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Ov e r a k e r , Le w is Ja m e s

PRAYER, MEDITATION, AND THE FIGURE OF THE POET: ASPECTS OF SAINT-AMANT’S LYRICISM

The Ohio Slate University Ph.D. 1981

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University Microfilms International PRAYER, MEDITATION, AND THE FIGURE OF THE POET: ASPECTS OF SAINT-AMANT'S LYRICISM

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

Lewis J. Overaker, B.A., M.A.

**********

The Ohio State University

1981

Reading Committee: Approved By

Dr. Charles G. S. Williams Dr. Charles Carlut* Dr. Salvador Garcia Dr. Edward P. J. Corbett Adviser Department of Romance Languages ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to acknowledge with grateful appreciation my friend and adviser, Dr. Charles G.S. Williams. I am indebted to him for his guidance, encouragement and inspiration in helping me to complete this dissertation. T will never forget his understanding and insight.

I should like to thank, too, the Rev. Brinton W. Woodward, who, as

Headmaster of Holderness School, provided interest in and financial support of m y owrk.

Finally, T would like to extend to my parents an inadequate expression of appreciation for the emotional support they have provided at all times during the completion of this project. VITA

September 12, 1942...... Born - Springfield, Illinois

1964...... B.A. , MacMurray College Jacksonville, Illinois

1966...... M.A., Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana

1966-69...... Instructor, Department of Romance Languages, Ohio Wesleyan University, Delaware, Ohio

1969-72...... Assistant Professor, Department of Foreign Languages, MacMurray College, Jacksonville, Illinois

1972-76...... Instructor, Department of Romance Languages, Ohio Wesleyan University, Delaware, Ohio

1976-present...... Instructor of French and Spanish, Holderness School, Plymouth, New Hampshire

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: French Literature

Seventeenth Century. Dr. Charles G.S. Williams

Eighteenth Century. Dr. Robert Mitchell

Sixteenth Century. Dr. Robert Cottrell

Nineteenth Century. Dr. Charles Carlut

Twentieth Century. Dr. Pierre Astier

Minor Field: Spanish Literature

Eighteenth Century Theatre

Nineteenth Cpntury Novel. Dr. Salvador Garcia

Twentieth Century Poetry. Dr. John Bennett Table of Contents

Page Acknowledgements ...... ii

V i t a ...... iii

Table of C o n t e n t s ...... iv

Introduction ...... 1

Chapter 1 : Religious movements and their effect on literature in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ...... 12

Chapter 2: The poetry of meditation...... 34

Chapter 3: The spirituality of Saint-Amant: The importance of his conversion...... 60

Chapter 4: "Le Contemplateur": A poem structured on patterns of meditation...... 86

Chapter 5: The spirituality of Saint-Amant as revealed in the "Moyse sauve" ...... 120

Chapter 6: Expressions of faith in the Dernier Recueil: "Stances a Corneille sur son Imitation de Jesus-Christ," "La Genereuse," "Fragment d'une meditation sur le crucifix" ...... 190

Conclusion...... 225

Bibliography ...... 239

iv Introduction

The examination of that which may he labeled "spiritual" in both the

life and work of an author is a task which should be undertaken only with

great caution. To attempt to define and to analyze such an elusive and abstract concept can lead to conclusions which are, at best, imperfect.

It is particularly challenging to try to establish the reputation of

Saint-Amant as essentially a spiritual poet, for he wrote very few poems

of religious inspiration. Only four of them, "Le Contemplateur," "Moyse

Sauve," "Fragment d'une meditation sur le crucifix," and the "Poeme de

Joseph," are purely religious. There are in "La Genereuse" and in "Stances a M. Corneille sur son Imitation de Jesus-Christ" important passages which deal with aspects of the Christian life. "Le Contemplateur" was written

in 1628 and appeared in the 1629 edition of his Oeuvres. For two decades, however, the poet abandoned religious poetry per se and earned the reputa

tion of a "libertin." The end of his career is marked, however, by a re

ligious revival; "Moyse Sauve" appeared in 1653 and the other religious poems belong to the Dernier Recueil of 1658. The poems earn a certain

significance because they stand at both the threshold and closing years

of the poet's literary .career.

It is only recently that critics of Saint-Amant have begun to free

themselves from the interdiction of Boileau. Boileau's condemnation of

Saint-Amant, in particular of his "Moyse sauve," effectively buried the

reputation of the poet until the nineteenth century. His observations in

"Reflexion VI," that "Ce Poete avoit assez de genie pour les ouvrages de

debauche, et de Satire outree," but that "il gate tout par les basses cir-

constances qu’il y mesle,"^ served for almost two centuries as the official

1 2 epitaph of the poet. References to the poet's drunkeness and poverty in the Historiettes of Tallemant de Reaux completed the picture of Saint-

Amant as a "bon vivant" at best, but certainly as someone incapable of 2 revealing a deeply spiritual preoccupation in his work. Occasional praise for Saint-Amant's vivid imagination by such friends and contempor aries as Faret, Theophile de Viau, and Chapelain were gestures deemed primarily as acts of courtesy and were no match against the words of

Boileau and Tallemant.

The lack of serious interest in lyrical poetry in the eighteenth cen tury is reflected in the almost total absence of critical interest in

Saint-Amant until the birth of Romanticism, which resulted in a redis covery of the poet and in some genuine acclaim. Chateaubriand, in his

Genie du Christianisme (1802), was the first to attribute to certain

•Z works of the poet sincere manifestations of a Christian spirit. Theophile

Gautier, in his Grotesques (1834), saw in Saint-Amant a predecessor of the

Romantic Movement and credited the style, imagination and rime of the poet as among the finest in French literature.^ The growth of popularity of

Saint-Amant in the nineteenth century was established by the publication of his Ouevres completes in 1855 under the editorship of Charles Livet.

At the end of the century, Paul Durand-Lapie produced the first extensive biography of the poet, Un Academicien du XVIIe siecle, Saint-Amant, son temps, sa vie, ses poesies (1898), in which he rehabilitates the reputa tion of the poet as a distinguished and reputable personality.

The decline of Romanticism, however, created an atmosphere which was once again not favorable to Saint-Amant. Sainte-Beuve, in his Causeries du lundi, regards the whole period leading up to the Classical Age as an interim period which did not witness outstanding literary achievement.

He sees in both Theophile and Saint-Amant poets "ayant verve, mouvement -■ 5 et une sorte d 'originalite," but in his study of "La Solitude" in particu lar, he sees "ni la solitude du chretien et du saint...ni la solitude du s 6 poete et du sage." The naturalist school found a certain affinity for

Saint-Amant as revealed particularly in the studies of Pierre Brun, who idealized his Bacchic spirit, and Remy de Gourmont who saw in the "Moyse sauve" "le plus grand effort poetique de Ronsard a Victor Hugo." The praise of Gourmont, however, is typical of other partisans of the poet in that it is limited to the study of style and language. He remarks significantly, "C'est qu'il lui a manque tout de meme je ne sais quelle 3 serenite superieure, je ne sais quels dons spirituels."

The twentieth century has witnessed vast changes in the theory of poetic criticism and much attention has been given to Saint-Amant. Major works on the life and work of the poet include Saint-Amant, Capitaine du

Parnasse by R. Audibert and R. Bouvier (1946); Francoise Gourier's Etude des oeuvres poetiques de Saint-Amant (1961); Jean Lagny's Le Poete Saint-

Amant (1964); and Samuel Borton's Six Modes of Sensibility in Saint-Amant

(1966). Lagny has also edited the Oeuvres completes, having published the first volume in 1967 and completing the task, in collaboration with Jacque

Bailbe, in 1979, with the appearance of Volume V which includes the "Moyse sauve." In addition there have appeared numerous articles and shorter works dealing with such varied topics as manifestations of ut pictura poesis, the poet's influence on Baudelaire, Italian influences on Saint-

Amant, and baroque vocabulary and structure in his work. Recent subjects for doctoral dissertations include "The Literary Pictorialism of Saint-

Amant" (Dale Cosper, University of Washington, 1975), "Saint-Amant's

Moyse Sauve: A Study of the Baroque Style in Poetry" (William Evans,

University of North Carolina, 1975) and "An Inquiry into Saint-Amant's

Nature Poetry" (Robert T. Corum, University of Virginia, 1975)* la addition close critical attention has been given to the "Moyse sauve" by

Archimede Marni in his Allegory in the French Heroic Poem of the Seventeenth

Century (1956) and by R. A. Sayce in his The French Biblical Epic in the

Seventeenth Century (1955)-

Except for Marni, however, who does see the "Moyse sauve" as essential

ly a Christian allegory, the major critics of Saint-Amant avoid confronting

directly the role spirituality plays in the poet's greater inspiration.

The reputation still lingers of the poet as a self-proclaimed disciple of

Bacchus, the "beau Gros," who reveals his true spirit in "Les Goinfres,"

a celebration of his fun loving comrades, or in the "Tobacco Sonnet," which

suggests a temporary loss of faith. Lagny, for example, sees the conver- 9 sion of Saint-Amant to Catholicism only as an act of political convenience.

Antoine Adam labels the poet an "athee," who returned to religious themes 10 only as he faced death. Similarly, Francoise Gourier, who devotes a

chapter of her study of Saint-Amant to the "poemes religieux," sees in "La

Genereuse," "Stances a Corneille sur son Imitation de Jesus-Christ," and

"Fragment d'une meditation sur le crucifix" (all from the Dernier Recueil

of 1658) a renewal of religious inspiration after a long interval of total

abandonment. She does not, however, credit the "Moyse sauve" with sincere 11 religious inspiration. Samuel Borton regards these works as poems which

1 2 "lie on the verge of or outside the modal evolution of the poet's work."

Recent studies on baroque poetry, however, have revealed new insight

into the whole concept of spirituality as expressed in the poetic creative

act. Imbrie Buffum, in his Studies in the Baroque from Montaigne to Rotrou

(1957) includes a chapter, "Three Poems by a Libertin: Saint-Amant," in

which he examines "Le Melon," "La Solitude," and "Le Contemplateur." The

use of the word "libertin" to describe Saint-Amant suggests, of course,

a certain bias, an acceptance of the term as if it were common knowledge 5 and not subject to dispute. His study of the works is generally limited to illustrations of baroque categories, through which themes are articu lated, and does not approach the subject of spirituality. Buffum does refer to the importance Saint Francois de Sales places in his Introduc tion a. JLa vie devote on natural phenomena and their potentiality to act 13 as intermediaries between man and a deeper understanding of God. Central to my study of "Le Contemplateur" will be the influence of the Introduction on the thinking of Saint-Amant and a demonstration that the poet's response to nature is indeed Salesian.

Of particular importance to the study of spirituality in Saint-Amant are the poetic theories of Jacques Maritain and Jean Rousset. The former, in his Art and Scholasticism and the Frontiers of Poetry (1962), develops a definition of Christian art, which could include several major works of

Saint-Amant which tend toward an apprehension of the Infinite;

I do not mean that in order to do Christian work the artist must be a saint who might be canonized or a mystic who has attained to transforming union. I mean, that, strictly speaking, mystic contempla tion and sanctity in the artist are the goal to which the formal exigencies of a Christian work as such spontaneously tend, and I say that a work is in fact Christian in so far as some element derived from the life which makes saints and contemplatives is transmitted - however and with whatsoever^de ficiencies - through the soul of the artist.

Similarly, Jean Rousset, in his Anthologie de la poesie baroque franqaise

(l96l) characterizes as essentiallv religious certain baroque conventions which reveal the inconsistancy and variation of the world.

Cette poesie fascinee par le squelette et la tete de mort est la plus souvent une poesie religieuse, fortement orientee vers la reflexion sur les fins dernieres et la destinee spirituelle de l'homme. Elle conduit directement a une poesie expressement chretienne, qui stimule la diffusion de nouvelles methodes de priere et d'ascese inspire par la Contre-Reforme des la fin du XVIe siecle. ' Such concepts on the relationship between poetry and spirituality find application to the religious poetry of Saint-Amant.

In Chapter I, I will examine religious movements and survey their effect of literature in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. A thor ough study of the poet's spirituality can be fully treated only as it is related to the various poetic traditions which must have served as a generally structuring influence. Particular attention will be given to the laicization of devotion which began as early as the fourteenth century, when religious communities began instruction in devotional methods appli cable beyond the walls of the cloister. Of particular importance to the growth of daily devotion for the laity are the Memorial de la Vida Crist- iana of Luis de Granada, the E.jercicios espirituales of Ignatius Loyola, and the Introduction a. _la vie devote of Saint Francois de Sales. All three contain patterns for prayer and meditation whose tenets find expres sion in Saint-Amant, particularly in the "Contemplateur" and the "Moyse sauve." The chapter will also include a study of the religious practice in the early seventeenth century as promulgated by such prominent religious writers as Louis Richeome, Benoit de Canfeld, Pere Joseph, Pierre de Berulle, and Madame Acarie. An appreciation of the devotional atmosphere of the period is a necessary key to the comprehension of the poet's spirituality.

He must be judged within the framework of the religious, standards and practices of his time.

In Chapter II, I will examine the poetry of meditation. Studies by

Louis Martz, The Poetry of Meditation (1962), and Terence Cave, Devotional

Poetry in France c. 1570-1613 (1969) will serve as the primary sources.

Particular attention will be given to a detailed analysis of patterns for daily contemplation as outlined by Granada, Loyola, and Saint Francois de

Sales. It will be demonstrated that the structured patterns for meditation 7

which they established had a direct influence on some of the structuration

of Saint-Amant's lyricism.

The chapter will also include an examination of the relationship be

tween prayer and poetry. I will examine how poetry has functioned as a

mime for prayer beginning with the Psalms and the Song of Songs, realizing

an intimate relationship in the early seventeenth century with the baroque

metaphor and imagery coming to the aid of the ultimate goal of prayer, the

encounter with the permanent and the vision of the invisible. I will also

review briefly the mystical experience of poetry which is the function of

prayerful poetry taken to its highest principle. The mystical poet acts

as a mediator between God and man and attempts to transmit through the

poetic creative act moments of rare insight into the nature of the Infinite.

Saint-Amant occasionally gives testimony to such experiences and a brief

examination of mystical poetry is essential to an appreciation of certain works.

I will examine, in Chapter III, the spirituality in the biography,

giving particular attention to the importance of his conversion to Catholi

cism. Saint-Amant abandoned his Protestant upbringing sometime before writing "Le Contemplateur," which is in part a celebration of his abjura

tion. Lagny in particular assumes his conversion was a society one which

offered practical benefits to the poet who had recently received the pro

tection of the due de Retz. I will attempt to demonstrate that there are

indications of an authentic conversion. The influence of the Bishop of

Nantes, to whom "Le Contemplateur" is dedicated, may well have been pro

found. The life of the Bishop attests to both deep spirituality and a

separate identity within the circle of the Hotel de Rambouillet and reflects

the personality of the poet. I will also examine the nature of conversion, 8

emphasizing particularly the observations of Saint-Evremond, who suggests

that a totally insincere conversion is, in effect, impossible. The im

portance of Catholicism to the religious life of Saint-Amant is an es

sential concern of the study of his spirituality and a vital point of de

parture to an examination of the texts.

In Chapter IV, I will examine "Le Contemplateur." The poem reflects

the influence of the theoreticians of prayer and meditation on the thinking

of Saint-Amant. The themes of the fallen nature of man as revealed in the

Old Testament and man's redeemed nature as provided by the sacrifice of

Christ serve as the central structure for the work. These preoccupations

parallel precisely the guidelines for morning and evening meditation of

Luis de Granada. Several significant conventions employed by Saint-Amant,

in particular the accent upon describing in great detail the objects of

contemplation as if he were experiencing a vision, suggests the influence

of Francois de Sales as he prescribes patterns for weekly meditation in

the Introduction a^ la vie devote. The study of "Le Contemplateur" will also include an examination of the role of the Bishop of Nantes in the work in an attempt to discern the depth of faith that the poem reveals.

Saint-Amant abandoned religious poetry per se from 1627 until 1653, when he published the final version of the "Moyse sauve." The fifth

chapter will be devoted to the structural and thematic aspects of the epic which suggest a continuing influence of the theoreticians of prayer and meditation on the thinking of the poet. There are many similarities be

tween "Le Contemplateur" and the "Moyse sauve" which support the theory

that Saint-Amant had not forgotten the potential for expressing prayer through poetry, even in the epic form. Critical attention will be concen

trated on the "Moyse sauve" as a Christian allegory. This work has already been undertaken by Archimede Marni, but no one has ever suggested a spiritual link between "Le Contemplateur" and the later works as pro vided in the "Moyse sauve."

In the last chapter, I will examine three deeply spiritual works from the Dernier Recueil of 1658: "Stances a Corneille sur son

Imitation de Jesus-Christ," "La Genereuse," "Fragment d'une meditation sur le crucifix." The "Stances" celebrate the effect of Corneille's

Imitation will have on generations to come. In "La Genereuse," Saint-

Amant glorifies the valor of his patron, Marie-Louise de Gonzague, Queen of Poland, as she faced the invading army of Charles X of Sweden.

"Fragment d'une meditation" is a deeply personal act of reverence and contrition in which the poet reveals directly certain spiritual needs and attitudes. I will focus my examination of the three works on charac teristics of the poems which again reflect patterns of prayer and medi tation. Some of the traits of the poetic mystical experience also appear in the works and they will be given particular attention.

The final chapter will serve as a conclusion, in which I will review the basic statement of thesis - that the poetry of Saint-Amant, beginning with his conversion and the writing of "Le Contemplateur," evidences a deeply spiritual preoccupation on the part of the poet and reflects the influence of certain theoreticians of prayer and meditation. This influence will be reviewed as a continuing one, the "Moyse sauve" emerging as a much more significant and revealing work that its reputation has allowed it to be seen. Finally, the continuing spirituality of Saint-Amant will be seen as forever fixed in the devotional poems of the last years. The most important contribution of my work should be to reveal that the spiritual preoccupation of Saint-Amant is among the most constant and 10 unifying elements in his poetry and that the religious poems should assume their proper place as examples of his highest achievement. 11

Footnotes (Introduction)

.j N. Boileau-Despreaux, Oeuvres, ed. Ch.-H. Boudhors, V (Paris: Societe Les Belles Lettres, 1934-1943), 85.

2 ^ Gedeon Tallemant des Reaux, Historiettes, ed. Antoine Adam (Paris: Bibliotheque de la Plei'adT) 1961) , 1 , 589-590. *7 F. A. de Chateaubriand, Le Genie du Christianisme (Paris: Furne et Cie, 1859), PP- 164-65.

4 Theophile ' Gautier, "Saint-Amant,” in Les Grotesques (Paris:t M. Levy, 1873), pp. 167-68. 5 © / Saint-Beuve, "Saint-Amant" in Causeries du lundi 5 ed. (Paris: Garnier, 1870), XII, 174. r Ibid. , pp. 180-81.

*7 Remy** de Gourmont, Promenades litteraires, ** 3e serie, 2e ed. (Paris: Mercure de France, 1909), p. 223.

8Ibid., p. 214. g Jean Lagny, "Autour de 'La Solitude' de Saint-Amant: question de dates," Bulletin du Bibliophile et du Bibliothecaire, 103 (1957)» p. 239. 10 Antoine Adam, "Saint-Amant," in L'Epoque d'Henri IV _et de Louis XIII, Vol. I of Histoire de la litterature francaise au XVIIe siecle (Paris: Domat, 1948), p. 94. ^ 11 ^ Francoise Gourier, Etude des oeuvres poetiques de Saint-Amant (Geneve, Slatkine Reprints, 1961), pp. 199-200.

1 2 Samuel Borton, Six Modes of Sensibility in Saint-Amant (Paris: Mouton and Co., 1966), p. 169. 13 Imbrie Buffum, "Three Poems by a Libertin," in Studies in the Baroque from Montaigne to Rotrou (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1957), p. 147.

^Jaques Maritain, Art and Scholasticism and the Frontiers of Poetry, trans. Joseph W. Evans (New York, Scribner, 1962), p. 213. 15 x / Jean Rousset, Anthologie de la poesie baroque francaise (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1961 ) , I, 17. ” Chapter 1 : Religious movements and their effect on literature in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries

To understand the role of Saint-Amant in the realm of religious poetry it is important to study the religious traditions which influenced his thinking. The Church Fathers of the Middle Ages did not distinguish theology from private prayer. Augustine's studies on the concept of a meditative assent towards knowledge of the Divinity are strongly influ enced by the Neo-Platonists wherein intellectual theology and personal faith are in complete harmony. The works of Augustine dominated the devotional tradition until the emergence of scholasticism in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries where a divergence between prayer and theology can be seen in the teachings of Bonaventura (1221-1274) and the Franciscan school. The mystics of Germany and the Low Countries, Tauler (1300-1361),

Suso (1295—1365) and Ruysbroeck (1293-1381), maintain a direct link,

1 through Bonaventura, to the Platonic tradition of Augustine. Ruysbroeck, a Belgian mystic and author of The Kingdom of the Lovers of God and The

Adornment of the Spiritual Marriage was innovative, however, in stressing the world of the senses as important aids to the contemplative life. His accent upon the senses as a link to a pure union with God is not without significance to the later development of a prayerful poetic genre which 2 would rely so heavily upon the physical world for inspiration.

Before the fourteenth century, manuels directing devotional practice were limited to the realm of the various Orders. In the establishment of the Windesheim Community, however, one finds the first formal step toward directing daily devotion beyond the walls of the cloister. The community made available to the laity their Imitation of Christ, a guideline for

12 13 private prayer. The work was translated from Latin into French and re- 3 mained influential until the time of the Counter-Reformation.

An early Renaissance example of the influence of the Windesheim Com munity is the treatment of daily devotion given by Erasmus (1469-1536).

In his De praeparatione ad mortem, the Dutch humanist was able to combine the simple, affective piety of the Community with a more "intellectual" meditation. He describes in his Enchiridion militis christiani the experience of meditation as a "spiritual combat" and conceives of prayer as a "controlled thought" as compared to a more purely mystical experi ence. In rejecting the methods of the Sorbonne theologians, Erasmus con tributes to the separation of theology and prayer which is essential to the creation of a poetic genre which can be considered devotional. He anticipates the reconciliation between devotion and humanism and his in fluence can be seen in France in the circle of Evangelists associated 4 with Marguerite de Navarre.

The major devotional movements of the sixteenth century are not, however, of French origin. One looks to Spain, in particular, to find the writings of mystics and the early examples of prayerful literature.

The works of the Dominican, Luis de Granada, which stress the need to make patterns of daily devotion accessible to all levels of society, had great impact upon the practice of prayer by the laity in France. In his prologue to the Memorial de la Vida Christiana, a handbook for the convert to Christianity, Fray Luis states his objective as follows: ✓ Y bien veo yo que para esto no faltan hoy dia libros de muy sana y catolica doctrina; mas por la mayor parte todos ellos prosiguen un intento particular, y no quieren en poco espacio obligarse a tratar de todo. Y aunque los catecismos (que son summa de la doctrina cristiana) tratan de todo lo que a ella pertenesce; pero estos como tienen respecto a declarar la substancia de las cosas, y lo que toca a la inteligencia dellas, es la doctrina dellos mas 14

especulativa que practica: quiero decir, inas inclinada a alumbrar el entendimeinto, que a^rnover la voluntad al ejercicio y uso de las virtudes.

This accent upon a practical application of religious study is another example of the spread of prayer and meditation beyond the world of the cleric.

The culmination of devotional methodology for the sixteenth century is found in the E.jercicios espirituales (1522) of Ignatius Loyola. The

E.jercicios, which are modeled in part on the Exercises of Cisneros of

1500, are a series of practical instructions on methods of prayer and examination of conscience which the exercitant must perform. The work suggests that one set aside approximately thirty days to follow fully the recommended patterns of prayer and meditation. Pursuing the goal of knowing Christ more intimately and of serving Him more diligently, the exercitant is required to spend much time contemplating the life of Christ from His birth to His passion and death. By the fourth week, the meditator should be able to contemplate Christ in his resurrected state.^ The

E.jercicios are extremely important because they appeared at a time when individual and undisciplined faith implied a heretical relationship with the Reformation. His task was to defend prayer and meditation against attacks of being unorthodox and to justify individual devotion as an ac ceptable and needed practice in the Christian life. Loyola's founding of the Jesuits in 1547 was the decisive influence in maintaining the revival of external aids to complement interior devotion and in fostering the translation of devotional literature which would be widely circulated 7 throughout the century.

Even before the Renaissance, the French language had been gaining authority in the realm of worship and doctrine and there existed an increased use of the vernacular in all aspects of religious expression. 15

In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries there appeared translations in

French of devotional literature and by the end of the sixteenth century devotional works in the vernacular were more numerous than those in Latin.

Catholics, in part to challenge the Calvinist appeal to the laity, began to produce translations of the Bible. Such translations began to appear widely after 1550. Between 1550 and 1570, devotional handbooks in French were written by Dore, Rene Benoit, Edmond Auger, and Dupuy-Hubault. After

1570, the whole range of devotional works became available in French. In the four years preceding the accession of Henri III, translations of

Augustine, Anselm, Bernard, Louis de Blois, Luis de Granada, and of the

Italians, Borromeo and Serafino da Fermo, to name a few, were disseminated g throughout the country.

It was the wars of religion which brought to France an increase in the awareness of devotional traditions. The coincidence of the revival and the wars was due in part to the need for consolation at a time of peril. Henri III was convinced that the civil wars could best be cured by appeasing God's wrath through penitence and devotion. Throughout his reign (1574-89), the king was strongly influenced by the Jesuits. His confessor was the celebrated Auger, a translator of the Imitation of

Christ and the first Jesuit confessor of a French king. Auger was res ponsible for Henri's creation of a series of penitential confreries which enhanced the general piety of the court. The poets who were in some way attached to the court— Desportes, Amadis Jamyn, Joachim Blanchon,

Jean de Boyssieres, Issac Habert and the young Malherbe— were naturally influenced by the devotional atmosphere and, reflecting this influence, they initiated a devotional poetic genre which would flourish in the early 9 seventeenth century. 16

The devotional revival was, however, in no way confined to the circle

of Henri III. The Jesuits were actively establishing religious communities

throughout the country which also fostered the growth of devotional poetry.

Brotherhoods were established in Aix-en-Provence, Savoy, Rouen (the home

of Saint-Amant during his youth) and Douai. The presses at Douai produced voluminous devotional works. The meditations of Coster, Arias, Bueno, and

Androyio became widely available. The translations of Pierre Mafee of

some of the works of Loyola helped to advertise the Jesuit cause. The

Jesuit influence can also be seen in the French versions of such devo tional masters as Granada, Alonso de Madrid, Guevara, Savanarola, and

Dionysius deJ Leuwis. T • 10

The most influential Jesuit publication regarding a devotional method was the Institutions, a devotional program created by Francois Coster which appeared in Antwerp in 1587 and was translated into French the following year. A comprehensive devotional method designed to carry out

the program of the Council of Trent, the Institutions were written as a guideline for the "confrerie de la tres-heureuse Vierge Marie." The work integrates a devotional program with university reform, attributing the establishment of a cult of the Virgin Mary to "un si grand avancement es lettres” and is of great significance for it attests to a connection 1 1 between devotion and the liberal arts.

The reign of Henri IV, which coincides with the formative years of

Saint-Amant, was a period of reconciliation. The Jesuits were banished from France from 1595 to 1605 when one of their community, Frere Chatel, was involved in an assassination plot against the king. The diplomacy of the Jesuit Louis Richeome, however, re-established harmony. Under

the influence of Pierre Coton, who became the king's confessor, a less somber devotional atmosphere existed at the court. Coton furthered the 17 rapport between prayer and everyday actions in his Interieure occupation d 1une ame devote, a pattern for simple lay devotion. In his sermons he popularized the Igantian methods of prayer. The court became a sort of theological academy filled with devotional books. Inspired by Coton's

1 2 sermons, even the libertines wanted to take part.

The most significant addition to the developing role of prayer and meditation at this time was the growth of mysticism which would have a profound influence on the whole religious revival. In his eleven-volume

Histoire litteraire du sentiment religieux en France, Henri Bremond labels the period 1580-1660 as one of "humanisme devot'," and marks the years 1 590-

1620 as a time of "invasion mystique." During this period, which corresponds to the formative years of Saint-Amant, mystical poets began to command much more prestige and influence:

On les voit soudain surgir de l'obscurite qui les cache d'ordinaire, s'imposer at 1'attention de la foule, envahir de tous les cotes le devant de la sc^ne, faire figure de heros, s'unir, se grouper, tenir ecole publique de saintete, creer des oeuvres qui prolonguent leur propre action, peser sur la machine politique, entrer au conseil des princes, seconder tout a tour et inquieter les ministres qui les traitent eomme de veritables puissances. L'epoque precedente n'avait rien connu de semblable. C'etait bien deja la meme source d'eau vive, mais dont le murmure ne depassait pas les treillages du jardin fume; le meme arbre, mais dont les branches timides ne faisaient encore qu'une ombre incertaine, attiraient que les plus humbles des oiseaux du ciel.

The center of mystic activity during the closing years of the six teenth century was Provence. Cesar de Bus and his cousin, Jean-Baptiste

Romillon, founded a new Order, the "Congregation de la Doctrine Chretienne" in 1593 and laid the foundations for the French Oratory. Romillon was himself a Calvinist, but he abjured his heresy in 1599 after reading and comparing the Institutions of Calvin and the Traite de 11Oraison of Fray 18

Luis de Granada. The "Congregation" divided after a dispute over rules;

Romillon remained at Aix in charge of his community which received the name, L'Institut de L'Oratoire. With the help of Pierre de Berulle, the

Oratorians of Provence and Romillon's community at Aix united with the

Oratory of Prance. The latter served as the birthplace of the Ursalines 1 4 whose convents soon spread throughout Prance.

The direction of religious practice in the early seventeenth century, however, found its center in Paris among the circle of Madame Acarie, a saintly mystic who was largely responsible for the creation of the equiva lent of Santa Teresa's Carmelites. Members of her circle included such

/s prominent religious thinkers and leaders as Louis Richeome, Benoit de

Canfeld, Pere Joseph, and Pierre de Berulle. A study of their lives and influence, as well as that of Madame Acarie herself, is essential for a full appreciation of the religious atmosphere during the early years of

Saint-Amant. Together, they announce the culmination of the whole era of devotional revival, the teachings and writings of St. Francois de Sales.

The Jesuit Louis Richeome (1544-1625), a friend of St. Francois de

Sales, was born in Clermont, educated in Paris, and entered the Society of Jesus in 1564, just twenty-four years after its founding. His life was spent primarily in Lyon, Bordeaux and Rome, where he occupied the highest posts of his Order. 1 5

The spiritual works of Richeome are artful and appeal to the imagina tion. He sees his audience as children whose attention is always ready to wander. Among his many writings, there are three significant works which apply to this study: L 'Adieu de 1'ame devote laissant le corps, a poem itself, Les Tableaux sacres, and La Peinture spirituelle ou 1’art d 'admirer, aimer et louer Dieu en toutes ses oeuvres et tirer de toutes 19 profit salutaire. Richeome idealizes the ability of children to understand religious symbolism more clearly than adults through their uninhibited imaginations, and he is particularly impressed by their ability to res pond to painting:

II n'y a rien qui plus delicate et qui fasse plus sauvement glisser une chose dans l'ame que la peinture, ni qui plus profondement la grave en la memoire, ni qui plus efficaiement pousse la volonte pour l^g donner branle et l'emouvoir avec energie.

There are three meanings which Richeome attaches to the word

"painting": first, the silent painting of painters or engravers, second, the "speaking" painting which comes from word descriptions, third, "inner painting," the effort to draw a moral or mystical lesson from the first two. He stresses the important role of mental imagery and intellectual visions in the act of contemplating works of art and states that the joy of such contemplations is, in itself, an act of prayer. 17

In his Peinture spirituelle, which served as a devotional guide to the novices of Saint Andrea, Richeome sees the world as God'spicture book. He advises the nuns to thank God,

nuit et jour, en sante", en maladie, en prosperite, en adversite, aux champs, aux villes, auxeglises, aux cabinets, a chaque pas que vous faites...prenant matiere d 'admiration, de dilection et de louange de tout ce que vous oyez et^ouchez en l'ecole de son Eglise et de la nature.

In studying the minute workings of gnats and flies, for example, Richeome sees potential for joy to the eye and the mind, but most importantly, for

the heart. Such passion can lead eventually to an act of loving God him self. 20

Richeome adds that nature can also yield negative comparisons which are equally valuable to one who tries tc understand God through His crea

tion. He describes a sparrow as being, "criard, lascif et importun, de peu de vie et de peu de profit, hieroglyphe d'une ame babillarde, lascive ^ 19 et pecheresse.” Although Port Royal would put an end to such expres sions of "humanisme devot," the presence of God in nature would be a prevalent theme in the first half of the seventeenth century.

Richeome was widely read and admired by his contemporaries, and his

influence is representative of the dominant force played in French

Catholicism by the Jesuits during this period. His influence can be seen in the Introduction a _la vie devote and in the Traite de 1'amour de Dieu of St. Francois de Sales. > Another significant religious figure of the period is Father Benoit de Canfeld. Born William Filch in Essex in the early 1560's during the reign of Elizabeth I, his early years were spent in idleness, but after reading a volume of Catholic devotions he became a convert to Catholicism.

Traveling to France, which he regarded as the caretaker of the Catholic faith, he took the Capuchin habit at Paris in 1586. His lectures on medi tation had much influence on the spiritual life of the Benedictines which 20 he directed until his death in 1611. He is remembered today primarily for his Regie de perfection reduite au seul point de la volonte divine, a work of major importance which served as a manuel for several genera tions of mystics. It appeared first in French in 1610 and later in the author's Latin translation. The work had vast appeal, influencing the most uneducated peasant and Sorbonne theologian alike. Eight doctors of

the Sorbonne publicly approved the Rggle de perfection and it was acclaimed by such influential spiritual leaders as Madame Acarie, Pere

Joseph, and the Capuchin General, who, in 1621, ordered the publication of a new edition.^ 21

The main goal of the Regie is to teach a technique of mental prayer whereby one can aspire to lose his personal life in order to gain divine life, the suppression of the personal will to accommodate the will of God.

Canfeld divides the will of God into three categories: exterior, interior, and essential. The exterior will of God guides the active life, the in terior supports the soul at contemplation, and the essential governs the 22 spirit of the supereminent life.

It is Canfeld's study of the interior will of God which is particu larly relevant to the study of Saint-Amant because it deals with the soul

A in contemplation. Father Benoit sees the interior will of God realized in five stages: manifestations, admirations, humiliations, exultations, and elevations. Manifestations are experiences of the divine presence when the contemplative, noting within himself the actual remembrance of the will of God, begins to lose his passion and affection for the mun dane world; the mind experiences tranquility as the soul begins to experience the presence of the divinity. Admirations develop when the contemplative experiences God's infinite greatness and in turn becomes aware of his own nothingness. Humiliations naturally follow which des troy any complacency a novitiate might feel after experiencing a divine presence. The progressive denial of self renders a spiritual joy which we feel as exaltations. Finally, the contemplative experiences blind 23 stirrings of love in the stage of elevation.

The goal of the contemplative is, of course, the union of the soul with God. The highest and most perfect union is achieved when the soul actively annihilates the physical world and perceives God everywhere, even when there is no visible evidence of His presence. The perfect

state of man is to live simultaneously in time and eternity with both men andj God. j 24 22

Up to this point, Father Benoit does not differ from any of the great mystics of the Dionysian tradition, all of whom, following the writings of the fifth century Syrian monk, Dionysius the Aeropagite, sought the 25 awareness of divine transcendence through non-intellectual experience.

Canfeld's most important contribution to the study of meditation is the suggestion that contemplatives should concentrate their thinking on ideas and images of the sufferings of Christ. The Dionysians saw such concrete thoughts as distractions to a perfect union with God. Father Benoit's new accent suggests his Fransician training which stressed that devotion be concerned with the Passion; it is dogmatic and therefore truly Catho- , . 26 lie.

The influence of Canfeld can be seen in the life of one of the most interesting figures in French history, Francois Leclerc du Tremblay, Baron de Maffliers. Confident and advisor to Cardinal Richelieu, missionary, evangelist, apostle of mysticism, and teacher of the art of mental prayer, he is known to the world as "Pere Joseph." Born in Paris on November 4,

1577, he received a brilliant education, travelled widely and became a devoted friend and respected member of the Berulle-Acarie-Canfeld world of mystics. In 1599» he entered the Order of the Capuchins and became one of their greatest preachers. Pere Joseph learned from Father Benoit the theory and practice of Dionysian mysticism. He was deeply preoccupied by the sufferings of Calvary and during his long contemplations he would 27 often see visions of the Cross. His preoccupation with the Passion was transferred to the "Congregation du Calvaire," an order of contemplatives which he co-founded with Antoinette d'Orleans, daughter-in-law of the due de Retz. The principal aim of the congregation's members was to feel the thoughts and emotions of Mary at the foot of the Cross. For many years, 23

•>. 28 Pere Joseph directed their prayers.

