Article／論文 A Reflection on Arabia- in the Mappa Mundi of the Chosŏn Dynasty A Study Based on the Honil kangni yŏktae kukto chido ( 混一疆理歷代國都之圖 ), or The Unified Map of Territories and Capitals of the States of 1402(1)

CHOI, Chang-Mo

Ⅰ . Introduction Ⅱ . Arab and Africa Geographical and Topographical Characters and Names Ⅲ . Conclusion

조선시대 고지도(古地圖)의 아라비아-아프리카 이해 소고 《혼일강리역대국도지도(混一疆理歷代國都之圖)》 (1402년)를 중심으로 崔 昌模

고지도는, 기본적으로는 과거가 이해하고 있던 실재 세계를 보여주는 ‘재현된 시각예술 의 한 형태’（이미지）로서, 본질적으로는 특정한 사실과 이야기를 공간적/지리적 상황에 서 보여주는 ‘재현된 담화의 한 형태（언어）로서, 역사이해의 ‘거울’이자 ‘텍스트’이다. 고지도에는 당시의 역사-지리적 지식-정보뿐만 아니라 과학기술 및 예술성 등이 도상학적

27 A Reflection on Arabia-Africa in the Mappa Mundi of the Choso˘ n Dynasty (Choi)

中東学会28-2.indb 27 2013/02/14 13:15:27 기호와 상징적 이미지를 통해 투영되어 있으며, 더 나아가 그 속에는 한 개인과 사회의 지 배적인 사상과 이념, 권력과 신앙 등의 ‘가치’가 담겨 있다. 특히 세계지도 ― 고지도의 여 러 유형들 가운데서 ― 는 지역 간 공간정보의 교류와 당시 사람들의 세계관/세계인식 혹 은 세계이해의 공적 소통구조를 엿볼 수 있는 ‘해독이 필요한 시각언어’이다. 본 논문에서는 아직까지 본격적으로 논의된 바 없는《혼일강리역대국도지도》（1402） 에 나타난 아라비아-아프리카지역의 지리적-지형적 특성과 지도에 표시된 약 71개 ― 아 라비아 24개, 아프리카 47개 ― 의 지명（地名）들과 조선시대가 보여주고자 했던 아라비 아-아프리카지역, 즉 ‘외부세계’에 대한 인식을 일반적인 역사적 배경 ― 지도제작의 목적, 과정, 지리적 정보의 유래, 지도제작자 등 ― 에서 살펴보되, 지도에 담긴 담론과 지도콘텐 츠 ― 그런 의미에서 지도의 역사는 담화와 이미지의 한 형태로서 해석될 수 있으며, 지도 학은 문학비평, 미술사, 지식사회학 등과 이론적으로 관련된다. ― 를 정치권력의 맥락에 서 왜 그렇게 표현/묘사했는가 ― 지도는 결코 가치중립적 이미지가 아니며, 지도지식은 하나의 사회적 생산물이다. 따라서 표현/묘사의 정치-사회적 의미를 간과한 어떤 지도제작 사 연구도 그 자체로 ‘역사와 관계없는’（ahistorical）역사로 분류될 뿐이다. ― 에 주목하 여 탐구함으로써《혼일강리역대국도지도》의 새로운 해석의 가능성을 열고자 한다.

Old maps are slippery witnesses. But where would historians be without them? John Horace Parry, 1976.

I. Introduction

By supplying a “mirror” and “text” that reflect the world through a historical pictorial representation or image, an old map illuminates our understanding of that world. Alternatively, an old map, through representational discourse or language, tells us about the spatial and geographic situation current at the time at which the map was drawn [Harley 2001; Cosgrove 1988; Blakemore 1980a]. Therefore, an old map not only integrates historical and geographical knowledge, but it combines scientific technology and artistic value; reflects iconological signs and symbolic images; and contains individual and socially dominant thoughts and values, such as ideology, power, and religious beliefs. In particular, world maps(2) are “a graphic language to be decoded.” It is through the language of maps that interregional spatial information

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中東学会28-2.indb 28 2013/02/14 13:15:27 and a world-view or perception of a model of the world, or even formal systems for communication, can be glimpsed. Spatiality of the map: While the Portuguese Jesuit missionary Matteo Ricci’s western-style world map Kunyu Wanguo Quantu (the Map of the Ten Thousand Countries of the Earth) was introduced to Korea in the seventeenth century, the Honil kangni yŏktae kukto chido (the Unified Map of Territories and Capitals of the States of 1402) predates this map as the oldest surviving map in East . Produced in the second year of King T’aejong’s reign during the Chosŏn dynasty, the map not only depicts the largest areas in the world, it is also the earliest known map of the world from the East Asia cartographic tradition. If we look at the map, spatially we see that China is in the middle of the world; Japan and South East Asia are in the South; Central Asia is in the West; and India, the African , the , the Iberian Peninsula, the European continent, and the are in the Far West. The age of map-making: Here does the Honil kangni yŏktae kukto chido fit in the history of map-making? Insofar as map-making in the West is concerned, it was drawn well before Spain and Portugal initiated maritime expansion during the so- called “Age of Discoveries” in the early 15th century. It also appeared about 90 years before the “” was discovered by Christopher Columbus in 1492. In respect to East Asian map-making, the Honil kangni yŏktae kukto chido appeared before the Chinese junks of the Zheng He expedition (Ming dynasty) sailed through the and Persian Gulf to the Arabian Peninsula and Africa [Guangqi 1992; Hsu 1988]. Meetings during Zheng He’s expedition left indelible imprints concerning the West on the minds of the Ming and Qing Chinese [Bae 2006, 150]. The Honil kangni yŏktae kukto chido even predates the introduction of Ptolemy’s cartology to European countries via Islam. From the perspective of a history of map-making and its develop- ment in the Chosŏn dynasty, the Honil kangni yŏktae kukto chido is a significant step in the development of cartology in its transition to scientific map-making [Yi 1977, 58], even though the world (or all under heaven [Korean: ch’ŏnha; Chinese: Tian xia]) was then perceived only as an idealized and abstracted idea with a Sino-centric bias— all of which is represented in the ch’ŏnhado (the Map of All Under Heaven) [Hulbert 1904]. It should be noted that the Honil kangni yŏktae kukto chido, which was based on knowledge inherited from an earlier period, was painted with various colored inks on silk fabric as a sort of artistic wall hanging. The knowledge it reflected was edited

