leader like Martin, who need me” (NC, 28 Aug 2006; pir, vowed, “I will not be the cuckold of 3 Aug 2006). By October, his chosen history.” He intended to present him- party leader, Simon Loueckhote, the 588 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007) rpcr senator to Paris, became head of of Congress and the Southern Province the rpc and claimed that other rpcr Assembly had to decide how far to go leaders were joining him in an effort to show their discontent over a manip- to “revive the spirit of 1977,” which ulated party primary without causing had a more inclusive vision than the a major rupture in the loyalist camp newly militant rpcr (NC, 30 Oct (NC, 31 Oct 2006). Frogier fi nally said 2006). Lafl eur’s reentry into politics he felt completely disengaged from the created more consternation in the Noumea Accord because of the frozen ump, which had to decide whether to electorate issue, and he sided with embrace Frogier or dump a longtime Sarkozy’s wing of the ump who also ally of Chirac. Lafl eur said, “If Cale- opposed the new law. His stand won donia does not present a progressive him offi cial support from the ump, face, France will not help us” (NC, 18 along with Yanno, against Lafl eur and Nov 2006). Maresca (NC, 21–22 Dec 2006). As Meanwhile, the rpcr held its party for the ae, Martin was reelected its primary to choose who would run president and would lead its campaign for the two legislative seats in Paris in for deputy, saying the rpcr “needed 2007. Frogier won massive support a new defeat” (NC, 2 Oct 2006). He for his reelection campaign as deputy had already been reelected president of of the second district, with 92 percent the Congress in July, thanks to sup- of over three thousand votes cast, port from not only the ae but also the and in the fi rst district candidate race, fn, an ex-rpcr dissident, and Nidoish longtime Lafl eur aide Pierre Maresca Naisseline’s Libération Kanak Social- lost narrowly to Gael Yanno (NC, iste (lks) (NC, 29 July 2006). François 16 Oct 2006). Maresca was upset at Bayrou, head of the udf, stopped being accused by a young militant of off in November after visiting French representing the “old guard” of the Polynesia to lend his offi cial support party (NC, 25 Sept 2006), and after he to Leroux, who would take on the lost his chance to represent the party divided rpcr in the fi rst district, and in the elections, he went to Paris to he also praised the ae in general (NC, complain to the ump, hoping to get 3 Nov 2006). their endorsement anyway, claiming he The ae-led government continued was the victim of a political maneu- on its reformist path, encouraged by ver. As a pied noir immigrant from increased French funding for socio- Algeria, Maresca suggested that he economic development (NC, 3 March could draw the support of the Ocea- 2006). It responded positively to a nian communities in New Caledonia, mass street demonstration by ten thou- that is, Wallisians, leading to specula- sand people in April against the rising tion that there might be three choices cost of living. The protest was orga- for rpcr loyalists in the fi rst district: nized by a coalition of labor unions Yanno, Lafl eur, and Maresca (NC, 5 led by Didier Guenant-Jeanson’s Dec 2006). Bretegnier said that Fro- Union Syndicaliste des Ouvriers et gier should have run in the fi rst district Employés de la Nouvelle-Calédonie instead of favoring Yanno over Mar- (usoenc), which complained about esca, but that dissident rpcr members an infl ation rate (2.6 percent) that was pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 589 the highest since 1993 (NC, 21 April to the Congress: increasing family 2006). If that infl ation rate seems allowances, raising the minimum small by world standards, the already- wage, lowering food taxes, reviv- high cost of living that it adds to (due ing price controls, freezing rents for to massive budgetary transfers from a year while new price controls are Paris, the near-monopoly power of devised, imposing a surtax on quick certain importers, and bloated salaries resales of real estate to reduce specu- paid to French civil servants overseas) lation, arranging interest-free loans has long been a target of criticism. and reducing legal costs for fi rst-home In 2006, the French budget ministry buyers, and negotiating with banks to complained that metropolitan retirees lower their service charges; the nickel- who moved overseas specifi cally to get derived subsidy would have to be raises in their pensions (almost double debated in Congress (NC, 7 June 2006; the normal base salary, thanks to the pir, 9 June 2006). Congress passed “hardship pay” earned by French most of these measures and also subsi- civil servants in New Caledonia) were dized electricity costs by cutting taxes costing the country 245 million euros, to prevent a rate hike (NC, 11 Nov a 70 percent increase since 2000 (pir, 2006). 14 Nov 2006; NC, 13 March 2006; The ae argued that its social and TPM, Nov 2006). Over 83 percent economic policies were improving of such retirees, half of whom were life in the country, as unemployment ex-military, had never served in New declined and job offers increased, Caledonia, whereas in French Reunion affordable housing was built, work in the Indian Ocean, 80 percent were safety and right-to-employment stan- native to the island (NC, 8 Jan 2007). dards were brought closer to European To help the country’s workers sur- levels, commercial development in the vive, usoenc demanded diverting 5 South was encouraged but also regu- francs from the price of every pound lated, and the province bought hotels, of nickel exported to a government casinos, and improved infrastructure relief fund, eliminating taxes on basic and transportation to boost tourism foods such as fl our and rice, and a (NC, 1 July, 17 July, 18 Aug, 31 Aug, variety of other tax relief reforms 3 Oct, 20 Oct, 15 Dec 2006). New for lower income inhabitants (NC, Caledonia Fisheries, based at Koumac 1 March 2006). The rpcr quickly in the North, fi nally turned a profi t blamed the ae for causing the prob- (NC, 27 Feb 2006), and a govern- lem and opposed reforms, but Leroux ment committee met weekly to screen argued that similar rates of infl ation job hiring in an effort to favor local had occurred under the rpcr regime, residents over foreigners whenever though recent local tax increases to possible (NC, 22 Nov 2006). French help pay for self-governance might fi nancial grants gave the thirty-three have to be reconsidered, such as the municipalities of the country a 5 per- sales tax (NC, 18 March, 20 April cent increase in development aid, for 2006). After a series of roundtable a total of us$78 million, which would discussions with stakeholders, the be divided among the three provinces, government proposed reforms in June about half going to the more popu- 590 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007) lous South and half to the North and the concept of biological and cultural Islands (NC, 7 July, 25 Aug 2006). metissage (blending), which colonial France provides us$1.5 billion a year segregation had hindered, and the in direct assistance to New Caledonia, small community of La Foa celebrated and together with the nickel sales and its multicultural heritage (NC, 1 Sept, 2 mining boom the local economy is Oct 2006). Yet the ethnic census that prospering. In December, the Congress had been planned to measure prog- voted a 2007 budget of us$1.3 billion, ress in economic rebalancing among all but one fourth of which would go regions was canceled due to lack of to the provinces and communes. The French funding, and tensions contin- budget passed with support of the ae, ued between Kanak and Wallisians in the uc, and the uni-flnks, while the schools and neighborhoods. A mov- fn abstained in protest against the ing fi lm documented the reconcilia- frozen electorate, and the rpcr-ump tion among Kanak families who lost voted against (NC, 23 Dec 2006; pir, members in the 1989 assassination of 27 Dec 2006). A “Day of Citizenship” Tjibaou on Ouvea, but two concerts at the Mwâ Kâ in Noumea, which was by singer Francis Cabrel had to be held on 23 September as an alternative canceled because of anonymous death to the former commemoration of the threats over his support for the Kanak French taking possession of New Cale- during the 1988 Ouvea uprising (NC, donia on 24 September 1853, was not 18 July, 25 Aug, 30 Aug, 9 Oct, 2 Dec attended by the rpcr because Frogier 2006). Progress was made environ- “absolutely did not share the con- mentally, as European development ception of citizenship” as expressed funds fi nanced the rehabilitation of in the frozen electorate. Some other mining sites around Thio, the coun- loyalists followed suit, as did the lks, try tightened its protection of local but the ae, Palika, uc, and other biodiversity, and the Congress voted groups attended, voicing support for unanimously to support having six the recognition of Kanak identity and zones in the country’s coral reef clas- of other local cultures in the spirit of sifi ed by unesco as World Heritage the Noumea Accord’s call to build a sites (NC, 17 Feb, 14 June, 28 Aug, common destiny (NC, 21 Sept, 25 Sept 18 Dec 2006). 