His library, as a student at the Rouen seminary in 1601, included St.

John's Gospel and the Epistles of St. Paul, St. Augustine's Confessions and Soliloquies, Dionysius the Aeropagite's Mystical Theology and Divine

Names, and the mystical writings of St. Bernard and Ruysbroeck. In 1604 he received a license to preach and was placed in charge of the Capuchin novices. It was for these novices that he set out a pattern for medita tive prayer, Introduction a JLa vie spirituelle par une facile methode 29 d'oraison.

The Introduction, which was published in 1616, is the culmination of the lessons given to the novices in 1604 and 1605. It is very similar to

v A the Regie of Benoit de Canfeld. Inspired by the leaders of the Counter-

Reformation who advocated a return to the interior life through the prac tice of prayer, Pere Joseph defines meditation as an "art," a methodical exercise which includes a more intense role of the imagination and the intellect. Although in his E.jercisios spirituales Saint Ignatius Loyola had organized a method of prayer for the Jesuits, his outline was too much of an intellectual gymnastic. The Introduction of Pere Joseph had 30 more appeal to the laity.

Pere Joseph traveled a great deal through northern France, an area which had been ravaged during the wars of religion. A great orator, he often preached and evangelized in the open air and thousands would come to hear his eloquence. As evangelist and missionary, he was a great suc cess; he helped to re-establish a more traditional, simple piety, and he was responsible for many conversions. His many speeches on ::ho art of mental prayer were kept alive by word of mouth and recorded and circulated in manuscripts. 31 24

He is particularly important to a study of Saint-Amant because the two may well have known each other. Pere Joseph arrived at La Rochelle on October 15, 1627 to direct the siege of the city, a turning point in the Thirty Years War. In 1627, Saint-Amant was in both Paris and at La

Rochelle, in service to the due de Retz. In his biography of the poet,

Durand-Lapie notes that Saint-Amant arrived at La Rochelle in the end of 32 July or in the beginning of September. The combat included French oc cupation of the Isle of Re. In his "L'Albion," written in 1644, Saint-

Amant attests to his witnessing the conflict and to seeing the English

Admiral Buckingham:

Je 1'ay veu moy mesme en Re Pasle, tremblant et bourre Regagner la Plaine bleue Et laisser avec sa queue Son vain Orgueil desferre.

The landing of French troops on the Isle of Re is recorded in "Le Con- templateur" and the grueling siege of the neighboring La Rochelle serves as part of the background of the poem. Although there is no mention of the due de Retz or of Saint-Amant in the definitive work on the life of the clerical diplomat, JLe Pere Joseph et Richelieu by Gustave Fagniez,

34 Pere Joseph was an intimate of the Cardinal de Retz, uncle of the due.

Therefore, it seems almost certain that Saint-Amant met Pere Joseph during their many years in the court circles of Louis XIII. The poet

S may well have been influenced by Pere Joseph's spirituality.

Pere Joseph had as a friend and fellow disciple Pierre de Berulle

(1575-1629) who was the creator of the Oratory of France. He was eventually raised to the cardinalate by Urban VIII and given the title of "apostle of the Incarnate word." It was he who introduced the theories of Pere Joseph and particularly of Canfeld to a larger audience. Berulle was a Catholic before he was a mystic and represents the doctrinal side 25

35 of French mysticism.

Berulle did not seek to adopt dogma to his own experience in the tra dition of the Dionysian mystics. His particular contribution to religious thought and practice was to develop and to systematize traditional theocentrism which he compared to the theories to Copernicus. He countered the E.jercicios of Loyola where he saw the individual playing too important a role, his mind preoccupied with self-control and thereby rendering unat tainable the pure worship of God. He felt that worship should be an act of adoration and awe and practiced without regard to one's spiritual profit.

At the same time, Berulle developed an elaborate Jesus-centrism from

A the mystical doctrines he learned from Father Benoit. His revolution, in fluenced by Catholic thought and practice, was more than Copernican. He insisted that there were several suns, adding Jesus-centrism and Virgin- centrism to theocentrism. In advocating adherence and even servitude to

Christ and the Virgin, he was helping to destroy the sun of the Godhead.

Ironically, his subordination of direct mystical experience to personalistic theology contributed to the almost total disappearance of mysticism by the end of the seventeenth century. It is psychologically impossible to adhere to the Incarnate Word or to the Virgin without using actively the mind's tools of imagination and analysis. When the mind is thus used, it 37 is unable to receive mystically the being of God.

Berulle's accent upon the use of analysis and imagination as required for personalistic theology can be seen in the thinking of his disciples and associates which included St. Vincent de Paul (1581-1660), Charles de Con- dren (1588-1641 ), and St. Jeanne-Francoise de Chantal (1572-1641 ), the latter of whom founded, with St. Francois de Sales, the Order of the Visita 26

tion. ITis infXi-isxics con’tinuGcl. in "th© sGvsniGsniii cGniiiry in fhs wonlcs of

Pascal (1623-62) and the school of Port Royal. It can be seen to a lesser

extent at the end of the century in the Quietist movement, chiefly remem

bered with Mme Guyon (1648-1717) and the works of Fenelon (1 651-1715)•^

Another of Canfeld's pupils on the elements of contemplative prayer was Barbe Acarie (1566-1618). Although she wrote only one small treatise

on prayer, Vrays Exercices, first published in 1622, her influence among

the religious leaders of her day was profound. She was an intimate of

Pere Coton, Pere Joseph and St. Francois de Sales. Inspired by the works of Santa Teresa, she introduced to France the Congregation de Ste. Genevieve the first French Carmelites, labored to develop the Ursulines, and helped reform the Benedictine abbeys. Mme Acarie, as she was known, was beatified in 1791 at the request of Louis XVI as Marie de L'Incarnation. Her influ ence went far beyond the circle of the Hotel d'Acarie. Three years after her death in 1618, Dr. Andre" Duval published her Life which, by 1627, was in its seventh edition and which soon spread throughout Europe in trans- 39 lation.

Madame Acarie, born Barbe Avrillot, discovered her religious vocation at the age of twenty-two after reading in a book of devotions, "Trop est avare a qui Dieu ne suffit." As if struck by lightning, she became im mediately aware that God could be experienced from within and that human beings had to begin here and now the task of becoming perfect. She was held in awe by her circle for her frequent trances and ecstasies. She even received the stigmata, but concealed the marks to all but three 40 friends. In one of her rare written accounts, she wrote to her director,

Berulle, describing a state:

Jetant l'oeil exterieur sans un dessein sur un crucifix... l'ame fut touchee si subitement, si vivement, que je ne 27

pus pas ineme 1'envisager davantage exterieurement, rnais interieureinent. Je m'etonnai de voir cette seconde personne de la tres sainte Trinite, accommodee de cette sorte pour mes peches et ceux des hommes. II me serait du tout impossible d'exprimer ce qui se passa en l'interieur, et particulierement 1'excellence et dignite de cette seconde personne. Cette vue etait si efficace et avait tant de clarte, qu'elle ne pouvait consentir et comprendre, qu'ayant tant d'autres moyens pour racheter le monde, il avait voulu ravilir une chose si digne et si precieuse; jusqu'a ce qu'il plut au meme Seigneur soulager les angoisses auxquelles elle etait, (et crois que si cela eut dure plus longtemps, elle ne l'eut pu porter), l1informant si particulierement et si efficacement et surtout avec tant de clarte, qu'elle ne pouvait nullement douter que ce fut lui qui donnait jour a ces tenebres, et 1'enseignait, comme ferait un bon pere, son enfant, ou un bon maitre son disciple. Ce qui se sentait inferieurement ne se peut exprimer ni moins dire. II me souvient bien que l'ame admirait sa sagesse, sa bonte et particulierement l'exces de son amour envers les hommes. La joie et la douleur tout ensemble faisaient divers effets et rendaient l'ame fertile en conceptions. Que ne disait-elle a ce Seigneur qui lui etait si efficacement present! Quels besoins oubliait-elle! Quels desirs et quels souhaits! Quels remerciements...! Oh! combien elle lui deman- dait l'efficace de ce qu'il avait opere pour notre salut..! Les douleurs aux extremites dont nous nous sommes plaintes depuis tant d'annees (les stigmates) furent rendues douces et sauves, quoique douloureuses...Bref, je ne saurais dire comme j'etais; cela dura le temps de l'gyaison du matin qui fut bien de quatre ou cinq heures.

It is important to note that in her experience of the presence of the Di vine, the whole human being acts, suffers, and palpitates.

Although Mme Acarie was married and had a family and thereby lacked the official authority granted to abbesses by the Church, she was granted a free hand to supervise all the Carmelite monasteries in France by Henri de Gondi, Cardinal de Retz, who was Bishop of Paris from 1598 to 1622.

After the death of her husband in 1613, Mme Acarie joined the Carmelites as a lay sister. She was sent first to Amiens and then to Pontoise where 42 she died in 1618. 28

Devotion became fully laicised with the teachings and writings of St.

Francois de Sales (1567-1622) and his works are the culmination of the whole era of devotional revival in France. A contemporary and friend of such religious figures as Berulle and Mme Acarie, St. Francois de Sales

spent his formative years in Paris discussing religious reform and the nature of piety among the members of the Acarie circle. He founded with

St. Jeanne de Chantal L'Ordre de la Visitation and in 1602 he was named

Bishop of Geneva. Greatly influenced by Granada, Richeome, and Mme Acarie, he evolved his own program of prayer and meditation which are described in his Introduction_a la vie devote (1609) and Traite de 1’Amour de Dieu (1614).

He was canonized in 1665. 43

St. Francois de Sales, who did not propose new doctrines, represents a syntheses of the many types of meditation outlined by his predecessors.

He offers, in addition, a lucid and urgent voice to the spirit of Christian

Humanism. The two innovative accents of his work are the insistence upon the participation of the laity in the realm of devotion and upon the free use of the imagination in private prayer. In the Introduction a la vie devote, he invites all believers to thoughtful prayer:

C'est un erreur, ains une heresie, de vouloir bannir la vie devote de la compagnie des soldatz, de la boutique des artisans, de la cour des princes, du mesnage des gens maries...ainsy commande-il (Dieu) aux Chrestiens...qu'ils produisent des fruitz de ^ devotion, un chacun selon sa qualite et vocation.

It must be noted, however, that the audience of St. Francois de Sales was still limited to those with some degree of learning. The Traite de

1!Amour de Dieu is addressed to "ames avancees en devotion” and his founding of the "Academie florimonante" in 1607 and his relations with

Antoine Favre, a scholar and poet, underline his appeal to those familiar with secular literature. 45 29

A good example of his accent upon imagination in private prayer can be seen in a letter written to Ste. Chantal where he responds to God in nature:

He! vrai Jesus! que cette nuit est douce (noel), ma tres chere fille! "Les cieux, chante l'Eglise, distillent de toutes parts le miel," et moi je pense que ces divins anges qui resonnent en l'air leur admirable cantiques viennent pour recueillir ce miel celeste sur les lys ou il se trouve, sur la poitrine de la tres douce Vierge et de saint Joseph. J'ai peur, ma chere fille, que ces divins esprits ne se meprennent entre le lait qui sort des mamelles virginales et le miel du ciel qui est abouche sur ces mamelles. Quelle douceur de voir le miel sucer le lait!46

It is striking that St. Francois actually breathes the fragrance of the honey and lilies rather than merely beholding them. Contemplation had advanced dramatically from the laborious efforts made by Richeome. The spirit of St. Francois was to be continued in the writings of two followers, Etienne Binet and Jean-Pierre Camus.

Thus, the whole period of devotional revival contains a vast range of approaches. At one end stands the realm of simple piety as outlined by Fray Luis de Granada wherein basic devotional methods could be mastered orally by the young and illiterate, and at the other stand the

Jesuits who link devotion with university study. In the realm of poetry, too, one finds devotional approaches ranging from the most unadorned to the most sophisticated incorporating devices of profane rhetoric. Regard less of the approach, devotional poetry of the seventeenth century finds its inspiration in the myriad devotional works of the era and attempts to capture the spirit of meditation with its themes of sin and death, the life and Passion of Christ, and the beauty of the created world. Before analysing the religious poetry of Saint-Amant, it is necessary to examine 30 the poetry of meditation as a genre and to examine how baroque language and metaphor, in particular, are able to serve so well in expressing poetry that is closely related to prayer. 31

Footnotes (Chapter 1 )

^Terence C. Cave, Devotional Poetry in France c. 1570-1613 (Cam bridge: University Press, 1969)> pp. 2-3 2 Rudolf Steiner, Mystics of the Renaissance (New York: G. Putnam's Sons, 1911), P- 130. 3 Cave, p. 3* 4 Ibid., p. 4> 5 Luis de Granada, "Obras del V.P.M. Fray Luis de Granada," in Biblioteca de authores espanoles desde la formacion del lengua.je hasta nuestros dias, ed. Don Jose Joaquin de Mora, II (Madrid: M. Rivadeneyra, 1860), p. 203. g Daniel J. Fitzpatrick, S.J., Confusion, Call, Commitment (New York: Alba House, 1976), pp. xv-xvii.

^Cave, p. 6.

8Ibid., pp. 7-8.

^Ibid., pp. 11-13- 10 Ibid., p. 14.

111bid., p. 15. 1 2 Henri Bremond, Histoire du sentiment religieux en France, II (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin^ 1967), pp. 101-02.

^Ihid. , p. 4.

14Ibid. , pp. 15-17. 1 5 Bremond, I, pp. 18-20.

^ ^Ihid., p. 33•

^Ibid. , pp. 33-36.

18Ibid., p. 37. 19 Ibid. , p. 42. 20 Evelyn Underhill, The Mystics of the Church (New York: George Doran Co., 1926), p. 190. 32

Footnotes (Chapter 1 )

2^Bremond, II, pp. 151-158.

22Aldous Huxley, Grey Eminence, A Study in Religion and Politics (New York: Harper and Row, 1941),p p . 64-67.

2^Ibid. , pp. 69-70. 24 Ibid., p. 72.

^Underhill, pp. 70-71 •

2^Huxley, pp. 73-75.

27Ibid. , p. 84. 23 Bremond, II, p. 188. 29 Huxley, p. 85- 50 Bremond, II, pp. 170-176. 31 Huxley, pp. 85-87.

^2Paul Durand-Lapie, Saint-Amant, son temps, sa vie, ses poesies (Geneve: Slatkine Reprints, 1970), p. 100. 33 Marc Antoine Gerard, sieur de Saint-Amant, Oeuvres completes, ed. Jacques Bailbe et Jean Lagny, III (Paris: Marcel Didier, 1967-1979)? pp. 315-316.

■^Gustave Fagniez, Le pere Joseph et Richelieu (1577-1683) (Paris: Hachette, 1894), p. 395.

"^Huxley, p. 79-

56Ibid., p. 76.

57Ibid., pp. 76-81.

58Underhill, pp. 190-191- 39 Elfrieda Dubois, "The Hotel Acarie: A Meeting Place for European Currents of Spirituality in Early Seventeenth-century France," Durham University Journal. 71 (1979), 187-196.

4°Huxley, pp. 33-35. Footnotes (Chapter 1 )

44Bremond, II, pp. 231-252.

42Ihid., pp. 25S-259. 43 Bremond, I, pp. 68-101.

44Saint Francois de Sales, Introduction a la vie devote, Charles Florisome, I (Paris: Fernard Roches, 1930), pp. 21- 45 Cave, p. 17. 4-6 Bremond, I, p. 78. Chapter 2: The poetry of meditation

Studies by Louis Martz, author of The Poetry of Meditation, and by

Terence Cave, author of Devotional Poetry in France, deal with the nature

of religious poetry in France during the formative years of Saint-Amant.

Until recently, little treatment has been given to the poetry of prayer • and meditation as an individual genre. Studies on religious poetry of

the Renaissance and beyond have centered around Ronsard's Discours, d'Aubigne's Tragiques, works by Du Bartas, and to a lesser extent, re

ligious drama. The lyric poets, such as Sponde, Desportes, Chassignet,

La Ceppede, Favre and Cesar de Nostredame, have in the past been given 1 less critical attention, but are now being reevaluated and much read.

The roots for the poetry of prayer and meditation stem from the

Middle Ages, but in the sixteenth century, whether one is considering

the pre-Reformation, the Reformation itself, or the Catholic revival,

there appeared an increased popularity of devotional literature in the vernacular. Cave places the advent of the vogue of religious lyrics in

the 1570's, citing Jacques de Billy's Sonnets spirituels (1573), the

appearance of the Geneva Poemes chrestiens (1574), and works of Desportes after 1575 as examples of the rise of vernacular devotional literature.

He terminates his study in the year 1613, the date of the publication of

La Ceppede's Theoremes. By this time the nature of the various modes of 2 devotional poetry had been firmly established.

The cloisters of the Middle Ages did not need to encourage literary

ornamentation in their devotional works. The leaders of the Counter-Refor

mation, however, were preoccupied by the need to encourage converts and

34 35 were forced into making persuasive literature available to a lay audience.

The Horation utile dulci reappeared in the writings of the Pleiade poets:

"the poet was to be not merely an entertainer, but an interpreter of the

3 world and of man." Devotion in the vernacular, palatable to a lay audi ence, found its first expression in liminary sonnets. They were written by both Calvinists and Catholics alike. Functional utility in Renaissance religious poetry found its highest achievement in the Hymnes and Discours % 4 sur les miseres du temps of Ronsard.

It was during the reign of Henri III that the devotional revival be came widely manifest. Many translators of devotional works were laymen, serving as links between humanist letters and the cloistered world of prayer. Examples of the joining together of the sacred and the profane can be seen in Francois de Belieforest's translation of Granada where he announces he has not abandoned the pleasures of literature, Guytot's

Meditations des zelateurs de piete, for which Belleau wrote a liminary sonnet, and Chappuys' translation of Estella's Livre de la vanite du monde, which includes a liminary sonnet which analyses meditation on 5 vanity in the style of profane poetry.

The provinces were as involved in the devotional revival as the

Court. Many provincial literary-devotional circles developed, the most important of which was at Douai. From Douai came such liminary poems as the lengthy "Chant de Triomphe de la Croix" of Philippe de Broide and the liminary sonnets of Jean Loup. By the 1570's, the influence of Du Bartas had firmly established the idea of a "muse chrestienne." The establish ment of an independent genre of devotional poetry, however, was not im mediate. Although Antoine Du Verdier acclaimed Du Bartas as the creator of the Christain Muse and labeled Chappuys, whose 1582 publication of 36

Figures de la Bible contains many Biblical emblems, as Du Bartas' heir, the devotional revival and the Christian Muse were still not seen as totally reconciled. In addition, the 1582 edition of the Muse Chrest- ienne contained many Pleiade poems which never possessed a religious sense. Few poets of the period were aware of the poetic potential of devotional themes and patterns.^

The first writers of purely devotional poetry were the brothers Jean and Jacques de Billy. The former was prior of the Charterhouse of Mont-

Dieu; the latter was the Benedictine abbot of Sainct-Michel de l'Herm.

They both produced a variety of translations, each honoring the other with liminary sonnets. Jacques was the author of his own Sonnets spirituels. His poems treat the themes of death, the misery of life and the corruption of the world. His use of emblematic images has both an analy tic and explanatory purpose. He does not, however, attempt to involve the reader emotionally and is thus "devotional" to only a limited extent. Still, his accent upon personal confession and repentance anticipates a peniten-

7 tial mood in poetry.

Another example of early devotional poetry is the Theanthropogamie of

Marin Le Saulx, a collection of sonnets based on the Song of Solomon. In the introduction to the work, the poet admits that it has limited appeal because of its complex allegorical nature. What is significant is that

Le Saulx chose poetry as the vehicle for conveying religious allegories because poetry was more attractive to a lay audience. Also, the Thean thropogamie combines physical description, allegorical interpretation, and affectivity, the three-fold meditative structure outlined by devotional theoreticians.^ 37

It is important to remember, too, the work of Desportes who had been writing religious stances and sonnets before Le Saulx. His Sonnets spirituels appeared in 1577. Sonnet III is an apology for prayerful poetry

Puis que le miel d'amour, si comble d'amertume, N'altere plus mon coeur comme il fit autrefois; Puis que du monde faux je mesprise les lois, Monstrons qu’un feu plus saint maintenant nous allume. Seigneur, d'un de tes cloux je veux faire ma plume, Mon encre de ton sang, mon papier de ta croix, Mon subject de ta gloire, et les chants de ma voix De ta mort, qui la mort eternelle consume. Le feu de ton amour, dans mon ame eslance, Soit la sainte fureur dont je seray pousse, Et non d'un Apollon 1'ombrageuse folie. Cet amour par la foy mon esprit ravira, Et, s'il te plaist, Seigneur, au ciel l'elevera g Tout vif, comme sainct Paul ou le prophete Elie.

This program for religious poetry, particularly as seen in "les chants de ma voix De ta mort, qui la mort eternelle consume," could come from either Christian or Petrarchan traditions. Although most of Desportes' religious poetry focuses upon evening themes of penitence with images coming from the Old Testament, many of his poems incorporate the Jesuit techniques of meditation, providing an important link between poetry and devotion.^ ^

The influence of Desportes was manifested in the provincial school at Louvres. The principal poet of this school was Jean de Boissieres who served as "secretaire de la Chambre" at the court of Henri III. He pub lished his Troisiesmes oeuvres in 1579 which included quasi-meditative prayers and sonnets on the life of Christ. The poet was probably strongly influenced by the medieval Puy tradition where rural poets participated in annual poetic competitions which involved poetry that was usually religious

Another work published before 1580 that influenced the growth of re ligious poetry was the translation of neo-Latin and Italian poems by Guy 38

Le Fevre, entitled Hymnes ecclesiastiques, Cantiques spirituelz et autres

Meslanges Poetiques (1578). Le Fevre wrote poems himself, including the sixty page Hymne a Jesus-Christ nostre Seigneur de ses victoires et tri- omphes, dedicated to Ronsard. The importance of Le Fevre is that his trans lations drew attention to a tradition of Italian religious poetry and this , in turn, inspired new poetic potential for the circle at court of Henri

1 2 III.

The poets who flourished during the reign of Henri III included Ama- dis Jamyn, Joachim Blanchon, Guillaume Du Peyrat, Issac Hahert, and the young Malherbe. Disciples of Desportes, they show in their works the basic themes of devotional poetry: penitence and confession, analyses of the Eucharist, contemplation on the Passion and Creation, and invocations of divine love. Although these poets did not follow a specific pattern to create devotional poetry, they did link the themes of devotion and the genre of poetry at the court and helped to establish a fashionable devo tional society by the turn of the century.

Calvinists, too, were active in the creation of religious poetry.

Beze and Des Masures had written religious drama, and a Calvinistic antho logy, Poemes chrestiens, appeared in Geneva in 1574. The collection in cludes lengthy penitential poems by Montmeja, Tagaut and Beze and odes and sonnets by Goulart. The most interesting -ork is Montmeja's "La Solitude," a poem which advocates meditation as a path from penitence to divine love.

The poem is significant because it employs natural phenomena as sources of inspiration for meditation. Nature is also used as a link between man and

God in "Le Voyage de la montagne," an anthology by one E.D.P. which recounts the hike in the woods of the poet and some friends. In the work, the poet is led to contemplate with his friends religious symbolism in nature. Such 39

contemplation represents the simple, direct and personal meditation of the

Calvinists which contrasts with the more elaborate methods outlined by the

Catholics. 1 4

Between 1585 and 1613, poets writing outside the Court, in the tradi

tion of Billy and Le Saulx, also made a significant contribution to the development of devotional poetry. Pierre Tamisier, for example, translated many devotional texts into verse. In 1587 he published in French verse a

translation of the pseudo-Augustine meditations and, in the following year, a series of meditations on the penitential psalms. In his Cantiques, hymnes, et prieres (1590), he paraphrases in verse many Biblical passages and seems inspired by Granada who recommended prayers in verse as a prepara-

tion for meditation. 1 5

Another important provincial poet is Antoine Favre who published in

1593 Centurie premiere de sonets spirituels de 11 amour divin et de la penitence. The work, which is dedicated to St. Francois de Sales, includes in the introductions: "...pendant mon sejour✓ a S Necy, ces mois passes vous me fistes concevoir le desir de m'esgayer dans ce champ si spatieux de la ** 16 poesie spirituelle." The observation suggests, according to Cave, that poetry had finally reached the point of being considered as a legitimate genre for the expression of religious thought. In his sonnets, Favre adds

the concept of pleasure to the realm of poetry, the idea of utility being presupposed. Following the Centurie, Favre wrote a series of four sonnets entitled, Meditations preparatoires ia JLa saincte communion. In the preface

to the sonnets, Favre defends religious poetry as an appropriate vehicle to express private devotion. 1 7

Another important example of the religious poetry of the period is

the Mespris of Chassignet which appeared in 1594. He was indebted to 40

Duplessis-Mornay, Montaigne and Lipsius. This eclectic work suggests a relationship between prose and poetry, Catholic and Protestant, and de votion land humanism. Thus, by the end of the sixteenth century, poets both in the Court and in the provinces had learned to employ devotional 1 8 material as the inspiration for the creation of sophisticated poetry.

The scope of participation in the movement toward devotional poetry began to broaden early in the century. For the first time there appeared devotional poetry written by women and ecclesiastics. The devotional son nets of Soeur Anne de Marguets and Gabrielle de Coignard, reflecting the influence of the circle of Madame Acarie, showed a characteristic "douceur."

Many dedications and liminary poems in books of devotional poetry which appeared between 1590 and 1610 contain references to ecclesiastics. In particular, one finds the name of Paul Hurault de l'Hopital, the Arch bishop of Aix, who himself wrote poems in praise of Chasteuil's Imitation ^ 19 des Pseaumes and of Cesar de Nostredames's Pieces heroiques.

The city of Aix became a center for devotional poetry, having at any given time in the period at least twenty active members, not including the ecclesiastics, who gave the group their support. Key figures in the Aix group include La Ceppede, Du Vair, and Malherbe. The penitential nature of La Ceppede's Imitation des Pseaumes de la Penitence (1 594) and of

Chasteuil's Imitation (1595-97), as well as of Malherbe's Larmes de

Saint Pierre (1587) resulted in poems of greater ambition and maturity as the seventeenth century began. Between 1605 and 1608, Cesar de Nostre- dame published religious poems and these were followed by the first vol ume of La Ceppede's Theoremes in 1612. The poetic circles at Aix are noteworthy because they illustrate a pattern of activity that was typical of France as a whole. Throughout the country there was a gathering emer- 41

6 \ ^ ^ gence of devotional poetry. In Le libertinage au XVII siecle, Frederic

N Lachevre describes the period:

La bibliographie du XVII6 siecle met en pleine lumiere la predominance de l'idee religieuse aussi bien dans les classes les plus instruites et les plus elevees de la societe francaise que dans les plus modestes. Des avocats, des magistrats, des grands seigneurs traduisaient alors a 1'envoi les psaumes ou les «** A % livres sacres; la merae fievre animait laics, seculiers et reguliers. Jamais, depuis 1'invention de l'imprimerie on n'avait vu une pareille floraison de poesie chretieijge et cependant cette floraison a passee inapercue.

The growth of devotional poetry was in some ways thwarted by the re ligious wars. The influence of Ronsard and of his Calvinist opponents in volved poetry in religious polemics which attracted poets away from lyric forms. Other contributing factors to the relatively slow development of devotional poetry as a genre were the authority of the Pleiade and the revival of Petrarchan-modes at the court of Henri III. Also, the Counter-

Reformation, with its accent upon penitence, inhibited the growth of a more attractive, self-indulgent devotion until the second decade of the seven teenth century. By 16J0, however, devotional poetry was firmly established as a genre in the works of Yves de Paris, Bardin, P. Caussin, Binet, and

Pere Le Moyne, to name a few. They are a quite differing, but still a tight4-- group. 21

Many of the religious poets of the seventeenth century found a struc tural guideline for their work in outlines for methodical meditation.

Martz analyses the relationship among poetry, prayer, and meditation:

The enormous popularity of methodical meditation of this era...may be attributed to the fact that it satisfied and developed a natural fundamental tendency of the human mind— a tendency to work from a particular situation, through analysis of that situation, and finally to some sort of resolution of the problems which the situation has presented. Meditation focused and disciplined the powers that a man already possessed, both his innate powers and his acquired 42

mode of logical analysis and rhetorical development. The process of meditation, then, is not an isolated factor in this poetry; it exists, I believe, as a ^ fundamental organizing impulse deep within the poetry.

The earliest examples of structured meditation are found in the

medieval morning meditations on man's fallen nature. By the end of the

sixteenth century, however, Catholics reacted to the Protestant claim

that baptism alone assured salvation by outlining patterns for evening

meditation which stressed penitence, confession, and absolution. In

turn, the morning meditation was devoted to man's fallen nature in the 23 Old Testament and the redemptive nature of Christ.

Sources for the narrative technique incorporated in the morning

meditations date from the sermons and meditations of Bernard, Bonaven-

tura and the pseudo Augustine which were re-edited and translated at the

end of the sixteenth century into anthologies by Guytot and Antoine

Estienne (Pevot discours sur la Passion). Penitential handbooks in both

Latin and French were also widely circulated. As early as 1539 an edition

of Gerson's Directoire des confessions appeared, followed in the next two

decades by the treatises of Pore and Pupy-Herbault. The influence of the

Jesuit, Auger, and of the Vincennes Academy can be seen in the 1597 edition S' S' of Bosquier's Le Fouet de I 'Academie des pecheurs. The Jesuits and the

Mendicants produced patterns for morning devotion which were based upon works on the life of Christ by Loarte, Guevara and Alonso de Madrid. An

important lay contribution to the penitential revival was Blaise de Vi-

genere's Pe JLa penitence et de ses parties, followed by a paraphrase of

the penitential psalms. One looks to Fray Luis de Granada, Ignatius

Loyola and St. Francois de Sales, however, to find the most thorough and 24 influential works on structural meditation. 43

In his Lie Vray chemin et adresse pour acquerir et parvenir a. la g r a c e de Dieu, Fray Luis attempts to lay down fundamental rules for a method of devotion in an attempt to help control individual reflection and to overcome

the wandering nature of contemplation. Granada's devotional method is based upon a conscious effort to divide meditation into thematic categories. His basic pattern of meditation is twofold: contemplation at first on the fal

len nature of man and then on the redemption of man through Christ. This

structure is reflected in Granada's studies on morning and evening medita

tion; in the former he advocates contemplation on the fear of God while the

latter meditation deals with the life of Christ. These two sequences, com

plimented by the contrast between the Old and New Testaments, can be seen

in devotional poetry, much of which underlines the dichotomy between man's 25 fallen nature and his salvation.

Fray Luis de Granada follows the medieval practice of organizing a

timetable for effective meditation on the life of Christ. He divides his

system into seven meditations, one for every day of the week beginning

Monday. They comprise contemplation upon 1) the knowledge of ourselves,

2) the miseries of this life, 3) the hour of death, 4) the Day of Judg ment, 5) the pains of Hell, 6) the glory and felicity of the Kingdom of

Heaven and 7) the benefits of God. This pattern of rotation fulfilled a very real need on the part of the Counter Reformation for a method of medi- , , . 26 tation.

The Monday meditation, which deals with the vanity of the world and

of human life, prepares a penitent for the Tuesday meditation on sickness and death. Both meditations are abstract in nature; Granada suggests hardly any visual aids. The tone is one of a preacher issuing a moral warning against vanity or consolation against affliction. The most re- 44 current theme of these contemplations, as seen particularly in the Medita tions of Sponde, is the unreliability both of man and the physical world.

This accent upon change and instability is expressed by questions, argu ments, paradoxes, and anthitheses which arise from the physical situation.

The penitent, being unable to resolve his own anxieties, turns to God who 27 alone offers hope for redemption.

The Wednesday meditation on the hour of death is particularly import ant to this study. It invites the penitent to reflect upon the moment of his own death and to envision his corruptible body in the tomb. Granada describes the mental process:

Veu quel'estomach deffault, la voix s'enroue, les pieds meurent et s'enroidissent, les genoux deviennent froids comme glace, le nez s'estressit, les yeux sont enfoncez en la teste, la face a signe de mo^, et la langue ne peut plus faire son office.

Similarly, Loyola begins his Exercice de la mort with the following vision:

"Que je m*imagine vivement, de me voir couche dans un lict abandonne des 29 Medecins, sans aucun espoir de vivre plus long temps."

Such dramatic visual meditations upon death are often complimented by the presence of angels and devils at the death bed, and examples of the ars moriendi are often illustrated with wood-cuts. Death bed scenes, often contrasting horror and beauty, are common poetic devices and can be seen in Calvinist psalm-meditations of the 1580's, particularly in Simon

Goulart's Trente tableaux de la mort and in D'Aubigne''S De JLa douceur des afflictions. The Thursday and Friday meditations, which deal with the Last 30 Judgment and Hell, find less poetic expression.

Penitential meditation is basically an exercise in self-examination, manifesting itself in self-deprecation as one contemplates his own sins.

Granada suggests that one should examine the corruption of each of the senses and see himself imperfect or utterly corrupt in relation to the Old 45

Testament law. Physical and moral corruption are seen in an intimate re lationship and evil smells, suggesting the physical manifestation of sin and tears, suggesting the washing of the penitent of his corruption, are common images. 51

Whether one is considering a morning or evening meditation or analys ing the works of Granada, Loyola or Francois de Sales, there exists a common three part subdivision inspired by and fortifying the doctrine of the

Trinity. The three basic divisions can be categorized as the preparatory steps, meditation proper, divided into "points,” and colloquies wherein the soul speaks to God in many forms: requests, petitions, thanksgiving, reso lutions. Each part is accompanied by a corresponding power of the soul being brought to bear: the memory, the understanding, and the will. Such specific labeling is the work of Loyola, but it applies in general to all 52 the basic methods of meditation.

The preparation begins with a prayer which asks for grace for the pro per performance of the meditation. This is followed by the "composition of place" where the meditator describes the physical setting of his con templation. All senses are brought to bear in imagining either the person or place which the meditator desires to witness. Loyola describes the use of the senses as follows:

Prayer. After the preparatory prayer...it is pro fitable to pass the five senses of the imagination over the first and second contemplation in the fol lowing manner: First Point. The first point is to see the persons with the imaginative sight, mediating and contemplating in particular their circumstances, and drawing some profit from the sight. Second Point. The second: to hear with the hearing what they are saying or might say, and reflecting within oneself, to draw therefrom some profit. Third Point. The third: to smell and taste with the sense of smell and with the taste the infinite fragrance and sweet ness of the Divinity, of the soul and of its virtues, and of the whole being, according to who the person 46

may be who is contemplated, reflecting within one self and drawing profit therefrom. Fourth Point. The fourth: to touch, as, for example, to embrace and kiss the places where such persons tread and ^ sit, always endeavouring to draw profit therefrom.

The imagination must be employed to create a concrete and vivid setting wherein, according to the English Jesuit, Gibbons, "we find some simili- 34 tude answerable to the matter."

The dramatization of the physical setting is an essential element in the proper beginning of meditation. The contemplator or poet often employs similies at this stage even though St. Francois de Sales warns that one must not lose the ultimate meaning of a mystery by indulging in too elaborate comparisons. The dramatization can be achieved by imagining oneself at the spot where the event occurred, by visualizing the events as occurring before one's eyes while the meditator remains physically removed, or by imagining the events as taking place within one's heart, a method strongly recommended by Fray Luis. Regardless, the task is to become spiritually submerged, through the power of the imagination, within the mystery one wishes to meditate. 35

In the composition of place, the goal is to arouse the reader by a cumulative effect of horror. In appealing to the senses, the writer attempts to awaken one's conscience and to involve him emotionally and almost physically in a situation such as the Nativity or the Passion.

Sensual awareness, such as the use of smells to describe the corruption of the body after death, or visual terms to denote the Passion, underlie the free rein given to the imagination. The whole composition section has a certain physicality and there are few metaphors. In the introductory composition part of the meditation, the memory, in alliance with the 3 6 imagination, is the creative force employed. 47

The preparatory stage is completed when the meditator informs God

what he wishes to achieve through his efforts. St. Ignatius suggests

that the petition should be related to the subject matter; for example,

if one contemplates the Resurrection he should ask for joy with the

Risen Lord. Thus, the beginning of the meditation should announce the 37 end as well as indicate the nature of the progress toward that end.

The second part of the meditation is the work of the intellect as

it reflects upon the scenes and related concerns which have been pre

sented in the first part. Its analytical nature makes it considered by most devotional writers as the meditation proper. In this section

the reader is bombarded with images and figures. There is an accent upon quantity rather than quality. Little attempt is made to expand an

image or to give it sensual detail and metaphors are rare. Although

there may be many similitudes, their function is to enhance under

standing rather than to arouse the senses. There may be, however, ex

tended images which have the poetic function of emblems, serving as de- 70 vices for conveying an important abstract concept.