29 A Reflection on Arabia-Africa in the Mappa Mundi of the Choso˘ n Dynasty (Choi)

中東学会28-2.indb 29 2013/02/14 13:15:27 Figure 1: The Honil kangni yǒktae kukto chido (the Unified Map of Territories and Capitals of the States)

(Note) I accepted the copyright of the figure to print from Omiya library. (Source) Yi hoe and Kwŏn Kŭn (Omiya library at Ryukoku University, Kyoto, Japan 150.0 × 160.0 cm).

to produce a cartographical image built from information drawn from science; in a sense, it represented technology colored by creativity. Its uniqueness is drawn from the attention it paid to the world of scholarship.(3) In this paper, I will attempt to reinterpret the Honil kangni yŏktae kukto chido (hereafter referred to as the Kangnido) by focusing on the map and its contents. To do this, I will provide a general historical background concerning maps—such as the intentions of mapmakers, the process of map-making, geographical information reflected on maps—and will place this in the context of how political power shaped these disparate elements of map-makings. I will attempt to explain the perception

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中東学会28-2.indb 30 2013/02/14 13:15:27 created by the Kangnido of the “external world.” In particular, for the Arabia-Africa , I will focus on geographical and topographical characters and place-names by identifying about 71 names and placing 24 of them in Arabia and 47 of them in Africa. A history of map-making can be seen as a historical discourse on a form of representation. Cartography can be theoretically related to literary criticism, the history of art, and the sociology of knowledge. It must be stressed that maps are never value- free; rather, they are value-laden. Knowledge drawn from maps is the result of a social product. Any that demeans the politico-social significance of the expression of a map and the description it provides would be, therefore, an “ahistorical” history [Harley 1989, 303].

II. Arab and Africa Geographical and Topographical Characters and Names

1. Arabia: Geographical and Topographical Characters and Place-names At first glimpse, the Arabian Peninsula is shaped like an elephant’s leg on the Kangnido. Its north is magnified and its south is reduced. On the map, the Arabian Peninsula is vertically divided; the African continent is by the , and its northern part is divided by the Tigris River in the east with the Mesopotamian alluvium. Its shape and size thus clearly differs from that of al-Idrisi’s world map, which was drawn in 1192. According to the Kangnido, the Arabian Peninsula and the Indian Ocean are so close that there is no distinction between them. This view is identical with al-Idrisi’s world map [John 2003, 11]. Except for a big island called haedo (sea island) and several unknown small islands in the middle of the sea, it is almost empty between the two areas. A desert, which is called sasa, is indicated by a small circle adjacent to the Tigris River on the right side in the north of the Arabian Peninsula [Beeston 1979].

2. Africa: Geographical and Topographical Characters and Place-names The African continent in the Kangnido, as depicted 100 years before the Portuguese explorer Vasco de Gama visited it, is smaller and its contours are simpler than in present times. , as portrayed in most early European maps of the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries [Ledyard 1994, 248](4), is given a triangular shape that is almost similar to its present shape; by contrast, its shape is distorted in Islamic

31 A Reflection on Arabia-Africa in the Mappa Mundi of the Choso˘ n Dynasty (Choi)

中東学会28-2.indb 31 2013/02/14 13:15:28 Table 1: Geographic Terms of the Arabian Peninsula in the Honil kangni yǒktae kukto chido

Korean Identifying with Names of place Chinese Names of places (McCune- the present-day Medieval Islamic in (Pinyin) Reischauer) names fifteenth century 1 哈難那 Hapnanna hānánnà Nopal or Oman 2 安尼 Anni ānní 3 那麻 Nama nàmá ‘book’ in Fārsi* 4 法它 Pŏpt’a fǎtā Fadak? 5 卜忽郞 Pokhollang bǔhūláng 6 撒阿忽都 Salaholdo sāāhūdū Saud? 7 揭非牙 Kepia jiēfēiyá Jedda? 8 臺伊 Taei táiyī 9 老麽它里那 Romat’arina lǎomėtālǐnà 10 庶合法 Sŏhampŏp shùhéfǎ 11 喝八里 Kalp’alli hēbālǐ 12 馬合里 Mahapri mǎhélǐ Mukallǎ? 13 渴思剌 Kalsala kěsīla Qasir? 14 外法剌 Oepŏpla wàifǎla Zufar? 15 者剌 Charal zhělá Jurash? 16 別俺 P’ŏlŏm biéǎn Ma’an? 17 長喝沒里 Chang’galmolli zhǎnghēméilǐ 18 馬喝 Magal mǎhē Mecca Makkah 19 住八剌 Chup’allal zhùbālà Zubala? 20 剌合 Ralhap làhé Raqqa? 21 阿剌馬失 Aralmagong ālàmǎshī 22 扒荅 Paetap bādá Sa’da? Jidda? 23 純都麻 Suntoma chúndūmá Aden (a port city 24 哈丹 Haptan hādān of Yemen) (Note) Most place-names on the map are in the upper part of the Arabian Peninsula; the lower part is devoid of place-names. The number of place-names mentioned on the map depends on how the boundary of the Arabian Peninsula is drawn. For purposes of this paper, I drew an arbitrary line from the northern end of the Red Sea, across the earth, and to the Tigris River. In total, 24 places were identified: 10 in the west, 10 in the middle, and four in the east. While it is virtually impossible to link most of the place-names with present-day place- names [Massaki 2007], it is almost certain that Hapdan on the map is the port city of Aden in present-day Yemen. This is not certain, but the phonetic values between Malgal and Mecca (Arab. Makkah) and between Salaholdo and Saud are similar, although it is difficult to identify “Nama,” which means “book” in Fārsi. *Ho-tong [2010: 13]. (Source) Drawn by author.

world maps [Kuei-sheng 1970, 23; Kolbe 1997]. For instance, the region south of the is omitted in al-Idrisi’s world map [Chang-mo, 2009]. Before the “Age of Discoveries,” European maps depicted the area south of the Sahara as a puzzle