2006). On the regional level, two main On the cultural front, the govern- events stand out: the second France- ment introduced educational stan- Oceania summit in Paris, and the dards for localizing history and geog- Pacifi c Forum’s granting of associate raphy education and for the teaching member status to New Caledonia. of Kanak languages in schools in order Using the carrot of aid money, the to promote a sense of citizenship and Chirac government has pushed for common destiny among youth (NC, better relations between France and 13 March, 18 April 2006), and the the neighbors of its Pacifi c territories; offi cial minutes of Kanak customary so in June, sixteen heads of state fl ew meetings acquired judicial status (NC, to Paris at French expense to partake 2 June 2006). The ldh-nc sponsored of his diplomacy. The Noumea daily a public discussion in Noumea on Les Nouvelles-Calédoniennes called it pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 591 a “climatic warming” as participants Somare said, “This relationship is on a were entertained by Kanak danc- progressive path. This time, there is a ers at the newly opened Quai Branly real commitment to help us” (pir, 26 Museum, which is entirely devoted Oct 2006). New Caledonia strength- to displaying indigenous cultures. ened its diplomatic ties with Australia Chirac declared, “The past is one and Vanuatu (pir, 22 June, 30 Aug thing, but the future is hand in hand 2006), while New Zealand television cooperation.” Sir Michael Somare of broadcast videos of the 1985 trial of Papua New Guinea, perhaps look- French bombers of the Greenpeace ing for leverage against Australian antinuclear protest vessel Rainbow infl uence in the Forum, announced, Warrior, which showed agents Mafart “France has changed its attitude. It and Prieur confessing to murder (NC, now treats the peoples of the Pacifi c 16 Aug 2006). Islands honestly.” Yet when Oscar The mining industry of New Cale- Temaru, still president of French donia felt the impact of globalization Polynesia before his fall from power in corporate fi nance, as huge foreign in December, expressed regret that companies responded to the rapidly the principle of self-determination rising world price of nickel by compet- was absent from the fi nal conference ing to buy controlling interest in inco declaration, Gomes said he was out and Falconbridge, two Canadian fi rms of order, and the ae President of New that had been scheduled to build local Caledonia Marie-Noelle Themereau nickel processing plants. In October said, “Instead of making ideologi- 2005 it even looked as if inco, slated cal outbursts, it is preferable to deal to develop the Goro project in the with basic issues.” Chirac stressed South, would buy Falconbridge, with that France was also a conduit for aid which the Northern Province’s Société money from the European Union, a Minerale Sud Pacifi que (smsp) had frequently heard argument, though the already negotiated 51 percent owner- EU has already helped Pacifi c coun- ship of the Koniambo project. But an tries without France. Paul Neaouty- antitrust investigation by the United ine, Palika president of the Northern States (because both inco and Fal- Province, supported integrating the conbridge listed their stocks on Wall French Pacifi c into the region, while Street), complications over French Frogier saw it as “a recognition of State funding, and a threat to turn the France’s place in the Pacifi c. To see in Koniambo project over to the sln if such a majestic place the gathering of the Bercy Accord deadline of fi nalizing Pacifi c region leaders is a very power- the deal by the end of 2005 was not ful symbol” (NC, 28 June 2006; pir, met, led the smsp to ask Falconbridge 29 March, 15 June 2006). In Port to fi nance the whole project, while the Moresby in October, the Pacifi c Forum smsp would repay its share with royal- leaders, no doubt with the taste of ties. Then Teck Cominco of Vancouver Beaujolais and brie still on their lips, offered to take over inco, with which endorsed New Caledonia and French the Southern Province had negotiated Polynesia as associate members, while very low royalties (only 10 percent Wallis and Futuna became an observer. for the province and the country) for 592 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007)

Goro, while Xstrata of Switzerland fi rm that agreed to process the nickel offered to buy Falconbridge (NC, 26 ore produced by the smsp’s fi ve other May 2006). Next, US-based Phelps mining sites in the North, the profi ts Dodge offered to buy both inco of which would help develop both and Falconbridge in an increasingly the North and Islands Provinces. In complex bidding war that fl uctuated addition to diversifying the North’s with stock and nickel prices, but inco portfolio, which acquired 51 percent pulled out of the Falconbridge take- ownership of a new Korean process- over bid by July, leaving the latter to ing plant at Gwangyang, the Posco Xstrata. When Grupo Mexico offered deal would also extend the smsp’s to buy Phelps Dodge, the spokesper- long-term resources by reducing the son for the Koniambo project said, nickel content of the ore provided to “It’s diffi cult to comment about things the Posco plant to just over 2 percent that happen above our heads” (NC, (NC, 15 Sept 2006). In December, the 16 Aug 2006). By August, Xstrata Northern Province Assembly voted confi rmed its purchase of Falconbridge a us$340 million budget for 2007, and assured the workers that no lay- after a lively debate about indepen- offs were planned (NC, 17 Aug 2006). dence between Neaoutyine and France Teck Cominco and Phelps Dodge Debien of the rpcr. Debien asked still showed interest in inco, while whether the nickel mining alone could Xstrata, the British fi rm Rio Tinto and provide for local needs when France the Brazilian fi rm Companhia Vale do was still providing massive fi nancial Rio Doce (cvrd) considered combin- assistance. Neaoutyine replied that ing their capital to buy out rival Anglo France was obligated to support the American and divide up the spoils (NC, country in the Noumea Accord, but 23 Aug 2006). By November, cvrd also said, “There is obviously a coun- of Brazil had confi rmed its purchase try, and a people, that was colonized. of inco. Because the price of a ton It’s a duty to remember that imposes of nickel had risen from us$6,000 in itself, and thus a need to prepare the 2001 to about us$30,000, Xstrata means to decolonize and build a citi- paid us$17 billion for Falconbridge, zenship” (NC, 20 Dec 2006). The rpcr and cvrd paid almost us$16 billion argued for months that the sln should for inco (pir, 7 Nov 2006). take over the Koniambo project to But would the new owners respect keep the plant in “national” hands. previous agreements with New Cale- Frogier claimed the North had wasted donia, when they had operations French funds for economic rebalanc- all over the world to reevaluate? In ing and done nothing for its people September, Neaoutyine met with Mick but force them to migrate to the South Davis of Xstrata, who assured him for work (NC, 21 Aug, 5 Sept, 14 Oct that the Koniambo project would 2006). In December, New Caledonia be built under the same arrange- increased its shares in the sln to 34 ments the smsp had already made percent by exchanging some of its with Falconbridge. That same day, shares of Eramet, the parent holding Neaoutyine met with Ku-Taek Lee of company (NC, 1 Dec 2006). South Korea’s Posco, a metallurgical The Goro project in the South is pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 593 another story, because of the low of this violence are the leaders of inco royalties promised and objections to and the Southern Province” (NC, 3–6 environmental pollution and the use of April 2006). foreign construction workers. In fact, During sporadic negotiations, Goro protests have shut down the project Nickel told many of its employees to more than once since 2002. In early stop working for security reasons, 2006, 1,600 workers, 90 percent of while it still paid them, and it assessed whom were local, were employed by the damage to the site at us$10 mil- Goro Nickel, though it said that lack lion. Wamytan of the Customary of specialized local training in certain Senate and also Caugern (Comité fi elds necessitated hiring hundreds of autochtone pour la gestion des res- Filipinos. inco promised to be very sources naturelles) represented Rhéébù careful about pollution issues, and the Nùù in the talks, but Mapou did not Southern Province said it would be show up (NC, 7–8 April 2006; rnzi, vigilant (NC, 3 March 2006). In April, 7 April 2006). While Frogier called however, Raphael Mapou’s Rhéébù on Sarkozy for military and police Nùù (Eye of the Country) again reinforcements, the flnks tried to besieged the work site. It protested negotiate between Rhéébù Nùù and against pollution, demanded that roy- pro-Goro chiefs. The sln proposed it alties be paid directly to local chiefs, should develop a new processing plant put up blockades, and used inco at Prony, next to Goro, and 600 pro- machines to dig deep ditches. Four Goro protesters marched again into trucks of French gendarmes arrived, Noumea (NC, 12–13 April 2006). The made arrests in a hail of stones, clubs, police broke up Rhéébù Nùù picket and Molotov cocktails, and soon liber- sites and set up barricades to protect ated the site, but the next day Rhéébù access to Goro, allowing work on the Nùù was back with banners along the Prony electrical plant to resume, but access roads and demands for discus- Rhéébù Nùù, supported by Caugern, sions. Local residents who relied on local environmentalists and the pro- Goro for jobs staged counterprotests independence Union Syndicaliste and marched into Noumea. In the des Travailleurs Kanak et Employés trial of a Rhéébù Nùù protester who (ustke) organized an anti-Goro march burned a company vehicle, the pros- of 1,200 in Noumea (NC, 19–21 April, ecutor argued, “The Northern plant 24 April 2006). Gomes of the South- will pollute just as much and so far no ern Province announced that a third one has protested. The real question environmental impact study would is to know what degree of pollution begin, this time focusing on potential the residents are ready to accept. Will effl uents of chrome and manganese, the mud of Koniambo be less red which Rhéébù Nùù argued would because the factory will be Kanak?” exceed EU standards (NC, 25 April, The defense attorney replied, “We 28 April 2006). The study would know that the construction permit take time, but Mapou went to court was granted by the Southern Province on charges of armed conspiracy and against the advice of