The third part of the meditation is composed of colloquies or of affective prayer. The affections are poured out in the form of thanks givings or requests and the power of the soul brought to bear is the will. In this emotional climax, the meditator is less aggressive. The

tone is one of gentle insistence and there is an intimacy which is often

seen in the use of "tu" or of "nous." Typical patterns of speech include demonstratives, exclamations, and rhetorical questions which invite the reader's participation. The conclusion confirms that the goal of the medi

tation has been fulfilled. The soul, having been reformed, is able to speak 39 to God in colloquy and hear God speak to man. 48

Poetry which may be regarded as prayerful or meditative cannot be defined only in terms of structure. The poetic creative act involves necessarily an inner tension or drama on the part of the poet who is seeking, through his contemplation, a deeper comprehension of the nature of ultimate reality or truth. The poetry of meditation, taken to its ultimate principle, finds its inspiration in experiences which are most commonly defined as mystical. Although it would be inaccurate to regard

Saint-Amant as a mystical poet in the tradition of such English contem poraries as Donne, Crashaw or Vaughan, his religious poems convey feelings and sentiments which are closely related to the mystical experience.

The poetic-mystical experience begins during a moment of inspiration often caused by an inanimate object or manifestation of nature, "whether a bird or a broom or a love ballad,taking on another dimension. Such objects act as catalysts which evoque, without any effort on the part of the mind or any visible change in themselves, a sense of higher reality in the uncontrolled imagination. The moment of inspiration often begins with a sad and mournful fecundity of the mind or heart, followed by tumultuous yet futile efforts toward invention or decision; finally, the spirit or heart reaches a level of joy. For a transitory period, one is transformed; a feeling of higher awareness overwhelms him. He senses that he has discovered a deeper truth or knowledge .than any intellectual effort 41 might afford. He is aware of the Invisible, of the "Etre des Etres."

The ideal vehicle for expressing the mystical experience is poetry.

What distinguishes the pure mystic, whether Christian or not, from the mystic-poet is the ability to relate the experience of the presence of the Divine. The pure mystic is not inclined to convey his experience.

Plotinus, in considering "Nature, Contemplation, and the One" in the third Ennead, describes the predisposition toward inaction after mystical 49

union:

This vision achieved, the acting instinct pauses; the mind is satisfied and seeks nothing further; the con templation, in one so conditioned, remains absorbed within as having acquired certainty to rest upon. The brighter the certainty, the more tr/inquil is the con-.^ templation as having acquired the more perfect unity.

The barrier of language and the difference in the levels of emotions and feeling between the mystic and his audience renders the task of com municating mystic elevation impossible. In essence, the mystical experi ence is ineffable. It is here that the poet comes to the aid of the mystic. In Priere et poesie, Henri Bremond describes the relationship:

Au lieu de mettre les mystiques hors de l'humanite, nous serions tentes plufot d'ouvrir la carriere mystique a l'humanite tout entiere. Le dieu tombe qui se souvient des cieux n'est pas surpris que, des ici-bas, 1'elite de ses freres penetre dans le paradis perdu. Si notre intelligence n'atteint pas directement et immediatement l'Etre des Etres, elle le vise, elle l'affirme des qu'elle commence d'agir...Elle aspire vers Dieu avant meme de la connai'tre, elle le saisit deja, d'une certaine facon, avant de 1'avoir nomme, bref, elle ne peut se de'sinteresser des mysti ques qu'en se reniant elle-meme; heureuse d'ailleurs, de rencontrer entre les mystiques.et nous des intermedi- aires inabordables: les poetes.

The poet acts, therefore, as a mediator between his fellow man and the

Divine; the poem serves as the link between appearance and reality.

The prayerful poem is born at the moment of illumination. During these rare moments of insight, reason and logic are completely absent.

The poet is aware only that he has experienced sensations which have revealed superior knowledge than any rational or scientific effort might afford. This new conception of reality "is regarded with admiration often 44 amounting to worship." The uniqueness of the experience and its inten sity leave the poet with many lingering emotions; joy mingles with despair, 45 frustration with harmony. 50

Unlike the pure mystic, the poet-mystic is left with an invincible need to translate and to communicate his mental encounter. His compulsion is fed by the need to preserve his experience for himself as well as the desire to share it with the world. Bremond remarks, "On pourrait dire d'un mot: le propre de I'experience poetique est d'etre communicable."^

The inability of language to convey the sensations of the moment of inspira tion, and the passage of time between the event and the futile effort to record it precisely are the poet's enemies. Shocking and contradictory images, antitheses, and paradox underline the inability, yet fundamental 47 need of the poet to relive such a cataclysmic experience.

It must be remembered that at the moment of creation, the poet is no longer experiencing the state of inspiration. Regardless of how he feels, he is relying on his intellectual abilities; he is in control of his rea son and he is aware of time. He can only attempt to recreate a similar, yet vicarious account in the poetic act. Bremond describes the state of mind and anxiety of the poet:

Hi tonnerre, ni tempete, une sample brise; peu de sentiments et tres doux; peu d'idees et tres con fuses, un pressentiment vague, une sure promesse du chef-d'oeuvre qui va bientot se produire, mais non pas la claire vue de ce chef-d'oeuvre...il reflechit, il medite, il parle, il ecrit...Que veut-il maintenant; retenir, fixer cette experi ence plus ou moins interrompue, la prolonger comme il le pourra dans l'ordre de la seule connaissance qui lui reste possible, la connaissance rationnelle avec s^g cortege indispensable d'images et de con cepts.

The result of such an effort varies widely, but in all mystical poems, the poet betrays his inner self and finds himself, ideally, at one with his fellow man, nature and the supernatural. In The Poetry of Meditation

Louis Martz describes the general characteristics of a mystical poem: 51

an acute self-consciousness that shows itself in minute analysis of moods and motives; a conversational tone and accent expressed in language that is as a rule simple and pure; highly unconventional imagery, including the whole range of human experience, from theology to the commonest details of bed and board; an intellectual, argumentative evolution within each poem, a strain of paradoxical reasoning which knits the first line to the last and which often results in the elaboration of a figure of speech to the farthest stage to which ingenuity can carry it; above all, including all, that unification of sensibility which could achieve a direct sensuous apprehension of thought, or a recreation of thought into feeling.

The various traits of such a poem find an ideal partner in the baroque sensitivity to solitude and in the use of the metaphor.

Baroque mentality was ideally suited for transmitting the mystic ex perience. There existed in the first half of the seventeenth century a cult of solitude; recollections, retreats, and reverie were common back grounds for poetry. Pilgrims were flowing to sacred places, each of which had its historian or poet who tended to sanctify the landscape of ruined and deserted shrines. Out of this grew a purely Christian love of solitude.

Poets such as Jean de la Ceppede and Lazare de Selve were inspired by such works as "Le jardin sacre de l'ame solitaire" by Antoine de Nerveze, a booklet that appeared at the end of the sixteenth century, and later by the Entretiens solitaires of Brebeuf (1660). They found that solitude was a pre-requisite for prayer.^

Illustrations of the passion for solitude and the benefits it provides can be seen in the writings of Guez de Balzac and Pere Le Moyne. Balzac, who retreated from urban living for twenty years, describes in a letter to

Monsieur de la Motte Aigron (4 September, 1622) the balm his solitary life brought to his spirit:

Pour peu que je m'y arreste, il me semble que je retourne en ma premiere innocence. Mes desirs, mes craintes, & mes esperances cessent tout d'un 52

coup; Tous les mouvements de mon ame se relaschent, & je n'ay point de passions, ou si j'en ay, je les gouverne comme des bestes, apprivoisees. Le Soleil envoye bien de la clarte jusques-la, raais il n'y fait jamais aller de chaleur; le lieu est si bas qu'il ne scauroit recevoir que les dernieres pointes de ses rayons, qui sont d'autant plus beaux qu'ils ont moins de force, & que leur lumiere est toute pure. Mais comme c'est moy qui ay descouvert ceste nouvelle terre, aussi je la possede sans compagnon, & je n'en voudrois pas faire part a mon propre frere. Partout ailleurs il n'y a pas un de nos valets qui ne it le maistre, chacun se saoule de ce qu'il ayme....

Similarly, Pere Le Moyne writes in his Peintures spirituelles:

J'aime mieux dire que la solitude est la plus ancienne de toutes les creatures visibles, et que ce fut par elle que Dieu commenca son ouvrage...L'Academie et le Lycee ont estg^des lieux champestres aussi bien que le Parnasse.

Madeleine Bertaud, in her article "Un Jesuite au desert, le Pere le

Moyne" characterizes the relationship between the solitude afforded by nature and the presence of God:

La nature est douee d'un veritable pouvoir purifica- teur, le retour a la terre purge l'homme de ses souillures et le rend a 1'innocence, la retraite permet la conversion. De sa connaissance de l'Ecri- ture, le jesuite tire la pjeuse conviction que le campagnard, vivant dans un univers beni, parvient sans peine a garder une purete qui n'est certes pas ideale— le peche originel ne l'a pas epargne— mais qui le laisse suffisamment proche du Seigneur pour que celui-ci le visite, lui communique directement son enseignement, en fasse un pasteur des peuples, un prophete, ou^-de facon moins spectaculaire, un Sage, un poete. ■’

The poetic response to solitude is reverie which often leads to prayer. Jean Rousset, in his La litterature de 1'age baroque en France,

A »\ distinguishes two types of reverie: "reverie douce" and "reverie-extase."

The former, as exemplified in the works of Mile de Montpensier and Pere

Le Moyne does not include the total suspension of activity of the facul ties. Such reverie is tempered by clear thoughts and is manifested in 53 discursive meditation or reflections on inconstance and illusion.

The "reverie-extase," however, reminiscent of the state of mind ex perienced by the solitary Balzac, approaches the response to nature of the Romantics. In this case, all emotions such as passion, fear and hope, suddenly disappear. The mental faculties are temporarily suspended; the poet lives only in the present, completely oblivious of past and future.

Such an "extase" leaves the soul unencumbered to receive glimpses of di vine reality. The total suspension of reason, where the mind is secretly occupied by things other than its thoughts, is very close to the mystical experience. 55 It finds its fruition in Rousseau and is later manifested in the bizarre and macabre experiences of Baudelaire, a poet whose visions 56 show an affinity with some of the reverie of Saint-Amant.

Reverie and resultant feelings of exaltation find an ideal expression in the language of the baroque poet. Language charged with imaginative power is seen throughout the Bible, especially in the New Testament, the

Apocalypse , the Prophetic Books, the Psalms and the Song of Songs. It is especially in the metaphor, that the Christian-mystical tradition and the baroque find their marriage. Jean Rousset remarks:

Le Baroque...semble entretenir avec la metaphore une complicite privilegiee, la metaphore sup- posant a l'origine un systeme d'echanges, une translation d'identites et de significations, le passage d'un registre a un autre. II y aura done terrain d'election pour la metaphore si 1'artiste eprouve l'univers comme une unite animee, comme un ensemble organique dont les rapports et analogies garantissent ces cor- respondances qui nourissent le pouvoir image- ant du po^te et supportent toute metaphore vivante.

The metaphor, the ideal vehicle for conveying the inconstancy of the world, is used to accentuate the instability of any spiritual struggle.

It is precisely this feeling of inconstancy that separates a d'Aubigne 54 from a Theophile de Viau or a Sponde from a Saint-Amant, and in the meta- 58 phor often lies the key to the spirituality of a poet.'

In a world of universal mutation and variation, figures of instabil ity and of flight are common, often taking the form of emblems. In his

Introduction to Anthologie de la poesie baroque francaise, Jean Rousset lists the following as the most prevalent: air and water bubbles, birds, clouds, water, snow, wind, rainbows, fire-flies, winged glow-worms, night and light. Water is particularly evident, for its unending movement sug gests the instability felt by the poet. It is mobile and plastic, the 59 realm of reflections, reversed figures and illusions.

Equally common, certainly for Saint-Amant, is the metaphoric use of birds and of fish. The former, occupying the sky, and the latter the sea, are used in a way to suggest that the world is reversible. Gerard Genette remarks:

Qui peut assurer en effet qu'il n'y a pas au fond de l'eau un autre soleil aussi reel, voire un plus reel dont le "notre" ne serait qu'un reflet? Pour la conscience baroque, le reel n'est que la surface du possible, une surface toujours prete a s'ouvrir. II se peut ainsi que l'etendue mag^ne ne soit qu'un vertigineux principe de symetrie.

This assumption that the world is reversible is often expressed in a

"metaphore-germe," a simple statement upon which many others are based.

The "metaphore-germe" is connected to the succeeding metaphors as if they were chains or pyramids, creating the effect of constant movement.

Many metaphors even disguise their real meaning based on the theory that 61 to "bien dire" is not to call things by their name.

Another common baroque image, and the one which does not suggest any movement at all, is the skelton or cranium envisioned in a spectacle of death. When the goal of an interior experience is a feeling of intuition 55 regarding the inconstancy and variation of the world, an artist is often inclined to study the world in terms of metamorphosis: the end of the world and the resurrection of the body. Rousset regards such images as distinctly Christian:

Cette poesie fascinee par le squelette et la tete de mort est le plus souvent une poesie religieuse, fortement orientee vers la reflexion sur les fins dernieres et la destinee spirituelle de l'homme. Elle conduit directement a une poesie expressement chretienne, qui stimule la diffusion de nouvelles methodes de priere et d'ascese insgj,re par la Contre- Reforme des la fin du XVI siecle.

In posing ultimate questions, Saint-Amant and his contemporaries are 63 seeking an encounter with the permanent, the vision of the invisible. The quest often involves much visual evocation and the poetry becomes allied to painting, an art used as an instrument of narrative for Pous sin, for example.^

Thus, by the beginning of the seventeenth century, there emerged a type of devotional poetry whose origins date as far back as the prayers of the medieval monastics. The theoreticians of prayer and meditation in the Renaissance directed their writings to a lay audience, resulting in a rapid growth in the daily practice of structured devotion. Renais sance poets, reflecting the influence of the religious wars, were highly preoccupied with spiritual concerns addressing such themes as death, the secrets of the cosmos, and the knowledge of God in their works. As medi tation became increasingly laicized, there developed an alliance between prayer and poetry; devotional theoreticians and poets found themselves sharing similar concerns and addressing a common audience. The poetic creative act transformed the practice of meditation into an increasingly mystical experience, with the metaphor, in particular, serving as the link between the world's reality and a deeper understanding of the Divine.

Several of Saint-Amant’s major poems can be seen as belonging to this

tradition. An examination of his spiritual life, particularly of his conversion, lends additional insight into the relationship between the poet and his creations. 57

Footnotes (Chapter 2)

■j Terence C. Cave, Devotional Poetry in France c. 1570-1613 (Cambridge: University Press, 1969), p. ix.

"Ibid, p. xiii.

Ibid. p. 58.

Ibid. p. 59-

Ibid. p. 64.

Ibid. p. 67. 7 Ibid. pp. 70-71

8. Ibid. p. 72

^Philippe de Desportes, Oeuvres, ed. Alfred Michiels (Paris: Bibliotheque Gauloise, 1858), p. 503. 10 Cave, p. 73.

11 Ibid., p. 74. 12 Ibid., p. 75-

13Ibid., p. 76. 14 Ibid., p. 77. 15 Ibid., p. 80. 16 Ibid., p. 81. 17 Ibid. 18. Ibid., pp. 82-83. 19 Ibid., p. 87.

^Frederic Lachevre. Le libertinage au XVII6 siecle (Paris: H. Champion, 1911), p. 138.

2 1Cave,, pp. 92-93-

22'Louis. L. Martz, The Poetry of Meditation. A Study in English Religious Literature in the Seventeenth Century "(New Haven: Yale Univer sity Press, 1962), p. 39- 58

Footnotes (Chapter 2)

2^Cave, pp. 38-42.

2^Ibid., pp. 38-49-

29Ibid., p. 26.

2^Martz, p. 26.

2^Cave, pp. 44-48.

28Ibid., p. 42.

29Ibid.

5°Ibid.

^ Ibid., p. 41 .

^2Martz, p. 35- 33 Saint Ignacio do Loyola, The Spiritual Exercises, trans. Rev. C. Lattery, S. J. (St. Louis: B. Herder Book Co~ 1928), pp. 57-58. 34 Martz, p. 28.

^9Ibid., p. 30.

"^Cave, pp. 27-28.

"^Martz, p. 33.

^8Cave, pp. 30-32.

^9Martz, p. 36. 40 Martz, p. 324. 41 Evelyn Underhill, The Mystic Way; A psychological study in Christian origins ( N e w York: E. P. Sutton and Co., 1913), p. 35-

^2Plotinus, The Enneads, 48 ed., trans. Stephen MacKenna (London: Faber and Faber Ltd."i 1962) , p. 244.

^Henri Bremond, Priere et poesie (Paris: B. Grasset, 1926), pp. 104-111.

^Bertrand Russell, Mysticism and Logic (Garden City: Doubleday and Co., 1917), p. 9. 59

Footnotes (Chapter 2)

45Bremond, p. 146.

^Ibid. , p. 1 68.

^Ibid. , p. 146.

^Ibid. , pp. 101 and 156. 49 Martz, p. 2 50 t Henri Bremond, Histoire du sentiment religieux en France, I (Paris: Librairie Armand ColirT) 1967), pp. 356-341.

51 Jean Louis Guez de Balzac, Les Premieres ** Lettres, ed. H. Bibas et K. T. Butler (Paris: Droz, 1933), I, 134. 52 s / Le Pere le Moyne, Les Peintures morales (Paris: Francois Mauger, 1669), I, pp. 9 and 14. * 53 ^ ^-.6 Madeleine Bertaud, "Un Jesuite su desert, Le Pere le Moyne," XVII Siecle, 109 (1975), P- 61 .

54 ✓ a ✓ Jean Rousset, La litterature de l1age baroque en France: Circe et le paon (Paris: J. Corti, 1953), P- 151 -

55Ibid., p. 153. 56 Marie Malkiewicz-Strazalko, "Baudelaire, Gresset et Saint-Amant," Revue d'Histoire Litteriare de la France, XLIX (Oct.-Dec. 1949), 368-69.

57 ^ * * Jean Rousset, "La poesie baroque au temps de Malherbe: La Metaphore," XVIIe Siecle, No. 31 (avril 1956) 353-354. 58 / Michel Jenneret, _La Litterature penitentielle et son style (Paris: Librairie Jose Corti, 1969) , p. 446.

59 Jean Rousset, Anthologie de la poesie baroque francaise t (Pans: Librairie Armand Colin, 1961) , I, 5-26. 5 60 ^ Gerard Genette, "L'Univers reversible de Saint-Amant," Lettres Nouvelles, dec.-jan. (1959-1960), 53* 61 Rousset, Anthologie, pp. 22-24.

62Ibid., p. 17.

^Ibid. , p. 19. 64 R.A. Sayce, "Saint-Amant and Poussin: Ut Pictura Poesis," French Studies, I (1947), 241-251. Chapter 3: An examination of Saint-Amant's spirituality: The importance of his conversion

The roots of Saint-Amant's spirituality begin in Rouen where he was born and baptised in 1594 into a staunchly Huguenot family. He was the eldest of six children. The religious records of the poet's family are preserved in the Protestant registers for the parish of Rouen-Quevilly and in the Archives de la Seine-Maritime. The poet's father, Antoine

Girard, was a deacon at the "Eglise de Rouen" which suggests that he was on intimate terms with the leading Protestants of the city. Before es tablishing himself as a wealthy glass merchant, Antoine Girard was in the maritime service of Elizabeth I of England. The poet's mother, Anne Hatif, was also a member of a leading Protestant family of Rouen.^

The poet's two principal biographers, Paul Durand-Lapie and Jean

Lagny, offer conflicting theories regarding his spiritual education.

Durand-Lapie states that the poet entered the Jesuit College de la Marche in 1608 or 1609, having been sent to Paris to be near his maternal grand- 2 father. In contrast, both Antoine Adam and Jean Lagny doubt that Saint-

Amant received a Jesuit education. Adam states that there is no documen- 3 tary evidence of his attending the College de la Marche, and Lagny sug gests that the poet's father, a member of the Protestant "consistoire," 4 would never have placed his son under the influence of the Jesuits.

Several Protestant synods, notably the Synods of Realmont (1576) and of Millau (1599), issued strong interdictions regarding the sending of

Protestant children to study in Catholic schools. Such admonition, which existed long after the formative years of the poet, is summarized in the

"Discipline des Eglises reformees de Prance," issued in 1653:

60 61

Les peres et meres seront exhortes de prendre soigne- usement garde a 1'instruction de leurs enfans qui sont la semence et pepiniere de 1'Eglise. Et ceux qui les envoyeront a l’escole des prestres, moines, jesuites et nonnains seronjt poursuivis par toutes censures Ecclesiastiques.

It is doubtful that a leading Protestant figure would have ignored such long standing interdiction.

In addition, Lagny cites that two of Saint-Amant's closest friends, the abbe de Marolles and the diplomat, Chanut, both of whom studied at the College de la Marche at the time Saint-Amant was supposedly there, did not meet the poet until later. In his Memoires, Marolles affirms g that he did not meet Saint-Amant until 1620, and the poet states that 7 he met Chanut for the first time in Amsterdam in 1649- Lagny's con clusion that Saint-Amant received most, if not all, of his education in

Protestant colleges in Normandy seems reasonable. Regardless, Saint-

Amant received a sterling education. His earliest poems indicate mastery of ancient and modern languages as well as of mythology.

The life of Saint-Amant before his conversion to Catholicism in the mid 1620's is marked by extensive travel. His two brothers, like their father, were merchants and through them Saint-Amant found opportunities to make voyages to Africa and to South America. In Europe, he visited

Spain, Italy and Poland before his arrival in Paris in 1619 to pursue a g career of letters.

The debut of Saint-Amant in Paris was preceded by the publication of his finest early work, "La Solitude," which was written primarily in

Rouen in 1617- The poem was an ideal passport for the young poet pre senting himself to the Parisian world of letters. He possessed most certainly several letters of introduction to the Parisian literary com munity. Residing in a pension on rue Saint-Etienne des Greis, next to 62 the Eglise Sainte-Genevieve, the poet was able before 1623 to make the acquaintance of Boisrobert, Paret, the abbe de Marolles, Theophile de

Viau, Francois de Moliere, and other aspiring young men of letters who frequented the establishment. Some of them later became influential mem bers of the clergy. Several of Saint-Amant's most notable heroic poems, including "L'Arion," "L'Andromede," and "Metamorphose de Lyrian et de 9 Sylvie" date from this period.

It was during his early years in Paris that the poet much have first considered his abjuration of Protestantism, the capital event of his spiritual life. It must not have been easy for Saint-Amant to have been a Protestant, given the tumultuous religious climate of the period. Al though Protestants were granted many privileges and immunities under the

Edit of Nantes (1598), peaceful coexistence did not last. The Edit stipu lated that Protestants observe feast days prescribed by the Roman Church, pay certain tithes for the Roman clergy and limit the publication of their religious books. By the end of the century the Huguenot population was reduced to only one and a. half million.^ In his L'Histoire de l'Edit de

Nantes, Fortunat Strowski describes the Protestant predicament:

La situation qui fut fixee desormais aux Reformes acheva leur defaite. L'Edit de Nantes se refermy sur eux comme un tombeau. A la faveur de cet Etat s'etablirent des conditions politiques et sociales, des moeurs, une politesse, une mondanite, un culte monarchique et des gouts intellectuels qui tuerent une seconde fois, m^ux que ne le feront les impuis- santes dragonnades.

The first decade of the seventeenth century was marked by the Catho lic revival, with the influence of Pierre Berulle, Madame Acarie and Pere

Coton spreading among the laity. The assassination of Henri IV in 1610 spread panic among the Protestants. The proposed marriage of Louis XIII to Anne of Austria alarmed the Protestants to such a degree that three 65 provinces in the Midi revolted. The conflict was only temporarily assu aged in 1616 by the treaty of Loudun. By 1620, the General Assembly of

Protestant La Rochelle called for the taking of arms and, in retaliation,

1 2 the Protestant church at Charenton was burned. Protestant historian

Emile Leonard writes that by 1622, "la cause etait deja jugee. Le protes-

tantisme privilegie et protege de l'Edit de Nantes ne cadrait plus avec

la France nouvelle." 13 The effect of the renewal of the civil wars was 1 4 merely to put into question privileges already acquired.

Peace was restored by Richelieu in 1629 and religious strife was un

common during the ministry of Mazarin. Regardless, the attitude of Louis

XIII toward the Roman Church created a certain "defaitisme religieux" among the Huguenots. The King characterized the Church as follows:

... la foi dans laquelle depuis onze cents ans con- tinuels, les rois nos predecesseurs ont vecu, sans aucune interruption ni changement, ne pouvant en chose quelconque leur temoigner davantage (aux prostestants) 1'affection que nous leur portons, que de les desirer en me me chemin salut que nous tenons et suivons par nous-memes."

It was within this historical atmosphere that Saint-Amant converted

to Catholicism. The exact date of his conversion is unknown. He was

still a member of the Huguenot Church at the time of his father's death

in November, 1624. A baptismal record from the Protestant church at

Quevilly dated December 1, 1624, lists Saint-Amant as the godfather of 1 6 one of his nieces, Marthe d'Azemar. It is interesting to note, however,

that in the same year Saint-Amant seemingly abandoned his friend, Theo-

phile, at the time of his trial. 1 7 It may be that the poet was con

sidering abjuration at this time and only felt free to do so after the

death of his father. In 1627, when Saint-Amant dedicated "Le Contempla-

teur" to Philippe Cospeau, Bishop of Nantes, the conversion is first

established as fact. 64

There are many practical reasons which could justify Saint-Amant’s abjuration. Certainly the religious climate of the period suggests that it would have been more profitable for an aspiring man of letters to es pouse the faith of the king and most of the more notable patrons of the day. An early indication of Saint-Amant's relationship to the Catholic community may be found in his dedication of "L'Andromede" in 1623 to Gas ton d'Orleans, brother of Louis XIII: kc Prince, a qui les Destinees Ont tissu de filets d'or Les plus illustres Annees Dont le Temps face thresor, En attendant que ma plume Dans un precieux volume Vous monstre a tout l'Univers, D'une faveur nompareille, Grand Gaston prestez l'oreill^g Aux doux accents de ces vers.

Although the dedication may have been added later as an attempt to estab lish himself in the royal intellectual circle of Gaston after the latter's marriage to Mile de Montpensier in 1626, it suggests the possibility at least that Saint-Amant was, as early as 1623* linked to those who gravi- 1 9 tated around Gaston: Maricourt, Blot, and perhaps Bouteville.

The most obvious influence on Saint-Amant's conversion, however, is found in his relationship with Henri de Gondi, due de Retz, whom he had met as early as 1616 and with whom he spent most of the following year at the due’s Belle-Ile retreat and in Rouen, when he composed "La Soli tude." The beginning of his "domesticite" to the due sometime between 20 1623 and 1627 coincides with his abjuration. Their intimate relation ship, which developed within the polarizing framework of religious dis putes, combined with the fact that the due was the nephew of Francois de

Gondi, Archbishop of Paris after 1622, leads Jean Lagny to conclude that self-interest was the prime factor in the poet's conversion. Lagny is 65 even surprised that the conversion did not take place much earlier, con sidering that Saint-Amant had been in close relations with the due since

In addition to the benefits of belonging to the circle of Gaston d'Orleans, the Catholic world offered the hospitality of the Hotel de

Liancourt which the poet frequented regularly. These two Catholic circles most certainly would have favored one of their faith. Saint-Amant even alludes at a later date to such advantage in his "Epistre Heroi-Comique a Monseigneur le Due d'Orleans"(1644) where he writes concerning the

"cayers" of his "Moyse Sauve:"

Les entendus n'en font pas peu de conte; Ils disent tous qu'enfin e'est une honte Qu'un tel ouvrage, apres un si. grand bruit, Au gros Autheur ne rapporte aucun fruit; Et des qu'un autre un Benefice attrappe, Pour moy soudain leur despit gronde et jappe, Leur front s'allume, et qui les-en croiroit, Bien-tost la crosse a mon poing s'offriroit. Je ne dis pas que ma main le merite, Quoy que par elle ait este 1'OEuvre escrite, Et qu'un Vers saint sembleroit inferer Qu'au Bien d'Eglise on eust droit d'aspirer, Mais, o bon Dieu! combien en voit-on d'autres Pourveus de Mitre et d'amples Patenostres Vivre entre nous avec authorite ^ Qui l'ont peut-estre aussi peu merite!

These lines prompted Tallemant to remark:

II avoit prentendu pour son Moyse une abbaye ou mesme un evesche, luy qui n'entendoit pas son breviaire; et ce fut pour punir 1'ingratitude du siecle qu'il ne la fit point imprimer.

Lagny, however, regards Saint-Amant's references to Catholic advantage as mere "plaisanterie," typical of the style of a "poeme heroi-comi- 24 que." Regardless, the benefits of being a member of the Roman church must have offered some temptation to the aspiring poet.

It can be argued, however, that Saint-Amant1s conversion was, at least in part, a spontaneous spiritual one born out of his own need to 66 cope with disillusionment and despair. In 1624, there appeared in Paris in a volume of poems of sieur de Resneville an epigramme which included the following lines:

A Saint-Amant Qu'un ministre te l'ait ravie. Celle qui soutenoit ta vie, Et pour qui tu meurs Saint-Amant: Ah! que son bonheur t'est sinistre! On le doit bien dire ministre, Mais ministre de ton tourment.

If the Saint-Amant named here were indeed the poet, and if the "ministre" were one of the Reformed Church, then Saint-Amant had personal reasons for leaving the religion of whom this minister was a symbol.

Another reason suggesting that the conversion was not entirely one of convenience might be found in the feelings of spiritual emptiness which the poet conveys in some of his early works. A sonnet known as the "Tobacco Sonnet," of which a manuscript variant dates from 1617-1620 and whose revised version was probably written at Belle-Ile in 1624, be- 26 lies a malaise on the part of the poet.

Assis sur un fagot, une pipe a la main Tristement accoude contre une cheminee, Les yeux fixes vers terre, et l'ame matinee, Je songe aux cruautez de mon sort inhumain. L'espoir, qui me remet du jour au lendemain, Essaye a gaigner temps sur ma peine obstinee, Et, me venant promettre une autre destinee, Me fait monter plus haut qu'un Empereur Romain. S Mais a peine cette herbe est-elle mise en cendres, Qu'en mon premier estat il me convient descendre, Et passer mes ennuis a redire souvent, Non, je ne trouve point beaucoup de difference De prendre du tabac a vivre d'esperance, ^ Car l'un n'est que fumee, et l'autre n'est que vent.

The poem has been interpreted as underlying the poet's "libertinage," examples of which exist primarily in manuscript variants which were sup pressed after Theophile’s trial in 1624-25. Contemporary critics were 67 unduly harsh on any such expressions of religious doubt. In 1623, Balzac wrote to Boisrobert an attack against the imprisoned Theophile for at tempting to reveal truth, "au bordel & a la taverne, & sortir avec la fumee 28 du petun." Theophile's interrogators attacked his lack of faith as fol lows: "Luy avons remonstre que...(quand) il dit estre habandonne du ciel et trahy de la fortune il semble fayre peu d'estat de Dieu et de n'y avoyr 29 aucune esperence.'1 Pascal, referring to those who thought of the soul 30 as but wind and smoke, inquired, "Pretendent-ils nous avoir bien rejouis?"

It could be argued, however, that the "peine obstinee" suffered by Saint-

Amant at the loss of faith and of hope was not the seditious protest of a

"libertin," but rather an expression of the spiritual longing of a soul for its home.

The year 1624 was a very painful one for Saint-Amant. One of his closest friends, Francois de Moliere, author of the novel La Polyxene, experienced a violent death in March; the poet's father died in November.

The following stanza from "Les Visions" recounts the horror and despair the poet felt at the loss of his friend:

Cet Astre qu'on reclame avec tant de desirs, Et de qui la venue annonce les plaisirs: Ce grand flambeau du Ciel ne sort pas tant de l'onde Pour redonner la grace et les couleurs au monde Avec ses rayons d'or si beaux et si luisans, Que pour me faire voir des objets desplaisans; Sa lumiere inutile a mon Ame affligee La laisse dans 1'horreur ou la nuit l'a plongee; La crainte, le soucy, la tristesse, et la mort, En quelque lieu que j'aille, accompagnent mon sort. Ces grands Jardins royaux, ces belles Tuilleries, Au lieu de divertir mes sombres resveries, Ne font que les accrestre et fournir d'al^ent A 1'extreme f'ureur de mon cruel tourment.

It is common to label such languishing as "typically baroque" and to view the charged language as an attempt to eternalize the m e m o r y o f the loved one. In the tradition of the Pleiade poets, such despair does not 68

necessarily suggest a real spiritual crisis on the part of the poet. A

poem hy Boisrobert, a friend of Saint-Amant, indicates, however,that the

melancholy was profound. Writing to Pierre Deslandes-Payen, a mutual

friend, Boisrobert describes the grief of Saint-Amant:

Je crois si je voulais decrire Toutes ces choses que j'admire Dedans un sejour si parfait Que ce ne serait jamais fait. Cette recherche curieuse Veut une plume glorieuse, 0 qu'elle appartient justement A ton cher ami Saint-Amant... Mais sa triste muse arretee Au souvenir de ses malheurs, ^ Aujourd'hui n'aime que les pleurs.

Although grief does not necessarily inspire religious conversion, spiri

tual dilemma often accompanies extreme melancholy and might indicate that

the poet's conversion was something more than merely an act of convenience.

Another indication that the poet may have converted for reasons other

than ambition might be found in his relationship with Philippe Cospeau,

the Bishop of Nantes to whom he gives credit for his abjuration. Philippe

Cospeau was born in 1568 or 1571 in Flanders and was educated in Louvain,

Mons and Cambrai before receiving his doctorate in theology from the Uni- X. versity of Paris in 1604. His remarkable teaching at the College de

Lisieux earned for him the protection of the due d'Epernon, an association which introduced him to the Hotel de Rambouillet. Leaving a teaching posi

tion at the Sorbonne in 1607 to become the Bishop of Aire, Cospeau continu ed to grow in the hierarchy of the Church. In 1614 he administered the

Archdiocese of Toulouse for the then too young third son of the due d'Epernon, and was named Bishop of Nantes in 1621. He spent more time in

Paris than in his own diocese. Richelieu later named him Bishop of Lisi eux and before the Cardinal's death in 1642, Cospeau rarely left Paris. 69

During this period he entered into intimate relationships with the leading

figures of the literary world, in particular with Balzac, Voiture, and the

circle of the Hotel de Rambouillet. He advised and encouraged the young

Bossuet who later dedicated to him his first philosophical thesis. Cos-

peau was sent back to his diocese at Lisieux by Mazarin in 1643 where he

died three years later. 33

The letters of Balzac and the Memoires of the Cardinal de Retz and

of Tallemant des Reaux contain many references to Cospeau, especially to his association with the Hotel de Rambouillet. Cospeau owed a great deal

to the Rambouillet family. When the marquise de Rambouillet was search

ing for a personal preacher for Lent, she was referred to Cospeau who

accepted the invitation by saying, "Si elle se veut contenter de trois

sermons par semaine, je suis son homme." 34 There grew an immediate friend

ship between the two and Cospeau became one of the "saints domestiques" of

the Hotel. Attracted by the Bishop's humor and knowledge of literature,

the Rambouillet family gladly gave him both financial and professional

support. Without their help, he would have remained, according to Emile

Magne, "un chimerique et pauvre abbe, toujours perdu dans ses songes et N 35 incapable de reunir 1'argent utile a sa substance." Apparently he of

fered no moral threat to their activities, for he even attended at the

Hotel a performance of Theophile's Amours tragiques de Pyrame et Thisbe

after the poet had been condemned by the Parlement de Paris for his

"libertinage.

Philippe Cospeau was also a friend of the Cardinal de Retz, whom he knew in particular through their mutual friend, Mile de Vendome. In his

s ’ Memoires, Retz praises Cospeau:

...il n ’y avait personne en France dont 11 approbation en put tant donner. Ses sermons l'avaient eleve, d'une 70

naissance fort basse et etrangere (il etait flamand), a 1'episcopat; il l'avait soutenu avec une piete sans faste et sans fard. Son desinteressement etait au- dela de celui des anachoretes; il avait la vigueur de saint Ambroise, et il conservait dans la cour et aupres du Roi une liberte que M. le Cardinal de Richelieu, qui avait ete son ecolier en theologie, craignait et reverait. Ce bon homme, qui avait tant d'amitie pour moi qu'il me faisait trois fois la semaine des lecons sur les Epitres de Saint Paul se mit en tete ^7 de convertir M. de Turenne et de m'en donner l'honneur.