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中東学会28-2.indb 32 2013/02/14 13:15:28 surrounded by “immense waste” and an “Ocean of Darkness” [Kuei-sheng 1970, 21]. One of the remarkable parts of the Kangnido is that the inland sea or the Great Central Lake is placed in the center of the African continent. This understanding of the inland sea or the Great Central Lake follows a long tradition from Ptolemy’s map [Rizzo 2006].(5) Herodotus insisted, in the fifth century B.C., that, “great swamps and sundry pools” were to be found in the sub-Sahara; and this knowledge was taken up by Ptolemy, Pliny (first century B.C.), and Paulus Orosius (fifth century B.C.). It was also passed on to medieval mapmakers from the twelve to the thirteen centuries, including Guidonis of Pisa (c. 1119), Sawley (c. 1129), Ebstorf (c. 1235), and Hereford (c. 1280). This knowledge was similarly reflected by Renaissance mapmakers from the fifteenth to the sixteenth centuries, such as Francesco Rosselli (1492), Matteo Contarini (1506), Martin Waldseemüller (1507), Johann Ruysch (1508), Bernardo Sylvanus (1511), Peter Apian (1520), Oronce Fine (1534), Sebastian Cabot (1544), and so on. Early Islamic scholars, while familiar with Ptolemy and the , also recognized that there is a large lake in [Relano 2002]. In particular, this is shown in the world map of Ibn Fadl Allah al-Umari (1349) (Fi l-ins af bayna al- wa-al-Maghrib 1301–1349). By the twelfth century, other ideas on the hydrology of the sub-Saharan interior emerged in the Islamic world; that is, it was thought that there was an “island which floods in cycles” in the large lake [Levtzion 2000; Cooley 1966; Johns 2003]. In the Kangnido, wavy lines form a pattern, representing the sea, on a foot shape and sizable “yellow sand” (hwangsa) that is located in the middle of the African continent. This indicates that the Kangnido mapmakers had information and knowledge concerning an inland sea or lake in the sub-Sahara and of a desert (the Sahara) in the middle. Three island shapes with two place-names are found to the north of the desert or inland lake (or sea). Two place-names are identified with qǐsìlǐshǎngmásāi (起巳里上麻思) in a square and wéitāmǎo (爲它卯) in a circle, and there is a blank circle without a place-name that probably indicates a “city of desert” or an “island.” In The Book of Pleasant Journeys into Faraway Lands (Kitab nuzbat al-mushtaq fikhtiraq al-afaq) (1154), which contains both al-Idrisi’s world map and the Kangnido, a 300-mile-long, 150-mile-wide island called Wangara, where gold was traded, is depicted as surrounded by the Nile. Although the idea al-Idrisi provided a “lake with islands” was unknown to most mapmakers during the Renaissance, this idea was nevertheless adopted by Muslim, Catalan, and a few European mapmakers

33 A Reflection on Arabia-Africa in the Mappa Mundi of the Choso˘ n Dynasty (Choi)

中東学会28-2.indb 33 2013/02/14 13:15:28 500 years after al-Idrisi’s world map was published. (There are a few differences in the location of the lake in the map [Masonen 2000; Relano 2002].). The lake, which is labeled as a “sandy sea,” was also drawn by early Venetian mapmakers, such as Pietro Vesconte (c. 1320), Fra Mautro (1459), and Giovanni Leardo (1452) (Rizzo 2006). If we consider phonetic values and their locations on the map, neither qǐsìlǐshǎngmásāi (起巳里上麻思) nor wéitāmǎo (爲它卯), which are cities that appear in the Kangnido, are related to the island called Wangara on al-Idrisi’s world map. Yet it is clear that the concept and perception depicted in the map must have been influenced by the Islamic maps. A long river, seemingly the Nile, rises in , flows to the north, and connects with the Red Sea. The upper stream of the Nile, which is marked with a few high mountains, flows into several reservoirs that are shaped like two spread hands that meet in two small lakes. Two tributaries of the Nile are also shown; these meet in Khartoum in the and flow together through the main headwater reservoir. The first of these, the White Nile, ends at Lake Victoria; and the second of these, the Blue Nile, has Lake Tana as its main headwater reservoir. The way in which the source of the Nile is drawn flowing to the north is similar to the way it is drawn on Islam maps, which were influenced by Ptolemy. The upper region of the Nile river, as it is depicted, shares similarities with Luo Hongxian’s Guang Yu Tu (Enlarged Terrestrial Atlas), al-Idrisi’s world map, and Jamāl al-Din’s terrestrial globe (or Kurāh-i Ard). These similarities provide evidence that the Kangnido was influenced by Islamic maps [Yi 1977, 59, 61]. The topology of () can be divided by the Iberian Peninsula and two rivers. It is relatively easy to distinguish its border because of the placement of a few rivers and the Mediterranean Sea. Forty-seven place-names appear on the African continent, the same number of place-names as on the Arabian Peninsula, if we include the Red Sea to the east, the southern Strait of Gibraltar to the west, and the Mediterranean Sea as the northern point of the African continent. Although Ledyard identified 35 place-names on or near the African continent, most of them are, in fact, in the area of the Mediterranean [Ledyard 1994, 247]. Moreover, there are 14 place-names in the area of present-day Egypt, and the rest are spread into the Maghreb (North African) area [Yabuuchi 1974; Sugiyama 2007].(6)

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中東学会28-2.indb 34 2013/02/14 13:15:28 Table 2: Geographic Terms Pertinent to the African Continent in the Honil kangni yǒktae kukto chido