its own Environ- traffi c blockage, while he sued and mental Offi ce. . . . The real instigators was countersued by Gomes and the 594 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007) head of Goro Nickel. Supporters of good relationship with indigenous Rhéébù Nùù still blocked the trans- communities” because it was from the port of workers to Goro by ferry and Southern Hemisphere, even though in sabotaged the Goro water supply (NC, October, 200 armed Brazilian Indians 10–12 May, 23 May 2006). seized a company mining town and The ae government warned against took 600 hostages to demand develop- the damage Rhéébù Nùù was doing ment aid (NC, 15 Aug, 16 Nov 2006; to the image of New Caledonia in IHT 13 Dec 2006). In October, the the eyes of outside investors as well new environmental study warned of as to local development (NC, 25 May pollution by effl uent processing acids, 2006), while the flnks denounced the cobalt, chrome, and manganese, so a “opportunist” tactics of Rhéébù Nùù Paris court ordered Goro to halt con- and backed “the industrial projects struction of its waste storage site (NC, in progress” (kol, 2 June 2006). But 22–23 Nov 2006; pir, 21 Nov 2006). in June, 2,500 protesters marched Other disruptions came from labor against Goro Nickel in Noumea with unions whose concerns also became French antiglobalization activist José political and affected the mining Bové participating (NC, 6 June 2006). industry. ustke, the largest and most Soon after, a local administrative pro-independence union in the country court voided Goro Nickel’s permit to (a former member of the flnks, in develop the site because estimated pol- fact), conducted high-impact strikes lution by manganese effl uents would in the cause of protecting local hiring be one hundred times the acceptable and businesses from outside compe- EU norm. The court thus legitimized tition. Besides shutting down most Rhéébù Nùù concerns, though it schools on the east coast of Grande required more government investiga- Terre for a month in March and tion, not a construction shutdown (NC, repeatedly disrupting Noumea’s city 15 June 2006; pir, 15 June 2006). buses to protect its members (NC, 11 While judicial proceedings against March, 3 April, 12 July 2006), ustke Rhéébù Nùù continued, its supporters blockaded the rfo (Réseau Français renewed protests against the “illegal- d’Outremer) television station over ity” of Goro Nickel, which offered Rock Haocas, whose case had already a pact to the citizens of the South, caused ustke to shut down rfo for promising to recruit more local work- most of three months in 2004. In that ers and businesses, pay for training, year, Haocas returned from technical strengthen its pollution controls, and training in France but was hired by participate in a broadly based over- rfo for a lower-paying job because sight committee (NC, 5 July, 14 July it had no post that fi t his qualifi ca- 2006). Still unsatisfi ed, Rhéébù Nùù tions, thus making him the focus of a and Caugern called for a month of local hiring dispute. Courts in 2005 mobilization to promote discussions, had twice convicted Haocas of violent but they refrained from calling for a behavior toward a coworker dur- shutdown (NC, 26 Aug 2006). Mean- ing that strike, so rfo wanted to fi re while, inco was taken over by cvrd him this year, but ustke objected to of Brazil, which claimed to “have a the court conviction and the fi ring, pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 595 demanding that Haocas be transferred the strike. Finally, one hundred fi fty to another job (NC, 14 Feb, 22 March French police liberated the port in a 2006). Of 150 employees at rfo, only swift but violent battle, only to have 12 participated in the ustke block- ustke protest outside the police sta- ade, so it used a tactic of intermittent tion, demanding the release of those work stoppages, sometimes allow- arrested and threatening a general ing the other employees to work and strike (NC, 24 May, 1 June, 3 June, other times preventing them from 9–10 June 2006; pir, 9 June 2006). having access to rfo, even interrupt- ustke and the two shipping compa- ing work part way through the day, nies reached understandings in late so the employer could not feasibly put June and July to “recognize the par- workers on paid leave. rfo refused to ticularities of New Caledonia” so that renegotiate with ustke, so non-strik- local companies do not get squeezed ing workers became exasperated, as out of the market. Labor minister did the rest of the population, with the Gerald Cortot suggested that instead unpredictable tv broadcasts (NC, 29 of having shipping lines make separate March, 15 April, 29 April 2006). The contracts with local stevedore compa- ldh-nc and flnks, among others, nies, the latter should work together denounced the strike, which went on to share the market (NC, 24 June, for six months despite court action 11 July 2006; pir, 23 July 2006). that imposed daily fi nes on the union ustke closed out its year with judicial (NC, 1 June, 18–19 July, 10 Aug 2006). proceedings against its members and Finally, in November, rfo agreed to leaders, while ustke President Gerard transfer Haocas to France and help Jodar vowed that the union would him fi nd a job in another television become a political party (NC, 29 Nov, enterprise (NC, 10 Nov 2006). 7 Dec 2006). ustke also blocked the main Sylvain Nea has developed quite seaport for fi ve weeks in May and a reputation, and court record, for June, to protest what it called inva- labor strikes that interfere with daily sions of the New Caledonia market activities in New Caledonia, espe- by large foreign companies, such as cially since he was expelled from the Mediterranean Shipping Company usoenc and struggled to establish (msc) and Maersk, without negoti- his own Conféderation Syndicale des ating proper agreements with local Travail leurs de la Nouvelle-Calédonie stevedore companies like Manutrans, (cstnc), which has became the fi fth- which happens to be owned by the largest union in the country (NC, 22 former president of ustke (NC, 20 July 2006). A seven-and-a-half-month May 2006). ustke erected a wall blockade of the Surf Novotel Hotel of layered containers around the in Noumea was so catastrophic for port but eventually let other vessels the owners that it went bankrupt in unload while preventing the msc and January 2006. In the accord fi nally Maersk ships from doing so. Rival reached in April, outside investors labor unions protested the stoppage pulled out and the local owner, the and tried to force their way in, and Northern Province, had to convert the flnks again denounced ustke for half of the rooms into apartments. 596 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007)

The main thing that cstnc gained was reduction in gasoline prices, and the offi cial recognition, while its ten fi red reduction of prices for other necessi- members remained unemployed (NC, ties such as rice. Despite rumors, Nea 22 March, 26 April 2006). The cstnc insisted that the rpcr was not behind also struck against the sln for three his strike trying to undermine the ae months in late 2005, and in April government, though he did demand 2006, the union won its case in court, that the ae government resign and when the administrative tribunal in called for new elections (NC, 21 Sept, Noumea agreed that the sln had 27 Sept 2006). Ironically, his 1,500 unfairly fi red two cstnc members for strikers shut down many of the local blocking access to a dangerous electri- gasoline stations, as well as baker- cal installation at the Doniambo nickel ies, while Goro withdrew most of its processing plant (NC, 22 April, 19 workers from the construction site, May 2006). The cstnc struck again in except for the 550 Filipinos, who had 2006 by shutting down the sln medi- no place else to go (NC, 28 Sept 2006). cal center for seven weeks over the ustke also condemned the hiring of transfer of a female worker to another Filipinos, claiming to have seen them local facility; it also argued that Nea’s doing many unskilled or semiskilled former branch of usoenc, soenc jobs that local workers could be hired Nickel, should no longer be on the to do, and not just specialized techni- administrative council of the center, cal tasks (NC, 22 Sept 2006). It was since cstnc had a majority of mem- also revealed that the Filipinos were bers in the sln upcountry (outside paid the minimum wage for New Doniambo). Police liberated the medi- Caledonia, us$1000 a month, minus cal center in July, but other blockages 30 percent for room and board, and persisted, so that neither medical care they were of course not unionized nor reimbursements were available to (NC, 30 Oct 2006). The ae govern- sln workers, and when non-striking ment argued that its reforms were employees tried to go back to work, already lowering the cost of living in they were ordered away. An accord New Caledonia, and it sued Nea for was reached in August, when the costing local businesses millions of transfer was delayed for two months francs with his strikes, disrupting local pending further negotiations (NC, 30 life with so many different demands, March, 29 July, 8 Aug, 10 Aug, 19 putting two thousand Caledonians out Aug 2006). of work at Goro, and preaching racial The next month, Nea declared hatred (NC, 29 Sept 2006). The cstnc a general strike on political issues, organized processions in Noumea by which he used as a pretext for block- large mineral trucks and tractors and ading the sln again, among many shut down the upcountry sln mines other sites. The cstnc demanded the that provided Doniambo with ore to immediate beginning of construction process, which stirred up antistrike on the Northern nickel processing protests. As the strike dragged on, plant, the expulsion of Filipino work- even some cstnc members began to ers from Goro, new taxes on the rich defect because they weren’t being paid, and on capital exports, a 50 percent until a few illegally diverted sln funds pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 597 to them (NC, 6–7 Oct, 12 Oct, 24 Oct that it could get only short-term con- 2006). tracts overseas (NC, 19 Dec 2006). After a month-long blockade, the david chappell police liberated Doniambo, but only two of its four ore sources upcoun- try were functioning. The rpcr and References ae traded barbs over alleged politi- Frogier, Pierre. 