The relationship between the Cardinal de Retz and Richelieu was a stormy one. Philippe Cospeau apparently served as a peacemaker between the two. It was Cospeau who remarked to Richelieu when the Minister com plained that Retz was a friend of all his enemies: "II est vrai, et vous l'en devez estimer; vous avez nul sujet de vous en plaindre. J'ai observe que ceux dont vous entendez parler etaient tous ses amis devant que d'etre

7 0 vos ennemis." It was also Cospeau who arranged through the Queen, after the death of Louis XIII in 1643, that Retz be given the title "coadjuteur de Retz." This earned the gratitude and praise of the Cardinal who later wrote regarding the influence of Cospeau, "ce fut a lui a qui je dus le ✓ --39 peu d'eclat que j'eus en ce temps-la." The testimony of Retz attests not only to the power and influence of Cospeau, but also to his spiritual depth. Retz was not a man to pass under silence a "vocation manquee;" he certainly did not his own. It suggests that Cospeau may well have had a whole separate spiritual life and identity outside the Hotel de Rambouil let and that he might have led Saint-Amant into a sincere, as compared to a society, conversion.

Additional information regarding Cospeau is found in the letters of

Balzac where both the Bishop and Balzac can be seen interacting in the same circles. Saint-Amant was probably acquainted with Balzac by 1625. Bal zac was in Charente in 1619 and in Rome from 1620 until 1622. He stayed 71

40 in the provinces until the end of 1624 when he finally settled in Paris.

A letter of Balzac to Vaugelas, dated October 10, 1625, describes his ad

miration for Saint-Amant. Regarding his intention to stay several days at the home of the poet Racan, Balzac writes:

Advouez moy que nous avons deux amis qui sont deux grands ouvrages de la nature, et que celuy~ci et Monsieur de Saint-Amant ont autant d'avantage sur les Docteurs queries vaillans sont au-dessus des maistres d'escrime.

Although there is little evidence of repeated contact between the two,

Saint-Amant is mentioned at least casually in several letters of Balzac

to Chapelain.

It was through Mile de Gournay, who held "une espece de salon, avant- 42 coureur de 1'Academie qui allait naitre," that Balzac saw Cospeau, the

Bishop of Poitiers, abbe de Marolles, La Mothe le Vayer, Boisrobert,

Colletet, and Malleville. Saint-Amant frequented the Hotel de Rambouil

let only occasionally and was, according to Lagny, "incapable de s'en-

a 4-3 fermer dans une coterie quelle qu'elle soit." He did, however, fre

quent the salon of Mile de Gournay, even if their relationship was not

always cordial. They disagreed strongly regarding the limitations on

language set by Malherbe (the poet being an ally of Malherbe), and Saint- ^44 Amant later attacked the poet Maillet and her in rtLe Poete Crotte"

(1630). It seems likely, therefore, that Saint-Amant and Philippe Cospeau

had continuing contact through the circle of Mile de Gournay. In his

letters, Balzac refers to the activities of the group and his characteri

zations of the intellectual and spiritual qualities of Philippe Cospeau

are particularly valuable to this study.

Balzac was a very young man when he first met Philippe Cospeau. The

Bishop expressed a paternal affection for the young writer who described 72 himself as "son cher fils." 45 The correspondence between the two began in 1627 when Balzac sent to the Bishop an example of his early writing style in the form of a long letter he had written to .Monsieur Cuillaume du Vair in 1618. He addressed Cospeau as follows:

A Monsieur l'Evesque de Nantes, Monsieur, Puis que vous desirez voir de quel stile j'ay commence a escrire, & quel homme j'estois a dix-neuf ans, je vous envoye mes ’ pechez de ce temps-la, & les premieres fautes que j'ay faictes. II valoit bien mieux en condamner la memoire, que de les faire pour la seconde fois, en les renouvellant en cet endroit; Mais vous voulez estre absolument obey, & pour moy je n'ay point de resistance contre vostre force. Voicy done les restes des choses qui se sont perdues, & ce que j'ay sauve du naufrage, qui ne vaut ni les diamans ni les pieces d'ambre gris gge la Mer a jettees depuis peu sur la coste de Bayonne. The letter is interesting for it establishes Cospeau's interest in writing and respect as a critic.

An important reference to Cospeau is present in an earlier letter of

Balzac addressed to Monsieur le Prieur de Chives and dated October 28, 1624.

Apparently the "Feuillants" and Balzac had been exchanging critical barbs.

In response, Balzac wrote:

Ceux qui gouvernent a Paris & a Rome* font leurs delices de ce que je fais, & quand ils se deschargent du faix de toute la Terre, e'est pour se venir deslasser dans mes ouvrages. Que si quelques petits Moines, qui sont dans les maisons religieuses comme les rats & les autres animaux imparfais estoient dedans 1'Arche, veulent deschirer ma reputation, Monsieur de Nantes & Monsieur de Berulle me la conservent: Et vous scavez que ce sont ' deux hommes que l'Eglise regarde en cet'aage comme deux Saincts desensevelis de la memoire de des Annales, & deux de ces premiers Peres, qui avoient l'ame toute pleine de Jesus Christ, & qui ont estably la verite tant par leur sang que par leur parolle. J'ay encore pour opposer a mes Calomniateurs un des parfaits Religieux qui soit aujourd'hui au monde; je veux dire le Pere Joseph, dont le grand zele est conduit par une grande science, & qui a les mesmes passions pour le bien general de la Chres|= iente qu'ont Courtisans pour leur interest particular. *Richelieu et La Valette 73

The references to Cospeau, Berulle, and Pere Joseph as defenders of Balzac suggest the possible existence of a loosely structured, yet significant rapport among the three and Saint-Amant. It has already been established in Chapter I that Saint-Amant may well have known Pere Joseph. The common association with Balzac may have provided a basis for exchange of ideas.

Berulle and Pere Joseph were two leading contemporary theoreticians of structural meditation. The fact that Saint-Amant may have known them, or at least been aware of their work, is very significant to the present study.

Cospeau continued to support Balzac, and in his letters, Balzac indi cates his gratitude to the Bishop. Apparently Balzac felt he had not re ceived proper recompense for his praise of the Cardinal and on his behalf

Cospeau wrote the following to Richelieu: "Le pauvre M. de Balzac vous supplie de faire demander au roy pour lui le prieure de Saint-Paul de

Boutteville, diocese de Xainres ou ledit Balzac ne respire que vostre 48 service." The response of Richelieu remains unknown, but Balzac did become a severe critic of the Cardinal after his death. A second indi cation of the role of Cospeau in the life of Balzac can be seen in a letter which Balzac wrote to Chapelain in 1643 which reads in part:

Vous estes bien asseure que la Reine ne me fere pas un si grand present (pour le recompenser de . son Discours a In Reyne Regente) & neantmoins, avec beaucoup d'apparence, j'aurois droit d'es- perer beaucoup si le p^qvre M. de Lisieux estoit encore aupres d'elle.

Thus, Cospeau is painted as a scholarly, liberal, influential, and supportive friend of Balzac. It is quite probable that the Bishop played a similar role, even if not so evident, in the life of Saint-Amant. Cos peau is mentioned only once in the poet's works and details regarding their relationship are scarce. The fact that they had mutual friends, 74 however, suggests that their relationship continued at some level, even if they had little personal contact after the poet's conversion. The spiritual and scholarly example of Cospeau suggests an influence that would make conversion to Catholicism invitjng, rather than merely con venient.

An interesting observation regarding the nature of all conversions is offered by Saint-Evren.ond. In 1671 he wrote a letter on religious conversion to the Marechal de Crequi, the Ambassador whom Saint-Amant had accompanied to Rome forty years earlier. Saint-Evremond was able to offer no insight into his own experience, but his observations made 50 good sense to his contemporaries. According to Saint-Evremond,

La joie interieure des ames devotes vient d'une assurance secrete, qu'elle pensent avoir, d'etre agreables a Dieu; et les vraies mortifications, les saintes austerite^ sont d'amoureux sacri fices d'elles-memes."

Saint-Evremond sees conversion as an irrational act, the result of external grace rather than of human will. He describes the difficulty of the rational mind in surrendering itself to the supernatural:

La nature, donnant aS chacun son propre sens, parait l'y avoir attache, avec une secrete et amoureuse complaisance. L'homme peut se soumettre a la volonte d'autrui, tout libre qu'il est: il peut s'avouer inferieur, en courage et en vertu; mais il a honte de se confesser assujetti au sens d'un autre. Sa repugnance la plus naturelle est de re- connaitre, en qui que ce soit, une superiorite de raison...C'est dans le coeur que se forme la prem- ^ iere disposition a recevoir les verites chretiennes.

In concluding that the acceptance of religious truth comes from the heart rather than from the mind, he is in agreement with Pascal. The spiritual nature of many of Saint-Amant's poems suggests that the heart did, indeed, play a part in his conversion. A study of his religious attitudes as re vealed in the poetry suggests that he never espoused any prescribed doc 75 trine, but rather grappled with the problems of religious truth through out his life.

A weakness in almost all of Saint-Amant's critics, except R.A. Sayce, who indicates a new way to characterize it, is their attempt to attach a label to his spirituality. Jean Lagny sees him as essentially a Protest ant poet who never forgot,

ce qu'il y avait de genereux dans la foi qu'on abandonne, et, loin de chercher systematiquement a deraciner tout ce qui tendrait a subsister, on en gardera certaines habitudes de pensee, certaines attitudes en face de l'existence: en un mot, sous le converti percera parfois le "vieil homme^" parce que celui-ci n'aura jamais tente de disparaitre com- pletement.53

He notes that even after the abjuration, Saint-Amant's relationship with his family appears to be solid. Although there was a breech between his sister, Anne, and him in 1627 regarding the legitimate heir of the title

"gentilhomme verrier" (Anne's husband, Pierre d'Azemar, received the title over the objection of the poet who thought it should be his own),\ 54 the two were reconciled after the death of his brother-in-law in 1641.

Throughout his life Saint-Amant was close to the Protestant friends of his youth: Samuel Bochart, son of the minister who baptised him; Jean

Maximilien de Baux, sieur de Langle, a protestant minister at Rouen;

Urbain Chevreau, a vocal defender of the Protestant point of view. 55

In addition, the inspiration Saint-Amant found in the Bible can be regarded as a part of his Protestant heritage. The Bible is the source of three works of Saint-Amant: "Moyse Sauve," "Joseph" (of which exist only a few fragament), and "Samson." Many of his poems make reference to both the Old and New Testaments; in his "Contemplateur," Saint-Amant makes reference to his daily reading of the Bible. Although almost all of the writers of biblical epics in the seventeenth century were Catho- 76 lies, most of them came from the Midi or from Normandy, provinces which were profoundly affected by the Reformation. As a result, Catholics in these provinces found themselves studying the Bible to defend their own beliefs. Protestantism stood indirectly, therefore, at the origin of the 56 rapid growth of biblical poetry at the turn of the century. In his study of Saint-Amant1s biblical references in the "Moyse Sauve," R. A.

Sayce concludes that he used a Protestant Bible, probably one revised in

Geneva in 1588, as the source for the epic. Sayce regards the work of 57 Saint-Amant as a synthesis of both the Protestant and Catholic faiths.

Saint-Amant does occasionally attack certain non-conformist sects in

England as exemplified in the poem "L'Albion" written in 1643 while ac companying the comte d’Harcourt on a diplomatic mission:

C'est pourtant un monstre enorme, Un monstre lousche et pervers, Qui de cent vieux corps divers Un corps tout nouveau se forme: II blesse tout droit divin, II l'enchesit sur Calvin Et sur son antagoniste; Bref, c'est un zele Brauniste. Qui ne veut ny pain ny vin.

Ouy, ce monstre d'heresie Est bien pire qu'un Luther; II retranche le Pater Et n'est rien que frenesie. Les cagots de puritains, Ceux du baptesme incertains Sous sa baniere s'amassent, Et la d'autres s1entr1embrassent Quand les flambeaux sont esteins.

These sects, however, were probably held in as low esteem by the French

Reformed as by the Catholics and do not, therefore, indicate an anti-

Protestant attack by the poet.

In contrast, the biographer Durand-Lapie regards Saint-Amant as a

Catholic poet whose conversion was relatively easy because, "malgre 77 beaucoup de legerete dans sa conduite, le jeune poete n'avait jamais partage les sentiments d'impiete que l'on reprochait aux beaux-esprits liber- 59 tins." He adds, "Dans les oeuvres de Saint-Amant, il y a, il est vrai, des pieces plus que legeres, mais on ne trouve pas un seul vers impie, une 60 seule pensee irreligieuse." He sees the "Contemplateur" as the ardent 61 confession of a new convert.

Several critics even deny the existence of genuine spirituality in the works of Saint-Amant. Certainly, his most common epitaph is that of a "libertin." For centuries, criticism of Saint-Amant has been colored by Boileau's judgment:

Ce Poete avoit assez de genie pour les ouvrages de debauche, et de Satire outree, et il a mesme quelquefois des boutades assez heureuses dans le serieux...(mais) il gate tout par les basses circonstances qu'il y mesle.^

Imbrie Buffurn, for example, includes a chapter in Studies in the Baroque from Montaigne to Rotrou entitles "Three Poems by a Libertin: Saint- 63 Amant. Similarly, Odette de Mourgues in her Metaphysical, Baroque and

Precieux Poetry, speaks of the "playful scepticism of the libertins

(Saint-Amant, Theophile). Both use the word "libertin" to describe

Saint-Amant as if the term were common knowledge and not subject to dis pute .

Saint-Amant earned the reputation of a "libertin" from an early age.

Antoine Adam sees Mainard, Boisrobert, and Saint-Amant allied to Theo phile who, "en relations peut-etre aussi avec le lointain Tristan, a ^ 6 5 forme une cabale, un clan d 'atheistes." He cites as examples some of the liminary sonnets composed by Saint-Amant and Boisrobert in 1621 and accuses Saint-Amant of abandoning libertinism and of finding refuge in secular themes only when free speech became too dangerous after the trial 78 of Theophile. He credits the religious poems of Saint-Amant as follows:

"...mais lorsqu'en 1627 il jugea prudent de marquer des sentiments chretiens, ce fut une comedie qu'il joua et son incredulite demeura entiere sous le masque de la religion.

There are indeed poems by Saint-Amant which suggest that he belongs to the libertin school. The most illustrative example is an epigramme written soon after his departure from Rome in 1633. It exists only in 6y manuscript form, but Lagny is certain that it belongs to the poet. It reads as follows:

Je ne voy point de difference Lors que le Pontife Romain A d'une superbe apparance Le Calice on le Verre en main: Car pour l'un ainsy que pour 1'autre. Lors qu'il l'empoigne devant nous, A 1'aspect de ce grand Apostre Chacun se jette a deux genoux. Que diras-tu, beuveur insigne, Si tu viens lire en ce lieu Qu'a Rome le jus de la Vignegg S'honore au prix du S. d. D? Adam's reaction is violent:

Comment imaginer un instant que celui qui ecrit ces vers croit a 1'Eucharistie? Ce n'est pas ici de 1'irreverence, ni un anticlericalisme qu'anime la haine des Italiens, c'est une plaisanterie blasphe- matoire incompatible avec la foi. Saint-Amant ecri- vait cela apres sa conversion. On peut imaginer ce qu'il disait auparavant. ^ 9

In contrast, Lagny adheres to the theories of Lucien Pebvre who, in his Le Probleme de 1'Incroyance au XVI6 siecle, suggests that one not judge such freedom of thought by contemporary standards. He does not regard the mixture of the profane and of the sacred as indicative of any 70 lack of faith. Even Antoine Adam softens his criticism of Saint-Amant in studying his works after 1654, when the poet's health began to fail. 79

Adam writes:

II ne se refusait pas maintenant aux pensees graves et prenait la figure d'un sage chretien. II y avait longtemps que, dans le cercle du due de Liancourt, il s'etait laisse penetrer par 1'esprit profondement religieux qui y regnait.

Regardless, the poet remains for him essentially a "libertin."

The problem with all of these approaches is that they attempt to classify and to define spirituality. Henri Peyre warns of the danger of such efforts and insists that sensitivity to the religious aspects of French literature has been dormant too long. In his essay, "Religion and Literary Scholarship," Peyre encourages Americans, in particular, to undertake research on the religious aspects of literature with the fol lowing warning:

The aim of this paper is to point out what are the most substantial results achieved by scholars who have, for the majority in France, studied the re lations between literature and religion, to stress even more the areas in which fruitful research re mains to be undertaken, and perhaps to stimulate new scholars, in the country today most active in scholarship, America, to attempt such research. Relevant and general questions of method in such a complex and delicate study will at the same time be raised." "Tis an awkward thing to play with souls," Browning's character noted, after attempting to rid his friend from the toils of a "light woman" through attracting her to himself. Any careful consideration of religious ideas, feelings, dogmas, rites, and vague aspirations as they appear in the distorting mirror of •literature requires some vocation for what the French call the role of "un amateur d'ames," a sense of spiritual values, the broad outlook which embraces collective and social forces as well as the mysteries of conversion or of individual search for saintliness, critical spirit but also sensibility and respect for the irrational "reasons of the heart." It is clear that no easy recipe can be proposed, no convenient methodology— only a very prudent, tactful, and ever pliable approach could be appropriate.^2

A study of the "reasons of the heart" of Saint-Amant, as seen in both his life and his work, reveals at least that the label "libertin" in 80 appropriate as his most common epitaph. Irreverent independence of thought has traditionally been labeled "libertin." Certainly some of the poet's works express such independence. But if the label should apply to the poet in general it must be understood as characteristic of what Adam calls "les vrais libertins" who "se plaisent a adorer la Sagesse eternelle, la Bonte infinie...il font monter vers l'Etre supreme les elans de leur reconnaissance. Ils distinguent avec soin la religion, qui honore la Divinite et la superstition qui la defigure." 73

It is equally fruitless to try to label Saint-Amant as a subtle spokesman for Protestantism or to endeavor to define that which is par ticularly "Catholic" in his works. The observations of Saint-Evremond regarding conversion are very helpful in this regard. Any conversion which is "rational" and which excludes all "reasons of the heart" is a meaningless gesture. It is evident from his strong Protestant youth, his knowledge and love of the Bible and the spiritual nature of many of his poems that Saint-Amant did not convert in a state of spiritual indiffer ence. Although there existed distinct personal advantages for his ab juration, the poet most certainly was seeking a deeper religious fulfil lment as a member of the Roman Church. One should not be surprised, how ever, that the poet does not seem to find any ultimate answers to life's eternal questions in the practice of the new faith. He studies religious disputes and dogmas with an open mind, and is rarely, if ever, an advocate of either the Protestant or Catholic persuasions.

The nature of his religious poems, however, reveals the existence of a certain spiritual tension or malaise and suggests that the poet was seeking to reconcile his beliefs and to find relief in the poetic crea tive act. It seems clear that Saint-Amant, in seeking such relief and in addressing such concerns, found inspiration in the theoreticians of struc- 81 tural meditation and contemplation, widely read during the formative years of the poet. In imitating their guidelines, Saint-Amant trans forms poetry into a mime for prayer.

Even when the patterns of meditation cannot he discerned, there are many poems in which the poet approaches the mystical quest of understand ing man's ultimate nature as revealed in the created world. Whether ad dressing God through structured contemplation or seeking the Eternal in nature, the general quest of discovering the place of the soul in the universe remains the same.

To study his religious poems from this perspective removes the essentially meaningless and overly limiting, dogmatic labels from his spirituality, revealing a more serious level in his work. For too long critics have painted Saint-Amant and his "libertin" contemporaries as playing baroque word games when their texts are in fact addressing very serious metaphysical concerns.

If one accepts that the conversion of Saint-Amant was sincere, as has been demonstrated, and remembers the probable influence of theore ticians of meditation on his thinking, then a reading of the "Contem- plateur," "Moyse sauve," and several poems of the Dernier Recueil re veals a spiritual depth and structural unity which have hardly ever been observed in the incomplete schemas proposed by the majority of critics. 82

Footnotes (Chapter 3)

^Jean Lagny, Le Poete Saint-Amant: Essai sur sa vie et ses oeuvres (Paris: A-G. Nizet, 1964) , pp. 15-19-

^Paul Durand-Lapie, Un Academicien du XVII6 siecle: Saint-Amant, son temps, sa vie, ses poesies (Geneve, Stalkine Reprints, 1970), p. 18. 3 Antoine Adam, "Saint-Amant," in L'Epoque d'Henri IV ert _de Louis XIII, Vol. I of Histoire de la litterature francaise au XVIIe siecle (Paris: Domat, 1948), p. 92. ^

^Jean Lagny, "Le Poete Saint-Amant et le protestantisme," Bulletin de la Societe de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Francais, 103 (1957), 241 . 5 5Ibid., p. 242.

6Ihid., p. 243.

7Ibid.

8 Lagny, Le Poete v* Saint-Amant: Essai sur sa vie, pp. 28-51. q Ibid., pp. 66-96. 1 0 Raoul Stephan, Histoire du Protestantisme francais (Paris: Librairie Artheme Fayard, 1961), p. 141.

1 1 Emile Leonard, Le Protestant francais (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1955), p. 18.

^Stephan, pp. 141-145. 13 Leonard, p. 33-

14 Daniel Ligou, Le Protestantisme en France de 1598 a. 1715 /(Paris: Societe d'Editions d 1 Enseignement Superieur, 1968)", p. 89.

^Stephan, pp. 147-48. 16 ^ Lagny, "Le Poete Saint-Amant et le Protestantisme," p. 238.

17Lagny, Le Poete Saint-Amant: Essai sur sa vie, p. 104. 18 *** Marc Antoine Gerard, sieur de Saint-Amant, Oeuvres completes, ed. Jacques Bailbe et Jean Lagny, I (Paris: Marcel Didier, 1967-1979), pp. 70-71.

19Lagny, Le Poete Saint-Amant: Essai sur sa vie, p. 79- 83

Footnotes (Chapter 3)

2°Ihid., P. 109- * 21 N Lagny, "Le Poete Saint-Amant et le Protestantisme," p. 239.

22Saint-Amant, III, p. 116. OH Gedeon Tallemant des Reaux, Historiettes, ed. Antoine Adam (Paris: Bibliotheque de la Pleiade, 1961), I, 590. 24 Lagny, "Le Poete Saint-Amant: Essai sur sa vie," p. 294. 25 v. Lagny, "Le Poete Saint-Amant et le Protestantisme," p. 245* 26 William Roberts, "Saint-Amant, Aytoun and the Tobacco Sonnet," Modern Language Review, 54 (1959), 502-03.

2^Saint-Amant, I, pp. 279-80. 28 — Jean Louis Guez de Balzac, Les Premieres lettres, ed. H. Bibas et K. T. Butler, I (Paris: Droz, 1933) , p. 48.

^Roberts, p. 504. . - .

5°Ibid. 31 Saint-Amant, I, pp. 131-32. 32 Durand-Lapie, p. 75. 33 Balzac, pp. 143-46. 34 Tallemant des Reaux, II, pp. 94-95. 35 Emile Magne, Voiture et 11 Hotel de Rambouillet (Paris: Emile Paul Freres, 1930), I, 94-95.

36Ibid., p. 112. 37 Jean Francois Paul de Gondi, cardinal de Retz, Memoires, ed. Georges Mongredien (Paris: Classiques Garnier, 1935), p. 41.

^Ibid. , p. 49- 39 Ibid. , p. 41. 40 Lagny, Le Poete Saint-Amant: Essai sur sa vie, p. 99- 84

Footnotes (Chapter 3)

41 Balzac, p. 65-

42Ibid., p. 269. 43 — Lagny, Le Poete Saint-Amant: Essai sur sa vie, p. 123- 44 Ibid., p. 157. 45 Balzac, II, p. 145 46 Ibid. 47 Balzac, II, pp. 112-13. AR Armand Jean du Plessis, cardinal, due de Richelieu, Lettres, Instructions diplomatiques et Papiers d 'Etat du Cardinal de Richelieu, ed. M. Avenel (Paris: Imprimerie Rationale, 1853),III, 81. 49 Balzac, II, p. 146. 50 J.M.H. Salmon, Cardinal de Retz, The Anatomy of a Conspirator (London: Weidenfeld and Nocolson, 1969"]"^p. 361. 51 Charles de Marguetel de Saint Denis Saint-Evremond, Oeuvres choisies, ed. A.-Ch. Gidel (Paris: Garnier Freres, 1866), p. 424.

52Ibid., pp. 427-28. 5"5 Lagny, "Le Poete Saint-Amant et le Protestantisme," p. 254. 54 Durand-Lapie, pp. 96-97*

55Lagny, "Le Poete Saint-Amant et le Protestantisme," p. 250. 56 R. A. Sayce, The French Biblical Epic in the Seventeenth Century (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1953), p. 247. 57 R. A. Sayce, "Saint-Amant's 'Moyse sauve' and French Bible Trans lations," Modern Language Review, 37 (1942), 148-155. 58 Saint-Amant, III, pp. 315-16.

59Durand-Lanie, p. 61.

60Ibid., p. 247.

61 Ibid., pp. 91-93. 85

Footnotes (Chapter 3)

f i 9N. Boileau-Despreaux, Oeuvres, ed. Ch.-H. Boudhors, V (Paris: Societe Les Belles Lettres, 1934-1943). 89.

^Odette de Mourgues, Metaphysical, Baroque and Precieux Poetry (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953). p. 1*01.

6 6 Antoine Adam, Theophile** de Viau et la libre pensee francaise en 1620 (Paris: E. Droz, 193577 p. 128. ^

66Ibid., p. 124.

Cry Lagny, Le Poete Saint-Amant: Essai sur sa vie, p. 180. 68 Lagny, "Le Poete Saint-Amant et le Protestantisme," p. 248. 69 - Adam, Theophile de Viau. p. 125- 70 - Lagny, "Le Poete Saint-Amant et le Protestantisme," p. 248. 71 Adam, L'Epoque d1Henri IV, p. 64.

7 9 Henri Peyre, Historical and Critical Essays (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1968), pp. 142—43-

^Antoine Adam, Les Libertins au XVII8 siecle (Paris: Buchet/ Chasted, 1964), p. 30. Chapter 4: "Le Contemplateur:" A poem structured on patterns of meditation

Saint-Amant composed "Le Contemplateur" in the summer of 1627 while staying with the due de Retz at his Belle-Ile retreat. The poem was ostensibly written in response to an inquiry by Philippe Cospeau, Bishop of Nantes, concerning his activities. The desire to please the Bishop, in whose hands he had recently converted, and to honor his new faith serve as the underlying motivation for the poem. Saint-Amant seems to have found an ideal way to achieve these goals by imitating certain patterns of prayer and meditation. The most obvious influences are the works of Granada, Loy ola, and Saint Francois de Sales.

"Le Contemplateur" contains forty six octosyllabic dizains with a rhyme scheme abab ccd eed. Thematically, it deals with the dichotomy of the human condition. Saint-Amant studies the fallen nature of man as revealed in the Old Testament and the redeemed nature of man in Christ.

The contemplation of these two subjects parallels exactly the outline for personal devotion advocated by Fray Luis de Granada in his Le Yray chemin et adresse pour acquerir et parvenir a. _la grace de Dieu. Granada advocates studying man's fallen nature in the morning meditation with the Old Testament, quite obviously, serving as the source for specific objects of contemplation. The evening meditation is directed to the saving grace of the Christ of the New Testament.

The structure of the poem also reflects very precisely the guidelines of the major theoreticians of structured meditation. After the three stanza introduction and dedication, which serves as a type of prepara tory prayer, the poem divides easily into three separate parts: Stanzas

IV-XXI are a type of "composition of place" as outlined by Loyola. Here

86 87

the poet vividly paints a scene, the seascape near Belle-Ile. He calls

upon his memory and imagination; the goals are to arouse the senses and

to awaken the reader's conscience by involving him physically in the

meditation. Thematically, the stanzas encompass the subjects of Granada's

Monday and Tuesday meditations: the knowledge of ourselves and the miser

ies of this life.

Stanzas XXII-XLIV may be seen as the meditation proper. Here, the

poet relies upon his intellect and reflects upon the problems which have

been posed in the first part. This section is analytical in nature. In

"Le Contemplateur," as in Granada's outline, the poet resolves his frus

tration by turning to Christ. His reflections parallel Granada's objects

of meditation for Wednesday through Saturday: the hour of death, the Day

of Judgment, the pains of Hell, and the glory and felicity of the Kingdom.

Whether one is considering the guidelines of Granada, Loyola, or

Saint Francois de Sales, the end of a meditation is expressed in collo- i quies or affective prayer. The will is the mental activity brought to

bear. In the last two stanzas of "Le Contemplateur," XLV-XLVI, Saint-

Amant glorifies both God and Philippe Cospeau. By addressing them inti

mately and with praise, he attests to having experienced a deeper level

of spiritual awareness; the goal of the meditation has been fulfilled.

Thematically,- the outpouring of affection is analogous to Granada’s study

meditation on the benefits of God.

In the first three stanzas Saint-Amant honors Philippe Cospeau and

sets the tone of the work:

Vous, par qui j'espere estre exemt De choir en l'eternelle flame, Apostre du siecle present, Cause du salut de mon Ame, Divin Prelat, sainct Orateur, Juste et souverain Destructeur 88

Des infernales Heresies; Grand Esprit, de qui tout prend loy, Et dont les paroles choisies Sont autant d'articles de Poy. Vous qui gardez d'un soin si dous, Le cher troupeau de vostre Maistre, Luy donnant, en despit des lous, Le sacre pain de grace a paistre: Vray Ministre d'Estat du Ciel, Coeur debonnaire, Homme sans fiel, Qui vivez comme font les Anges, Et meritez qu'en chaque lieu on vous fasse part aux louanges Que vous-mesme rendez a Dieu. Vous, dis-je, qui daignant cherir Les nobles travaux de la Muse, Avez voulu vous enquerir A quoy maintenant je m'amuse; Je vous le veux dire en ces Vers, Ou d'un art pompeux et divers Je feray briller mes pensees; Et croy que les plus grands Censeurs Les verront si bien agencees, ^ Qu'ils en gousteront les douceurs.

The function of the introduction is identical to that of the obliga tory prayer which begins structured meditation. The lavish praise of the

Bishop of Nantes both as a man of the Church, "Apostre du siecle present...

Divin Prelat, sainct Orateur" and as a person filled with grace, "Homme sans fiel, Qui vivez comme font les Anges," establishes the stature of the Bishop as a worthy intermediary between God and man. It is therefore fitting and proper that "on vous fasse part aux louanges./ Que vous-mesme rendez a Dieu." In honoring Philippe Cospeau, Saint-Amant is honoring God, and thereby establishing a tone of prayer and adoration which is an essen- tail goal of the preparatory stage of meditation. The function of the pre paratory stage in completed in the poet's anticipation of the reaction of his critics, "Et croy que les plus grands Censeurs./ Les verront si bien agencees,/ Qu'ils en gousteront les douceurs." These lines serve as an indirect petition for the proper performance of the meditation. 89

The personal involvement of the poet in the work is underlined by his strong differentiation between the Protestant and Catholic persuasions.

In referring to his escape from "choir en l'eternelle flamme," and in des

cribing the Bishop as a "iestructeur des infernales Heresies," Saint-Amant

is strongly renouncing his Protestant youth. He seems to be imitating the

recommendation of Saint Francois de Sales who advocates in the Introduction

a. _la vie devote that the preparation for all meditations include the fol

lowing:

Destestes la vie passee. Je vous renonce, pensees vaines et cogitations inutiles; je vous abjure, o souvenirs detestables et frivoles; je vous renonce, amities infidelles et desloyales, services perdus et miserables, gratifications ingrates, complais ances fascheuses.2

It is impossible to know whether Saint-Amant felt in his heart that

eternal damnation awaited all non-Catholics. Whatever the case, he is

officially establishing himself as a member of the Homan faith by ad

hering to such a narrow, yet widely held belief of Catholics. In allud

ing to the unbridgeable gap between the two faiths he is accentuating the

nature of the poem as a celebration of his conversion and as a type of

penance for his Protestant youth. By involving himself personally in

the religious conflict he is fortifying the significance of the siege of

La Rochelle which serves a vital role as both the real and symbolic back

ground for the poem.

The third stanza establishes the tone of the work. The poet, in res

ponding to the inquiry of the Bishop, is going to relate "A quoi maintenant

je m'amuse." The reader anticipates a rather conversational tone like that

of a letter, even though the art employed will be both "pompeux et divers."

It is particularly significant to this study that the poet announces

✓ that his thoughts are going to be "bien agencees," reassuring "les plus 90 grands Censeurs" that the work will contain a discernible structural unity. Even recent scholarship has ignored this promise by the poet.

Most critics agree with Odette de Mourgues, who, as recently as 1953> described "La Solitude" and "Le Contemplateur" as "piecemeal composi tions," "playful daydreams connected only by the whim of the poet's 3 fancy."

In the last line, when Saint-Amant promises a tone of "douceur," he is alluding again to the meditative tone of the work. Saint Francois de

Sales states that "l'humilite nous perfectionne envers Dieu, et la douceur

4 envers le prochain" and warns his student of the art of mental prayer

that "ce chresme mystique compose de douceur et d'humilite soit dedans 5 vostre coeur." The eighth and ninth chapters of the Introduction are entitled respectively "De la Douceur envers le prochain et remede contre

l'ire" and "De la douceur envers nous mesmes." The whole concept of

"douceur" is essential to the Salesian spirit of meditation and the poet's announced aim of creating such an atmosphere serves as an implied, yet

significant statement of meditative purpose and Salesian influence.

The next seventeen stanzas (iV-XXl) treat thematically the subjects

of Granada's Monday and Tuesday meditations, the knowledge of ourselves and the miseries of this life. Structurally, they parallel the "com

position of place" stage of meditation which.is the final part of the preparatory step. In The Spiritual Exercises, Saint Ignacio de Loyola

outlines this stage of meditation. He calls on the meditator to describe

concretely and vividly the physical setting of his contemplation and to

arouse all the senses. The imagination and the memory are the creative

forces brought to bear.^ Although the poet is not focusing upon a par

ticular Biblical setting, he is discovering God's presence in the created 91 world, specifically in the sea. In stanza IV he establishes his physical surroundings.

Loin dans un Isle, qu'a bon droit On honora du nom de Belle, Ou s'esleve un Port qui tiendroit Contre l'Anglois et le Rebelle, Je contente a plein mon desir De voir mon Due a mon plaisir, Sans nul objet qui m'importune; Et tasche a le garder d'ennuy, Sans songer a d 1autre fortune Qu'a l'honneur d'estre aupres de luy. (iV)

Saint-Amant is being faithful to the significant role theoreticians on the art of mental prayer give to establishing clearly the "place" of meditation. The poet begins five of the eight stanzas which follow with the word "La." He invites the reader to focus clearly on the setting and the physicality of his descriptions underlines the importance of the "place" of meditation. By introducing the religious war raging nearby, the poet is creating a symbolic background for the greater object of meditation, man's fallen nature and miserable existence.

In stanzas V and VI, the poet turns to the sea and establishes the role which it will play in the meditation.

La, par fois consultant les Eaux Du sommet d'une roche nue, Ou pour voir voler les oyseaux II faut que je baisse la veue: Je m'entretiens avec Thetis Des poissons et grands et petis Que de ses vagues elle enserre, Et ne puis assez admirer, Voyant les bornes de la terre, Comme elle les peut endurer. (v) Mais elle m ’en dit la raison, C'est que le respect qu'elle porte A Dieu qui l'a mise en prison, Ne luy permet pas qu'elle en sorte: II suffit qu'elle ait autrefois Lege ses Monstres dans les bois Pour aider a punir nos crimes, 92

Et qu’elle ait surpasse les monts, Pour nous plonger dans les abismes Ou trebucherent les Demons. (Vi)

It is significant that the poet chooses the verb "consulter" to describe his attitude toward the sea and his relationship to it. The verb endows the sea metaphorically with the ability to communicate truth. It is representative of God's manifestation of Himself in the created world.

In "consultant les Eaux" the poet is depicting himself as a mediator between the appearance of the created world and its reality. The personi fication of the sea as a vehicle able to communicate is fully developed with the introduction of Thetis, sea-goddess and the mother of Achilles.

The early introduction of the "oyseaux" and of the "poissons" serves to establish the underlying metaphor for the entire section: the reversability of the world. In stating, "Ou pour voir voler les oyseaux/ II faut que je baisse la veue," the poet is describing the sea as a type of floating mirror. The birds can be seen through lowering his sight because they are being viewed in the reflection off the water. Throughout "Le

Contemplateur" and in many other works of Saint-Amant, birds and fish are the predominant living creatures. They immediately satisfy a sensitivity to the instability of the world; they dart and glide through waves and wind and lend themselves to countless metaphors and emblems in the poetry of the seventeenth century. They are related visually when water func tions as a mirror. The sea captures the world for the poet in contempla tion, but at the same time reverses it, causing disfiguration and hallu cination in its upturning. In his article "L'IJnivers reversible de Saint-

Amant," Gerard Genette describes the correspondence:

"... 1'equivalence du poisson et de l'oiseau fournit un indice precieux. A premiere vue, l'un n'est que le reflet illusoire de 1'autre; que ce reflet prouve sa realite tangible, et la duplicite du monde est 93

(presque) etablie: le reflet devient un double, ^ 1'envers vaut l'endroit: l'univers est reversible.