Korean Identifying with Names of place Chinese Names of places (McCune- the present-day Medieval Islamic in (Pinyin) Reischauer) names fifteenth century 1 禿麻忒那 Tokma t’ŭkna tūmatuīnà 2 受薛 Susŏl shòuxuē 3 阿失那 Asilla āshīnā Azila? Ahap hŭngma 4 阿哈黑麻焉的那 āhāhēimáyāndėnā ŏnjŏngna 5 阿尼 Ani āní One? 6 法蘇 Pŏpso fǎsū Fez Fes 7 上合麻 Sanghapma shǎnghémā 8 八若那滿那若上 P’alyaknamannayaksang bāruònàmǎnnāruòshǎng 9 林也明 Limyamyŏng línyěmíng 10 阿尼法 Anipŏp ānífǎ 11 加恩選那 Kaŭnsŏnna jiāēnxuǎnnǎ 12 麻里荅撒 Maritapsal málǐdásǎ Marrǎkush? 13 八剌哇來 P’allalwarae bālàwālái 14 法寘照弗那 Pŏpch’I jopulla fǎzhìzhàofúnǎ 15 昔梠島 Sŏngnyŏdo xīlǔdǎo Kilwa? 16 阿剌八別它思 Aralp’alpyŏlt’asa ālàbābiétāsāi 起巳里上麻思 17 Kiirisangmasa qǐsìlǐshǎngmásāi Wanggara (?) (island) 18 爲它卯(island) Wit’amyo wéitāmǎo Wanggara (?) 19 阿里那 Arina ālǐnǎ Aligh? 20 哈必那 Happ’illa hābìnǎ Qǎbis? 21 阿思你也 Asaiya āsīnǐyě Mizr (Mizr 22 密思 Milsa Milsāi Cairo? al-Qahira)? 23 撒里撒也 Sallisalya sālǐsāyě 24 則沙八 Ch’ingsap’al zéshābā Zerba? 25 黃沙(중앙) Hwangsa huángshā Desert 26 敦法荅耶 Tonpŏptapya dūnfadáyē 27 羅佃得如 Rajŏntŭngyŏ luódiàndėrú 28 列回撒 Nyŏlhoesal lièhuísǎ 29 阿剌賓伊 Aralpinyi ālàbīnyī Alexandria? Alexandria 30 卜那思 poknasa bǔnǎsāi Brawa? Burullus? 31 布 P’o bù 32 察思 Ch’alsa chásī 33 阿哈明 Ahapmyŏng ahamíng Asqalan? Asqalon? 34 用者八 Yongjap’al yòngzhěba 35 高思 Kosa gāosī 36 羅的里尼 Rajŏngrini luódílǐní 37 顔細哈你赤 Ansehapyijŏk yánxìhāchì 38 麻哈答來 Mahaptaprae mahadalái 39 蠻涌 Manyong mányǒng 40 者魯 Charo zhelǔ

35 A Reflection on Arabia-Africa in the Mappa Mundi of the Choso˘ n Dynasty (Choi)

中東学会28-2.indb 35 2013/02/14 13:15:29 Korean Identifying with Names of place Chinese Names of places (McCune- the present-day Medieval Islamic in (Pinyin) Reischauer) names fifteenth century 41 沒徐 Molsŏ méixu 42 那哈剌 Nahapral nahala 43 看地日+ Kanjiil+ kàndìrì+ 44 沒剌春地 Mollalch’unji méilachūndì 45 欲剌 Yongral Yulà 46 立顆 Ipkwa Like Larache? Tarabulus 47 他剌思布魯 T’aralsap’oro tālasībulǔ (al-Gharb)? (Note) I found 47 place-names in Africa in the Kangnido and simply compared them with place- names in Islamic maps of the time. Although the identification I have ascribed is not certain in terms of phonetic values, Pŏpso nevertheless sounds similar to Fez, Milsa sounds similar to Mizr (Cairo), Maritapsal sounds similar to Marrǎkush in Morocco, and Sŏngnyŏdo sounds similar to Kilwa in Tanzania. There is also a good possibility that the islands marked Wit’amyo on the map may be related to Wangara. (Source) Drawn by author.

3. The Possibility of a New Interpretation through the Map Contents

The Kangnido reflects Afro-Eurasian geographical knowledge (map content)(7) that was unknown in East Asia before the Yüan period. While there are many differenc- es in the information it shows on the Arabia-Africa area, its contours can be recognized right away. However, we do not know where the geographic and topographic characters of the map are derived from, where the place-names and foreign names of places writ- ten in Chinese characters are derived from, or why the scale of the Arabia-Africa area was diminished. In particular, place-names (proper nouns) written in medieval Chinese characters are not only difficult to restore to their original phonetic values, they are also difficult to recognize in their relationship to cities on the map (even when the map does not contain the elements of a “scientific map,” such as topographic scale, lines of longi- tude and latitude, and contour lines) [Gang, 2007, 187].(8) The contents of the Kangnido, particularly the origins of its place-names, when based on previous studies can be addressed using the following two theories. (1) The Kangnido was directly influenced by Arab-Islamic maps or impacted by Chinese maps, which were, in turn, influenced by Islamic maps (this is suggested by the place- names in the Kangnido also being derived phonetically from Arabic). (2) Since a geographical and cultural exchange occurred during the Yüan era, these place-names and state-names became estranged from the original phonetic value of Arabic because the Kangnido was influenced by Fārsi (Persian).

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中東学会28-2.indb 36 2013/02/14 13:15:29 In this study, I used these two theories to provide a new way of interpreting the Kangnido by concentrating on why its “outer world” was relatively reduced and distorted by comparison with its “inner world,” and to examine map contents, such as topography and place-names, on its Arabic and African areas. In other words, whereas previous studies have focused on historical questions—such as how the Kangnido was “directly or indirectly” influenced, how objective information was reflected on it, and on the sources from which the contents of the map are derived—I will concentrate on why its details express a politico-social context. Although it is impossible to contain all available information and stories in a world map, we should not neglect the hidden structures of cartographic contents in a map. These hidden structures relate to subliminal map geometry, or “silences,” and to hierarchical tendencies in cartographic representation-that reflect the intentions, social values, and political goals of the authorities [Harley 1989]. First, let us examine the geometrical structure of the Kangnido. The geometrical structure of maps is a graphic design related to their transformational relationship to the earth [Harley 1989, 308; Sack 1980]. The question of worldview must be settled to determine what is placed at the center of a map. This element in map-making magnifies the imagery of the politico-social effect even if the mapmaker did not consciously intend to manipulate (or even distort) it. Needless to say, the center of the world represented in the Kangnido is China; specifically, it is the Middle Kingdom (zhong guo). Jerusalem, at the time of the Crusades, was seen to be at the center or “the navel” of the world. According to the Christian ideal, the “omphalos syndrome” reflected perceptions of social awareness of space held consciously or unconsciously in the geometrical structure of a map, such as the Christians placing themselves in the center of the universe [Edgerton 1987, 26]. Such maps draw the viewer’s attention to the center and thus lead this viewer, consciously or unconsciously, to exclude other areas of the map. These maps induce viewers to perceive the world in the way in which the mapmaker intended, and to influence them to obtain an inwardly directed worldview because the viewers perceive the world through the lens of the insider’s view [Edgerton 1987, 27]. On the basis of these theories, the Kangnido, as part of an inner world consisting of China and Chosŏn Korea, unduly reduces and distorts the outer world (i.e., Arabia, Africa, India, and even Japan) by making the outer world subsidiary to the dominant position of Great China. This means that even if the entire world