2006 Speech at rpcr cal plotting behind the strike, while Congress. 20 May. the cstnc adopted ustke’s tactic IHT, International Herald Tribune. Daily. of on-again, off-again picketing and Paris. http://www.iht.com blockages (NC, 14 Dec, 17 Oct, 20 Oct 2006). The cstnc even shut down the kol, Kanaky Online. http:// fr.groups local newspaper temporarily for what .yahoo.com / group / kanaky it considered unfair reporting (pir, 7 NC, Les Nouvelles-Calédoniennes. Daily. Nov 2006), while repeated negotia- Noumea. http://www.info.lnc.nc / tions stalled. Nea went to court for pir, Pacific Islands Report. his appeal of a conviction from the http://pidp.eastwestcenter.org / pireport previous year of blockades that had rnzi, Radio New Zealand International. condemned him to three months in http://www.rnzi.com prison. The judge upheld the convic- tion and sentence, but told Nea that TPM, Tahiti-Pacifique Magazine. Monthly. he could appeal to a higher court, and Papeete. that there would likely be a “more or less generous” amnesty granted after the 2007 presidential elections Solomon Islands for union-related offenses. By mid- November, Nea was softening his For Solomon Islands, 2006 brought general strike demands, was arrested a lot of expectations for positive for diverting sln funds and, with two change, especially with regard to associates, was fi ned us$20,000, and political leadership at the national soon was offering to resign from the level. Many Solomon Islanders hoped sln (but not his union) if the company that the national elections, scheduled did not fi re nine of his union mem- for April, would bring about a change bers. After three months of striking of government. The government that and often-paralyzing rush hour traffi c had ruled since 2001 under Sir Allan jams, the Filipinos were still working Kemakeza was perceived by many as for Goro, the ae was still in power, incompetent and had failed miser- and nearly every organization in New ably on the credibility scale. There Caledonia was fed up with Nea, even was hope, therefore, that the election if it supported aspects of his concerns would usher in a new government. (NC, 23 Nov, 20 Dec 2006). The sln, These expectations were backed by which actually had little to do with his the fact that the 2006 election was the specifi c strike demands, claimed that fi rst truly free and fair election. It was it had lost us$110 million from work the fi rst election since the deployment interruptions and so much credibility of the Regional Assistance Mission 598 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007) to Solomon Islands (ramsi), which New Year. But as most people enjoyed disarmed most of those involved in the holidays, those intending to stand the years of civil unrest from late 1998 for offi ce were busy preparing for the to mid-2003. Although the previous elections. By the time registrations national election (in 2001) had been closed, a record number of 453 candi- declared free and fair by international dates were signed up to contest in the and domestic observers, many Solo- fi fty constituencies. This was an aver- mon Islanders knew that because of age of 9.1 candidates per constituency, the widespread presence of guns in the up from 6.6 in 2001. The election, communities at that time, voters had held on 5 April, was declared a success not really been free to choose. There by international and local observers. had been evidence of intimidation of By the time the votes had all been voters in some places. Much of this counted, half the sitting members occurred before and after the election, of Parliament had lost their seats. and thus was never seen by observers Among them were Joses Tuhanuku, who were present mainly on the day the leader of the Labour Party, and of the election. Alfred Sasako, the outspoken member The 2006 election, however, for East Kwaio on Malaita. Some of brought drama that dominated most the prominent fi gures in the previous of the year. Much of it emanated from Kemakeza-led government, however, dissatisfaction over the outcome of the retained their seats. These included Sir election of the prime minister. Further, Allan Kemakeza himself; Snyder Rini, the newly elected Solomon Islands his deputy in the previous govern- government engaged in a protracted ment; Laurie Chan; and Peter Boyes. diplomatic row with its Australian The other Big-men of Solomon Islands counterpart. This was largely a result politics who were also reelected of what Honiara saw as Canberra’s were Job Dudley Tausinga (who ran interference in Solomon Islands unopposed in his North New Geor- domestic affairs. There were also gia constituency), Francis Billy Hilly, debates about the regional assistance Bartholomew Ulufa‘alu, Manasseh mission and Australia’s dominant role Sogavare, and Patterson Oti. in it. In the days following the national These events and debates high- election, members of Parliament light the vulnerability of post-confl ict gathered in Honiara to prepare for societies and the challenges of rebuild- the “second election”—the election of ing societies and states that have been the prime minister, which would also traumatized by confl icts. They also determine who formed the govern- demonstrate the challenges for inter- ment. This period, as usual, was char- national intervention and the role of acterized by intense lobbying, both foreign governments in post-confl ict among the members of Parliament and reconstruction. from lobbyists outside. This is also The year kicked off on an upbeat a period during which, in the past, note as many people joined families there were allegations that powerful and friends in villages around the individuals with big money would country to celebrate Christmas and often bribe members of Parliament to pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 599 ensure that any government that was The Chinese — or waku, as they formed would favor them. Members are known locally—were targeted of Parliament usually form coalitions because of a widespread perception or “camps” and try to lure enough that it had been Asian businesses who other members to make up suffi cient bankrolled Rini’s group and infl uenced numbers to form a government. the result of the election. Francis Billy The election of the prime minis- Hilly, for example, alleged that large ter was held on 18 April, with three sums of money changed hands to win candidates up for the post: Tausinga, over the support of certain members Rini, and Sogavare. Rini eventually of Parliament. He claimed that as emerged as winner, bringing back into much as si$30,000 to si$50,000 had power the old Kemakeza-led govern- been offered to individual members to ment. This was a coalition between vote for Rini (Solomon Star, 18 April the People’s Alliance Party, Lafari, 2006). This assertion, like similar and the Association of Independent allegations in the past, has never been Members. Also with the group were substantiated. Sogavare and four of his followers In the days that followed, pro- who had defected from the other side testors continued to demand Rini’s only days before. resignation. The newly elected prime The hundreds of people who minister, however, refused to give gathered outside Parliament that day in, arguing that he had been elected found the result unacceptable. They through a constitutional process and jeered at the newly elected prime could only be ousted through that minister, demanding that he step down process. But despite his persistence, on and allow Tausinga to take over the 26 April — only eight days after being reigns of power. Some demanded that elected into offi ce — Rini was forced the members of Parliament go back to resign on the fl oor of Parliament. into the chamber and vote again. The This became necessary after Sogavare crowd soon became rowdy and their and his followers crossed the fl oor and actions quickly deteriorated into vio- joined the Opposition. In announc- lent confrontations with the police. ing his resignation, Rini said that he When the police deployed tear gas, did so “because I did not have the the protestors moved into the main numbers this morning in parliament, streets of Honiara, destroying and I had no option but to resign to give looting Asian (mostly Chinese) busi- way for the election of a new Prime nesses. By the end of that day, most Minister. I did not resign as a result of of the shops in Chinatown had been calls by the protestors. I did not yield looted and burned. The destruction to the calls of the protestors because went on into the next day, prompting I did not want to set a bad precedent hundreds of Chinese families to fl ee. for future Prime Ministers of this Australia sent in troops from Towns- country” (Government Information ville, Queensland, to help local and Service, 26 April 2006). ramsi police stop the violence. It was Rini’s resignation made way for the worst public destruction ever seen another election. Manasseh Soga- in Honiara. vare and Fred Fono, the member for 600 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007)