Saint-Amant invites the reader to share in this visual experience by using "voir," "la veue," "voyant" in the fifth stanza alone. One must have an appreciation for the reversible world of the poem to understand succeeding metaphors and emblems; hence, the poet is careful to estab lish clearly the nature and function of the sea as a mirror before he begins to respond to it. In arousing the sense of sight, the poet is fulfilling a particular function of the meditative "composition of place."

Saint-Amant begins his meditation on the fallen nature of man by allowing his imagination to envision and then to converse with the mytho logical figure, Thetis. She reinforces the vision of a reversible world by saying "qu'elle ait surpasse les monts,/ Pour nous plonger dans les abismes." and offers a significant mythic view of the human condition. S She has lodged beasts in the forest "pour aider a punir nos crimes." The crimes of mankind are the result of his imperfect nature and Saint-Amant

is establishing this fact as true even to the mythological age.

The sea continues to arouse the imagination of the poet. In the next

two stanzas he envisions Noah, the flood, and the dove announcing peace.

S. La dessus me representant Les tristes effets du Deluge, Quand au premier logis flotant Le genre humain eut son refuge, Je fains un portrait a mes yeux Du bon Noe chery des Cieux, Pleurant pour_ les perchez du Monde, Et m'estonne a voir tout perir, Qu'enfin au lieu d'accroistre l'onde, Des larmes la firent tarir. (VIl)

Puis voyant passer devant moy Une Colombe a tire-d'aile, Aussi tost je me ramentoy L'autre qui luy fut si fidelle: J'estime que le Sainct Esprit Delors cette figure prit 94

Pour r'asseurer sa foy craintive, Et qu'entre cent arbres espais II choisit le rameau d'olive, Pour luy-mesme annoncer la paix. (VIIl)

It is interesting that his study of the Deluge is inspired by gazing "La dessus"; the poet here clearly affirms the reversability of his seascape.

In the story of Noah, Saint-Amant is able to paint a clear picture of the fallen nature of man. The flood was sent by God to punish man for his sins; the sea is the symbol of God's wrath. Saint-Amant describes

V. Noah "pleurant pour les pechez du Monde" and is surprised "a voir tout perir,/ Qu'enfin au lieu d'accroistre l'onde,/ Des larmes la firent tarir."

The sins of mankind which Noah laments recall the crimes of the previous stanza. His tears, however, rather than adding a few drops to the raging sea, cause it to dry up. Clearly, they have assuaged God's wrath. Al though man has not yet received redemption through Christ, a contrite heart is seen as a pre-requisite for God's mercy and pardon.

In changing his gaze in stanza VIII from the sea (even in its reflected form) to the sky, "Puis voyant passer devant moi," Saint-Amant is able to make a temporary leap into the New Testament and to complete a type of meditation in miniature. His reference to the saving grace of the "Sainct

Esprit," who, in the form of a dove, was able to announce peace, completes the cycle of morning and evening meditation. Clearly the Holy Ghost, the legacy of Christ and equal partner in the Trinity, belongs to the second half of the meditation.

Stanzas V-VIII function as a microcosm for the entire work. In these four stanzas, the poet is able to study the fallen nature of man as pre sented in mythology and in the Old Testament, and also to attest to a loving God, who, in spite of being outraged by man is capable of offering love and peace, significantly, the peace afforded by the Holy Ghost. 95

In the next two stanzas Saint-Amant contemplates the world through the eyes of a philosopher.

Tantost faisant agir mes sens Sur des sujets de moindre estofe, De marche en autre je descens Dans les termes du Philosofe: Nature n'a point de secret, Que d'un soin libre, mais discret, Ma curiosite ne sonde, Ses cabinets me sont ouvers, Et dans ma recherche profonde Je loge en moy tout l'Univers. (ix)

La, songeant au flus et reflus, Je m'abisme dans cette idee; Son mouvement me rend perclus, Et mon Ame en est obsedee: Celuy que l'Euripe engloutit, Jamais en son coeur ne sentit Un plus ardent desir d'aprendre: Mais quand je veux bien l'esplucher, J'entends qu'on n'y peut rien entendre, Et qu’on se pert a le chercher. (x)

It is signigicant that in "tantost faisant agir mes sens," the poet is led into revery. In the "composition of place" stage of meditation, the imagination is allowed a free rein and it is the senses which arouse the response of the meditator. In using his senses as his guide and in al lowing his thoughts to flow freely, "de marche en autre," Saint-Amant is depicting exactly this type of experience.

In studying nature as a philosopher, the poet is led to conclude that even the ability, to reason, man's highest attribute, is still an inadequate vehicle for the comprehension of life’s ultimate secrets. Al though the intellect of the poet allows him to "loge en moy tout l'Univers," the only certainty which he perceives is that life, like the sea, is a con tinual "flus et reflus." In referring to the similar frustrations of

Aristotle, who, according to legend, died from despair because of his in ability to understand the ebb and flow of the Euripe channel, the poet is 96 continuing his study of man's fallen nature, his misery and frustration.

All men throughout the ages, even the wisest, have been thwarted in their efforts to comprehend utlimate reality.

The poet completes the picture of the miseries of this life by turn ing to science. His imagination conjures up a vision of a ship traveling

"au gre du vent'1 and he marvels at the miraculous compass which guides it.

He is comforted by its ability to elevate him above the realm of reason,

"La miraculeuse vertu/ Dont ce Cadran est revestu,/ Foule ma raison subvertie," and to suggest correspondences among unrelated things. There is for the poet a soothing effect "dans la sympathie/ Du Fer, de l'Aymant, et du Nort."

In the following stanza Saint-Amant sees in the magnet of the compass a parallel to man's disparate nature.

La, considerant aS loisir Les Amis du temps ou nous sommes, Une fureur me vient saisir Qui s'irrite contre les hommes: 0 moeurs! dis-je, o monde brutal! Faut-il que le plus fier metal Plus que toy se montre sensible? Faut-il que, sans te reformer, Une pierre dure au possible Te fasse honte en l'art d'aymer? (XIl)

The indignation the poet feels arises specifically from the siege of La

Rochelle which was being laid at the time of the poem's composition. The contemporary state of man is still one of violence and brutality; the crimes of the mythological era and the sins of the Old Testament are still being perpetrated in the wars of religion. It is natural that the poet would feel "une fureur...contre les hommes."

He is able to see in the magnet, however, a metaphoric example on how mankind should behave. The magnet, which always faces north, symbolizes a steadfast and unchanging nature. In comparison, man should feel ashamed at his inability to manifest the same "art d'aymer," (a pun on the French 97 word for magnet, "aymant"). The comparison finds a very specific reference in the words "sans te reformer." It must be remembered that Saint-

Amant is celebrating his conversion and studying man's fallen nature with in the framework of the bloody siege of La Rochelle. The verb "reformer" immediately suggests the Reformation. The metaphor addressed to mankind,

"Faut-il que, sans te reformer..." implies that the Reformation has only added to the wandering and disparate nature of man and has driven him far ther from the straight and narrow path toward salvation which is symbolized

✓ in the compass. The verb "reformer" introduces the Protestant-Catholic conflict and the compass could be interpreted as a symbol of the role of the Catholic church in directing man's religious destiny.

It is important to remember that Saint-Amant was a student of science and a defender of the new astronomy. Five years after composing "Le Con- templateur" he visited Galileo in Italy and defended him from attacks by the Church in his "Rome Ridicule." It is not surprising, therefore, that when contemplating man and science he would in no way seek to demean the importance of the latter. The compass serves, rather, as a symbol of con stancy and man seems weak and erring in comparison.

In the two stanzas which follow, the poet pauses in his contemplation.

He wonders why he should be so plaintive about man's inability to love,

"Si ce grand Due qui regne icy/ Pour moy tout le contraire prouve?" (XIIl)

In the fourteenth stanza he describes his experiences and his art, wherein his imagination "changeant de projet,/ Saute de pensee en pensee." His contemplation of the sea has resulted in the awakening of heightened levels of consciousness. In an effort to prolong such new awareness, it is essen tial that both the poet and the reader look away from the sea and allow the imagination to rest. Any impact or insight is diminished by the mind's 98 attaching itself immediately to a different object of meditation. Through out the poem, Saint-Amant interrupts his contemplation and describes his evenings with the due de Retz, examines his work, or reminds the reader of the siege of La Rochelle. The change of pace serves to give a framework to his moments of insight.

The end of the stanza reminds the reader that the world the poet is studying is the reflected world of the sea acting as a mirror: La diversite plaist aux yeux,/ Et la veue en fin est lassee/ De ne regarder que les Cieux." The poet has hardly taken his eyes from the sea and yet he is tired at looking only at the sky! The reinforcement of his perspective is essential for an appreciation of the emblematic metaphor which ends this stage of the meditation.

In stanza XV Saint-Amant notices that the sea has become calm. He sees the nest of a halcyon floating peacefully and rejoices in the co operation of "Aquilon," "Saturne," and "Phebus." The wind and waves have allowed the poet only fleeting moments of insight; a violent sea offers ever-changing pictures and the ability of the poet to concentrate on a given thought has constantly been diverted by new visual sensations. In contrast, the calm sea allows the poet to indulge in a detailed four stanza portrait of a sea lion whom he calls the "grand Homme marin."

Tout ce qu'autrefois j'ay chante De la Mer en ma Solitude, En ce lieu m'est represente, Ou souvent je fay mon estude: J'y voy ce grand Homme marin, Qui d'un veritable burin Vivoit icy dans la memoire: Mon coeur en est tout interdit, Et je me sens force d'en croire Bien plus qu'on ne m'en avoit dit. (XVl) 99

II a le corps fait corame nous, Sa teste a la nostre est pareille, Je l'ay veu jusques aux genous, Sa voix a frappe mon oreille; Son bras d'escailles est couvert, Son teint est blanc, son oeil est vert, Sa chevelure est azuree; II m'a regarde fixement, Et sa contenance assuree M'a donne de 11estonnement. (XVIl)

Un portrait qui a'est qu'ebauche Represente bien son visage; Sous du poil son sein est cache, II a des mains le libre usage: De la droitte il empoigne un Cor Fait de nacre aussi rare qu'or Dont les chiens de mer il assemble: Je puis croire un Glauque aujourd'huy; Bref a nous si fort il ressemble Que j'ay pense parler a luy. (XVIIl)

De mainte branche de coral Qui croist sous l'eau comme de l'herbe, Et dont Neptune est liberal II porte un pennache superbe; Vingt tours de perles d'Oriant Riches d'un lustre variant En guise d'echarpe le ceignent; D ’ambre son chef est parfume, Et quoy que les ondes le creignent II en est pourtant bien ayme. (XIX)

It is important to remember that in the "composition of place" the memory and the imagination are the active forces of the mind which allow for meditation. Saint-Amant notes quite specifically that his encounter with the sea lion "vivoit icy dans la memoire."

This imposing, yet friendly creature of the deep does not play a symbolic role in the study of man's fallen nature, but in describing him, the poet allows himself to indulge in poetic picture painting. Saint-

Amant saw a close relationship between poetry and painting; his visual imagery is the most admirable and unifying feature of his poetry. In his

"Introduction" to the "Moyse Sauve," Saint-Amant described his feelings toward the two arts: 100

Je dirois encore qu'il est presqu1 impossible de faire d'excellens vers, a cause de l'harmonie et de la representation, sans avoir quelques particuliere connoissance de la musique et de la peinture, tant il y a de rapport entre la poesie et ces deux autres sciences, qui sont comme ses cousines germaines; et quand j'aurois dit tout cela bien au long, et avec toutes les circonstances requises, je n'aurois pas dit la centiesme partie de ce qui s'en peut dire.®

Robert Corum, in his Other Worlds and Other Seas: Art and Vision in

Saint-Amant's Nature Poetry (1979)» notes an additional function of the description of the Homme Marin: the desire of the poet to re-emphasize

the effect of nature upon his psyche:

A cadre in which 'je fay souvent mon estude," nature becomes for the speaker an immensity of potentialities, a kind of theater in which real objects and incidents are transformed— through imagination— into poetic art. The subsequent description of the"Homme mariri1 stands as example of the melange or reality and imagina tion, just as the halcyon merged the legendary and the real. Based upon what he has heard, the speaker's vision of a man-like marine creature, probably a sea lion observed by the inhabitants of Belle-Ile, surpasses reality and trans forms a natural thing into a marvelous, god-like being.9

In addition to contributing an artistic dimension to the poem the description of the "Homme marin" serves to arouse again the senses of the reader and to involve him physically in the work. The senses of hearing, seeing, and smelling are all brought to bear in the portrait:

"Sa voix a frappe mon oreille;" "Son teint est blanc, son oeil est vert";

"D'ambre son chef est parfume." The creation of an atmosphere of physicality, as has been noted, is an important characteristic of the composi tion stage of meditation.

The portrait also serves to accentuate the basic reversibility of the world the poet envisions. In contemplating the "Homme marin" Saint-Amant is, in a sense, seeing only a reflection of himself and, by extension, of 101 all mankind. The poet is surprised to discover: "II a le corps fait comme nous,/ Sa teste a la nostre est pareille." Comparing him to the fisherman Glaucus, whom Ovid in his Metamorphosis depicts as falling into the sea and being transformed into a sea-god, Saint-Amant concludes, "Bref a nous si fort il ressemble/ Que j' ay pense parler a.luy"; Gerard Genette describes the relationship between the sea creature and mankind: "...cet habitant des profondeurs n'est-il pas notre double, et n'avons-nous pas nous-memes de l'atime une connaissance plus intime que nous ne le pen- 10 sons?" In re-establishing very concretely the essentially reversible nature of his painting, Saint-Amant is preparing the reader to comprehend the emblem which is established in the next two stanzas.

The brutal nature of man is fortified in the description of hunting in stanza XX:

Je tens aux Lapins quelque piege: Tantost je tire aux Cormorans, Qui bas dans les flots murmurans Tombent percez du plomb qui tue: Ils se debattent sur ce bort, Et leur vie en vain s'esvertue D'eschaper des mains de la mort.

The death of the cormorants is violent and sudden and the sea is again depicted as a tomb, the realm of God's vengeance.

In the following stanza Saint-Amant completes the picture by turning to the sea where he fishes for a dorado, a lively species resembling a dolphin. The dorado serves as the reversed image of the cormorant and prepares for the development of the emblem of the fish pursuing bait which is found in the last six lines.

Tantost nous allant promener Dans quelque chaloupe a la rade, Nous laissons apres nous traisner Quelque ligne pour la Dorade; Ce beau Poisson qui l'appercoit Pipe de l'espoir qu'il concoit 102

Aussi tost nous suit a la trace; Son cours est leger et bruyant, Et la chose mesme qu'il chasse En fin l'attrape en le fuyant. (XXl)

The poet's use of the pronoun "nous" underlines the universality of his contemplation. He never mentions who his companion or companions might be. The fact that he returns several times to the retreat of the due de Retz to report on his activities suggests that the due does not accompany him. The contemplative poet is a solitary figure and the use of "nous," although serving superficially as a vague reference to a group of people, implies the involvement of all mankind.

The visual paradox of the dorado, who, in pursuing an object running away from him is eventually caught by it, could stand alone as an image of surprise and contrast. Saint-Amant has clearly established, however, that the sea functions as a floating mirror. The sea lion is only a re flection of man himself and birds and fish are only reflections of each other. Gerard Genette describes the comedy:

Notre monde est une scene ou nous jouons la comedie sans le savoir pour des spectateurs invisibles. G'est cette hypothese que Saint-Amant precise et verifie implicitement en suggerant que la surface equivoque de la mer, miroir et transparence, pourrait etre un des rideaux de notre theatre.'!''

When analyzed in this perspective, the dorado, an inverted and reversed image, is not caught by the poet and his bait, but rather the poet, feeling he is ensnaring the fish, is actually caught by him. It is the fish with whom the poet identifies. The deceit experienced by the un inverted dorado is the same as that of the poet whose exaltation at being able to "loge en moy tout l'Univers" (ix) was immediately squelched, "Et qu'on se pert a le chercher." (x) 103

The picture of the dorado, therefore, serves as an emblem, a metapho ric summary of the nature of the contemplation up to this point. The sea, in revealing life's mysteries, has recalled man's fallen nature. The abil ity of the poet to understand the universe through philosophy has been thwarted. In science the poet finds only the negative metaphor of the mag net whose fidelity stands in sharp contrast to man's warring and disparate nature. The poet, like the dorado, has pursued an elusive goal: for him it is the search for inner peace in a chaotic world. His contemplation, however, has led to a new awareness of man's nature, and in understanding this fallen and limited state he sees himself trapped, like the dorado.

Hope for the poet and for the dorado has led to frustration. The emblem, seen in its broadest implications, serves as an extended metaphor for the entire poem, for the experience of the dorado, like man's earthly 'journey, is constantly threatened by life's ultimate frustration, death itself. It depicts in miniature the hour of death, the object of the Wednesday medita tion, and serves as a vital link to the contemplation of the Day of Judg ment, the object to which the poet now turns.

Thus, Saint-Amant, in calling upon the resources of memory and ima gination, has paralleled in poetry the "composition of place" stage as structured meditation. His senses have been brought to bear on the object of meditation, the sea, and through detailed description he has created an atmosphere of sensual physicality. Thematically, he has become more acu tely aware of man's fallen and limited nature, but the situation is not hopeless. There is a loving and forgiving God who responds to Noah's tears, and a Church, which, like an unerring magnet, points the way to salvation. The companionship of the due de Retz, although a somewhat obligatory reference, does suggest the existence of a brotherhood of man 104

made all the more significant when viewed against the background of a

bloody siege. These positive references to man's state underline the

fact that no single part of a meditation is exclusive. In contemplating

man's fallen nature the poet is able to envision hope. In turn, when he

contemplates death, resurrection and the saving grace of the Risen Lord,

he is not unaware of man's fallen nature which remains a constant. After

establishing the emblem of the dorado, however, the thoughts of the poet

make a dramatic shift. His intellect begins to reflect upon the problems

he has introduced and the poem begins to incorporate all the characteris

tics of the analytical stage of contemplation, the meditation proper.

A tone of intellectual reflection characterizes stanzas XXII-XXX.

In them, the poet describes his conversations with the due de Retz, which

center around the siege of La Rochelle, reacts to a glowworm, and, with

his eyes fixed ever upward, begins to feel the presence of the Risen Lord.

In stanza XXII Saint-Amant turns abruptly away from the emblem and estab

lishes a new approach to his meditation.

Quelquefois, bien loing ecarte, Je puise pour apprendre a vivre, L'Histoire ou la Moralite Dans quelque venerable livre. Quelquefois surpris de la nuit, En une plage, ou pour tout fruit J'ay ramasse mainte coquille, Je reviens au Chasteau resvant Sous la faveur d'un ver qui brille, Ou plustost d'un Astre vivant. (XXIl)

It is important to remember that the analytical part of structured

meditation is the realm of the intellect reflecting upon problems and

seeking to understand them. It is significant, therefore, that the poet

turn to history or studies on morality to "apprendre a vivre." Through

out this part of the meditation, Saint-Amant finds inspiration in study and reflective thought. As might be expected, his reading includes the 105

Bible:

Je ly ces sacrez Testaments, Ou Dieu, d'une encre solemnelle, Fait luire ses hauts Mandemens. (XXX)

The result of applying his intellect is an immediate understanding

of that which was previously paradoxical or confusing. Continuing his vision of the "ver qui brille," he writes:

0 bon Dieu! m'escriay-je alors, Que ta puissance est nompareille, D'avoir en un si petit corps Fait une si grande merveille! 0 feu! qui tousjours allume, Brusles sans estre consume! Belle Escarboucle qui chemines! Ton eclat me plaist beaucoup mieux Que celuy qu'on tire des mines Afin d'ensorceler nos yeux! (XXIIl)

A glowworm is a favorite baroque image; it darts and flashes and suggests

inconstancy. Saint-Amant, however, sees it as a symbol of God's eternal presence, "0 feu! qui tousjours allume/ Brusles sans estre consume," and

more precious than diamonds. Birds and fish in the first part of the meditation offer insight only into the inconstant state of man, yet the glowworm, which is similar in nature, now serves as a symbol of perman

ence. The intellect, clearly, perceives differently from the imagination.

The reasoned and reflective study of the poet even manifests itself

in the reconciling of his frustrations over love's cruel treatment.

Tantost apres minuict sonne, Ayant chez moy fait la retraitte, D'un soing aux Muses adonne J'escry comment Amour me traitte: Tantost mesprisant son pouvoir, Quoy que sans yeux, je luy fay voir Par quel moyen on le surmonte: Je me guery des maux souffers, Et d'une genereuse honte Ma raison brise tous ses fers. (XXIX) 106

In writing how love has turned against him, he is adopting a rational ap proach to reach an understanding of life's most perplexing emotion. The poet makes a strong statement indeed in support of reason by endowing it with the power to cure him of his "maux souffers." His ability to reflect rationally allows him to escape into the realm of lucidity, "Ma raison brise tous ses fers."

The response of the poet to the created world is still fraught with

some confusion. In stanza XXIV he describes his fear while walking through

the woods:

Tantost saisi de quelque horreur D'estre seul parmy les tenebres, Abuse d'une vaine erreur, Je me feins mille objets funebres: Mon esprit en est suspendu, Mon coeur en demeure esperdu, Le sein me bat, le poil me dresse, Mon sang glace n'a point de bien, Et dans la frayeur qui m'oppresse Je croy voir tout, pour ne voir rien. (XXIV)

He is frightened and confused by the sounds of unseen creatures of the for est and his frustration, as described in the last line, is reminiscent of his futile efforts to comprehend life's mysteries through philosophy: , V "J'entends qu'on n'y peut rien entendre,/ Et qu'on se pert a le chercher."

(x) His confusion and frustration, however, are abated in the following stanza:

Tantost delivre du tourment De ces illusions nocturnes, Je considere au Firmament L'aspect des flambeaux taciturnes: Et voyant qu'en ces dous desers Les orgueilleux Tyrans des Airs Ont apaise leur insolence, J'escoute a demy transporte Le bruit des ailes du Silence Qui vole dans l'obscurite. (XXV)

Here the poet abandons seeking answers to life's ultimate questions in the elusive sea or in the woods by night. In symbolically fixing his gaze on 107 the firmament, the dwelling place of the Risen Lord, he begins to feel the presence of Jesus. Wholeness and peace replace confusion and fear. His new concentration upon the firmament, combined with the reconciliation of some of life's frustrations, in particular of love, prepare the way for the envisioning of Christ in stanza XXXIV.

The tone of this first part of the meditation proper is decidedly more relaxed. Saint-Amant paces the growth of lucidity by devoting stanzas

XXVI-XXVIII to a description of his conversations with the due de Retz.

Treuvay-je au retour couvert-mis, J'entretiens mon Due a la table, En-tant comme il me 1'est permis, De quelque propos delectable: Je le fay rire de ma peur, Je luy dy quel spectre trompeur J'ay creu s'estre offert a ma veue; Et pour noyer tout mon soucy, Sur un grand verre je me rue, Ou le vin semble en rire aussi. (XXVI)

La, suivant les sujets du temps, Tantost nous parlons de la Digue Ou, vray Prophete, je m'attens De voir crever la jeune Ligue: Tantost, les coeurs tous rejouis, Nous celebrons du Grand Louys L'heur, la prudence, et le courage, Et disons que le Cardinal Est a la Prance dans l'orage Ce qu'au navire est le fanal. (XVII)

Tantost sur le bruit que 1'Anglois Une visite nous prepare, Nous projettons tous les explois Dequoy la Victoire se pare: Tenez-vous done pour assure Que cet Ennemy conjure Qui tant de faux desseins embrasse, En ce lieu propre a l'en punir, Sera receu de bonne grace S'il nous oblige d'y venir. (XXVIIl)

There exists in these stanzas a tone of calmness and joviality, seen in the poet's ability to enjoy wine: "Sur un grand verre je me rue,/ Ou la vin semble en rire aussi." Although the references to the siege of La 108

Rochelle still attest to the existence of strife and of hate in the world,

the treatment of the poet is intellectual rather than emotional. The con flict is the subject of reasoned conversation. Saint-Amant continues to

celebrate his conversion by renouncing the Protestant enemy "qui tant de faux desseins embrasse," but rather than feeling only despair when con fronted by man's irreconcilable differences, he concentrates upon the

steadfast nature of the French and the righteousness of their cause:

"Nous celebrons du Grand Louys/ L'heur, la prudence, et le courage."

This atmosphere of "douceur" is maintained by eliminating all feeling of urgency. By starting stanza XXII with "quelquefois" and by employing

"tantost" to begin six of the following nine stanzas, the poet is suggest ing an unhurried state wherein he is free to experience wholeness and peace.

This is precisely the recommended tone for meditation prescribed by Saint-

Francois de Sales.

The tone of "douceur" is also enhanced throughout the section by the lack of sensuality. The theoreticians of structured meditation advocated

that in the meditation proper the visual element should be purely schema

tic, and that all images and similitudes should suggest only "entendement."

The imagination should play only a very minor role and should envision only abstract material. Detailed physical descriptions which appeal to the senses help to set the stage for meditation, but they serve only as dis

tractions when a meditator draws upon his intellect to understand the hid den nature of the object of contemplation. In these stanzas the poet has clearly turned away from the physical world. He deliberately avoids placing the glowworm in a landscape and the "mille objects funebres" of

the forest remain completely abstract, not even mentioned by name. The only sense aroused is hearing and all he hears is silence, "J'escoute a 109 demy transporte/ Le bruit des ailes du Silence/ Qui vole dans 1'obscurite."

(XXV) He has begun to respond to a voice from within and, as a result, has come into touch with his soul.

It is the presence of the Risen Lord, the greater object of medita tion, which makes all this possible. The poet has finally prepared him self to envision Jesus and to meditate upon the Day of Judgment and the metamorphosis. In stanza XXXI Saint-Amant turns again to the created world and contemplates the rising of the sun as if it were breaking forth from its tomb in the sea.

Tantost leve devant le jour, Contre ma coustume ordinaire, Pour voir recommencer le tour Au celeste et grand Luminaire; Je 1'observe au sortir des flos, Sous qui la nuit, estant enclos, II sembloit estre en espulture; Et voyant son premier rayon, Beny l'Autheur de la Nature, Dont il est comme le crayon. (XXXI)

The metaphor of the sun rising from its sepulchre as a symbol of Christ's resurrection is evident.

In the dramatic three stanzas sequence which follows the eye of the poet remains fixed on the rising sun. He continues to rely on the full power of his intellect:

Lors d'un soucy grave et profont Me ramassant tout en moy mesme, Comme on tient que nos Esprits font Pour faire quelque effort extresme: (XXXIIl)

He is able to recall Michaelangelo's fresco of the Last Judgment in the

Sistine Chapel and is able to perceive in it an inspiration which trans cends time:

L'immortelle et scavante< main De ce fameux Peintre' Romain, N'a rien trace d'emerveillable Que de penser de l'advenir 110

Plein d'une terreur agreable, Ne raraene en mon souvenir. (XXXIII)

The combination of his senses (the view of the sun rising) and of his intellect (his comprehension of the fresco) result in the poet's vision of Christ and of His coming again to reign.

La, resvant a ce jour prefis En qui toute Ame saine espere, Jour grand, otl l'on verra le fis Naistre aussi tost comme le pere, Je m'imagine au mesme instant Entendre le son eclattant De la trompette Serafique, Et pense voir en appareil Espouventable, et magnifique, JESUS au milieu du Soleil. (XXXIV)

The meditation has reached its climax. The presence of Jesus was sug gested when the poet first gazed upward and began to experience peace and harmony. Through the efforts of his intellect he is finally able to com prehend and to visualize the source of this tranquility. His meditation has led him to a moment of extreme ecstasy.

In the next ten stanzas the poet describes his visions of the raising of the dead, the Last Judgment and the' end of the world. They parallel the Thursday, Friday and Saturday objects of meditation as outlined by

Granada: the Day of Judgment, the pains of Hell, and the glory and feli city of the Kingdom of Heaven. The envisioning of Christ is the ultimate feat and the poetic painting of the Day of Judgment, although a very real part df the meditation, is an extension of the vision rather than the cli max itself.

One of the most important characteristics of the analytical stage of meditation is the bombardment of figures and images; the appearance of ex tended metaphors is rare. In stanza XXXVI-XXXIX where Saint-Amant describes the dead emerging from their graves, the vision is like a kaleidoscope, rapid and ever changing. Ill

L'un m'apparoist un bras devant, L'autre ne montre que la teste, Et n'estant qu'a moitie vivant, Force l'obstacle qui l'arreste: Cestuy-cy s'esveille en sursaut, Cestuy la joint les mains en haut Implorant la faveur divine; Et 1'autre est a peine leve, Que d'un coeur devot il s'encline Devers l'Agneau qui 1'a sauve. (XXXVI)

Pres de la, le frere et la seur Touchez de ce bruit dont tout tremble, D'estre accusez d'inceste ont peur, Pour se trouver couchez ensemble: Icy la femme et le mary, Objet l'un de l'autre chery, Voyans la clarte souhaittee, Semblent s'estonner et gemir D'avoir passe cette nuictee Sans avoir rien fait que dormir. (XXXVII)

Tel, qui n'eust sceu quasi marcher Autrefois travaille des goutes, Court maintenant, et va chercher Du ciel les glorieuses routes: Tel, de qui le seul ornement Fut d'estre vestu richement Et d'avoir des valets sans nombre, Esbahy de sa nudite, N'est plus suivy que de son ombre, Encore va-t-elle a coste. (XXXVIII)

L'un de parler est tout ravy, Veu qu'il manquoit jadis de langue, Et fait a Dieu qu'il a servy, Son humble et premiere harangue: L'autre qui jamais du Soleil N'avoit veu 1'eclat nompareil Pour estre aveugle de naissance, Admire a present sa couleur, Dont il ignoroit la puissance, Bien qu'il en connust la chaleur. (XXXIX)

The presence of Saint-Amant, the poet, as compared to Saint-Amant, the contemplative, is evident throughout this part of the meditation. His envisioning of the incestuous brother and sister of the naked nobleman attest to his joy at making fun. 112

In stanza XXXIX, however, when Saint-Amant turns to the mute who can now praise God and to the blindman who is filled with ecstasy, the poem takes on a more serious tone. In depicting God's ability to grant voice and vision to the afflicted, Saint-Amant is indirectly announcing the sub ject of the next two stanzas, the final Judgment.

Bref, en cette apparition Ceux qui bien-heureux doivent estre, Sans aucune imperfection Je me figure voir renestre: Mais les meschans desesperz Pour qui desja sont preparez De l'Enfer les tourmens enormes, Ne se representent a moy Que si hideux et si difformes, Que mon Arne en transit d'effroy. (LX)

II m'est advis qu'en mesme endroit Je voy la divine Balence Peser et le tort et le droit Sans faveur et sans violence: Apres ce Jugement final, Donne sur le sainct Tribunal Devant qui Dieu veut qu'on responde, Je croy que le haut Element Ne fait desja de tout le Monde Qu'un Globe de deu seulement. (XLl)

The description of the redeemed and of the damned shows a marked parallel to the outline for meditation on the last Judgment as advanced

S by Saint Francois de Sales. In his Introduction a. la vie devote, Saint

Francois recommends that the contemplative distinguish the two:

2. ...car les uns y seront en cors glorieux et resplendissans, et les autres en cors hideux et horribles. 3- Consideres la majeste avec laquelle le souverain Juge comparoistra, environne de tous les Anges et Saintz, ayant devant soy sa Croix plus reluisante que le soleil, enseigne de grace pour les bons, et de rigueur pour les mauvais. 4. Ce souverain Juge, par son commandement redoutable et qui sera soudain execute, separera les bons des mauvais, mettant les uns a sa droite, les autres a sa gauche; separation eternelle, et apres laquelle jamais plus ces deux bandes ne se treuveront ensemble. 115

5. La separation faite et les livres des consciences ouvertz, on verra clairement la malice des inauvais et le mespris dont ilz ont use contre Dieu; et d'ailleurs, la penitence des Lons et les effectz de la grace de Dieu qu'ilz ont receue, et rien ne sera cache. 0 Dieu, quelle ^ confusion pour les uns, quelle consolation pour les autres!

The influence is particularly evident in the separation of the "bien- heureux" from the "meschans desesperez." It is interesting to note that both Saint Francois and Saint-Amant use the same word "hideux" to describe the sinful. In addition, the reaction of Saint-Amant to the deplorable damned, "Que mon Ame en transit d'effroy" echoes the advice of Saint Fran cois who asks that the corruptible tremble with fright, "Tremble, o mon s ame, a ce souvenir."^

The fact that Saint-Amant probably found inspiration for his envi sioning of the Last Judgment in works on structured meditation is empha sized by his beginning stanza XL with "Bref” and by describing his mental involvement in the vision by "Je me figure" rather than by "Je vois." He continues to function as a poet more than as a contemplative; he analyses and summarizes. The ecstasy at seeing Jesus has been somewhat diminished as the role of the intellect and the task of the artist become manifest.

The vision of the apocalypse jn stanzas XLII, XLIII, and XLIV recalls the early stages of meditation and adds an important degree of unity to the poem.

Les Estoilles tombent des Cieux, Les flammes devorent la terre, Le Mongibel est en tous lieux, Et par tout gronde le tonnerre: La Salemandre est sans vertu; L'Abeste passe pour festu, La Mer brusle comme eau-de-vie, L'Air n'est plus que souffre allume, Et l'Astre dont l'Aube est suivie Est par soy mesme consume. (XLIl)

Les Metaux ensemble fondus Font des rivieres precieuses; 114

Leurs flots bouillants sont espandus Par les campagnes spacieuses. Dans ce feu, le dernier des maux, Tous les terrestres Animaux Se consolent en quelque sorte, Du Deluge a demy vangez En voyant ceux que l'onde porte Aussy bien comme eux affligez. (XLIIl)

L'unique Oyseau meurt pour toujours, La Nature est exterminee, Et le temps achevant son cours Met fin a toute destinee: Ce vieillard ne peut plus voler, II se sent les ailes brusler Avec une rigueur extresme, Rien ne le scauroit secourir, Tout est destruit, et la Mort mesme Se voit contrainte de mourir. (XLIV)

Again the poet seems to find direct inspiration from the Introduction a la vie devote where Saint Francois de Sales envisions the final deluge: V 1. En fin, apres le temps que Dieu a marque pour la duree de ce monde, et apres une quantite de signes et presages horribles pour lesquels les hommes secheront d'effroi et de crainte, le feu venant comme un deluge bruslera et reduira en cendre toute la face de la terre, sans qu'aucune des choses que nous voyons sur icelle en soit exempte. 2. Apres ce deluge de flammes et de foudres, tous les hommes ressusciteront de la terre, excepte ceux qui sont des-ja ressuscites, et a la voix de l'Archange com- paroistront en la vallee de Josaphat.14

The reference to the Deluge is reminiscent of the flood, one of the first visions of the poet. Birds, especially the dove, which play such an important role in the early meditation, are re-introduced in the refer ence to the phoenix, "L'unique Oyseau meurt pour tousjours." In spite of the metamorphosis the meditation ends on a victorious note, for death it self has been destroyed.

In the last two stanzas Saint-Amant addresses God and Philippe Cos- peau respectively.

0 Dieu! qui me fais concevoir Toutes ces futures merveilles, 115

Toy seul a qui pour mon devoir J'offriray les fruits de mes veilles, Accorde-moy par ta bonte La gloire de l'Eternite, Afin d'en couronner mon ame: Et fay qu'en ce terrible Jour Je ne brusle point d'autre flame Que de celle de ton amout. (XLV)

Et vous, dont les discours sont tels, Accompagnez des bons exemples, Que par leur fruit les vrais Autels Triompheint de tous les faux Temples: Vous, dis-je, a qui j'escry ces Vers, Ou dans la mort de l'Univers Un haut renom s'immortalise, Vueillez estre leur Protecteur, Et pe mettez-moy qu'on y lise Que je suis vostre adorateur. (XLIV)

Structurally, the closing addresses parallel the third stage of medi tation wherein the will manifests itself in colloquies or affective prayer

Thematically, Saint-Amant is completing the seven day cycle of Fray Luis de Granada by alluding to the benefits of God, the subject of Sunday's meditation. Again, in his speaking to God, Saint-Amant seems to reflect the influence of Saint Francois de Sales. After contemplating the Last

Judgment, Saint Francois advises that the meditator address Him as follows

1. Remercies Dieu qui vous a donne moyen de vous asseurer pour ce jour-la, et le terns de faire penitence. 2. Offres-luy vostre coeur pour la faire. 3. Pries-le qu'il vous face la grace de vous en bien acquitter.^5

The recommendations of Saint Francois and the prayer of Saint-Amant are identical.