37 A Reflection on Arabia-Africa in the Mappa Mundi of the Choso˘ n Dynasty (Choi)

中東学会28-2.indb 37 2013/02/14 13:15:29 is represented on a map, the geometrical structure of that map does not stimulate an intellectual interest in the “unknown outer world.” Rather, as the outer world is symmetrically placed beyond the inner world on the Kangnido, a belief, strengthen by this imaginary representation, is fostered that China and Korea are at the center of the world. (As a researcher of Middle Eastern Studies, I was surprised when I saw the Kangnido for the first time in the winter of 2005 because I did not recognize the Arabia-Africa area on it. Yet it is naïve to think that map researchers would not expand their research to the Arabia-Africa area because they did not recognize this area on the map.) This tendency is reflected in the Korean view of the world. While China was located at the center of civilization on the Kangnido, Koreans saw themselves not as a small country at the edge of East Asia but as a big and significant country that was comparable with the “outer world.” In other words, the way in which Korea was integrated into the Kangnido provided the foundation for Korean ambition and allowed Korea to exaggerate its ambitions [Ledyard, 1994, 248]. During the Age of Discoveries, although Europeans were aware of “new lands,” the information they received was modified. This meant that their worldview was unchallenged when they saw a globe of the world, a portolan chart, or a terrestrial map of the hemispheres. The impact of map images on human thought and behavior and, particularly, of the New World as depicted on this map provides an important issue for historians of cartography to address [Blackemore 1980b, 104, 106]. Second, let us examine the meaning of “silence” in the Kangnido. This could be seen as related to a hidden political message. Maps, as with many examples of literature or the spoken word, exert a social influence through their omissions as much as through the features they depict and emphasize. The political undercurrent of these “silences” cannot be adequately explained by historical and technical factors alone [Harley 1997; Azaryahu 2001; Collins-Kreiner 2005].(9) In fact, it may well be that some information on maps was omitted because people did not know or lacked information, were not interested, or simply made technical mistakes. In this context, it is not surprising that, in the Kangnido, more empty spaces can be found in the “outer world,” particularly the Arabian and African areas, as compared to the “inner world.” This cannot be solely attributed to a lack of information. If that were the case, how would we explain the fact that the Kangnido is densely populated with place-names in , Central Asia, Persia, Mesopotamia,

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中東学会28-2.indb 38 2013/02/14 13:15:29 and the Iberian Peninsula? Thus, it is clear that these empty spaces deliver a hidden message that Africa-Arabia is merely “empty land.” By contrast, the map reveals a political undercurrent through the importance it places on Korea in the Sino-centric world order. We need to note that even though the postscript of the map categorically states that “the World is very wide,” the outer world—especially as represented in Arabia and Africa—is represented only by the occasional place-name, with no specific description accompanying that place-name. In other words, while Koreans recognized the existence of the outer world, they ignored its significance. As Harley states, “Silence on maps-often [becomes] part of wider cultural stereotypes, thus [coming] to enshrine self-fulfilling prophecies about the geography of power” [Harley 1989, 292]. Third, let us now look at the systems of classification and modes of representation, such as “conventional” or “cartographical signs,” in the Kangnido and how these strengthen the role of the map as a form of social proclamation. For instance, it is a traditional rule of map-making that towns and villages are depicted ironically or proportionally. The visual hierarchy of signs, which has by no means been lost in modern maps, represented in older maps legal, feudal, and ecclesiastical stratifications. These maps reflect ecclesiastical stratifications by emblem, orb, ornament, and color. All, or almost all, maps reflect politico-social class or stratification [Harley 1989, 292]. In the Kangnido, the title of the map “yŏktae kukto’” already suggests that it was placed at the top of the stratifications. Under the title of the map, capital cities and other cities are listed vertically, using the chronology of the Chinese empire. According to the principle of stratifications then in use, state-names were colored with red in a circle while capital cities and other cities were marked in a square devoid of color. The spatial stratifications—which indicated which place-names were placed where on the map—were thus constructed in a visual form. From this view, only two place-names appear in the “outer world”; that is, for , only (xīkena, 昔克那) and Budapest (babuduabulun, 八不督阿不你) were included. In fact, in the fourteen century, Pest was the dominant power in medieval Europe; yet although Scandinavia was not then in a strong position (even in Europe), Buda and Pest fell to the Mongol invaders. On the map, Roman Constantinople and Avignon (阿 浪防昔南?, alangfangxīnan) were also marked by two overlapping crosses in [Chae-yon 2003, 58].(10) By comparison, 135 places-names were marked in red in China and 425 place-names, including one capital city and nine other cities,