Central Kwara‘ae, contested, and accusing the Australian government Sogavare was elected as prime minis- of interfering in Solomon Islands ter. He subsequently chose Job Dudley domestic affairs. The Solomon Star (9 Tausinga to be deputy and moved to May 2006), for example, reported that form a Grand Coalition Government Sogavare had accused Foreign Min- with a number of political parties and ister Downer “of interfering with the some independents. domestic affairs of Solomon Islands.” In announcing his cabinet, Soga- Sogavare said that “Australia’s con- vare included Charles Dausabea and demnation of the ministerial appoint- Nelson Ne‘e, two Honiara members of ments of two Members of Parliament Parliament who had allegedly incited is clearly an interference in local poli- and organized the riots. At the time tics.” He even threatened to terminate of their appointment, both had been ramsi, arguing that it was dominated charged and were in jail awaiting trial. by Australia. Dausabea was appointed minister of This triggered a tense diplomatic Police and National Security, while standoff between Australia and Solo- Ne‘e was minister for Culture and mon Islands that eventually led to Tourism. Their appointments attracted the declaration of Australian High widespread criticism, both locally Commissioner Patrick Cole as a and internationally. The criticisms persona non grata. He was accused intensifi ed when, in setting up a com- of interfering in local politics and mission of enquiry into the riots, the was expelled from Solomon Islands Prime Minister’s Offi ce included in the in September. This tension between commission’s terms of reference items the two countries dominated political that were perceived as prejudicial to discussions throughout 2006 and into the court processes and were seen as 2007, marking the lowest period, so aimed at exonerating the two contro- far, in the history of diplomatic rela- versial cabinet ministers. Among those tions between Solomon Islands and who expressed concern about the Australia. terms of reference was then Attorney To add salt to the wound, in General Primo Afeau. December, Commissioner of Police Criticism also came from the Aus- Shane Castle (an Australian national), tralian government through Foreign while on holiday in Australia, was Affairs Minister Alexander Downer, declared an “undesirable immigrant” who expressed disappointment and and banned from reentering Solomon concern over the appointment of Islands. Minister of Foreign Affairs the two controversial members of Patterson Oti said that the decision Parliament as cabinet ministers. But was made “after long deliberations Canberra was also concerned that the based on the Police Commissioner’s terms of reference for the commis- conduct on several instances, includ- sion of enquiry were designed to place ing his role in the 2006 riots and the blame on Australian Federal Police well-publicized raiding of the Prime serving on ramsi. Minister’s Offi ce” (Department of Sogavare, who has never been a fan Prime Minister and Cabinet 2007). of Australia, lashed out at Canberra, Throughout 2006, the diplomatic pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 601 row with Australia overshadowed in Port Moresby by PNG and Aus- Solomon Islands foreign relations in tralian authorities. He appeared in a particular, and political discussions Port Moresby court, and was taken more generally. A new Australian high into custody while awaiting arrange- commissioner was not appointed until ments to be extradited to Australia. In early 2007. Peter Hooton presented early October, however, Moti escaped his credentials to Prime Minister Soga- to Solomon Islands on a clandestine vare in March 2007, after waiting for PNG Defense Force fl ight. Canberra almost two months to be received. then lashed out at Port Moresby, The situation between Australia banning PNG politicians from enter- and Solomon Islands was exacerbated ing Australia. Allegations that people by the appointment of Julian Moti high in the PNG government assisted as attorney general, replacing Primo in Moti’s escape led to the establish- Afeau, who was sacked for opposing ment of a commission of enquiry to the terms of reference for the commis- look into Moti’s escape and how rules sion of enquiry on the riots. Moti, an had been broken to facilitate it. The Australian citizen, is a lawyer with a commission’s report pointed to wrongs shady past. In 1997 he was charged committed as far up as the Prime for statutory rape in Vanuatu, but was Minister’s Offi ce. It put Prime Minis- later acquitted. Moti is close to Soga- ter Sir Michael Somare in a diffi cult vare, with whom he shares a dislike political situation. of the Australian government and its By October the Moti affair had set policies in Solomon Islands. the stage for a standoff between the Not long after he was appointed Melanesian countries and Australia at attorney general, Canberra announced the Pacifi c Islands Forum meeting in that Moti was wanted in Australia for Nadi, Fiji. Solomon Islands demanded the 1997 rape case in Vanuatu. This a review of ramsi, with the objec- raised questions about Canberra’s tive of scaling down the Australian motives: Why did the Australian involvement. While the Forum agreed, authorities wait until now to charge nothing has yet been done. In the him? Canberra’s action was seen as meantime, the diplomatic tension with politically motivated — an attempt Australia persists, although offi cials to ensure that Moti, who publicly from the two countries have been expresses anti-Australian views, working to mend relations. Australia does not become attorney general has come to realize that dealing with and thereby exert more infl uence in its Melanesian neighbors will not be Solomon Islands government policies easy. toward Australia. Politically, the Sogavare-led govern- In an interesting twist to the Moti ment is united. But there is general saga, neighboring Papua New Guinea public discontent in Solomon Islands (PNG) was dragged into the diplo- over its poor diplomacy, especially in matic standoff with Australia after relation to Australia, whom many peo- Moti escaped from Port Moresby ple view as saving the Solomons from while waiting for extradition to Aus- militant control. In particular, there is tralia. In September he was arrested concern about the anti-ramsi rhetoric 602 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007) and the threats to expel ramsi. Public approach.” The verdict on whether or dissatisfaction with the Sogavare-led not it succeeds will, however, come a government’s policies has been exacer- few years down the road. bated by the government’s intention to The government’s rural develop- rearm the Close Protection Unit of the ment focus is being supported by aid Solomon Islands Police Force. Many donors and international funding Solomon Islanders still do not trust the agencies. The World Bank, European police because of the involvements of Union, and AusAID, for example, some offi cers in criminal activities dur- have funded the Agriculture and Rural ing the civil unrest. Development Strategy, which focuses All this negative publicity and poor on facilitating rural people’s participa- diplomacy overshadowed the govern- tion in the cash economy. This will be ment’s positive initiatives. The focus implemented jointly by donors and the of its policy, for example, was on rural Ministry of Planning and Aid Coordi- development—an attempt to involve nation. the majority of people, who live in In terms of economic develop- rural areas, in the development pro- ment, the economy is growing slowly. cess. Although this is not an entirely This is due to smallholder producers new initiative—the rhetoric has been as well as the reopening of some of used before by successive govern- the major industries like the oil palm ments—the Sogavare-led government plantation in the Guadalcanal Plains. believed it could deliver development The plantation was abandoned by its to rural people through its “Bottom former owner, the Solomon Islands Up Approach” strategy. In his speech Plantation Ltd (a subsidiary of the marking the country’s twenty-eighth Commonwealth Development Corpo- anniversary of independence, Prime ration) during the height of the civil Minister Sogavare pointed to the fact unrest. It has since been bought by that Solomon Islanders had benefi ted the Guadalcanal Plains Palm Oil Ltd, only marginally from development a subsidiary of Kulim Bhd, a Malay- in past years. He attributed this to sian-registered company that also has the fact that Solomon Islanders never plantations in New Britain in neigh- really participated in the development boring Papua New Guinea. It put a process. Consequently, he stated that lot of money into the rehabilitation of his government was “determined to the plantation, started production, and improve the active participation of exported its fi rst crude oil to Europe Solomon Islanders in development by in mid-2006. It has recruited over one emphasising development at grassroots thousand local workers to rehabilitate level” (Solomon Star, 10 July 2006). and reconstruct the plantation. He said that development also depends By the end of 2006, negotiations for on people allowing their resources the establishment of another oil palm to be used for development and the plantation in Auluta on Malaita Prov- government to protect the rights of ince had been fi nalized and work on resource owners. By the end of 2006, it is expected to begin in 2007. This a strategic plan had been drawn for is a major breakthrough, given that it the implementation of the “bottom-up would be the fi rst large-scale develop- pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 603 ment on Malaita, the province with Despite police raids on kwaso produc- the largest population in the country. tion, the problem persists, because for In the meantime, the Gold Ridge many people it is their only source of gold mine, which had been destroyed income. This has led to other prob- during the civil unrest, was bought by lems, especially in the urban areas. an Australian consortium, the Austra- ramsi continues to work with local lia Solomons Gold, and is expected authorities to address this. to resume production by the end of In the meantime police continued 2007. Work on rehabilitating the mine to investigate