The last stanza serves as a perfect framework for the poem. Saint-

Amant returns again to the theme of the opening stanzas: the praise of the Bishop and the celebration of his abjuration. The references to the

"vrais Autels" and the "faux Temples" not only accentuate his conversion, but also remind the reader of the siege of La Rochelle, the setting in 116 which the poem was created. Saint-Amant establishes firmly the serious ness of the work by endowing it with the power to bestow immortality. The tone of intimacy established in the personal addresses, "0 Dieu," and "Et vous" suggests that the meditation has brought the poet much closer to his

Bishop and to God. The task has been accomplished.

It seems clear, therefore, that Saint-Amant patterned the "Contem- plateur" in imitation of the patterns of structured meditation, most specifically those of Granada, Loyola, and Saint Francois de Sales. The objects of contemplation parallel concisely the weekly meditations pre scribed by Fray Luis de Granada. The dedication of the work to Philippe

Cospeau functions as a preparatory prayer. The first part of the work is a type of morning meditation on man's fallen nature as revealed in the Old

Testament. This constant in the human condition is reinforced by the poet's inability to comprehend the secrets of the world. The siege of La

Rochelle is a real reminder of man's inconstant and brutal nature. The emblem of the dorado summarizes the reversibility of the world and the plight of mankind. Clearly the memory and the imagination are the domin ant forces for this part of the meditation.

The meditation proper is an evening meditation on the saving grace found in the Christ of the New Testament. The abrupt refocusing of the poet on the heavens introduces the presence of the Risen Lord. Relying upon his intellect, he is able to reconcile the inconstant nature of the world. He reads and listens and the confusing becomes comprehensible.

The source of his peace becomes clear as Christ appears to him. The con templation of the raising of the dead, the Last Judgment and the metamor phosis allows him to complete Granada's weekly cycle of meditation. His depicting of the Last Judgment echoes clearly the guidelines established by Saint Francois de Sales in his Introduction a. la vie devote. 117

The closing stanzas, dedicated to God and the Bishop, are the mani festations of the will of the poet as he offers up affective prayer. In addition, he is able to reinforce the poem’s function as a celebration of conversion.

The true depth and meaning of "Le Contemplateur" become clear only when its principle of composition is understood. The parallels between the devotional structures advocated by Pray Luis de Granada, Ignatius

Loyola and Saint Francois de Sales and the outline of the "Contemplateur" > are strikingly close, even though there is an occasional overlapping of motifs. The clear threefold sub-division renders "Le Contemplateur" a poetic equivalent of structured meditation and thus a mime for prayer.

When the poem is studied from this perspective it reveals much more struc ture and profundity than has been its reputation.

It has seemed appropriate to limit this examination of the "Contem plateur" to the realms of theme and structure. It is important to observe, however, that there are present in the "Contemplateur" all of the common conventions of a poem which might be labeled "mystical." It has been demonstrated in Chapter II that the poetic-mystical experience is born in a period of solitude when manifestations of nature take on another dimen sion. The poet experiences certain feelings of "extase" and is led toward a deeper insight into the secrets of the universe. This is, of course, the fundamental experience of the poet as revealed in the "Contemplateur."

The incorporation of metaphor and emblem, as has been seen, are the funda mental tools by which the meditative poet comes to the aid of the contem plative; Saint-Amant clearly relies on them to convey his deepest thoughts in the "Contemplateur." Virtually every trait which Louis Martz includes in his definition of a mystical poem is found in the work: acute self- 118 consciousness; conversational tone; minute analysis of moods and motives; unconventional imagery dealing with a range of human experience from theo-

1 6 logy to details of bed and board; structural unity. Thus, although an analysis of the structure of the "Contemplateur" yields particular insight into its meditative principle, the stylistic devices and the figure of the poet in the work are also fundamental aspects of its meditative-mystical nature. In the "Contemplateur," Saint-Amant combines both "forme" and

"fond" to create a work which is a near perfect example of the poetic- mystical experience taken to its highest principle. 119

Footnotes (Chapter 4)

1 S“* Marc Antoine Gerard, sieur de Saint-Amant, Oeuvres completes, ed. Jacques Bailbe et Jean Lagny, I (Paris: Marcel Didier, 1967-1979), pp. 49-50. Further references to "Le Contemplateur" will be noted in the text of the paper by stanza.

^Saint Francois de Sales, Introduction a JLa vie devote, ed. Charles Florisome, I (Paris: Fernard Roches, 1930; P* 37.

^Odette de Mourgues, Metaphysical, Baroque and Precieux Poetry (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1930), pp. 93-99- 4 Francois de Sales, II, p. 8.

5Ibid. g Saint Igancio de Loyola, The Spiritual Exercises, trans. Rev. C. Battery, S. J. (St. Louis: Herder Book Co., 1928), pp. 57-58.

^Gerard Genette, "L'Univers reversible de Saint-Amant," Lettres Nouvelles, dec.-jan. (1969-60), p. 53. g Saint-Amant, Q Robert T. Corum, Jr., Other Worlds and Other Seas: Art and Vision in Saint-Amant1 s Nature Poetry ("Lexington, Ky. : French Forum, 1979) , p. 47.

^Genette, p. 53-

111bid., pp. 54—55- 12 Francois de Sales, I, pp. 46-47. f 13Ibid., p. 47. 1 4 Ibid., p. 46.

^ ^Ibid., p. 48. 16 Louis Martz, The Poetry of Meditation: A Study in English Religious Literature in the Seventeenth C e n t u r y (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), p. 2. Chapter 5: The spirituality of Saint-Amant as revealed in the "Moyse sauve."

After the publication of "Le Contemplateur" in 1627, Saint-Amant turned away from purely meditative or religious poetry. It was only during the closing years of his life that he rededicated himself to spiritual themes per se as evidenced most clearly in "La Genereuse,"

"Fragment d'une meditation sur le crucifix," and "Stances a M. Corneille sur son 'Imitation de Jesus Christ'," all of which appeared in the Der nier Recueil of 1658.

The life of the poet between 1627 and the completion of the "Moyse sauve" in 1653 was marked by frequent travel. His most notable journeys were to Rome in 1633 where he served as a companion to the marechal de

Crequi on his futile mission to arrange an annulment of the marriage of

Gaston d'Orleans to the sister of the due de Lorraine; to England in

1643, in the company of the comte d'Harcourt, ambassador of the Regent,

Anne d'Autriche; and to Poland and Sweden in 1650-51, to honor his par- ton, Marie-Louise de Gonzague, Queen of Poland. The poetic works of this period, which appear in the Deuxieme Recueil of 1651, are marked by many

"poemes de circonstances." "Arras pris," "Le Vol nocturne," "Sonnet pour la Serenissime Reine de Pologne devant son mariage 1'an 1645," and "Sur le blocus de Paris," are examples of the poet's efforts to treat subjects from contemporary history in the sonnet form. Saint-Amant was particularly successful in celebrating the events of his time in two longer poems,

"L'Albion" (1644), a "caprice heroi-comique" which traces the major events of the revolution in England before 1644, and "Les Nobles Triolets" (1649), in which he reviews the major events of the Fronde. Other major works of

120 121 the period include the celebrated caprice "La Rome ridicule" (1634) and several odes, caprices, and epistles: "Le Passage de Gibraltar," "Ode ✓ M heroi-comique pour Mgr le Prince lors due d'Anguien," "Le Biberot Cap- rice," "Epitre au baron de Milay," "Epitre au baron de Villarnoul," 1 "La Rade, caprice marinesque."

Although the years 1627-53 include the creation of the serious and

sophisticated poems cited above, and are climaxed by the poet's election as a charter member of the Academie Francaise in 1635, it was also during

this time that Saint-Amant earned the reputation of a "bon vivant." The poet always returned from his foreign travels to join his friends in

Paris. Paul Durand-Lapie describes the sojourns of Saint-Amant in the capital:

Malheureusement pour lui, et pour son genie aussi peut- etre, le poete ne passait pas tout son temps dans le salon de Rambouillet et les ruelles des precieuses. II n'avait garde d'oublier ses gais compagnons de plaisir, il savait ou les retrouver apres ses diverses absences et ce n ’etait pas toujours dans l'un des endroits les plus releves de Paris.^

Saint-Amant was indeed an habitue of a group of fun-loving spirits who gave themselves the name "les Goinfres." Wine, gambling and debts were

the trademarks of this group of gentlemen whom Saint-Amant celebrates in

one of his best known sonnets, which bears the name of this hedonistic 3 society, "Les Goinfres." The group of habitual revelers also ported

the nickname "les bons biberons." 4 In the sonnet, "Orgye," 5 Saint-

Amant appears unabashed in his willingness to describe the joy of drunkeness and his inability to resist its lure. Although these poems date from

1630-31, there is much evidence to suggest that Saint-Amant enjoyed the

life of the cabaret throughout the period. He did not ignore completely

the company of the salons, but he began to frequent the cabarets less

frequently only in the mid 1640's when age and social pressure demanded 122 restraint:

Bien qu'ayant toujours conserve cette gaite de caractere, qui est un des principaux charmes de son originate phy-^ sionoraie, le poete avait avec l'age sensiblement raodifie sa conduite devenue plus raisonnable et plus reguliere. Ses nobles protecteurs et ses fid&les amis lui avaient donne le bon exemple de savoir se ranger a propos.6

It was during this same period, however, that Saint-Amant composed the lengthy and deeply spiritual "Moyse sauve." The twenty years required for the genesis of its composition, spanning in time the appearance of

"Le Contemplateur" and the religious poems of the latter years, and the work itself serve as vital testimony to the fact that the poet's concern ✓ with the practice of faith was not ephemeral. Without the "Moyse sauve" it would appear that Saint-Amant had abandoned religious themes, only to return to them as he approached death. It has been established, however, in Chapter III, that the conversion of Saint-Amant was, indeed, sincere and that his thinking had been profoundly influenced by the leading theo reticians of prayer and meditation. Studied from this prospective, the specific treatment Saint-Amant gives to the story of Moses not only at tests to the continuing spirituality which guided the poet, but also en ables perception of the work essentially as a Christian allegory rather than simply an epic treatment of an Old Testament theme.

A vital link to understanding the relationship between the poet and his work can be traced to Saint-Amant1s two other Biblical epics, the un published "Samson" and the "Fragment d'un poeme de Joseph et de ses freres en Egipte." Saint-Amant first confirms his study of the Bible in the "Le

Contemplateur:"

Tantost, d'un son qui me ravit, Et qui chasse toute manie, La sainte harpe de David Preste a mon lut son harmonie. Puis, jusqu'a tant que le sommeil. 123

Avec un plaisir sans pareil, Me vienne siller la prunelle, Je ly ces sacrez Testamens Ou Dieu d'une encre solemnelle, Fait luire ses hauts Mandemens. (St. XXX)

The sincerity of his interest in Biblical themes is reinforced by the fact that within ten years of the publication of "Le Contemplateur" he undertook the creation of three different poems with Biblical subjects.

As Jean Lagny remarks: "Trois poemes bibliques: le fait qu'ils aient ete

entrepris, meme si deux d'entre eux sont restes a l'etat d'ebauches ou de fragments, prouve le desir qu'avait le poete de chercher son inspiration dans l'Ancien Testament pour une oeuvre importante, et la place qu'il ^ 7 tenait dans ses lectures et ses reflexions."

The "Samson" was probably the first of the three Biblical epics be gun by the poet. In the "Avertissement" to the 1629 edition of his Oeuvres,

Saint-Amant refers to his work in progress:

✓ ti *1 y J'ay commence un grand Poeme heroique a I'Hon- neur de nostre Grand Roy, que Dieu semble avoir suscite, pour abysmer en la gloire de ses hautes entreprises, celle de tous les Monarques du monde. Ce sera la que je tascheray de comparer les Exploits de ce Prince incomparable aux TRAVAUX DE SANSON: & ou j'employeray autant de force d'esprit, qu'il eut de vigueur en ses bras, pourveu que le bon accueil que j'espere que vous ferez a ce Livre, m'oblige d'ache- ver ce hardy project, & que vous confessiez que p>our un honme de rna profession, & de la vie que je rneine, ce n'est pas tant mal s'escrimer de la plume.®

Almost thirty years later, in the "Preface" to the Dernier Recueil (1658),

Saint-Amant asserts that he had lest his work on Samson and had abandoned

the project:

•4 Je diray done que le Poeme de Samson, lequel je m'estois avance de promettre dans ir.es premieres Oeuvres, & dent il y avoit deja perdus, ne se doit point attendre; et que le Siecle present non plus que la Posterite, n'en diront ni bien ni mal; car le desplaisir que j'eus de cette perte •E'en fit laisser 11entreprise, & je n'y ay point songe dep.uis, estre a-e'este autant pour mon bon-heur que pour 124

mon desava.nt.age; & peu s'en faut que je ne die que je voudrois avoir aussi bien perdu tout.es les autres Pieces que j'ay faites en suitte, quand je viens a me representer la difficulte qu’il y a de plaire a tout le monde, & de quelle facon les plus grands & les plus beaux Ouvrages sont traittez aujourd'huy.9

These are the only references made by the poet to the work. The reaction of Lagny seems plausible:

Poeme biblique, done, mais aussi panegyrique: comment les deux aspects se seratent-ils concilies? Et le poete n'a-t-tl pas reeule devant la difficulte de 1'entreprtse, masquant sous le pretexte honorable d'une disparition qu'il n'explique pas 1'abandon d'un dessein dont il avait rapide- ment discerne les dangers?^

It seems likely that Saint-Amant began to compose the "Joseph" soon after abandoning the work on "Samson." He finally published the 622-line fragment as part of the Dernier Recueil in 1658, and in the "Advis" he refers to beginning his work thirty years before.

Bien long-temps avant. que j'eusse fait le Moyse, e'est a dire il y a pres de trente annees, j'avois fait un Poe^me de Joseph, duquel Ouvrage j'ay pris le commencement pour faire 1'Episode qui s'en voit sur la fin de 1'autre, mon dessein estant alors d'en revoir le reste aS loisir, & de le donner quelque jour a la Presse. Mais la repugnance que j'ay eue a re toucher a de vieilles choses, lors que je pouvois employer mon Genie a de nouvelles, a empesche que je ne l'y aye donne plustost que je ne fais. Je le nomine ycy Fragment, parce qu'il est detache d'une Piece entiere que je n'ay pas trouvee assez a mon goust pour en faire un Present au Public.

The Joseph differs greatly from the "Moyse sauve." The work traces the struggle of Joseph as related in the Bible without a trace of

Christian "merveilleux," allegory, or idyllic elements. The content is scarcely more than a paraphrase of the Biblical narration. And the tone is one of utter simplicity. Ironically, the "Joseph" has received criti cal acclaim never accorded the more ambitious and complex "Moyse sauve"."

Jean Lagny laments the fact that it was never completed. He admires the 125

poet's strict adherence to the Bible in the work and views the incorpora

tion of the poet's vivid imagination and lack of fidelity to Biblical

sources in the "Moyse sauve" as a terrible compromise on the part of the

poet:

A X A C'est que son gout a change, et je ne serai peut-etre pas le seul a penser que c'est dommage: a tout le moins pourra-t-on regretter qu'il n'ait pas acheve et publie son poeme en 1630; peut-etre nous aurait-il donne 1'oeuvre qui nous manque, ou son talent, qui etait grand, aurait ete directement mis au service de la Bible.12

Raymond Toinet also views the "Joseph" as a vastly superior work:

Ce fragment est certainement ce qui Saint-Amant a ecrit de meilleur dans le genre serieux. Sa langue y est ferine et souple, sans faux brillant, et, comme sa pensee elle-meme, d'une noble simplicite. Les discours de Juda et de Benjamin, lorsque Joseph veut ^_ retenir celui-ci prisonnier, sont vraiment remarquables.

This view was shared by Julien Duchesne who praises the "Joseph:" "Le

meilleur fruit de cette premiere epoque est precisement un morceau em-

prunte a l'Ecriture; c'est un poeme sur Joseph et ses freres, interes-

sant par 1'expression ingenue des sentiments de la famille et par un ✓ 14 merite oratoire remarquable avant Corneille." Similarly, Samuel Borton

claims that in the rhetoric of "Joseph" are lines which, "delivered at

the 'Theatre du Marais' or elsewhere, Corneille himself would have ap

plauded. ^

It is not the object of this study to demonstrate the literary super-

iority of the "Joseph" when compared to the "Moyse sauve." It is import

ant, however, when addressing the question of Saint-Amant's spirituality,

to try to discern why he abandoned two Biblical epics, one of which has

earned so much acclaim, and chose to undertake the writing of the "Moyse

sauve." The aspirations of the poet, literary influences, and personal

taste must all be considered. 126

The date when Saint-Amant began his work on the "Moyse sauve" is not certain. Paul Durand-Lapie states that the poem was begun in 1634, but he does not verify his supposition.^ The first precise reference to the work dates from 1638: Jean Chapelain, in a letter to Balzac, refers to the "Moyse."

Le poeme dont on vous a parle est un idylle que le Gros appelle heroique, a cause qu'il y veut decrire les actions de Moise sous le titre de Moise sauve. II le partage en trois livres de douze ou quinze cents vers chacun...Je ne vous puis que dire de l'economie, car il ne me I'a point discourue, mais je crains qu'Aristote n'y soit choque et, a vous dire vrai, il me surprendrait fort si le hasard n'y avait plus de part que l'art, et je le tiendrais a plus grande merveille qu'aucune de celles que nous avons vues de lui.^V

There existed for Saint-Amant several practical reasons for choosing the life of Moses as a topic for his great epic. The aspiring poet was following in a tradition of the period whereby the crowning of one's career could best be realized in the completion of a vast epic. In his

"Avant-satire" written in 1636, Saint-Amant bemoans the interruption of his work on the "Moyse sauve" and alludes to the important role he wants it to play in the final judgment of his talent as an artist:

D'ou luy peut done venir cet estrange caprice? Ha! je le reconnoy, c'est manque d'exercice, II ne fend plus de l'Air le vague precieux, Et le trop de sejour l'a rendu vicieux: Ou-bien fasche de voir que ma Verve sacree Ne se sert plus de luy quand elle se recree; Que je quitte Helicon pour Horeb et Sina, Ou la Loy formidable aux Hebreux se donna; Que pour la verite je laisse le mensonge. II me veut tesmoigner le despit qui le ronge, Et me faire connestre en son fremissement ^g Les bizarres transports d'un vif ressentiment.

The subject of Moses' receiving the Ten Commandments and of his leading his people out of captivity in Egypt does indeed lend itself to a much broader epic treatment, the kind of vehicle Saint-Amant sought. 127

It is important to note that the poet was able, for example, to include in the "Moyse sauve" the entire episode of Joseph, rewritten in the idyl lic style of the new work.

The aspirations Saint-Amant attached to his "Moyse sauve" are not divorced from his need to find a patron. He hoped to receive the invalu able protection of Gaston d*Orleans as a reward for honoring him with its dedication. Upon returning from England in 1644, the poet composed the

"Epitre heroi-comique a Monseigneur le due d'Orleans" with the dual pur pose of celebrating the valor of the due, who was in command of the French

1 9 army in Flanders, and of advancing his own reputation as a poet. The epistle underlines a certain arrogance on the part of the Saint-Amant when, in the opening stanza, he compares himself to Virgil:

Tandis Gaston qu'un beau desir de gloire Te porte aux Coups, t'anime et te fait boire Chaud comme braise, et parmy cent perils, D'un noir breuvage enclos dans des barils Non de Merrain, mais d'un Metal qui tonne, Qui fume, esclaire, siffle, crache, et donne Au plus hardy quelque attainte d'effroy, S'il n'a le coeur aussi ferme que toy: Tandis qu'arme tu fais reduire en cendres Le dur pourpoint des bastions de Flandres, Et que tu vois secouer le jarret A maint Soudart, comme a quelque Gorret Qui crie au meurtre, et se demene en diable, Quand le trenchant d'un fer impitoyable Le sacrifie a l'honneur d'un festin, Et pour la gueule egorge son destin; Bref cependant que de ta large bource Tu fais couler ainsi que d'une Source, Un long Ruisseau de qui les flots dorez Charment la soif des Drilles alterez; Ton gros Virgile, ayant au poing le Verre, Fait mille voeux au Demon de la guerre Pour ton salut, et ta prosperite, ^ ^ Et jour et nuit s'empifre a ta sante.

The epistle is lavish in its praise of Gaston. In celebrating the genius of the due during his command of the siege of Gravelines, Saint-Amant com pares him to Achilles, Alexander, and Ceasar, and states that the present 126 siege will rival in magnificence the most celebrated one of history, the siege of Troy.

En ce temps-la ces Braves que je choque Estoient un Siecle a prendre une Bicoque, Car en effet, quoy qu'Homere en ait dit, Ce Mur sacre que Priam deffendit, Cet Ilion, ce grand Sujet d'histoire Qui par le feu vit esteindre sa gloire, One ne fut digne en son haut appareil De dechausser le Chasteau de Corbeil.^

After glorifying the bravery of Gaston d'Orleans with such superlatives,

Saint-Amant introduces the more important purpose of the epistle, attract ing the attention of the due to his "Moyse sauve." Referring to the hero's welcome the due can expect upon his return to Paris, Saint-Amant describes how he will personally render hommage:

Je feray tout, je brusleray mes Livres... Et les cayers de mon Moyse mesme, Qui d'Appolon briguent le Diademe, Courront fortune et se verront de loin

Si le denier me manque en ce b e s o i n . ^ 2

The poet continues his request for patronage by referring to the already ✓ completed work of the "Moyse sauve" and by attesting, not without a cer tain humility, to the reward the work should bring him:

De peu de chose aussi bien ils me servent, Et si mes soins en Coffre les conservent C'est seulement pour plaire a ton desir, Quand de les voir tu prendras le loisir. Les Entendus n'en font pas peu de conte; Ils disent tous qu'enfin c'est une honte Qu'un tel Ouvrage apres un si grand bruit, Au gros Autheur ne rapporte aucun fruit; Et des qu'un autre un Benefice attrappe, Pour moy soudain leur despit gronde et jappe, Leur front s'allume, et qui les-en croiroit, Bien-tost la Crosse a mon poin s'offriroit. Je ne dis pas que ma main le merite, Quoy que par elle ait este 1'Oeuvre escrite, Et qu'un Vers saint sembleroit inferer Qu'au Bien d'Eglise on eust droit d’aspirer, Mais, “o bon Dieu! combien en voit-on d'autres Pourveus de Mitre et d'amples Patenostres, Vivre entre nous avec authorite, Qui l'ont peut-estre aussi peu merite! 129

At the end of the epistle he discards the mantle of a sollicitor and, after having already laid the responsibility for his request on the advice of his friends, adds the following lines:

Au reste Prince, a qui l'honneur commande, Ce que j'en dy n'est pas que je caymande,^ J'ay trop de coeur, je ne gueuzay jamais,

The efforts of Saint-Amant to obtain the patronage of Gaston d'Or

leans were not successful. Although the due may well have thought of

Saint-Amant as an interesting drinking companion or have admired him as a man of worldly tastes, he was not in a position to take on the protec- 25 tion of the aspiring poet. The epistle served only to evoque the ire of Tallemant de Reaux who, in his Historiettes, renders a blistering con demnation of the poem which he sees as an example of extreme arrogance on

the part of the poet.

II avoit pretendu pour son "Mcyse" une abbaye ou mesme un evesche, luy qui n'entendoit pas son breviaire; et ce fut pour punir 1'ingratitude du siecle qu'il ne le fit point imprimer...En une epistre a M. d'Orleans, sur la prise de Gravelines, il s'appelle "le gros Virgile," il eust mieux fait de dire le gros ivrogne. En sa jeunesse, il faisoit beaucoup mieux; mais il n'a jamais eu un grain de cervelle, et n'a jamais rien fait d'acheve.^

In his search for a patron, Saint-Amant turned his attention to the various salons, the "Hotel de Rambouillet" in particular, and spent much

time with his friend and admirer, the abbe de Marolles. Marolles had been at one time the private tutor of Princess Marie-Louise de Gonzague, daugh

ter of Charles de Nevers. In 1645, Vladislas VII, the recently widowed king of Poland and a former suitor of Marie-Louise, sent emissaries to

Prance to ask her hand in marriage. The contract was quickly arranged and 27 was signed in the presence of the young Louis XIV. Saint-Amant, through his association with the abbe de Marolles, had taken much interest in the 130 fortunes of Marie-Louise and was delighted to learn of the honor bestowed on the House of Nevers. Accordingly, he wrote the "Sonnet pour la Serenis- sime Reine de Pologne devant son rnariage l'an 1645" to celebrate the an nouncement . ^

Deeply moved by the sonnet and, reflecting the influence of Marolles,

Marie-Louise was led to hold the talent of Saint-Amant in high esteem.

Accordingly, at the time of her marriage, she bestowed on the poet the title "Gentilhomme de la Chambre de la reine de Pologne." The position provided for a yearly pension of three thousand livres, a far greater - 29 honor and opportunity than Gaston d'Orleans could have ever granted.

Saint-Amant showed his gratitude by writing the lengthy "Epistre a l'Hyver, Sur le voyage de Sa Serenissime Majeste en Pologne," which cele brates the difficult winter journey of Marie-Louise to her new home and which contains some of Saint-Amant's most lilting and moving lines. One is particularly moved by his warning to winter not to approach the new queen too closely:

Or en tout cas, si ta fureur ne cesse, Contente toy de voir cette Princesse De quelque Mont si loin au bout du Nort, Que nul Vivant n'en esprouve 1'effort, Contente toy de s^avoir par ma Plume Qu'elle a des yeux ou la Gloire s'allume; Que ses attraits ravissent tous les Sens; Que ses Vertus sont dignes de l'encens; Que son Esprit n'ignore rien d'illustre; Que son renom verra le dernier Lustre; Que son merite esgale son bon-heur; Et que son ame est 1'ame de I'Honneur. Ne pense pas venir au devant d'elle, En Vassal mesme et discret, et fidelle; Mais fay luy voir, avec tranquilite, La Courtoisie en 1'Incivilite.30

In finding the badly needed patron, Saint-Amant received the neces sary inspiration, both financial and personal, to continue his writing.

It was after the departure of Marie-Louise for Poland that the poet resumed 131 his work on the "Moyse sauve" which had lain dormant for several years.

Two years after he received her protection he was able to send to her a manuscript of the partially completed "Moyse" including a sonnet, "Sonnet a la Serenissime Reine de Pologne, En luy envoyant une partie de mon

Moyse, L'An 1647)" where he honors her role in the creation of the epic.

The last five lines are particularly edifying:

Mais si tes yeux divins n'esclairent ce Tableau, Ses traits auront le Sort du plus commun Ouvrage.

Et si pour ce Heros le Nil fut sans Escueil, L'Onde du Boristene en verra le naufrage, ^ Et son Berceau flottant deviendra son Cercueil.

The dedication of the "Moyse" to Marie-Louise may seem merely perfunctory, but Saint-Amant's travels to Poland, the queen's selection of the poet to be her emissary to Sweden, and the affection he shows for her in "La

Genereuse" attest to a mutual and lasting affection between the two. It is possible that her devout faith inspired Saint-Amant to impregnate his

"Moyse" with so much Christian allegory; certainly her influence exceeded the limits of mutual self benefit.

In addition to examining the aspirations of the poet as factors in determining the role of spirituality in the work, one must also examine the literary influences on Saint-Amant and the demands of the epic genre.

The method by which Saint-Amant treats his story of Moses was greatly in fluenced by both Renaissance and contemporary writers of epic. These in fluences are closely related to the whole concept of the Christian "merveilleux" and in them Saint-Amant must have seen the potential for intro ducing so much Christian allegory into an Old Testament theme. They act as the framework which affords the poet the opportunity to express his per sonal faith.

Saint-Amant was able to draw from the Biblical narration of the life of Moses only the general outline for his treatment. R. A. Sayce reveals 132

that Saint-Ainant, reflecting his early training, used a Protestant Bible as his main source for the "Moyse sauve," in particular an edition pub lished in 1588 by the "Pasteurs de l'Eglise de Geneve," under the direction of Theodore de Beze. Sayce's study, based around certain Biblical terms which appear often in the "Moyse sauve" and which were used exclusively in Protestant Bibles, regards the work of the convert to Catholicism as a synthesis of the two faiths, made all the more possible by the truce in the struggle between Protestants and Catholics at the time of its composition., . 32

Saint-Amant's greater inspiration is found in the writings of two

Jewish historians, Philo and Josephus. The influence of Philo (13 B.C.-

54 A.D.) comes particularly from his Questions et solutions sur la Genese et l'Exode and that of Josephus (37-95 A.D.) mainly from his Antiqujtes

I • ^ ^ .judaiques. In his "Preface" to the "Moyse sauve," Saint-Amant acknow ledges his debt: "J'ay pris beaucoup de choses de Josephe & de Philon qui ne sont point dans la Bible."33

In the writings of Philo and Josephus the poet was able to find nar rative details that he incorporated freely into the work. Josephus, for example, introduces an oracle which prophesizes that a Hebrew child will humble the Egyptian Empire, and he describes the visit of an angel to the mother of Moses, Jocabel, before the child's birth. Although there is no mention in Exodus of guardian angels protecting Moses, Saint-Amant incor porates angelic messangers both at the time of Moses' birth and at other important events throughout the work. Saint-Amant also borrows important biographical information from the two historians. He adopts the name of

Pharaoh's daughter, Termuth, from Josephus and from Philo he incorporates the fact that the princess was both married and childless. The story of 133

the ten plagues comes directly from Philo; and Josephus furnishes the poet with many details describing the rescue of Moses by Pharaoh's daughter, an event of capital importance which is described in only one verse in Exodus.

Saint-Amant does tend, however, to follow the Bible more closely in his

treatment of Joseph. This is not surprising when one considers that the poet's previous work on the life of Joseph had been an epic paraphrase of

the Biblical narrative. 34

Thus, the "Moyse sauve" may attest to the bauthor's knowledge and in

terest in the Bible, but its scope is infinitely broader. There exist

throughout the poem additions to and adaptations of the Biblical account of Moses. And the Bible plays almost no role in the poetry or moral at

titudes of the work. Even the language and style of the "Moyse sauve" are non-Biblical. The imagination and the Christian sensibilities of the poet lead him far away from the Old Testament text. As Yves Le Hir remarks: "On pourrait s'attendre a trouver dans 'Moise sauve' quantite ✓ " 35 d'hebraismes et d'images bibliques. II n'en est rien."

The literary models for the "Moyse sauve" can be traced principally

to three Italian Renaissance poets, Ariosto, Marino, and Tasso, as well as to Du Bartas and Ronsard. Ariosto, in his "Orlando furioso," combined classical mythology, Christian miracle and medieval enchantment in creat ing one of the first humanist epics on a sacred subject. The intervention of angels, the allegorical significance given to such figures as Calm,

Sleep, Indolence, Sloth, and Oblivion, and the introduction of unicorns, magic herbs and firearms are conventions used by Ariosto which had an influence on Saint-Amant's treatment of some of the major episodes in the

"Moyse sauve." Similarly, Marino, in his "Adone," "Strage delgi innocenti," and his "Lira," introduced elements of style which influenced the French 134

Biblical epic. In a seeming imitation of Marino, Saint-Amant employs crocodiles, pyramids, and a sphinx, and of particular importance, a vase 3 6 full of tears which possesses allegorical significance. Antoine Adam, in the notes of his edition of the Histori-ettes of Tallemant des Reaux, attributes to Marino a direct influence on the work of Saint-Amant: "II fallait, pour comprendre "Moyse sauve," ne pas penser un instant a'l'Ody-

% x 37 see'ou a'l'Eneide,' mais a la 'Lira' de Marino."

The real foundation, however, of the Christian and Biblical epic rests upon Tasso who, in his "Gerusalemme conquistada" and "Gerusalemme liberata" succeeded in incorporating the style of the heroic and the romanesque and a Biblical theme. He eliminates pagan ornamentation, adds Christian al legory, and even in preserving enchantments and magical rites, endows his

•ZQ work with a clearly religious purpose. His allegorical treatment, where in he synthesizes Christianity and antiquity, had a vast influence on the

French Biblical writers of the following century. Joseph Cottaz, in his

Le Tasse et la conception epique, observes: "pour l'emploi du christianisme dans 1'epopee, nos auteurs fran^ais, m e m e les plus religieux, adopte- rent les procedes de la 'Liberata,' c'est-a-dire le merveilleux romanesque „ - 39 attribue aux agents chretiens." Even Boileau, who denied that the mysteries of the Christian faith could be revealed through the conventions of epic ornamentation, was able, in the third "Chant" of his "Art poetique," to give praise to Tasso: "Le Tasse, dira-t-on, l'a fait avec succes./ Je 40 ne veux point ici lui faire son proces." Archimede Marni, in his Al legory in the French Heroic Poem of the Seventeenth Century, attests that Saint-Amant must have read the "Gerusalemme liberata," at least in translation, and believed that Saint-Amant, as well as Scudery, Chapelain, and Coras, found a common source for the general outline and allegorical 135

concept of their Biblical epics in direct imitation of Tasso.

Although Saint-Amant, along with Chapelain, Desmarets, Scudery, and

Le Moyne, must be considered a disciple of Tasso, he was also influenced in part by some of the sixteenth century French writers of Biblical epic.

One looks in particular to "La Semaine ou Creation du monde" of Du Bartas to find certain similarities. The choice of detail used by Du Bartas to describe the deluge and the crossing of the Red Sea, and the placing of the rebellion of Korah immediately after the episode of the Golden Calf, 42 show clearly the influence of Du Bartas. Similarly, there are some verb al coincidences between several events in the "Franciade" of Ronsard and the "Moyse sauve"." In general, however, Ronsard's descriptions lack the ornamentation of Saint-Amant and the influence of Ronsard is limited to the realm of the pastoral tradition. 43

Although in the "Franciade" Ronsard succeeded in freeing the epic from some of its ancient sources and broadened its appeal by writing in the vernacular, the popularity of epic poetry began to decline in the years after its appearance. The death of Henri IV brought an end to the writing of "Henriades" (at least until Voltaire) and a diminuation in the production of historical epics. Malherbe's success with shorter poetic forms resulted in the almost total eradication of the Biblical epic be tween 1620 and 1650. In 1623, however, Chapelain wrote a widely read and polemical preface to Marino's "Adone" which endowed the Biblical epic with a certain respectability. The growth of national consciousness inspired poets to look to French history for subjects for epic poems. And even though the period witnessed very little epic production, many writers,

Saint-Amant included, were in the long process of writing epics, strug gling in their experimentation to give a new definition and purpose to 136

the genre. Of equal importance with the spirit of nationalism was the 44 crusading spirit of the Church.

In his La Poesie francaise de 1640 .a 1680, Raymond Picard describes

the relationship between the genre and its religious themes:

L'epopee tient de la poesie religieuse aussi bien que du lyrisme officiel, puisqu'elle chante 1’intervention constante du Dieu dans l'histoire du monde, et d'autre part 1'election providentielle de la France et de ses rois. La poesie religieuse se fait epique: c'est le cas de "1'Assomption de la Vierge" ou du "Saint-Paul" de Godeau, du "Saint-Louis" du P. le Moyne etc. Quant au lyricisme officiel, il exalte la grandeur du Roi par la grace de Dieu.45

The new coincidence of religious themes and epic style inspired the crea

tion of many Biblical and historical epics which appeared primarily between

1653 and 1658; Le Moyne's "Saint-Louis," Scudery's "Alaric," Chapelain's

"Pucelle," Desmarets' "Clovis," Godeau's "Saint Paul," Mambrun's "Con- ✓ stantinus," and Saint-Amant's "Moyse sauve." Christian heroes and national themes predominated in the content of the restored genre, and

the treatment was characterized by the introduction of the "merveilleux

chretien": Tlie sense of confusion which surrounded the writing of these

Christian epics is well summarized by David Maskell: "Religious passion and the imitation of the ancients, which had separately agitated life and literature in the sixteenth century, became in the seventeenth cen

tury the main source of tension in epic poetry, a tension which critics 46 and poets attempted to resolve."

Thus, although Christian heroes and national themes predominated the

content of the revived genre, the various literary styles and allegorical

treatment given to the epics were extremely diverse. In addition, the

early seventeenth century witnessed the neo-classical literary quarrels

and the establishment of the supremacy of the "regies." Hence, the epics 137 of the 1650's, written over a period of many years within a framework of confusion regarding the very nature and validity of the form, were poorly received and widely criticized for lacking structural unity. To be objec tive, then, one must regard the heroic epics as works of innovators who were trying valiantly to incorporate new themes into old structures.

Value judgments concerning their defects are of less interest, in terms of literary creation and its significance, than the difficulties engaged in their creation.