39 A Reflection on Arabia-Africa in the Mappa Mundi of the Choso˘ n Dynasty (Choi)

中東学会28-2.indb 39 2013/02/14 13:15:30 were marked in red in Korea. In particular, 71 place-names in the Arabia-Africa area were marked as ordinary cities in a square without stratifications. This disproportion cannot be explained simply by a lack of information or interest. If that were the case, the fact that several important cities—including Mecca (Makkah), Medina (al-Madinah or Dar al-Hijrah), Jerusalem (al-Quds or Bayt al-Maqdis), Damascus (ash-Sham or Dimashq), Baghdad (Dar as-Salam), Cairo (al-Qahirah or Misr al-Qahirah), and Mosul (al-Mawsil)—were not marked as highly stratified places could not be explained [Johns 2003, 11–12]. Constantinople is marked as an important city in al-Idrisi’s world map, although other equally important cities, such as Cairo, Alexandria, and Jerusalem, and so on do not appear there. Thus, it becomes clear that the Kangnido is strictly distinguished from, for example, al-Idrisi’s world map in that the center of the world on the Kangnido is China (or Korea) with the remainder extended to the “outer world.” The most difficult and complicated part in Arab and African studies is identifying place-names. Where are place-names derived from in medieval Chinese? Further, how can we associate these place-names with present-day place-names? If we synthesize previous studies, none of the place-names in the “outer world” in Yüan Shi (the History of Yüan) and Di Li Xi (the Book of Geography) match those of the Kangnido. While Xiyu tu, or the map of western in Luo Hongxian’s Guangyu tu, or the enlarged terrestrial atlas used place-names common in the Tang period or even before, new place-names were added and included in the Kangnido, meaning that new information was brought into it at the time of its creation [Aoyama 1938]. In other words, the makers of the Kangnido, who drew new information from Islamic cartography, relied on one or two Chinese map place-names and other data to represent the , continental Europe, and Africa [Robinson 2007, 179]. Takahashi Tadashi argues that the Chinese transcriptions of place-names in Southwest Asia, Africa, and Europe in the Kangnido are derived from Persianized Arabic originals [Takahashi 1963; Ledyard 1994, 246–7; Ogawa 1910; Aoyama 1938; 1939].(11) However, strictly speaking, Takahashi was uncertain of the reliability of phonetic values in medieval Chinese and only was able to assume a few place-names, such as “Mountains of the Moon” [Chang-mo 2009; Takahashi 1963; Relano 2002],(12) a name that appears only in the Tenri copy and not in the Ryukoku copy. In other words, he failed to identify the origins of most place-names in the Kangnido. If we are to identify ancient place-names on the map and associate them with

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中東学会28-2.indb 40 2013/02/14 13:15:30 the present-day names of Arabic-African areas, some questions remain unanswered. For example, historically speaking, if we use the macroscopic view, the Kangnido’s reference is to Chinese maps that were influenced by Islamic maps. If this is so, what is the logical implication for the lack of evidence in terms of toponyms of place-names when viewed microscopically? In particular, we can easily assume that Arabia-Africa place-names in the Kangnido were translated into Chinese from the unfamiliar Arabic if the Kangnido was indeed influenced by Islamic maps or experts such as Jamāl al-Din who were familiar with Arabia-Africa. Yet if this is so, why do we fail to iden- tify place-names with present-day names in the Arabia-Africa area? Is it because of wrong hypotheses, errors in writing, and/or limitations in our methodology? Or is this impossible to prove without an epoch-making discovery of linking primary sources (historical sources)? Several inferences that solve this “topography mystery” can be drawn, however. First, place-names on Chinese maps must be transliterated from Arabic or Persianized Arabic, although we cannot trace this back to a change of phonetic value after more than 600 years. Second, although place-names on Chinese maps that served as references to the Kangnido were unreliable(13), the mapmakers who drew the Kangnido nevertheless uncritically accepted these Chinese sources. Of course, since the Kangnido must be influenced by Islamic maps directly or indirectly, there is always the possibility that it was further influenced by an unknown third map. Those two probabilities provide the foundation of previous studies in the history of map-making. Are there any other possibilities? I suggest one is that the mapmakers intentionally distorted geographical facts and/or misused information for politico-social goals, since we have to rely on improbable/uncertain/incorrect/abstract information because there is no “linking evidence” that recognizes the place-names of the “outer world.” If there is to be any disagreement with this posited possibility, the place-names on the map should at least be identified with present-day names. Owing to the paucity of sources in this study, the question isthis: What is the most persuasive and probable way to present the case on place-names if all scholars inevitably rely on hypothesis, assumption, and imagination? I believe that, as I discussed earlier in this paper, the strongest possibility that can be drawn from the Kangnido can only be understood in terms of politico-social context. Cartographers and map historians are well aware that maps tend to “bias,” “distortion,” “deviance,” or “abuse.” Such “bias” or “distortion” is generally

41 A Reflection on Arabia-Africa in the Mappa Mundi of the Choso˘ n Dynasty (Choi)

中東学会28-2.indb 41 2013/02/14 13:15:30 measured against a “yardstick of objectivity that is itself derived from cartographic procedure,” as Harley argues. As artifacts, maps are “compound objects” whose final forms are the product of the brains and hands of several craftsmen. Therefore, historians and cartographers argue, an old map can be valid when used as primary historical sources [Blackemore 1980c; Harley 1989; 1997]. However, the argument embedded in cultural mythology is that maps that are expressed in terms of a truly scientific image of the world rather than from politically connoted images cannot be accepted because these maps are inevitably “cultural appraisals”; in particular, old maps are seen as “slippery witnesses” and “intricate, controlled fiction[s]” [Harley 2001, 61; Blakemore 1980b, 102]. In other words, if the Kangnido were created merely for practical purposes—such as to excite exchange, trade, diplomacy, or travel—its contents, including place-names and the locations of areas of significance, might be greatly different. It should thus be possible to classify a map by its function [Blakemore 1980b, 103].