allegations of corruption began in 2005. among elite Solomon Islanders. Earlier So, while the diplomatic debacle there were concerns that ramsi had between the Solomon Islands and not arrested the “big fi sh”—politicians Australian governments was going on, and public servants who were alleg- public servants and ordinary Solomon edly emptying government coffers. Islanders were hard at work trying to Among those whom people pointed rebuild the economy and their own to was former Prime Minister Kema- lives. It was, however, a diffi cult and keza. In April, then Police Commis- uphill battle. Life for average Solomon sioner Shane Castles told Radio New Islanders has become more diffi cult Zealand that Kemakeza was being because of the rapidly increasing cost investigated for allegations of fraud, of living (especially in urban areas) following the tabling of a revealing and the unavailability of or limited audit report by the country’s auditor access to social services. Those who general. This is with regard to money are employed fi nd that their income missing from compensation payment is often insuffi cient, and villagers when Kemakeza was the minister for have little or no access to sources of National Unity and Reconciliation. income generation. In January the It was alleged that more than us$5 national secretary of the Solomon million went missing and that many Islands Council of Trade Unions, of the compensation claims, which Tony Kagovai, acknowledged that in included one submitted by Kemak- 2006 many employees “would fi nd it eza, were excessive and falsifi ed. In diffi cult to meet their basic needs such October, Kemakeza was arrested and as food, shelter, clothing and educa- charged with robbery, larceny, intimi- tion” (Solomon Star, 8 Jan 2006). As dation, and demanding money with the year wore on, that became more menaces. The charges relate to allega- evident and has contributed to social tions that Kemakeza had instructed problems. former militants to intimidate and rob Law and order has improved a legal fi rm, Sol-Law, in 2002 (rnzi signifi cantly since the deployment of 2006). ramsi because guns have been taken Another issue that featured promi- away from the communities. However, nently in 2006 was the continuing new challenges have emerged relating debate about the relationship between to increasing use of drugs like mari- Solomon Islands and the Republic juana and home-brewed (and distilled) of China (Taiwan) and how that has alcohol, known locally as kwaso. infl uenced domestic politics. In the 604 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007) past, concerns had been expressed resignation of Deputy Prime Minister that Taiwanese aid had a negative Job Dudley Tausinga. This followed impact because it was being used to disagreements between Tausinga and fi nance certain politicians. In fact, in the prime minister over the “illegal the lead-up to the April election Joses shipment” of logs by a company that Tuhanuku alleged, “Taiwan’s dirty operated in Tausinga’s North New money comes fl ooding forward for the Georgia constituency. In an inter- politician or candidate of the prime view with the Solomon Star (20 Dec minister’s choice. . . . Now in the past 2006), Tausinga said that he “had few months leading up to the election, been forced to take the action I did these Special Projects are being used as because certain people were forcing the chief source of campaign fund- me to apply a political solution to a ing for the Prime Minister’s favorites legal issue. For me, that is wrong. You whom are expected, once elected, to cannot continue to apply political back him and his Republic of China solutions to legal issues.” But despite cronies” (Solomon Star, 15 March Tausinga’s resignation, the government 2006). remained strong. Interestingly, when Sogavare came By the end of December 2006, the into power, he had indicated that he political wheels turned more slowly. would reconsider the country’s rela- But the year had been packed with tionship with Taiwan. But as Taiwan drama, especially in foreign relations. poured money into politicians’ slush In terms of development issues, it fund, or the Rural Constituency Devel- seemed as though the government was opment Fund, the government opted saying the right things, at least rhetori- to stick with it. Taiwan has, over the cally, through its rural development years, provided important source focus. Whether or not these policies of assistance to Solomon Islands will succeed is yet to be seen. One and cannot be disposed of easily by thing is certain, even if the Sogavare- politicians. The nature of Taiwanese led government dislikes Australia, they involvement in Solomon Islands and need Canberra’s assistance if they are the impact on the country’s domestic to successfully implement their poli- politics will continue to be an issue of cies and drag Solomon Islands out of debate in the future. the problems left behind by the civil The political highlight of Decem- unrest. ber was the provincial elections. In tarcisius tara kabutaulaka, Malaita, the provincial premier in louisa kabutaulaka the previous assembly, Reuben Moli, lost his seat, while the Guadalcanal provincial election saw only four pro- References vincial members retaining their seats. Isabel and Western Provinces elected Department of Prime Minister and Cabi- new premiers. The election results net. 2007. http://www.pmc.gov.sb /?q showed a desire for change of leader- =node /913 [accessed 19 March 2007] ship even at the provincial level. Government Information Service, 26 April The year was rounded off with the 2006. pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 605 rnzi, Radio New Zealand International. Melanesian Progressive Party had 2006. Former Solomons PM Kemakeza left the governing coalition. These Charged over Law Firm Robbery. 25 Octo- two parties, along with the Union of ber. http: // www.rnzi.com / pages /news Moderate Parties, formed an opposi- .php?op=read&id=27786 tion bloc that supported Sela Molisa Solomon Star. Honiara. Daily. as the new prime minister (PVPO, 21 March 2006). Although politics in Vanuatu frequently appears to be dominated by personalities rather than Vanuatu policies, in this instance there were Perceived lack of government action clear policy motives for the proposed on various issues and indecisiveness or motion. They included “the delay in lack of coordination within the gov- appointing a police commissioner (for erning coalition led to three proposed more than 18 months), [the failure to motions of no confi dence against resolve] Air Vanuatu / Vanair’s strike Prime Minister Ham Lini during 2006. and the Vanuatu Commodities Mar- While Lini survived all of these chal- keting Board (vcmb) saga [relating lenges, the price of the government’s to listing kava as a prescribed com- survival was high. Large pay increases modity]” (PVPO, 14 March 2006). were awarded to public servants and Other issues included “unresolved police, while the Vanuatu Commodi- issues such as unsuccessful motions of ties Marketing Board (vcmb) declared non confi dences that cost a lot to the price increases for the purchase of people of Vanuatu, illegal terminations copra and kava. from the government . . . high school The Lini-led coalition government fees, the issue of the two new Chinese was fi rst established in December donated ships awaiting routes, the late 2004. Throughout 2005 there were start to operations of Pekoa Interna- several changes to the coalition. By tional Airport and the court case of February 2006 the government con- the termination of the former chief sisted of eight political parties, includ- executive offi cer of Air Vanuatu that is ing the National United Party (nup) costing millions of vatu in compensa- and the Vanua‘aku Party (vp); People’s tion” (PVPO, 21 Feb 2006). Underlying Progressive Party (ppp); National all of these issues was the perception Community Association Party (ncap); that the Lini-led government was Melanesian Progressive Party (mpp); indecisive or unable to make decisions Vanuatu Republican Party (vrp); when needed. This is at least in part People’s Action Party (pap); and two due to the need to gain agreement of backbenchers from the Union of all members of the coalition before Moderate Parties (ump) (PVPO, 2 Feb decisions can be made. 2006). There were some legal maneuver- The fi rst major challenge the gov- ings prior to parliamentary debate ernment faced in 2006 was a motion on the motion of no confi dence, with of no confi dence in March. By early the government proposing a coun- March all the Green Confederation ter motion to censure the members (gc) members of Parliament and the involved. This was ruled to be uncon- 606 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007) stitutional (VDP, 18 March 2006) on of no confi dence. Additionally, the the grounds that “A motion of no Parliament (Members’ Expenses and confi dence is not serious misconduct Allowances) (Amendment) Act 2006 within the standing orders of the was passed in the fi nal session of Par- parliament and a member cannot be liament. This act (which was seen as suspended or disciplined for fi ling, giving in to government backbenchers’ signing or supporting a motion of no demands for an increase in allowances confi dence against the prime minis- in order to prevent any of them from ter of the republic” (PVPO, 29 March crossing the fl oor) increased monthly 2006). The motion of no confi dence traveling allowances from 34,000 vatu failed, largely because kava was taken to 70,000 vatu. The motion therefore off the list of prescribed commodities lost support and was withdrawn (VDP, the day before the motion was debated 16 Dec 2006). in Parliament, and this was one of the Of the policy issues underpinning main policy changes that the oppo- the various no confi dence motions, sition was seeking (VDP, 20 March three are particularly noteworthy: the 2006). lack of