The major problem which faced the theoreticians and writers of epic during the first half of the seventeenth century was the incorporation of the supernatural into the lives of the epic heroes. The lives of all epic heroes, whether pagan, Biblical, or historical, are marked by a certain destiny which is controlled in part by the intervention of the supernatur al. Ronsard in his "Franciade" was faithful to ancient models and made full use of pagan mythological conventions. The difficulty which pre sented itself to Saint-Amant and his contemporaries, whose preoccupa tions were becoming more and more Christian, was to reconcile a genre whose very poetic foundation was the intervention of the pagan supernatural and the story of a hero who was either Biblical or who represented the triumph of Christianity in the world. R. A. Sayce sees the pagan-Christ- ian dichotomy as the major problem presenting itself to the writers of epic in this period:

The foundation of the Christian and Biblical epic was the belief that the Bible offered literary themes and characters which far surpassed those of the ancient poets. Yet the Biblical writers not only adopted clas sical forms: nearly all hastened to introduce by means of various pretexts the pagan divinities whom they had condemned as false and even unpoetic. The most fervent champion of Christian poetry and the principles of the Modernes, Desmarets, went perhaps farthest along this path. It becomes increasingly clear that even the most 138

resolutely modern poets can conceive of epic only in classical terms. There is here a paradox which seems fundamental to the outlook of the whole period.47

The choice of material, then, for the subject of an epic which was increasingly directed toward celebrating the triumph of Christianity be came controversial. The superiority of the Christian religion over pagan ism as a topic for epic treatment was the sole source of agreement among the various writers of the genre. The theoreticians, Segrais and Frain de Tremblay, considered the Christian religion too sacred to lend itself to any fictionalization. Similarly, Le Moyne, who considered the two highest sources for epic inspiration to be patriotism and faith, did not see the Scriptures as suitable for poetic structure, as they did not lend themselves to fable, an inherent role played by the supernatural. In con trast to Le Moyne are the theories of Desmarets and the abbe de Marolles.

Desamrets asserted that only Biblical subjects are suitable to heroic poetry. In his "Delices de 1'esprit humain," he offers the following argument:" II n'y a ni roman, ni poeme heroique, dont la beaute puisse etre comparee a celle de la Sainte-Ecriture, soit en diversite de narra tion, soit en richesse de matiere, soit en magnificence de descriptions, soit en tendresses amoureuses, soit en abondance, en delicatesse et en justice d 'expressions figurees."^ The abbe de Marolles, who may well have had an influence on the thinking of his close friend, Saint-Amant, also advocated the use of stories from Scripture as subjects for epic poetry. In particular he recommends the lives of Abraham, Joseph, Moses,

Joshua, Samson, Gideon, David and Solomon. 49

Closely related to the problem of what subjects were suitable to epic treatment was the debate over the role of the "merveilleux" in religious poetry. Segrais and Frain de Tremblay believed that the incorporation of 139

the "merveilleux" should find its inspiration in the personal faith of

the poet. In contrast, Boileau saw the role of the "merveilleux" as en- 50 tirely impersonal and divorced from any spiritual beliefs of the writer.

The problem for theoreticians was that the incorporation of the supernat ural came into sharp conflict with the aesthetic norms of verisimilitude.

Joseph Cottaz defines the problem as follows:

C'est que les conditions du genre epique ne sont pas celles des autres genres. En toute autre poesie, 1'ideal du poete est plus facile a realiser des qu'il atteint la vraisemblance. II ne peut l'etre dans l'epopee que par la realite du merveilleux. Et pour qu'il en soit ainsi, ce qui etait r-emplace" par les pos sibility's de la raison.51

The problem of verisimilitude was particularly addressed by Chape

lain and Georges de Scudery. Chapelain felt that the intervention of any

deity in whom one believes is verisimilar. In contrast George de Scudery,

in his insistence on preserving versimilitude, excluded in his "Preface"

to "Alaric" all pagan heroes and even personnages from the Bible as

legitimate subjects for epic treatment. He felt that the inherent in

corporation of the "merveilleux" superimposed on the stories of Biblical

characters would alter truth and concluded that "1'histoire chrstienne

prophane toute seule, en notre temps, nous peut donner ce merveilleux 52 et ce vray-semblable." He was able to make an acception to this rule

only in regard to the "Moyse sauve:" "il est certain que la vie de Moyse 53 a tout le merveilleux que 1'invention pourrait donner."

The problems, therefore, confronting Saint-Amant and his fellow wri

ters of epic poetry-subject matter, the role of the "merveilleux," and the

need for verisimilitude-were indeed complex. David Maskell summarizes well

the dilemma facing the poets:

Just as the last poets to use the pagan supernatural were embarrassed by its unorthodox implications, so 140

the first poets to attempt the Christian super natural did not immediately free themselves from the overpowering influence of the ancient pagan tradition.54

One can not read the "Moyse sauve" without being acutely aware that

Saint-Amant, in the process of creation, was struggling with the various

concerns shared by his contemporaries as they attempted to redefine the

nature of the epic genre. In his "Preface," Saint-Amant addresses many

of the questions which critics may have had regarding style, the use of

allegory, the role of the "merveilleux," and the need for verisimilitude.

He states that in his inspiration, "Le Luth y eclatte plus que la Trompette;

le Lyrique en fait la meilleure partie" (p. 8) and explains the name by

Quelques uns qui croyoient que je donnerois le titre de Poeme heroique a cet ouvrage s'estonneront peut-^tre d'abord que je ne luy donne que celui d'Idyle, lequel est a peine connu en notre langue, et qui n'est employe d'ordinaire qu'a de petites matieres narratives et fabuleuses, comme on le peut voir dans les Grecs et dans les Italiens; mais quand ils auront veu de quelle nature est le dessein que je traitte, et qu'ils sqauront que j'en ay consulte nostre „ illustre academie, j'espere qu'ils en seront satisfaits:

The poem has the character of the pure epic in the many battle scenes

which depict the conflict between the forces of Heaven and Hell. Simi

larly, the basic treatment of the life of Moses, with its wanderings

and adventures, is typically heroic. In contrast, the love story of

Jacob and Rachel, and the occasional painting of bucolic scenes are purely

idyllic or pastoral. R. A. Sayce accuses Saint-Amant of seeking the glory

of the epic poet without taking the responsibility of adhering to the 56 specific demands of the genre. Fran^oise Gourier sees the mixture of

two genres as the overriding weakness of the work: "La tentative etait

hardie de la part de Saint-Amant, mais la longue tradition francaise qui 141

s 57 s'oppose au melange des genres semble trouver ici sa justification."

In contrast, Archimede Marni sees Saint-Amant as a true innovator, the 58 first French poet to create what he terms an "allegorical epic. What appears certain is that Saint-Amant was keenly aware of the battles being waged by theoreticians and was attempting to avoid undue criticism by de fending his style carefully and thereby absolving the "Moyse sauve" from the rigorous requirements demanded of a pure epic.

Saint-Amant was also careful to avoid attacks that his "Moyse" was lacking in verisimilitude. In response to Scudery's assertion that

Biblical subjects lend themselves to the profanation of truth, Saint-Amant justifies his introduction of God into the poem and shows an innovative spirit by acknowledging that every period has its own marvelous and that a poet cannot limit himself by adhering to tastes of former times, "car, en effet, pourveu qu'une chose soit judicieuse, & qu'elle convienne aux personnes, aux lieux & aux temps, qu'importe qu'Aristote 1'ait ou ne l'ait pas approuve?" (p. 9) He affirms in particular the freedom of the poet to use invention and to introduce fictitious persons in a sacred story by asserting (as Aristotle in fact does) that a poet is not an historian, and that a lie is not a lie when one does not attempt to pre sent it as the truth:

Et- si, selon quelque Peres, 1'histoire de Job n'est qu'une Parabole sainctement inventee par Moyse mesme, pour 1'edification des Fidelles; il semble qu'il me doit bien estre permis d'inventer quelque chose dans la sienne, comme par maniere de meditation & de para phrase, & je ne suis pas le premier qui en ait use de la sorte en de semblables sujets. Au reste, autre chose est d’escrire en Historien, autre chose est d'escrire en Poete: une menterie n'est point menterie quand on ne la veut pas faire passer pour une verite: qui osteroit la Fiction a la Poesie luy osteroit tout: & un tres-grave Autheur dit tres^udicieusement, qu'il est de la bienseance d'un Poeme de s'arrester aux choses vray-semblables, lors qu'une verite certaine ne se pre sente pas. (pp. 9-10) 142

Saint-Amant is careful to define the role of allegory in the work. ** * * Le Tasse dit en ses Discours du Poeme heroique qu'il avoit fait plus de la moitie de sa Jerusalem sans avoir songe aux Allegories, mais qu'il y songea dans tout le reste. Je ne feindray point de dire la-dessus que j'y ay songe en la pluspart de mes inventions; & que tous les accidents qui arrivent a Moyse dans le Berceau; toutes les attaques de la Tempeste, du Crocodile, des Mouches, & du Vautour, dont il est persecute; outre que ce sont des suppositions vray-semblables, naturelles & plausibles, en l'estat, & au Lieu ou il estoit, contiennent encore quel que chose.de misterieux. II y a un sens cache dessous leur escorce, qui donnera dequoy s'exercer a quelques Esprits; mais dans la recherche qu'ils en pourront faire, peut-estre me feront-ils dire des choses a quoy je ne pensay jamais, (p.20)

The poet's plea that one not look too deeply for allegorical interpretation is very important to the study of the real spiritual nature of the work.

Saint-Amant clearly does not want his critics to view the work as merely an allegorical treatment of the subject of good versus evil and of the tri umph of Christianity in the world. By defining the work as a pure allegory,

Saint-Amant would have been inviting the reader's of his time to view it as a highly stylized academic exercise, in which the expression of personal faith would not appear easily manifest. In warning the reader not to look too deeply for allegorical interpretation, he reaffirms that the fundamen tal goal of the work is to treat an Old Testament theme in epic form. In limiting the importance of his allegorical treatment, Saint-Amant is care ful, however, to declare that his work contains "quelque chose de mister ieux" and a "sens cache." It seems clear, therefore, that Saint-Amant, in making direct reference to the fact that there is a spiritual "sens cache" in the "Moyse sauve" which is not to be found within the limits of allegory, is suggesting that the "Moyse sauve" conveys certain personal spiritual values which transcend the work of the professional poet. 143

Saint-Amant establishes his personal relationship to the "Moyse sauve" in the opening lines when he refers to the role of Urania, the neo-Platonic myth, the Muse and mediator who underwent a type of Christianization in the hands of the Pleiade poets.

Sur le Luth eclatant de la noble Uranie Que me vient d'apporter mon fidelle Genie, Et joignant aux accords qui naissent de mes dois Les saints et graves tons de ma nombreuse Vois...(l, vv. 1-4)

Plato associates Urania with both celestial love and knowledge of the cos mos. Renaissance neo-Platonists gave Urania the dual role of initiating both scientific and divine mysteries and divine love, the Aphrodite Urania.

Marguerite de Navarre, in the "Triomphe de I'Agneau," refers to "la sacree

Uranie" who inspires religious truth. The "Grands Rhetoriquers" endow

Urania with the power to convert earthly love into virtue and intellec tual knowledge of the cosmos. Her role is synthesized by Le Fevre de la

Boderie who, in "Encyclie," invokes Urania as the Muse of all divine my steries, and is finally fixed by Du Bartas. In iconographical delinea tions of the 1579 and 1535 editions of "L'Uranie," Du Bartas depicts a

Muse who inspires poets to elevate souls into the contemplation of the heavens. The whole concept of the divine nature of poetry, as received through the intervention of a muse, Urania, is given an even broader treat ment by La Ceppede in the "Avant-propos" of his Theoremes. As Paul Chil ton affirms in his study of La Ceppede, by the end of the sixteenth cen tury "Urania becomes a symbol for a poetic theory, a moral regeneration, and a religious mission." 59

Saint-Amant reinforces throughout the work the presence of Urania by many invocations to his muse, as well as by the role played by guardian S’ angels. There are two guardian angels in the "Moyse sauve," one pro tecting the infant Moses and the other, in collaboration with the poet's 144 muse, inspiring the work.

Ange particulier, fidelle et saint Genie Qui du Luth que je touche animes l'harmonie, Qui releves ma Muse et fais que son ardeur Aux plus humbles Objets donne quelque grandeur; (lll,vv. 441-444)

The words used to invoque the angel are almost identical with the ones ad dressed to Urania, previously cited, and suggest that their relationship to the poet is almost identical. R.A. Sayce distinguishes the functions of the two: "Angel and muse are regarded as equally existing, but the 60 Christian angel is a superior being, dominating the classical muse."

Saint-Amant thus reflects the Christian-pagan dichotomy of the period by endowing the classical Urania with an angelic, and therefore a Christian function.

Invocations of his muse are employed by Saint-Amant throughout the

"Moyse sauve." When Moses approaches the Red Sea, Saint-Amant stops his narration to address his source of inspiration:

Muse, r’assurons-nous; il est sur le Rivage; L’Abisme se referme avec un tel ravage Qu’il semble que deux Murs frappez en un moment Tombent dans un Vallon du faiste au fondement; (V, vv. 313-316)

Similarly, when Moses is in need of help from the daughter of Pharaoh,

Saint-Amant pleas that his muse arrange for the rescue:

Mais, o divine Muse! avant que d1entreprendre Le Salut de Moyse, ou ma Plume doit tendre, Disons de cette Reine et la vie et les moeurs, Celebrons ses vertus, decrivons des humeurs, (x, vv. 173-176)

In using the first person plural, Saint-Amant is endowing the muse with the role of co-author. Without her constant inspiration, the creation of the work becomes impossible. It is not surprising, therefore, that the closure of the last two lines of the "Moyse sauve" attests to the con tinuing partnership: Taisons-nous done, o Muse!, et jurons en ce lieu/

De ne parler jamais qu'a la gloire de Dieu." (XII, vv. 459-460) 145

There exists, therefore, for the poet a type of chain of communica

tion. Urania is able to communicate with the divine, or God, and she acts as a link between the celestial and the poet who, in the poetic creative act, transmits God's truth to the reader. In the "Preface," Saint-Amant addresses himself to his relationship, as a poet, to God, and defends his allowing God to enter the work. He alludes to the poetic task of convey

ing the presence of God to the world:

j'ose y representer Dieu mesme en sa gloire & sa magnificence, autant qu'il est possible a la bas- sesse d'une plume comme la mienne, je croy que quand je luy aurois donne le titre de Divin, il y auroit eu plus de justice que de presomption a le faire. (p. 8)

In addition, he endows his creation with the power to explain and to glorify the work of the Church. Such an affirmation recalls "Le Contem- plateur," in which Saint-Amant refers to the heresies of the Protestant

traditions:

Tenez-vous done pour assure' Que cet Ennemy conjure Qui tant de faux desseins embrasse, En ce lieu propre a l'en punir, Sera receu de bonne grace S'il nous oblige d'y venir (St. XXVIIl)

A very important part of the tone of "Le Contemplateur" is the glorifica tion of the true church as it faces the assaults of the Protestants. In a broader sense, Saint-Amant endows the use of some of the pagan material in the "Moyse sauve" with the ability to communicate the universal divine truth as proclaimed by the Church:

Mais pour dire encore un mot de quelques Fables que j'allegue en cette Piece, je rapporteray que comme certaines Estoffes, pour avoir este tissues par des mains payennes, ne laissent pas d'estre employees a 1'embellissement des Autels chrestiens, ainsi se peut-on servir de tout ce que l’Antiquite a laisse de rare & de beau, pour le convertir en un usage saint & legitime; & e'est faire du Pantheon, & de tant d' autres Temples dedies aux faux Dieux, des Eglises 146

consacrees au Dieu eternel & veritable. Voila une partie de ce dont j'avois a me deffendre par avance contre ce que la Severite critique, peut-estre injuste, me pourra objecter. (pp. 12-13)

Thus, in both the "Preface" to the "Moyse sauve" and in the text it self, where the presence of Urania or of a divine muse makes itself mani fest, Saint-Amant asserts his belief that poetry is a vehicle for communi cating God's truth to the world. It is possible to argue that his refer ences to God and to his muse are purely perfunctory and belong to such an established poetic tradition that they are without essentially personal meaning. Such an evaluation becomes simplistic and superficial, however, when one recalls the real spiritual orientation of the poet and the in fluences which were brought to bear in writing "Le Contemplateur." It seems to me inconceivable to think that the poet ceased to regard as valid the intimate relationship between poetry and meditation or prayer in his creation of the "Moyse sauve." Epic treatment of religious themes is, by its very nature, less personal than shorter forms. The soul of the poet tends to be engulfed in the grandiose scenes and elaborate stories which are being related. But who would deny that there is a Miltonian poetry as personal in Paradise Lost as in his sonnets and psalms. If one remem bers, however, the faith of Saint-Amant and his belief that poetry can reveal divine truth, then his treatment of the life of Moses, which is so clearly a Christian allegory, becomes an essential part of the analysis of the poet's spirituality. The poem, judged within this framework, finds its true identity as a Christian allegory rather than an Old Testament epic.

The original conception for the structure of the "Moyse sauve" is re vealed in the previously cited letter of Chapelain to Balzac written in

1638: 147

II le partage en trois livres de douze ou quinze cents vers chacun: le premier s'appellera le matin, le second, le midi, et le troisieme, le soir, et tout l'ouvrage ne soit avoir qu'un seul jour d'etendue.* 1

The final version, published fifteen years later, contains a clearly dili- neated division of morning, noon and evening, but is divided into twelve parts of almost equal length, few of which have any thematic unity. In the "Preface," Saint-Amant attests to a total revision of the work shortly before its appearance:

J'y ay travaille a diverses reprises; j'ay este" des sept ou huit ans tout de suitte sans y faire un seul Vers; & enfin, quand je suis venu a le regarder de pie-ferme pour y donner la derniere main, & que j'en ay bien considere toutes les parties, j'ay fait comme celuy qui, apres de longs Voyages, tels qu'ont este les miens, se retrouvant en sa propre Maison champestre, & venant a revoir son Jardin, en change aussi-tost toute la disposition. II fait dresser des Allees ou il n'y en avoit point; il fait arracher un Arbre d'un coste pour le transplanter de 1'autre;... On n'a pas tousjours les mesmes gousts; ce qui nous sembloit excellent hier ne nous semble pas bon aujourd'huy, & tel a admire une chose en sa jeunesse qui la trouve mauvaise quand l'age vient a meurir son jugement. (pp*6-7)

R.A. Sayce believes that the work of the final revision consisted mainly of division of the poem into twelve parts, instead of three, on the model 62 of Virgil, and of the introduction of the story of Joseph.

In the opening lines, Saint-Amant summarizes the story he is to relate

Je chante hautement la premiere Avanture D'un Heros dont la gloire estonna la Nature; Je descris les Hazards qu'il courut au Berceau; Je dy comment Moyse, en un fresle Vaisseau Expose sur le Nil, et sans voile et sans rame, Au lieu de voir couper sa jeune et chere trame, Put selon le decret de l'Arbitre eternel, Rendu par une Nymphe au doux sein maternel. (i, vv. 5-12)

In Book I Saint-Amant recounts Jocabel's hiding of her infant son, Moses, in the bulrushes of the Nile, to spare him from the edict of Pharaoh that 148

all infant children be slain. Marie, Moses' sister, leads her flock near

the basket to guard over it.

In Books II and III the poet relates the arrival of Marie's suitor,

Elisaph, and of her uncle, Merary. Merary begins to recount the story of

Jacob, but is interrupted by the appearance of a crocodile which threatens

the infant Moses. Elisaph is wounded by the crocodile, but is healed by

magical herbs sent by an angel. In the middle of Book III, Saint-Amant

interrupts the narrative to return to the home of Jocabel, who is working

on a tapestry of the deluge. She falls asleep and has a visionary dream

which reveals to her the entire life of Moses. Her dream furnishes the

material for Books IV and V and part of VI. Through this convention,

Saint-Amant relates the adoption of Moses by Pharaoh's daughter, his jour

ney to Ethiopia, his marriage to Sephore, and his becoming a shepherd. He

describes God's appearing to Moses and directing him to return to Egypt to

deliver the Israelites from bondage, and continues a poetic treatment of

the major events in the story of Moses: his appearance before Pharaoh,

the conversion of the waters of the Nile into blood, the escape of the

Israelites, the attack of Pharaoh's armies on the banks of the Red Sea,

the crossing of the Red Sea, and the receiving of the Law on Mount Horeb.

In the end of Book VI, Jocabel's dream is interrupted by a terrible

storm which threatens to upset the basket holding her infant son. Her

tears are transported by an angel to God who turns them into a "liqueur

neutritive" which is delivered to Moses. God sends another angel to the

realm of Calm, who hastens to assuage the tempest on the Nile.

Books VII, VIII, and IX treat the continued threats on the life of

the child by insects and demons. Elisaph, Marie, and Merary fight vali

antly to thwart off the danger, but the child is finally spared by the 149 intervention of Moses' guardian angel who arouses a wind to drive the enemy back to Hell. At the end of Book IX, Merary continues the inter rupted story of Jacob.

The following two books continue the theme of the vulnerability of

Moses. A vulture swoops down upon the basket and only the intervention of another angel spares the child from its deadly claws. As evening falls,

Termuth, the daughter of Pharaoh, sends for Amram, Jocabel's husband, and asks that he tell her the story of Joseph. At the end of the book she de cides to go bathing. The last book recounts Termuth's discovery of the basket holding Moses, and the adoption of Moses by the barren princess.

The child, however, refuses Egyptian breasts, and Marie suggests she seek a Hebrew nurse. Termuth gives the child to Jocabel and rewards her with many presents. The work ends with a description of night.

The spirituality of Saint-Amant as revealed in the "Moyse sauve" can be established by examining his allegorical treatment at three levels: the struggle of good versus evil in the world and the victory of Christ; the extended allegorical development of the birth of Christ, his life as a shepherd to mankind, and the Blessed Sacrament he bequethed; the unex tended, but extremely telling references to such Christian beliefs as the immortality of the soul and the doctrine of the Trinity. The presence of evil in the world and man's fallen nature are manifested in the "Moyse sauve" through the introduction of Satan, the story of Noah, and the vengence of God as he turns the Nile into blood and the Red Sea into a vision of the holocaust. This view of man as a corrupted being is even suggested by the poet in some of the first lines of the work where he describes the city of Memphis: f Ses Palais somptueux, ses Tours, ses belles Rues, Ses grands Ponts qui du Nil trompoient les vastes creues; 150

Ses Temples ou la noire et fausse Deite Attiroit des Mortels la vaine Piete, Temples, ou de cent Monts le Porphyre, et l'Albatre, N'avoyent suffy qu'a peine a la main idolsitre; Ses Portes, ses Jardins sur des Voutes construits Que l'on voyoit en l'Air, pleins de fleurs et de fruits;... Mais, helas! un dur Prince, un Tygre espouventable Diffamant par son regne un lieu si delectable, La rendoit aux Hebreux, lors Esclaves sous luy, Un triste et sombre Enfer plein d'horreur et d'ennuy. Et bien que sur ces bords, depuis que dans les chaisnes Ils souffroyent la rigueur des plus sanglantes gesnes, Par plus de trois cens fois le Ravage annuel Eust couvert tous les Champs d'un bien-fait ponctuel, Toutesfois le long cours de cette Servitude, Pour cette Nation n'avoit eu rien de rude, Au prix de l'aspre joug dont cet Homme inhumain Luy surchargeoit le col, de sa terrible main, (i, vv. 51-56; 61-72)

The background of Pharaoh and his legions serves as a constant reminder

throughout the "Moyse sauve" of the fall of man and the triumph of evil

in the world.

The forces of evil are given form in the entry of Satan into the poem.

Satan himself makes only one appearance in the narration. As Moses re

ceives the ten commandments, Saint-Amant describes an angry Satan witnes

sing the scene:

Le superbe Demon qui parmy les supplices, Voit fremir et hurler ses enormes Complices, Croit deja voir le temps ou, surcharge de fers, II sera pour toujours lie dans les Enfers. (VI, vv. 85-88)

His minions, however, are constantly at work in the form of the creatures who attack the cradle and in two appearances of a serpent. As previously

cited, Saint-Amant endows the attacks upon the cradle with allegorical

significance:

...tous les accidents qui arrivent a Moyse dans le berceau; toutes les attaques de la Tempeste, du Crocodile, des Mouches & du Vautour, dont il est persecute...contiennent encore quelque chose de misterieux. II y a un sens cache dessous.leur escorce...(p. 20) 151

The attacks are all initiated by the demons of Hell, heirs and allies of Satan. In Part VI, just before Jocabel awakens, the Nile swells and

threatens to deliver the infant Moses to the mercy of crocodiles'.

Un foudroyant tonnerre estonnant tout le monde Gronde et roule a l'entoure de cette Boule ronde; Et le cruel Boree enflame de courroux, De la Porte d'Eole arrachant les verroux, Sort de son Antre obscur, se revest d'insolence, Plus viste qu'un esclair sur ses ailes s'elance, Siffle, hurle, mugit, enrage en ses poumons, Heurte, fracasse, entraisne, et Bois et Tours et Mons, Fait trembler la Nature, et rapide en sa course, Esbranle en leurs pivots et I'Antartique et l'Ourse, En tourbillons espais franchit le Bras-de-Mer; A son Complice mesme est terrible, est amer,... Le Nil, en ce complot, d'aspre fureur s'allume; II fremit, il bouillonne, il murmure, il escume, II monte jusqu'au Ciel en cotaux ondoyans, II s'engloutit soy-mesme en cercles tournoyans, (VI, vv.277-288; 293-296)

The explanation for such an upheaval is the work of Satan: "L'Enfer y participe, et ses Monstres hydeux/ Contre le saint Berceau les animent

tous deux." (VI, vv. 275-276)

Similarly, in Part VII, Moses is threatened by a swarm of insects:

Les Monstres de l'Herebe attisent leur courrous, Et, meslez avec eux sous des ailes de crespe, L'un en forme de Tan, 1'autre en forme de Guespe, Investissent le Jonc de sours brouissemens, Pareils S. ceux des Flots en leurs commencemens, Lors qu'autour des Escueils, ou leurs forces s'esprouvent, Ils montrent qu'en leur sein quelque tempeste ils couvent; Ou tels que sont les bruits qu'on oit dans les Forests Quand Aquilon se leve, et qu'il trouble Ceres. (VII, vv. 516-524)

This assault, too, is attributed to the forces of Hell, "un attentat pro- voque de l'Abime." (VII, v. 477) Finally, in Part X, when the vulture makes the last effort to destroy Moses, he, too, is painted as the ally of Satan:

En ce temps un Vautour d'une grandeur enorme, Ou plustost un demon sous une estrange forme, Comme pour se vanger sur 1'Enfant qui dormoit, 152

Du tort fait aux Captifs qu'ainsy l'on renfermoit, Assiege le Berceau, dans le grand Vuide nage,...(X, vv. 41-45)

The third direct reference to Satan in the world may be found in the ap pearance of a serpent in Book IV. After Moses has been commanded by God to go into Egypt and to free the Israelites, he encounters Satan's minion in the form of a serpent:

Ainsi persuade, Moyse se dispose De suivre le cherain que la voix luy propose; Et, pour le confirmer en sa Legation Dieu luy fait deja voir cette grande action. II voit, o quel Prodige! il voit qu'une Baguette Qu'a l'Ordre souverain dessus la terre il jette, Se transforrae aussi-tost en un beau Monstre affreux Qui traisnant lentement ses jeunes flancs poudreux Laisse sur le Sablon une trace ondoyante, Aiguise sa prunelle obscure et flamboyante, Hausse le noble orgueil de son chef couronne, D'un sifflement aigu perce l'air estonne, Et sifflant, semble dire aux yeux qui l'ont veu naistre, Qu'il n'est qu'au Createur oblige de son estre, Que ny 1'accouplement, ny la corruption N'a rien contribue pour sa production; Et qu'il n'est point sorty de ce Reptile infame Qui suborna le goust de la premiere Fame, Qui luy gagna l'oreille, et luy porta la main Sur le fruit si funeste a tout le Genre-humain: II s'en vante au Soleil, tout haut s'en glorifie, De son dos escaille les plis diversifie, Se glisse sur l'esmail des herbes et des fleurs, Adjouste un nouveau lustre a leurs vives couleurs, Revient sur soy, se cherche, en maint noeu s'entortille, Darde sa langue double, et dans l’or dont il brille, Entre-seme d'argent, de cinabre et d'azur, Se mire, s'esjouit de n'avoir rien d'impur,...(iV, vv. 297-524)

His evil powers, however, are incapable of tempting the one chosen by God:

Offre je ne s^ay quoy d'horrible et d'agreable, Et fait par sa naissance a Nature incroyable, Que Moyse en suspens se sent deja saisir D'un mouvement confus de crainte et de plaisir. Mais enfin la frayeur l'emporte sur la joye; Car quelque air de beaute qu'en ce Miracle il voye, Quoy que, dis-je, 1'estrange et superbe Animal Ne forme aucun dessein de luy faire du mal, II luy tourne le dos, a la fuite il s'appreste Si-tost qu'il l'appercoit vers luy tourner la teste, II fuit mesme deja, mais il revient aussi; Et sous l'Ordre donne qu'en l'ame j'oy d'ycy, 153

/• Saisissant avec foy la souple et fiere queue, II voit la couleur blanche et la rouge et la bleue S ’esvanouir soudain a son attoucheraent, Et rester sur du bois la jaune seulement;... (IV, vv. 325-340)

The serpent also appears before Pharaoh at the time of his confron tation with Moses:

La Verge, a ce discours, en la Salle jettee Rend du Tyran surpris la veue espouventee; II voit avec horreur ondoyer un Serpent, Et du signe exige se fasche et se repent. (.IV, vv. 449-45?)

Pharaoh calls upon his magicians who call forth a legion of reptiles:

Mais appellant enfin ceux qui par l'energie De certains mots obscurs qu’enseigne la Magie, Se vantent d'arracher les Ombres des tombeaux, D 'ensanglanter 1'eclat des nocturnes Flambeaux, De disposer des Vents, de faire qu'un tonnerre Se roulant sous leurs pieds gronde au sein de la Terre, De la rendre mobile, et d'un Art sans pareil Arrester en leur cours le Nil et le Soleil; II fait que l'on entend ces faux Prestres celebres Invoquer aussi-tost le Pere des tenebres; Et de Vers inconnus au reste des Humains Murmurer sur du bois qui leur charge les mains. Leurs propos achevez, 1'Enchantement opere; Ycy coule un Aspic, la rampe une Vipere, La glisse une Couleuvre, et la se traisne un Sourt;... (IV, vv. 453- 467) In marked contrast, however, against Pharaoh the serpent has his way:

Et pour montrer au Prince a sa confusion Que ce qu'ont fait les Siens n'est qu'une Illusion, Qui pour tromper les yeux par le Demon se forge, Ce serpent veritable ouvrant sa fiere gorge, Comme estant irrite contre ces Imposteurs, Engloutit tout d'un coup les Reptiles menteurs. (IV, vv. 471-476)

Within the background of both the serpent and Satan who serve as con stant reminders of man's fallen nature, Saint-Amant continues his examina tion of man's revolt and God's vengeance through the introduction of the story of Noah. It is important to remember that Noah is a central figure in Saint-Amant's meditation in "Le Contemplateur." In contrast to "Le Con- templateur," however, where the story of Noah is limited to one stanza, 154

Saint-Amant is able to use the epic form of the "Moyse sauve" to provide for a full development of his vivid imagination. He introduces the topic of Noah through a tapestry which Jocabel weaves to help assuage her sorrow:

Las! (respond en pleurant Jocabel affligee) Mon ame dans le dueil est tellement plongee Que je ne spay que faire, et mon coeur interdit, De sa propre vertu soy-mesme se desdit. Je cherche bien un lieu, mais aucun je n'en trouve; Je pense bien aux tiens, mais je les desapprouve; C'est choisir un refuge au sein mesme des raaux, Et livrer nostre Espoir aux dents des Animaux. (i, vv. 229-256)

The elaborate description the poet gives of the flood is a prime example of his establishing a relationship between poetry and painting.

In the "Preface" to the "Moyse sauve," Saint-Amant affirms the importance to his thinking of the doctrine of ut_ pictura poesis:

Je dirois encore, qu'il est presqu'impossible de faire d'excellens Vers, a cause de l'harmonie, & de la representation, sans avoir quelque particuliere connoissance de la Musique, & de la Peinture, tant il y a de rapport entre la Poesie & ces deux autres Sciences, qui sont comme ses Cousines germaines: Et quand j'aurois dit tout cela bien au long, & avec toutes les circonstances requises, je n'aurois pas dit la centiesme partie de ce qui s'en peut dire. (pp. 21-22)

He even mentions his fellow Norman, Poussin, in the text of the "Moyse sauve:"

Je doute si Poussin, ce Roy de la Peinture, Cet Homme qui dans l'Art fait vivre la Nature, Oseroit se promettre, avec tous ses efforts, D'en exprimer a 1'oeil les aymables transports. (VII, vv. 45-48)

Poussin's painting, Winter (or the Deluge), which hangs in the Louvre, has the identical general principle of composition as the poetic painting that Saint-Amant renders in the "Moyse sauve."

Writing with the eyes of an artist, Saint-Amant leads us into the very midst of the tapestry: 155

Elle en prend une Piece, ou 1'aiguille scavante Avoit represent^, d'une fa^on vivante, Mille Morts en la Mort qui noya les Pervers, Quand 1'horrible Deluge engloutit l'Univers. Lei, de pieds et de mains, les honnnes noirs de crimes, Des Arbres les plus hauts gagnoyent les vertes cimes, L'effroy desespere redoubloit leurs efforts, Et I'on voyoit patir leurs membres et leurs corps. Ycy, l'un au milieu de sa vaine entreprise, Pour son peu de vigueur contraint a lascher prise, Blesme, regarde en bas, hurle, ou semble en effait Hurler tout prest a choir du Chesne contrefait; La, 1'autre plus robuste, empcignant une branche Qui sous le poids d'un autre en l'Air imite panche, Fait que la branche feinte et s’eclate et gemit, Et trebuche avec eux dans l'Onde qui fremit. (III» vv. 365-580)

As the deluge is about to engulf the entire world, however, Saint-Amant pauses to remind us that it is a canvas which he is describing:

Les plus proches Objets, selon la Perspective, Estoyent d'une maniere et plus forte et plus vive; Mais, de loin en plus loin, la Forme s'effacoit, Et dans le bleu perdu tout s'evanouissoit. 5(ill, vv, 401-404)

He even gives a frame to his landscape:

...le beau rempart d'une riche bordure De fruits, de papillons, de et de verdure, Qui sembloit s'opposer au Defleurs depeint. (lll» vv. 397-399)

Thus, in the story of Noah, Saint-Amant is able to develop further his preoccupation with the Old Testament view of the human condition and to demonstrate his abilities as a writer to create landscapes which ap proach the work of a painter. In addition, he attaches a religious significance to the role of water, a symbol of man's destiny which also plays a major role in "Le Contemplateur." Alain Seznec summarizes well the symbolic role of the flood:

Supreme image of human destiny, the spectacle of an uncertain sea recalls the flood: Noah, "choisi des cieux," the only survivor of divine wrath, on "le premier logis flottant (dans lequel) le genre humain eut son refuge." The image has reached the level of religious symbolism. The sea becomes the instrument of celestial vengence and the ship the last refuge of innocence. Moses, too, is "l'elu ses cieux;" a defense- 156

less child thrown in hostile waters (all the more hostile because the Nile is also the symbol of Egypt), he will triumph over the elements- Aaron prophesies that his tribulations will be "passagers," that the "tempetes" will not prevail; Moses will fulfill his destiny. Thus, "sauv£ des eaux" takes on a mystical meaning. Moses, like Noah, will be saved by his innocence. Water is the image of the destruction of humanity, the physical and spiritual death, the "gouffre" in which man, at any moment, can be swallowed up.64

Saint-Amant develops further his treatment of the symbolic nature of water by depicting the transformation of the Nile into blood. Jocabel, in her dream, is able to envision the future plagues which will fall upon Egypt. In the opening lines of Book V, which immediately follow the appearance of the serpent before Pharaoh, Saint-Amant introduces one of God's punishments against the treachery of Pharaoh:

Toutesfois, ce miracle en voit un plus estrange: En rien de Pharaon la roideur ne se change; II se combat soy-mesme, et cet homme obstine Vaincq et pousse au refus son esprit estonne. Ycy, pour le punir, Dieu, qui veut q.u'a main forte De son infame joug son triste peuple sort, Pait qu'aussi-tost le Nil, atteint du bois fatal, Mue en bouillons de sang ses bouillons de cristal. (V, vv. 1-8)

Of the ten plagues, it is only the changing of the Nile into blood which

Saint-Amant describes in any detail. Its particular placement in the dream allows the poet to contrast the presence of Satan in the world, in the form of a serpent, with the equal presence of the vengeful God of the

Old Testament who punishes sin and demands justice. In addition to its thematic importance, however, the particular plague of the Nile allows the poet to develop further the symbolic importance of water. In a pattern again reminiscent of the "Le Contemplateur," where the poet, fishing for a dorado, receives a reversible image of reality through the reflection of the water and the sky, Saint-Amant describes fish abandoning the Nile: 157

Les rapides Muets, les Trouppes vagabondes Qui nagent a regret dans l'horreur de ses Ondes, Ne pouvans resister a ce tragique assaut, Sans aucun mouvement flotent le ventre en haut. II me semble les voir en cette affreuse Playe: La se noye un Poisson, et la l'autre s'essaye D'eviter le trespas en sautant sur le bort, Mais la peur de mourir luy fait trouver la mort. D'un Prodige si grand la Mer toute confuse Au Fleuve empuanty son vaste sein refuse; Elle veut qu'a son cours le passage soit clos, Et ne peut accepter le tribut de ses flots. (v, vv. 9-20)

The reversed image, a typical baroque convention and one particularly precious to the visual imagination of Saint-Amant, allows for a fish, in a world turned upside down, to leap from the water and then "se noye."