VI. Conclusion III. Conclusion

The Kangnido significantly contributed to the history of cartography. Not only is it the “oldest surviving map” in East Asia, but it also covered geographical III. Chûgai Nippô areas beyond East Asia, thus providing us with the highest level of knowledge and perception of the world (at least in East Asia) available before Matteo Ricci’s western- style world map Kunyu Wanguo Quantu (the Map of the Ten Thousand Countries of the Earth) was created. Further, it shaped the Korean attitude toward the world, including the world beyond China, and led to an acceptance of the “outer world.” In particular, Arabia and Africa are unique, described across the East and the West of the map. This is of particular significance since an independent idea of Africa did not appear in Europe until the Renaissance [Relano 2002, 1]. Many scholars have conducted research on the background and making of the Kangnido in reference to its historical origins and sources. In so doing, however, they neglected its wider politico-social context, which is an important aspect of map- making. Even if we are referring to scientific maps that are based on objective fact or reality, we cannot avoid discussing the wider politico-social context when we seek to comprehend the “symbolic meaning” and “discourses” in a map. Thus, equally

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中東学会28-2.indb 42 2013/02/14 13:15:30 important to the two central questions in cartography—how a map is made, and how a map is used—is the question of how we interpret the importance of the map in interdisciplinary terms. Indeed, since the element of “interpretation” was reflected in the making of the map, interpreting the map becomes a meta-science. In interpreting the Kangnido, we first need to draw attention to it in terms of its meaning as a national undertaking. When the Chosŏn dynasty was first founded, its rulers needed to establish authority. To do this, they sent envoys to foreign countries to gather information that would be used to make a world map. Clearly, this was a significant project with political connotations at home and abroad. To legitimize the authority of his nascent government, King T’aejong had to make a map that addressed historical, political, and ideological roles that would influence the view of China at home and abroad [Robinson 2007, 182]. This is the microscopic view of politico- social context in the making of the Kangnido. In the postscript to the map, Kwŏn Kŭn clearly states his intention of making a world map that will be used as an instrument by which he will “govern.” This can be understood in two ways: (1) that the map would be used externally to construct a vast political ideal, and (2) that it would be used internally to legitimize authority by emphasizing the founding ideology, Neo-Confucianism, and establishing stable foreign relations with China that would place China at the center of civilization. The fulfillment of these dual intentions thus makes this world map a very proper politico- social instrument [Robinson 2007, 182]. The way in which the “external world” was interpreted in the Kangnido also demonstrates the socio-political context of early Chosŏn Korea. In particular, the socio-political intention reflected macroscopically in the Kangnido is clearly represented microscopically in the hidden structure of the Arabia-Africa area. From the beginning, the Kangnido was not intended to present value-free representation by accepting factual and objective information about the external world. Rather, the makers of the Kangnido, while hiding ideological intention, attempted to present the “unknown external world” to consolidate the fact that China and Korea were at the center of world. Let us summarize how mapmakers used this tactic to achieve their intention in the Kangnido. First, the cartographical point of view duly minimized the Arabia-Africa external world. Second, in terms of map-content, many areas were left as “empty space.” Through this “silence,” the mapmakers intended to suggest that although the world is very wide, the outer world—in particular, the Arabia-Africa

43 A Reflection on Arabia-Africa in the Mappa Mundi of the Choso˘ n Dynasty (Choi)

中東学会28-2.indb 43 2013/02/14 13:15:31 area—is not useless land. Finally, through their use of stratification as a cartographic expression, these mapmakers showed only a few signs of cities in the Arabia-Africa area without indicating state-names and place-names. Even those few cities that were identified were filled with “uncertain” signs that cannot be identified today. I agree with previous studies that employed the macroscopic interpretation of historical methodology in their conclusion that the Kangnido was created under the indirect influence of Islamic maps via China because of the massive expansion and interaction with the Islamic world that took place in the Yüan dynasty. At the same time, I demonstrated that there is insufficient evidence to prove that these mapmakers had the objective information and concrete knowledge necessary to draw a scientific map. Instead, I found that, in examining microscopically the topography, geography, and place-name on Arabia-Africa areas in the Kangnido, the map contents are significantly distorted. An open and hospitable tradition is reflected in the Kangnido. Since Neo Confucianism sustained and dominated Chosŏn Korean society in the fifteenth to the sixteenth centuries, a Sino-centric world view was accordingly reflected in Korean maps—including Chŏng Ch’ŏk and Yang Sŏngji’s Tongguk Chido (i.e. the Map of Korea); Kim Chŏng-ho’s Ch’ŏnggu-do (i.e. the Map of Korea); and the Taetongyŏjido (i.e. the Detailed Map of Korea)—in that these maps only depicted East Asia centered around China and Korea [Sanghak 2001; Yi 1977].(14) However, we may draw consolation from the fact that the Kangnido tradition did not fade away. Rather, when civilization, knowledge, and information were transmitted via the Ming and the Qing in the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries, Korean maps, such as the Yŏji chŏndo (the Complete terrestrial map) of 1775, presented as their legacy details of Japan, China, Africa, and India as well as England and Scandinavia in Europe [Ledyard 1994, 249; Bae 1997, 52].

Notes

On the Romanization of systems: The McCune-Reischauer system is used for Korean, the Hepburn system for Japanese, and the Pinyin system for Chinese words. Korean and Japanese names are written in the East Asian order, with the surname coming first.

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中東学会28-2.indb 44 2013/02/14 13:15:31 (1) This work was supported by the National Research Foundation of Korea Grant and was funded by the Korean Government (KRF-2010-013-A00004). (2) Old Korean maps consist of world maps and foreign maps as well as general maps of Korea. The various maps, including local and regional maps, of Korea were made for administrative purposes; defense maps of compiled or military significance included maps of terrain and defense structures. (3) The Kangnido was entered in the special exhibition to celebrate the 500th anniversary of Christopher Columbus’s voyage to America in 1992 and was well received. It was also listed in The History of Cartography, Vol. II, Book 2, Cartography in the Traditional East and Southeast Asian Societies, eds. Harley, John B. and Woodward, David, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994. (4) As with Islamic maps, Africa is located in the East in most European maps, such as the maps of Petrus Vesconte (c. 1321), Andrea Bianco (1436), Giovanni Leardo (1453), and Catalan-Este (c. 1450) and in the Vinland Map (c. 1440). (5) Rizzo points out that among the 400 continental maps of Africa published from 900 to 1900, an inland lake appears in 95 percent of the maps in a random sampling of maps examined at the Harvard Map Library, the Universities of Illinois and Florida, the New York Public Library, and the library at Afriterra.org. (6) While the Maghreb and the Iberian peninsulas were detailed in the Tenri copy, significant cities, such as Genoa and Venice, were omitted from it. In North Africa,“ Misr” (Cairo in Arabic) and the capital of Somalia (Maqdashaw) can be found. It is interesting to note that there is a pagoda, which was described as being in the shape of a tower, perhaps indicating the Pharos lighthouse in Alexandria. The shape of a lighthouse could also possibly indicate an observatory. There are records of a Persian geographer, Nassir al-Din (1201–1274), establishing an observatory in the Maragheh, close to the capital of Iran, Tabriz. The observatory that the map indicated could therefore be the Nassir al-Din observatory. In fact, at the time, the Maragheh, which is at the center of the Islamic astronomy, attracted astronomers from Spain in the west and China in the east for conducting research. (7) It contains cartographic knowledge of Afro-Eurasia that cannot be found in the east in the pre- Mongol period. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kangnido (8) Classical Chinese writings are not punctuated. To avoid any misunderstanding, it is therefore necessary for modern readers to add punctuations to them, which is called “segmenting.” Researchers of Chinese maps often fail to understand the Chinese text on the maps due to mis- used “segmenting.” (9) This characteristic can be found on that map. During the Age of Imperialism in the eighteenth century, was often silent on its aboriginals. After the founding of Israel, Israeli maps omitted place-names or buildings in the Palestine region. (10) It is difficult to see the boundary of European areas in this map. Nevertheless, a vague shape of can be recognized as we see two identifiable peninsular countries: Italy in