action over the appointment In May, kava was relisted as a pre- of a police commissioner; instability scribed commodity, and in early June within Air Vanuatu; and questions as there was talk that another motion to the future role of the Vanuatu Com- of no confi dence would be lodged, modities Marketing Board, particu- although this did not ultimately even- larly in relation to the export of kava. tuate (PVPO, 3 Aug 2006). A 20–25 Issues relating to the police commis- percent pay increase for civil servants sioner and Air Vanuatu were detailed that was paid from early August in the 2005 Vanuatu political review. helped to ensure that support for the The position of police commissioner Lini government was maintained. had been fi lled by an acting commis- There had reportedly been no review sioner since September 2004, when of public servant pay scales in ten Robert Diniro Obed lost his position years, so an upward adjustment was after being involved in an attempted warranted, but such a large increase arrest of then Prime Minister Serge will be diffi cult to cover (IB, Jan 2007). Vohor. The lack of leadership led to The fi nal motion of no confi dence dissatisfaction within the police force, for 2006 was lodged on 8 December. and the government was subject to In response, the government increased much criticism over being slow to act the Vanuatu Commodities Market- in the appointment of a new police ing Board’s copra purchasing price commissioner. The situation was to 31,000 vatu per ton (VDP, 15 Dec resolved in August with the appoint- 2006). (During 2006, one US dollar ment of Lieutenant Colonel Patu averaged 108 vatu.) This increase, Lui of the Vanuatu Mobile Force. In which benefi ts rural communities and addition to resolving issues relating to therefore strengthens the position of leadership, other causes of dissatisfac- government members of Parliament, tion within the police force, including ensured that no members would cross low pay and lack of incentives, were the fl oor and support the motion also addressed. In April police claims pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 607 for underpayment of salaries from members had been suspended for 1998–2004 were settled (VDP, 8 April participating in 2005 in a solidarity 2006), and in August the remain- action staged to support Air Vanuatu der of the underpayment claim was workers. The matter went to media- resolved (PVPO, 14 Aug 2006). The tion on 27 January 2006 and was Government Remuneration Tribunal ultimately solved through arbitration determination of police salaries was without any disruption of services. fi nalized in December, and police sala- Vanuatu Abattoirs Ltd (val) had also ries increased from 1 January 2007. been the subject of disputes in 2005, There was also some restructuring of and another signifi cant “union action” the police force, with a new Depart- (which was not offi cially authorized ment of Correctional Services being by the vnwu) was the taking hostage established to look after the running of the abattoir manager and some of prisons (Correctional Services Act overseas workers who had been 2006), and in November, thirty new brought in to update the computer police recruits began training (VDP, 21 system. While no one was harmed in November 2006). This was the fi rst the incident, the workers had come intake of new recruits to the police armed with bush knives and steel rods. force in seven years. The val manager had previously been Strike actions in relation to Air the subject of death threats, which Vanuatu escalated toward the end of added to the gravity of the incident 2005, when some staff were laid off. (tvnz, 25 Feb 2006; VDP, 1 March Airline management stated that their 2006). The threat of major disruptions terminations were part of an ongo- by the union then gradually quieted ing restructure and that the termina- down, with the Labour Department tions were legal. In December 2005, continuing to work with all parties to forty-eight Vanuatu National Workers resolve disputes through arbitration. Union (vnwu) members were arrested By September, when at least twenty and charged with a variety of offenses vnwu workers were found guilty of in relation to unlawful picketing. The various crimes in relation to the illegal government later endorsed the Air strike action of December 2005, very Vanuatu Board’s decision to terminate little attention was given to the judg- various staff (VDP, 6 Jan 2006). The ment (VDP, 18 Sept 2006). union was obviously unhappy with the Concerns about the fi nancial situ- arrest of some of its members, and in ation of Air Vanuatu continue to be January 2006 this group fi led in court, raised, although management main- claiming that their constitutional tains that the merger of Air Vanuatu rights had been breached, although and Vanair is responsible for creat- this claim did not succeed (VDP, 4 ing many of the fi nancial diffi culties, Jan 2006). Other vnwu workers and that the airline is being managed then began to raise grievances, with appropriately and the debts it owes representatives of Unelco, Vanuatu’s are gradually being repaid (VDP, 31 only power company, issuing a notice Aug, 4 Dec 2006). of a strike action. One of the reasons The Vanuatu Commodities Market- for this was that one of their staff ing Board, which regulates various 608 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007) agricultural products, has not recently from exporters than from the Vanuatu been discussed in this journal’s Commodities Marketing Board (PVPO, Vanuatu political reviews. However, 28 Feb 2006). This issue looked set to it is also no stranger to scandal, and topple the Lini government in March, in the 1990s it had been the subject so kava was again removed from the of several ombudsman reports. The prescribed commodities list, but as reports examined alleged misappro- soon as the immediate crisis was over, priation and mismanagement by vcmb kava was again listed (Order 14 of members and agents, and political 2006; gazetted 8 May 2006), and the interference in the appointment of the vcmb purchase price for dried kava board. In 2005, following its de-pre- set at 1,000 vatu per kilogram (VDP, scription in 1997, kava was relisted as 25 May 2006). Exporters were given a prescribed commodity. In January, until 20 May to export any stock, and the marketing board declared that were told that they might forfeit any no one could export kava without a stock they attempted to export after license and that no licenses would be that date (VDP, 30 May 2006). issued to private individuals—essen- The kava dispute began to affect tially giving the board a monopoly New Caledonia as well, after the over kava. The obligation for inspect- marketing board signed an agreement ing kava exports also appeared to with Maison du Vanuatu to be the sole shift from the Vanuatu Quarantine importer and distributor of Vanuatu Inspection Service to the marketing kava in New Caledonia. By July 2006 board, raising concerns about qual- there were reports that kava dealers in ity controls on the export of kava. Vanuatu were picketing the Vanuatu This soon raised questions in relation Consular Offi ce in Nouméa over the to Vanuatu’s obligation under the agreement with Maison du Vanuatu Melanesian Spearhead Group agree- and shortages in the supply of kava ment and the Pacifi c Island Countries (VDP, 6 July 2006). Although the gov- Trade Agreement, as intensifi ed trade ernment committed itself to reviewing or export restrictions are prohibited the position in respect of Maison du under both agreements (VDP, 24 Jan Vanuatu (VDP, 13 July 2006), by the 2006). Private sector operators were end of the year Maison du Vanuatu also obviously troubled. Despite remained the sole importer of Vanu- fi gures demonstrating a boom in kava atu kava into Nouméa (VDP, 28 Nov exports after kava was taken off the 2006). Issues relating to the export list of prescribed commodities in 1997 of kava, and more generally what the (VDP, 25 Feb 2006), the government vcmb role should be in relation to maintained that the policy would be in prescribed commodities, are far from the best interest of kava growers as, by resolved, and can expect to continue forming cooperatives, they could “fi x into 2007. the price of these valuable commodi- There were a number of other ties with the buyer” (PVPO, 28 Feb recurring issues in 2006. As in 2005, 2006). However, the media reported diffi culties in local government struc- that some farmers claimed they tures were apparent. In 2005 the main received better prices for their kava focus was on the Port Vila Municipal pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 609

Council, and allegations of corruption in 2006 was land. Land in Vanuatu and mismanagement within it. In 2006 is owned by the custom owners, but it was the Luganville Municipal Coun- can be leased, thus enabling others cil that was in the spotlight. Again to “own” land for the duration of there were allegations of mismanage- the lease and to potentially trade that ment and abuse of public funds, and lease. Increasingly, land on Efate, par- problems due to outstanding debts. ticularly coastal land, has been leased, In January, Minister of Internal and the boom in real estate develop- Affairs George Wells gave the council ment has generated many concerns, two months to sort out its fi nancial including that unscrupulous land deal- situation, warning that if issues were ers might not give custom owners a not resolved, the council would be fair price for the lease; that lease terms suspended (VDP, 14 Jan 2006). The might require the leaseholder to be council was fi nally suspended in late compensated for improvements when November, with the minister stating the lease expires, but custom owners that he deliberately let matters “hit might not have the money to pay the rock bottom before deciding yet again compensation; and that people are los- to suspend it to prove to the courts ing customary access to the shore and that his decision is not biased” (VDP, reefs. In early 2006, it was reported 11 Dec 2006). Wells had attempted that the prime minister “received a to suspend the Luganville Municipal petition from chiefs demanding the Council in 2005, but the courts had government ban all sale(s) of indig- not allowed this suspension to stand. enous land” (VDP, 4 Jan 2006). In Sep- The Sanma Provincial Council also tember, Vanuatu held a National Land continued to fi nd itself in trouble. In Summit. It was reported that there August the principal electoral offi cer were over 1,000 recommendations sent a paper to the Council of Min- from this summit, but 20 resolutions isters recommending the dissolution were fi nalized (VDP, 30 Sept 2006). of this council, as half of its members These resolutions covered a range of had been absent from more than matters, including the need to review three consecutive meetings (VDP, 2 laws relating to determining the true Sept 2006). These absences were not custom owner of the land; to review the only matters that prompted the land lease conditions; to have leases ultimate dissolution of the Sanma in Bislama and to take more steps to Provincial Council; there were also ensure the true consent of the custom allegations of mismanagement and owners; to regulate real estate agents corruption. Interference by the Sanma through mechanisms such as a code Provincial Council and the Penama of fair practice; to revise land rents; to Provincial Council in the running of incorporate social impact assessments the Northern Island Stevedoring Com- into any proposed new leases; to pany Ltd was a particular issue, with ensure public access to beaches, rivers, an audit of the company showing that and lakes is guaranteed; and to create more than 46 million vatu had been a national subdivision policy. misused (VDP, 10 June, 12 July 2006). The National Land Summit has Another theme in public debate not quelled all land disputes in Port 610 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007)

Vila. In October a group from Ton- government’s representative and a goa calling itself the Vete Association US-based investment group (VDP, 28 went around spray painting on various Aug 2006). It was also signed “on buildings that they were claimed by behalf of the landowners” by a man the association. While the targeted from Ambrym and a man from Paama buildings have mainly been unoc- (VDP, 9 Aug 2006). This created anger cupied government buildings, some among the actual landowners in private homes were also marked (VDP, Santo, both because the true cus- 30 Oct 2006; PVPO, 6 Dec 2006). tom owners were not consulted, and The dissatisfaction of people from because the free trade zone proposal Tongoa is at least in part prompted involves the creation of freehold land by the handling of a sublease of land (VDP, 28 Aug 2006). The Council of by the Port Vila marketplace that Ministers has approved, in principle, was made by Ifi ra Land Trustees to a study into the costs and benefi ts of a private company. Chiefs of Tongoa a free trade zone in the Big Bay area who thought they had at least some of Santo (VDP, 17 Aug 2006). Given claim to the land placed namele leaves the way the memorandum of under- (cycad palm leaves) signifying a cus- standing is worded, the free trade zone tom ban on the site in March, only to “may have internally applicable laws, have these leaves thrown into the sea local government, freedom of offi cial by an offi cer of Ifi ra Land Trustees. currency selection, immigration, pass- This action, which indicated consider- ports etc.”—so it would essentially able disrespect for custom, created become an autonomous state (VDP, an angry response, with people from 28Aug 2006). It is not the fi rst time Tongoa cutting the fence around the that such an idea has been raised, with site and attempting to disturb work the Santo Rebellion in 1980 having there (VDP, 27 May, 30 May 2006). similar roots. More recently, a similar By the end of 2006 little development memorandum was signed in 1999 had taken place on this site and it is between government offi cials and the unclear whether any resolution as to Mondragon Group. It is interesting its future has been reached. to note that Michael Oliver, who was Santo has also been the location of instrumental in the Santo rebellion, disputes related to land. In late July was also found to be behind the Mon- there were security concerns in Lugan- dragon Group’s proposals (Ombuds- ville as violence, largely directed at a man’s Offi ce 2001). It is not clear at family from Paama, broke out. Initial this point exactly who is driving the reports suggested that disputes related latest free trade zone proposal. to the Northern Island Stevedoring A land issue that could be very Company Ltd, but it soon became costly for the government was the dis- apparent that the underlying issue was pute over the development of Kakula the existence of a memorandum of Island Resort. The development was understanding to establish a free trade approved in 2001, and in 2004, fol- zone in Santo (VDP, 4 Aug 2006). This lowing a request by the Environment memorandum was between Max- Unit, an environmental impact assess- ime Carlot Korman as the Vanuatu ment statement was submitted. The pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 611 director of the Environment Unit then gers. Vanuatu has now been removed stopped the development for reasons as a destination for the National that are unclear, and made a number Geographic tours (VDP, 29 May 2006). of defamatory statements to a meeting The potential damage to tourism and of Efate chiefs. Kakula Island Resorts retail businesses in Port Vila if inci- Ltd then sued both the government dents like these recur is something of a and the director of the Environment concern, as the cruise ships provide a Unit personally for damages, for tres- valuable source of customers. pass, negligence, injurious falsehood, p&o found itself in trouble toward defamation and breach of confi dence, the end of 2006, when it was found and general damages and exemplary that they had dumped oil from one of damages. The Supreme Court ruled their cruise ships into the Etas land- in favor of Kakula Island Resorts fi ll, located on the outskirts of Port Ltd and ordered the government to Vila (VDP, 17 Oct 2006). There are pay 745,316,344 vatu in damages. no facilities in Vanuatu to properly The director of the Environment Unit process waste oil, and the dumping was ordered to pay 7,000,000 vatu has resulted in the need for an oil- personally, due to his actions (Kakula spill cleanup operation. At the time of Island Resorts Ltd v Government of writing it appears that the cleanup has the Republic of Vanuatu [2006] vusc been effective but it is not clear who 33). While this decision could poten- authorized this oil dumping to take tially add further strain to govern- place. ment fi nances, it is reportedly being Another incident of violence marred appealed (adb 2006, 10). the end of the year, with members Tourist ships gave rise to a number of the Vanuatu Fisherman’s Associa- of incidents in 2006. The fi rst relates tion—who were allegedly unhappy to dissatisfaction on the part of bus with slow payment of outstanding and taxi drivers over a local company, money from Taiwanese ventures they Adventures in Paradise, being the sole had worked with—“kidnapping” a tour operator. In February ongoing partner from the accounting fi rm that resentments resulted in a number of was handling the funds (VDP, 12 Dec assaults on Adventures in Paradise 2006). Several days later, the newly staff, and p&o Cruises threatened to appointed president of the fi shermen’s cancel all cruise ships, although this association was shot in the leg when was soon reversed after police guaran- members had gathered outside the teed that they would have a presence Port Vila Courthouse for a court hear- at the wharf in order to keep the peace ing (VDP, 18 Dec 2006). (VDP, 16 Feb, 18 Feb 2006). Similar The apparently increasing trend incidents occurred in May, when pas- toward expressing frustrations sengers on a National Geographic ves- through violence is worrying, but sel could not leave the wharf on their two developments in 2006 may help prepaid organized tours due to tour to alleviate tensions. First, the initial buses being blocked by angry bus and payment from the Millennium Chal- taxi drivers who felt they had wasted lenge Account (mca) was received by their time waiting for potential passen- Vanuatu. mca projects will commence 612 the contemporary pacifi c • 19:2 (2007) in 2007, leading to more jobs and References improved infrastructure. Second, while the Australian government has not adb, Asian Development Bank. 2006. Country Strategy and Program Update been willing to consider allowing tem- 2006–2009: Vanuatu Section II. Current porary workers from Vanuatu or other Development Trends and Issues. Pacifi c Islands entrance to Australia, http://www.adb.org the New Zealand government estab- lished a seasonal workers scheme for IB, Islands Business. http://www .islandsbusiness.com / Vanuatu citizens in late 2006 (VDP, 20 April 2006). People under this scheme Kakula Island Resorts Ltd v Government are engaged in fruit picking, an area of the Republic of Vanuatu [2006] vusc in which New Zealand suffers labor 33. http://www.paclii.org shortages. Initial reports indicate that Ombudsman’s Office. 2001. Report on the scheme is working successfully, Improper Conduct by Government Offi- and it is hoped that the work oppor- cials in Dealing with Mondragon’s Pro- tunities and remittances generated by posed Free Trade Zone in Big Bay, Santo. this scheme will help reduce frustra- http://www.paclii.org tions. PVPO, Port Vila Presse Online. anita jowitt http://www.news.vu tvnz, Television New Zealand. http://tvnz.co.nz

VDP, Vanuatu Daily Post. Five issues per week. Port Vila.