45 A Reflection on Arabia-Africa in the Mappa Mundi of the Choso˘ n Dynasty (Choi)

中東学会28-2.indb 45 2013/02/14 13:15:31 the Iberia peninsula and Greece in the Mediterranean Sea, north of North Africa. There are 47 place-names in the map in total: Iberia peninsula (25), Western Europe (5), Italy (7), Greece (7), and Northern Europe (3). In the case of , the boundary was not clear so it is impossible to calculate the number of place-names. However, there are about 80 place-names where the northern tip of the Arabian Peninsula meets the upper region of the Tigris River basin, if we draw a boundary west of the and Russia. Thus, there are about 127 state- names and place-names when we combine Western Europe (47) and Eastern Europe (80) in either a circle or a square; this number differs from Wŏn Chae-yŏn’s counting of state-names and place-names (120). (11) While Takahashi attempted to match European place-names in the transcript of four Chinese maps with the place-names in al-Idrisi’s maps, he failed to bring about a correspondence with one another. (12) The myth related to the “mountain of the moon” is unknown. However, Jabal al-qamar’s Mountains of the Moon first appeared in the Book of Curiosities of the Sciences and Marvels for the Eyes. According to Takahashi, Mountains of the Moon was written in a style of Persianized Arabic as “zhèbùlǔma (這不魯麻).” Yet, “Djebel al-Qamar” in the Tenri copy differs from “zhèbùlǔhǎmā (這不魯哈麻)” in Luo Hongxian’s Guangyu tu (Enlargement of the Terrestrial Map). The interior of Africa, in particular the source of the Nile, was unknown before the Nile was fully explored. Yet an understanding of the Nile was achieved at a mythical level through the ancient Egyptian philosophy, which is related to the Greeks’ cosmological tradition of Plato or Aristotle. This tradition was well represented in Ptolemaeos’s map. (13) In the East, geographic information about the west was not updated in the post-Mongol period unless Europeans, such as Matteo Ricci, brought knowledge of the West to the East. http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kangnido (14) In the world maps produced after the Kangnido—such as Honil yŏktae kukto chido, which is housed in the Inch’on memorials of Koryŏ university; Hwatong ko chido, which can be found in the Kyujanggak library of SNU; Honil yŏktae kukto kangni chido, which is in Hikiageen, Japan; Honil yŏktae kukto kangni chido, which can be found in kunaichōshoryōbu, Japan; and Da Ming guo di tu, which is located in the Mito Shōkōkan, Japan—the focus is on China and its neighboring countries. The reason they drastically minimize Arabia, Africa, and the European continent can be explained as follows. The territory of the Ming was insular and the world within the view of Ming China was limited to China and its tributaries, unlike that of Yüan China, where cultural exchanges were commonplace. This situation is clearly demonstrated by the fact that the most renowned world maps of China, such as Huang Ming yi tong di li zhi tu (1536) and Gu jin xing sheng zhi tu (1555), do not depict areas in Europe and Africa after the fifteenth century. Since neo-Confucianism was adopted as a social system in Chosŏn Korea, Chosŏn Korea’s relations with China were colored by the concept of Sino-centrism and an assumption of Chinese superiority. In particular, Chosŏn Korea espoused cultural Sino-centrism, which divided the world between the Chinese and their cultural tributaries and the barbarian (hua-yi). This

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中東学会28-2.indb 46 2013/02/14 13:15:32 concept directly reflects in that while civilization is portrayed as Ming China and small China (the genuine heir of Chinese civilization) is shown as Chosŏn Korea, the outer world (or the world at a farther distance over land or sea) was considered the place of the outer barbarians.

References

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49 A Reflection on Arabia-Africa in the Mappa Mundi of the Choso˘ n Dynasty (Choi)

中東学会28-2.indb 49 2013/02/14 13:15:33 ABSTRACT CHOI, Chang-Mo A Reflection on Arabia-Africa in the Mappa Mundi of the Chosŏn Dynasty: A Study Based on the Honil kangni yŏktae kukto chido (混一疆理歷代國都之圖 ), or The Unified Map of Territories and Capitals of the States of 1402

It is to explore possibilities of a new interpretation in the Honil kangni yŏktae kukto chido (hereafter referred to as the Kangnido) by focusing on discourses of map and map contents. For this it will be provided a general historical background knowledge of maps, such as intentions of map- making, the process of map-making, geographical information reflected on map, and map-makers etc, in the context of how political power has shaped those elements of map-makings. And also I attempt to grasp the perception of the ‘external world,’ which is in particular Arabia-Africa region by focusing on Arabia-Africa geographical and topographical characters and place-names, identified with about seventy-one names consisted of twenty-four names of places in Arabia and forty-seven names of places in Africa. A history of map can be interpreted as a historical discourse or a form of representation. Cartography is theoretically related to literary criticism, history of art, the sociology of knowledge. Map is never value-free, rather value-laden. Map knowledge is a social product. Any history of cartography which demeans the politico-social significance of its expression and description in the map would be an ‘ahistorical’ history.

Professor, Konkuk University, Seoul 建国大学校教授

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