The most striking seascape in the "Moyse sauve" is the painting of the crossing of the Red Sea which is also in Book V.

La des Chameaux chargez la trouppe lente et forte Poule plus de tresors encor qu'elle n'en porte; On y peut en passant de perles s'enrichir, Et de la pauvrete pour jamais s'affranchir: La le noble Cheval bondit et prend haleine Ou venoit de souffler une lourde Baleine; La passent a pie-sec les Boeufs et les Moutons, Ou nagueres flottoyent les Dauphins et les Thons; La 1'Enfant esveille courant sous la licence Que permet a son age une libre innocence, Va, revient, tourne, saute, et par maint cry joyeux Temoignant le plaisir que re^oivent ses yeux, D'un estrange Caillou qu'a ses pieds il rencontre Fait au premier venu la precieuse montre, Ramasse une Cocquille, et d'aise transporte, La presente a sa Mere avec naivete; La, quelque juste effroy qui ses pas solicite, S'oublie a chaque objet le fidelle Exercite; Et la pres des rempars que l'oeil peut transpercer, Les Poissons esbahis le regardent passer. (V, vv. 233-252)

The angry sea recalls, of course, the fury of the flood. The other ele ments are dissipated by the force of the sea leaving Pharaoh as the last survivor facing a giant sea monster with whom he will struggle to the death:

Pharaon seul demeure, et seul il ose encore De son Glaive hausse qu'a nu le Soleil dore, 158

Menacer Israel, bien que l'Eau par cent fois Ait essaye d i j a de l'oster a ses doigts; Bien que pour l'abismer l'escumante Tempeste Ait en raille bouillons tournoye sur sa teste; Et que de lassitude enfin appesanty, Sous son pied refusant, le fond il ait senty. CS’t Ennemy du Ciel, ce Tyran de la Terre, A qui chacque Element a fait a part la guerre, Les voit tous contre luy, d'ire esmus et comblez, Pour le vaincre a ce coup justement assemblez; Un bruyant tourbillon, d'une horrible secousse, L'enlevant hors des Flots contre un Rocher le pousse;... II pousse a-longs-sanglots du sang, du feu, du souffre; Un monstrueux Poisson inconnu dans ce Gouffre, Ou plustost mesme un Gouffre et mobile et vivant, Du plus profond de l'Eau tout-a-coup se levant, Au point que sous la Mort ce Criminel succombe, Et que fumant et noir sur le dos il retombe, S'offre a-gozier-beant, s'irrite l'appetit, Et tout arme qu'il est le brise, et l'engloutit. (V, vv. 333-546; 361-368)

In this struggle, Saint-Amant again endows water with religious symbolism of celestial vengeance which is able to punish both earth and men. The portrayal also shows the direct influence of Poussins' "The Crossing of the Red Sea." Saint-Amant and Poussin both depict the Israelite Army as being divided into small groups. Both the painting and poem accentuate the isolation of the leaders from their followers. In addition, both Pous sin's painting and Saint-Amant's description accentuate the presence of children.^

To complete the examination of man's fallen nature Saint-Amant even suggests the nature of the final meterological holocaust, the Apocalypse which is also the climatic scene of "Le Contemplateur." In Book VI,

Jocabel is awakened by a storm on the Nile which threatens the life of

Moses. Saint-Amant's description of the tempest is a poetic painting of the final upheaval which the God of the Old Testament has prophesized:

Un foudroyant tonnerre, estonnant tout le Monde, Gronde et roule a 1'entour de cette Boule ronde; Et le cruel Boree enflame de courroux, De la Porte d'Eole arrachant les verroux, 159

Sort de son Antre obscur, se revest d'insolence, Plus viste qu'un esclair sur ses ailes s'elance, Siffle, hurle, mugit, enrage en ses poumons, Heurte, fracasse, entraisne, et Bois et Tours et Mons, Fait trembler la Nature, et rapide en sa course, Esbranle en leurs pivots et l'Antartique et l'Ourse; En tourbillons espais franchit le Bras-de-Mer; A son Complice mesme, est terrible, est amer, Vient fondre sur ses Eaux, rend ses vagues chenues; Le chocq impetueux en rejaillit aux Nues; L'onde hors du Canal en regorge et s'enfuit, Et les Ecchos lointains en redoublent le bruit...... Le Nil en ce complot d'aspre fureur s'allume; II fremit, il bouillonne, il murraure, il escume, II monte jusqu'au Ciel, en cotaux ondoyans, II s' engloub'it_soy-mesme , en cercles tournoyans;. . . (VI, vv. 277- 296)

Thus, the elaborate treatment which Saint-Amant gives to the story of Noah, the turning of the Nile into blood, and the crossing of the Red

Sea serves three distinct functions. The most important role is, of course, the depicting of man's fallen nature as revealed in the Old Testa ment. All three seascapes serve to illustrate man's revolt and God's revenge. The poet, by endowing the sea with a physical function and a mystical meaning, creates an image of man's destiny, and it is a vehicle through which he can allude to man's ultimate destruction. Finally, Saint-

Amant is able to satisfy through them his delight in painting pictures with words, the aesthetic realization of ujt pictura poesis which is an essential part of his conception and enactment of a new epic.

It is important to remember that Saint-Amant's exploration of man's fallen nature is not limited to the major water-related episodes which he paints with such verve or to the struggle between Satan and God which is so manifest. The story of Moses itself, as traced by Saint-Amant, is re plete with references to the presence of evil in the world. The most significant statement of man's penchant for sin is revealed at the cli mactic moment of the work when Moses receives the law and speaks directly to God: 160

Moyse les recoit, parle a Dieu face-a-face. Le Peuple au pie du Mont n'ose fouler sa trace; II se prosterne, il craint, il est transy du bruit; II voit tousjours Horeb couronne de la Nuit; Le Tonnerre s'accroist, la Trompette redouble; Et comme de frayeur il se pame en ce Trouble, Le Pieux Fils d'Amram luy rapporte en sa main Le Salut, et la Mort de tout le Genre-humain, L'irrevocable Edit qu'en deux Marbres illustres, Pour regler tous les Coeurs, pour vaincre tous les Lustres, Dieu, Dieu de son doigt propre, a luy mesme grave, Et qui las! cepedant, est si mal observe. (VI, vv. 93-104)

The lengthy story of Jacob, which comprises half the work, and the shorter narration, on Joseph, also add an important dimension to the greater study of man's fallen nature as revealed in the Old Testament. The stories of

Jacob and Joseph, however, are removed from the central narrative on the life of Moses and their interest lies in their idyllic treatment rather

than in their thematic significance.

In a pattern similar to the outlines for prayer and meditation which influenced the poet's early thinking, Saint-Amant addresses equally in the

"Moyse sauve" the major events in the life of Christ. The thematic func

tion of such treatment is, of course, to illustrate man's redeemed nature as revealed in the New Testament. The principdl references of the life of Christ in the poem are found in several extended allegorical studies

on events in the life of Moses. In addition, Saint-Amant anticipates the victory of Christ through the presence of angels who prepare for the de feat of Satan and through his portrayal of a God who can also be loving and forgiving.

Throughout the "Moyse sauve" Saint-Amant incorporates many conventions

of classical epic— sibyls, oracles and prophetic dreams, to name a few— which function as part of the greater allegorical treatment of the life

of Christ. It is in the activity of the angels, however, that examples

of the poet's concern for the depicting the Christian "merveilleux" becomes 161 most clearly manifest. The angels perform the function of classical messangers and their role corresponds to the conflicting forces of gods and goddesses in classical epic.^ They are sent from "Olympe," are in the service of "L'Auguste, I'Immortel qui regne au haut Empire." (VIII, v. 26)

Their journeys lead them to such classical locales as the abode of Calm, and they often struggle against the power of Neptune.

The most important angel in the "Moyse sauve" is the guardian angel of Moses. The angel is first introduced when the Nile erupts awakening

Jocabel from her dream:

Une montagne d'eau contre son flanc se creve, Une autre, et puis une autre ecumant a l'entour, Veulent priver 1'Enfant de la clarte du Jour: Mais et le Vent, et l'Onde en vain sont en colere; Un fidelle Support, un Ange tutelere Qui de la part divine a sa garde est commis, Le rend victorieux de tous ses Ennemis. (VI, vv. 310-316)

In addition to the guardian angel, whose presence is a constant, there appear throughout the work angels who are called upon by God to assist the infant when his life in being threateded by natural disaster.

In Part III, when Merary and Elisaph struggle with the crocodile, the latter is wounded before the monster is finally slain, Merary searches among the various plants for an herb which might cure Elisaph. His ef forts seem in vain, but suddenly an angel appears:

Or comme il s'employoit en sa recherche vaine, II fut tout estonne qu'une figure humaine, Au moins la sembloit-elle, a ses yeux s'apparut, Luy parla d'Elisaph, de l'Engant discourut, Et luy montrant une herbe, en cent maux estimee, Qui depuis, de son nom, Angelique est nominee, L'informa de l'effet, son coeur en rejouit, Puis comme faite d'Air en l'Air s’evanouit. (XXX, vv. 269-276)

Similarly, in Part VI, when the tempest which awakens Jocabel is raging on the Nile, God sends an angel to the abode of Calm to command it to go to Egypt to assuage the wrath of the storm: 162

II commande aussi-tost au Courrier qui l'escoute, Que vers la dure Egipte il reprenne sa route, Et que de ce Nectar remis dans le Vaisseau, II aille sustenter l'lllustre du Berceau: Puis, d'entre cette Trouppe a ses grands Ordres preste, Quoy qu'il pust d'un trait d'oeil confondre la Tempeste, II en instruit un autre, et comme Souverain, L'envoye au mesme instant au Roy doux et serain, De qui sous son Pouvoir l'Element qu'on respire Reconnoist le beau Sceptre, et revere l'Empire, Qu'Eole toutesfois osoit luy disputer, Mais, que malgre sa rage il luy faudra quitter. (VI, vv. 481-492)

Another angel returns the basket to its hiding place after the storm has been routed:

Tel, qu'un riche Navire, apres mainte fortune Esprouvee en maint lieu sur le vaste Neptune, . . . Tel vit-on le Berceau, tout brillant de la gloire D'avoir sur les perils remporte la victoire, Revenir aussi-tost se remettre a couvert Dans l'agreable sein de son Azile vert. Les Esprits bien-heureux qui luy servoyent d'escorte, Pour ayder a son cours s'estoyent placez en sorte, Que l'haleine du Calme en leurs plumes donnant Faisoit d'un Jonc vogueur, un Spectacle estonnant:... L'auguste Gardien qui pendant la Tempeste Aux noirs Monstres de l'Air avoit tousjours fait teste, D'un Dard traisnant en pouppe en Typhis agissoit, Et comme d'un timon la proue en regissoit:...(VII, vv. 1-24)

Finally in Part VIII when flies and other demonic bugs attack the basket of Moses, angels mysteriously appear. They arrange for a giant gust of wind which carries away the insects:

Qu'estes-vous devenus, Anges doux et propices? Voicy l'extremite, voycy les precipices; Laisserez-vous Moyse en un si grand besoin Apres tant de faveurs, tant d'amour, et de soin? Quoy doncques sur les Eaux vostre noble courage Aura pour luy fait teste aux Demons de l'Orage, Vostre bras valeureux les aura terrassez, Et comme de 1'Olympe en l'Averne chassez, Pour souffrir qu'a ce coup, ressortans des tenebres, Ces premiers Scelerats, par leur crime celebres, Viennent persecuter, d'un orgueil travesty, L'Enfant qui contr'eux tous prendra vostre Party?... Je le voy dans le Jonc, pour soy-mesme agissant; II est rendu par vous si brave, et si puissant, Qu'on peut dire de luy, s'il est vray qu'un Hercule Ne soit point un Fantosme et vain, et ridicule, 165

Comme Alcide au Berceau deux Serpents estouffa, Ainsy de tout l'Enfer Moyse triomfa. (VIII, vv. 1-12; 19-24)

The guardian angel and the many who are called upon to allay specific dangers serve the allegorical function of illustrating the triumph of good over evil in the world. This victory over the forces of Satan is made .possible only through the sacrifice on the Cross. Thus, although the angels are clothed in classical language, they function in the tradi tion of the poetics of the Christian "merveilleux."

Saint-Amant's concern with portraying the contrasting views of the human condition as revealed in the Old and New Testaments is also indicated by his treatment of God. In the "Preface," Saint-Amant refers to two laws: "La Loy de rigueur" and "la Loy de grace." (p. 17) His portrayal of God reflects this duality. The God whom Saint-Amant depicts possesses certain qualities which are characteristic of the Jewish tradition. He is jealous, his name cannot be uttered. He is ominpotent, but not the

ZT I~7 only God. The obedience to a definite set of laws is an important factor in the story of Jacob, and this, too, is a typical Old Testament view. The portrayal of the deluge, and the crossing of the Red Sea with the death of Pharaoh clearly depict a wrathful God who demands justice and inflicts punishment. In contrast, however, the "Loy de grace" is manifest in the role God plays in the allegorical episodes which are purely Christ ian. R.A. Sayce observes,"...although the conception of God in the "Moyse" is often Jewish, it is in general only so when the beliefs of the charac ters are in question. In attempts at direct description the conception 68 is naturally Christian."

Thus, Saint-Amant succeeds through his examination of the defeat of

Satan by God's angelic allies and through his portrayal of God through both Jewish and Christian eyes in accentuating the dichotomy between the

Old and New Testaments. It is in his particular allegorical treatment of 164

the life of Moses, however, that he examines man's redeemed nature. He

gives an extended allegorical treatment to three events in particular:

the birth of Moses, the tears of the repentant Jocabel, and the introduc

tion of a shepherd and his flock in the story of Jacob. The birth of

Moses as related in the Bible contains certain parallels with the miracu

lous birth of Christ. Saint-Amant, however, borrows particular details

from the works of Philo and Josephus and draws upon his own creative

imagination to treat the birth of Moses as if it were the birth of Christ.

The poet makes a direct comparison between Jocabel and Mary:

L'honneur du Genre-humain, la divine Marie, Ensemble et Mere et Vierge...(i, vv. 166-167)

He extends his allegory by inventing an Annunciation of Moses' birth that

is not found in the Biblical narrative:

Un Messager du Ciel, un saint et vray Mercure, Escartant d'une Uuit 1'ombre la plus obscure, S'estoit fait apparestre a son grave Mary, Et l'avoit assure que ce Germe chery Dont le moment natal les tenoit lors en peine, Parviendroit au sommet d'une gloire hautaine, Seroit grand en esprit, nompareil en vertu, Releveroit des Siens le destin abbatu, Et delivrant enfin ce Peuple miserable De la longue rigueur d'un joug si deplorable, Parleroit a Dieu mesme, et pour guider la Foy Donneroit aux Humains une eternelle Loy. (i, vv. 129-140)

The visit of the celestial messenger to Jocabel comes directly from Jose

phus. In Josephus, however, Amram prays for help for the Jews and God

announces the birth of Moses. Saint-Amant, however, in his attempt to

treat allegorically the birth of Christ, has the angel appear as God's

unbidden messenger. Although the heavenly messenger is described as "un

saint et vray Mercure," in keeping with epic convention, the angel appear

ing to Jocabel functions allegorically as the angel who appeared to Mary. 165

Saint-Amant also fabricates all historical accounts in the treatment he gives to the miraculous birth of Moses. He depicts the birth of Moses, like that of Christ, as being accomplished without pain.

Aussi, quand dans le terme il vint a la lumiere Elle ne sentit point la douleur coustumiere Qui trouble et rend fascheux l'heur de 1'enfantement, Mais accoucha sans mal, et seule, et prontement. Dieu le voulut ainsi par sa haute Puissance, Pour tromper le Cruel qui craignoit sa naissance, Et frustrer le dessein qu'une noire rancoeur Paisoit contre Jacob bouillonner en son coeur. (i, vv. 141-148)

Saint-Amant also establishes a parallel between the dilemmas of the reign ing despots at the time of the births, Pharaoh and Herod:

Mais enfin le grand Dieu, le Monarque celeste, Lasse de voir patir sous un joug si funeste, Ceux que de pure grace, entre tous les Mortels, II avoit destinez pour servir ses Autels, Pit naistre le Heros qui des ses jeunes Lustres Devoit en haut eclat passer les plus Illustres; Rendre de ses exploits le Monde admirateur; Puis estre de Jacob l'Ange liberateur. Or avant que nasquist ce digne et beau Miracle, Pharaon ayant sceu par un certain Oracle Que d'un fidele Tronc un Rameau sortiroit, Dont l'ombrage fatal I'Egipte estoufferoit; Le Tyran alarme de sa gloire predite, Voulut qu'une Ordonnance effroyable et maudite, Enjoignist aux Hebreux si mal traitez du Sort, De mettre a l'avenir tous leurs Masles a mort; Afin que desormais leur Attente future Dans ce Tombeau commun trouvast sa Sepulture; Et qu1ainsi chaque Juifve, estrange adversite! Deplorast le bon-heur de sa fecondite. (i, vv. 85-104)

Both rulers feared the birth of a rival king and ordered that all new born children be slain. The account in Exodus, however, does not explain

Pharaoh's motives. Philo mentions merely the fact that female children, who could not serve in battle, were spared. Josephus, however, introduces an oracle which prophesizes that an unknown Hebrew infant will destroy the 69 Egyptian Empire. It is this particular knowledge and fear of Pharaoh that links his plight to that of Herod. Saint-Amant, in choosing to re- 166

late the story as rendered by Josephus, is, at the same time, expanding his allegorical treatment. As in the case of "la divine Marie" previously

cited, the poet even mentions Herod by name:

Ainsi vit-on depuis, sous 1'infernal Herode Qui tint de Pharaon la tragique methode, Le Salut des Mortels, le grand Verbe-incarne Poursuivy du trespas aussi tost qu'il fut ne. (i, vv. 161-164-)

Saint-Amant develops further his examination of the miraculous birth

of Moses by describing the mourning of the mothers of the slain children:

Car en cette Saison sa rage redoublee, De spectacles affreux l'Egipte avoit comblee; L'on ne voyoit qu'Enfans, ou noyez, ou meutris, L'on n'oyoit que sanglots, que pitoyables cris, Que souspirs, que regrets, que vehementes plaintes Des femmes d'Israe‘1, qui de tendres estraintes Embrassoient en pleurant ces froids et pasles corps Tristement estendus sur ces funestes bords: Et le perfide espoir, le seul but d'un ravage Si barbare et si dur a l'oeil le plus sauvage, N'alloit qu'§ faire perdre et la vie et le jour A 1'Enfant qui du Ciel fut la gloire et 1'amour, (i, vv. 149-160)

This scene of desolation is in direct imitation of the account of the Holy

Innocents as portrayed in Gospel of St. Matthew:

In Rama was there a voice heard, lamentation, and weeping, and great mourning, Rachel weeping for her children, and would not be comforted, because they are not.<0

Finally Saint-Amant, relying on his own inspiration to complete the

allegorical account, introduces a comet which guides Amram and Jocabel to

the hiding place on the Nile:

Ils s'habillent soudain, s'en vont § la fenestre Pour sâvoir si le Jour s'apprestoit a renaistre; Et furent estonnez qu'en regardant les Cieux Un clair et beau Prodige apparut a leurs yeux. Ce fut un trait de feu qui comme une Fusee, Commenânt sur leur Toit une ligne embrasee, Avec sa pointe d'or les tenebres perâ; D'un cours bruyant et pront vers le Nil se glissa; Fit loin estinceler sa flame petillante; Et laissant en la Nue une trace brillante, S'en alia dans cette onde esteindre son ardeur, 167

Et remplir l'air d'autour d'une agreable odeur. Voy, cria lors Amram, voy ce que nous figure Le lumineux sillon que forme cet Augure; Mon soin est confirme, ce chemin noble et droit De l'Azile choisi marque le bel endroit; C'est entre nos roseaux qu'aboutit sa carriere; Jette done a ce coup tes vains doutes arriere, Mettons la main a 1'oeuvre et louons l'Eternel Qui nous daigne montrer un soucy paternel. (i, vv. 277-296)

The metaphor of the classical comet, which serves the same function as the star which led the Magi, completes the portrayal of the allegorical birth.

The most elaborate allegory on the life of Christ in the "Moyse sauve" is found in the narrative on the transformation of the tears of repentance of Jocabel into a liquid of miraculous nourishment. In Part

VI, when Jocabel is awakened from her dream by the raging tempest on the

Nile, she forgets momentarily God's promise that her son will save the children of Israel from bondage. Jocabel's fright over the plight of her son is assuaged by recalling God's promise and the tears of repent- ence she sheds for her lack of faith function as an act of contrition:

Cependant Jocabel en soy mesme remise, Paisant reflexion sur la grace promise, En establit 1'espoir jusqu'alors imparfait, Et prie en cette sorte afin d'en voir l'effet. Arbitre des Humains, Refuge de nos Peres, Qui de nos mouvemens les desordres temperes, Pardonne eI ma foiblesse, et regarde en pitie” Un coeur dont le deffaut vient de trop d'amitie. J'ay failly, je l'avoue*, et parmy tant d'alarmes J'ay mesme, si tu veux, jette d'injustes larmes, Ma peine a fait mon crime, a trahy ma raison, Et mon ennuy mortel s'est plaint hors de saison. Mais, souffre toutesfois, Puissance que j'adore, Souffre que d'autres pleurs mon ceil respande encore, La Source en est diverse, et le seul repentir Est 1'Objet qui les cause, et qui les fait sortir. Je me plains de ma plainte, et dans ma conscience La douleur qu'a ma foy de mon impatience, Pleure de mes transports, gemit de mes regrets, Et reproche a mon coeur ses tumultes secrets. Fay done cesser, ou non, le motif de ce Trouble, 168

Que l'orage a ton gre se calme, ou se redouble; Mon Fils est en tes mains; et mon tendre soucy En remet l'avanture a ta saint Mercy. (VI, vv. 421-444)

Saint-Amant extends his allegorical treatment by introducing God who, from the classical equivalent of heaven, Olympus , is so moved by the tears that he sends an angel to collect them in a vase and bring them to Him:

Jocabel resignee eut a peine, en ces termes, Montre les sentimens des Ames les plus fermes; A peine eut-elle au Ciel immole ses douleurs, Que 1'Ange qui s'employ a recueillir nos pleurs, Quand un juste sujet rend leur cours legitime, Et que nostre coeur mesme en offre la victime, Dans un beau Vase d'or ses larmes ramassa, Pour les faire valoir aussi-tost la laissa, Et dans le saint Olympe, ou la divine Essence Estale sa Grandeur et sa Magnificence, Ou l'on adore en Trois 1'ineffable Unite, Ou sur un Trosne pur, fait par l'Eternite, Le seul Estre infiny, le Monarque supreme Luit de son propre eclat et s'abisme en soy-mesme, Et voit dessous ses pieds s'humilier le Sort, La Fortune, le Temps, la Nature et la Mort; Dans ce Lieu, dis-je, oil regne en une Pompe auguste Le Principe de tout, le Bon, le Vray, le Juste; Ce Ministre leger, cet Ange officieux, Presentant a genoux le Vase precieux Ou sa noble Pitie, sur qui le Dueil s'appuye Des yeux de Jocabel avoit serre la Pluye, En fit au grand Aspect la douce effusion, Et signala son Zele en cette occasion. (VI, vv. 445-468)

As previously cited, Saint-Amant's portrayal of God is part of his treat ment of the dichotomy between the Old and New Testaments. R. A. Sayce remarks that Saint-Amant's depiction of a God who "Luit de son propre * eclat et s'abisme en soy-mesme" reveals a more subtle analysis and de- 71 ployment of the attributes of God than is found in the Old Testament.

Certainly the references to "la divine essence" and to the adoration "en

Trois 1'ineffable Unite" are clearly Christian.

To complete the allegorical treatment of the Eucharist, God changes the tears into a "celeste liqueur:" 169

Mais, d'une telle Offrande en tel Lieu respandue, Pas une seule larrne en l'Air ne fut perdue; Dieu, de qui les Bontez sont esgales aux Soins, Dieu, qui de mon Heros connoissoit les besoins, Voulut qu'en ce grand Jour cette bruine amere Pust servir a l'Engant aussi-bien qu'a la Mere, Et la changea soudain en celeste Liqueur Pour au deffaut de Lait luy soustenir le coeur. (VI, vv. 469-476)

He dispatches an angel to deliver to Moses the tears which have been trans formed into a liquid which offers the promise of salvation:

Aussi-tost le Courrier, le grand Porteur du Vase, Charme du saint Enfant, et ravy dans I'extase De voir en un Mortel reluire des attraits Qui de son front divin egalent les beaux traits; De 1'une de ses mains la teste luy sousleve, De 1'autre avec amour son ministere acheve, Humecte son coral de l'Eau changee en Miel, Le baise, le benit, et s'en revole au Ciel. (VII, w . 33-40)

In this event, the tears and the Eucharist find a common bond. As Samuel

Borton observes:

Here miracle and "metamorphosis" combine in a kind of transubstantiation, an accommodated communion where the mother, like an intercessary Virgin Mary, offers her tears of suffering, which are transformed, like the wine and the host, into divine nourishment.'2

Saint-Amant alludes to the significance of the tears of Jocabel in the "Preface" where he acknowledges the influence of Sannazaro:

Sennazar n'en a pas peut-estre use avec tant de modestie, & tant de retenue que je fais; & quoy qu'il mesle des Fables a tous propos, dans son Poeme de la Vierge, il n'en a point este censure par l'Eglise jusques a present, (p. 10)

Psalm meditations and evening meditations, particularly those outlined by

Granada, accentuate the symbolic role of tears which wash a penitent of his corruption. Saint-Amant's treatment of the tears of Jocabel reflect the influence of a poetic and devotional tradition, one which Terence

rf2 Cave labels "the poetry of tears." Sannazaro (whose major works are

De morte Christi Domini ad mortales lamentatio, and De partu Virginis) 170 belongs to this tradition which found expression in French in such la mentations on the death of Christ as Guy Le Fevre's "Lamentation aux hommes sur la mort de nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ" and Malherbe's "Larmes de Saint Pierre." In addition, the narration serves as a composite of the most essential spiritual themes which the poet addresses in the work:

Old and New Testament dilineation as examined through the intervention of God; the themes of sin, repentance, and forgiveness; the legacy of

Christ as manifested in the Holy Eucharist and the doctrine of transubstantiation.

The third extended Christian allegory in the "Moyse sauve," the intro duction of a lamb, is found in Book X. Elisaph and Merary, aided by an angel, are successful in thwarting the initial attacks of the vulture against the cradle. The vulture, seeking other prey, swoops down on a nearby flock, picks up a lamb and settles on the other side of the Nile to devour his victim. On seeing this, Marie announces the coming of a lamb who will die for man's sins.

La Vierge, qui deslors eut le Don prophetique, S'eerie a cet Objet, mais d'un air exatique, Ainsy faut-il qu'un-jour, Jour grand, cruel et dous, Un innocent Agneau paye et meure pour tous! (X, vv. 145-148)

The story of the vulture and the lamb would have been complete without any references to the coming of a Messiah. It serves as a good example, therefore, of the method by which Saint-Amant endows the story of Moses, whenever possible, with a Christian message.

In addition to the three extended allegories on the life of Christ, the "Moyse sauve" contains several undeveloped, yet significant references to the doctrines of the Christian faith which enhance the general theme of the saving grace of Christ. In the letter to the learned Orientalist,

Samuel Bochart, where the poet defends several aspects of his work, he 171 justifies his insertion of New Testament references:

Oseray-je dire a une personne qui le sayt incomparable- ment mieux que moy, qu'il y a des facons de parler dans la ste Escriture me sine, ou il ne faux pas y prendre tout au pied de la lettre. '4

In the Biblical narrative of Issac's farewell to Jacob, the father promises only earthly blessings. Saint-Amant, however, attaches to the scene of departure a testimonial to the immortality of the soul: A II voulut infuser un rayon de sa flame Dans ce premier des Corps ou fut la premiere Ame, Et que par ce moyen la nostre est un flambeau Qui ne se peut esteindre en la Nuict du Tombeau. (II, vv. 381-384)

The concept of the soul's immortality is clearly Christian.

Similarly, God's final words to Jacob at Bethel include a Messianic prophecy: "...et qu'en toy soyent benis/ De tout le Rond mortel les Peu- ples infinis."(ill, vv. 15-16) Another example can be found in the ap pearance of the Divine Voice which speaks to Jacob after the thwarted X S / marriage feast with Lya: "Lya, cette Lya, dont doit sortir un jour/ Le plus rare Tesmoin de son divin Amour." (IX, vv. 43-44) Here again the poet adds a Christian prophecy to a Jewish narrative. Together, these additions to the Old Testament text add a distinctively Christian flavor and coloration to the work and attest to the poet's desire to impregnate his treatment of the life of Moses with references to the life of Christ.

Many of the references in this study to the allegorical nature of

✓ St the "Moyse sauve" have been studied by Archimede Marni. It seems appro priate, therefore, to mention an important part of his interpretation which does not seem justifiable. Marni sees Termuth, the daughter of

Pharaoh, who adopts Moses as an allegorical representative of divine grace. Referring to Termuth's rescuing of Moses he writes:

In the theology of a good Christian such a security can be afforded only by divine grace. Consequently, we may not be at all over stretching the point, if we take it to have been Saint-Amant's intention to represent divine grace in the person of Termuth. And thus the whole al legory has been reached.75

It is important to remember that Termuth plays a vital role in the story of Moses and must be included in any full treatment of his life. The other major allegorical themes in the "Moyse sauve" are either non-

Biblical (the mystical tears of Jocabel) or the result of major revisions and embellishments on the part of Saint-Amant (the birth of Moses and the story of the lamb). Although Saint-Amant does give an extended treatment to the life of Termuth, particularly in the idyllic scenes which describe her bathing, he establishes no direct or even implied relationship between her role in saving Moses and the entry of Christ's redemption into the world. Even more significant is the fact that Christ's divine grace, which is so poignantly depicted in the major allegories, does not require the actions of Termuth to find its expression. In the "Moyse sauve" the presence of Christ is so manifest that relating it to the actions of Ter muth would be to diminish its established quality and nature which is so carefully treated. R. A. Sayce believes that Saint-Amant found inspira- 7 6 tion for his portrait of Termuth in the life of Marie Louise. The

Queen of Poland was barren at the time of the poem's composition and she and Termuth shared a common sadness. This interpretation seems more plausible and significant. ✓ Recent critics of the "Moyse sauve" have consistently addressed the

Christian elements which permeate the work and which clearly serve as the foundation for its inspiration. There existed, however, for nearly three hundred years an almost unanimous concensus among scholars that Saint-

Amant did not possess sufficient spiritual depth to write poetry which conveyed spiritual needs and concerns coming from the heart. Contempora 173

ries of Saint-Amant were particularly loathe to attribute any manifesta

tions of inner spirituality to the work. They were also quick to condemn

its artistic limitations. Even before its appearance, Jean Chapelain, who had received some of the completed portions of the work, commented on its

faults. In a letter to Balzac, dated January 3> 1639> he remarks:

Saint-Amant s'est sanctifie par l'entreprise de son "Moise" dont il fait un idylle heroique tout rempli de descriptions, et belles en verite, mais il tombe lorsqu'il faut faire parler, si bien qu'il entretient 1'imagination et ne remue point les en- trailles.77

At the time of its publication in 1653> the reaction of the leading

critics was almost totally negative. Furetiere, a friend of Saint-Amant,

renamed the work "Moyse noye," a term which has been its common epitaph r7Q to this day. An anonymous literary "memoire," which first appeared in

1657, described Saint-Amant as a "bon poete pour le burlesque," but "tres « 79 mauvais pour 11heroique... son "Moyse" est une chose pitoyable."

It was only the friends of Saint-Amant who were able to praise the ✓ "Moyse sauve" and their sincerity seems to have been colored by personal

^ V -o' loyalty. In his "Preface" to "La Pucelle ou la France delivree," Jean

Chapelain complements the work as a good example of the art of "peinture

parlante:"

En effet, qu'est ce que la "Pucelle" peut opposer, dans la peinture parlante, au "Moisey de M. de Saint-Amant; dans la hardiesse et la vivacite, au "Saint Louis" du reverend pere Le Moine; dans la purete, dans la facilite et la majeste, au "Saint Paul" de Monsieur l'eveque de Valence; dans l'abondance et dans la pompe a "l'Alaric" de M. de Scuderi; enfin dans la diversite et dans les agrements, au "Clovis" de M. Desmarest?®®

The "Preface" is characterized, however, by a certain false humility and

the fact that Chapelain includes praiseworthy remarks about the works of his most notable contemporaries writing in the epic form diminishes the 174 strength of the compliment. Michel de Marolles, perhaps the closest friend of Saint-Amant, was also able to see artistic merit in the land and seascapes in the "Moyse sauve." In his "Traite du poeme epique," published one year after Saint-Amant's death in 1661, Marolles recognizes the poet's ability to arouse the visual imagination of the reader:

Plus un esprit est beau et plus il trouve de diversitez agreables dans les objets; et nostre Sainct-Amant par exemple, a vu des choses dans sa Nuit, dans sa Matinee, dans sa Pluye et dans son Contemplateur, que d'autres ny eussent peut-estre jamais apperceues, ou qu'ils ny eussent pas si bien vues. Son Passage de la Mer Rouge, son Eau qui sort du Rocher frapp£ de la main de Moyse dans le desert, ses Nageurs et beaucoup d'autres choses qu'il a faites fort agreables sont de ce nombre la.®*'

It was the reaction of Boileau, however, which almost permanently put to rest further serious consideration of the artistic merit of the "Moyse sauve." Boileau did not regard Biblical personnages as appropriate sub jects for epic treatment and believed that personal faith was an unsuit able source of inspiration for writing poetry. He also lacked understand ing and sympathy for the required innovations imposed on the writers of the new French Biblical epic. In his "Art poetique," Boileau condemns virtually the entire genre:

s' C'est done bien vainement que nos auteurs de^us, Bannissant de leurs vers ces ornements recjus, Pensent faire agir Dieu, ses saints et ses prophetes, Comme ces dieux eclos du cerveau des poetes; Mettent a chaque pas le lecteur en enfer; N'offrent rien qu'Astaroth, Belzbuth, Lucifer De la foi d'un chretien les mysteres terribles D'ormements egayes ne sont point susceptibles: L'Evangile a 1'esprit n'offre de tous cotes Que penitence a faire, et tourments merites; Et de vos fictions le melange coupable Meme a ses verites donne 1'air de la fable. Et quel objet enfin eT presenter aux yeux Que le diable toujours hurlant contre les cieux, Qui de votre heros veut rabaisser la gloire, Et souvent avec Dieu balance la victoire!®^ 175

Boileau is notably harsh in his attack on the "Moyse sauve." The opening lines of the "Art poetique" are directed against the work of

Saint-Amant:

Mahlerbe d'un heros peut vanter le exploits; Racan, chanter Philis, les bergers et les bois: Mais souvent un esprit qui se flatte et qui s'aime Meconnait son genie, et s'ignore soi meme. Ainsi tel autrefois qu'on vit avec Faret Charbonner de ses vers les murs d'un cabaret, S'en va, mal a propos, d'une voix insolente, Chanter du peuple hebreu la fuite triomphante, Et, poursuivant Moise au travers des deserts, Court avec Pharaon se noyer dans les niers.®

Boileau is particularly scornful of Saint-Amant’s description of the crossing of the Red Sea: "Et la pres des rempars que l'oeil peut transpercer,/ Les Poissons ebahis le regardent passer." (V, vv. 251-252)

Evidently, Boileau's poetics minimize visual imagination, for he refuses to credit or valorize the reflected imagesin which Saint-Amant took such delight. In Chant III, the denial on his part approaches outrage; he even labels the poet "fou:"

N'imitez pas ce fou, qui, decrivant les mers Et peignant, au milieu de leurs flots entrouverts, L 1Hebreu sauve du joug de ses injustes maitres, Met, pour les voir passer, les poissons aux fenetres; Peint le petit enfant qui "va, saute, revient, "Et joyeux a sa mere offre un caillou qu'il tient." Sur de trop vains objets c'est arreter la vue. Donnez a votre ouvrage une juste etendue.®^

Later, in his Reflexions critiques, he returns to the scene with equal ire

II est sur tout bizarrement tombe dans ce defaut en son "Moise sauve," a l'endroit du passage de la mer rouge, ou au lieu de s'etendre sur tant de grandes circonstances qu'un sujet si majestueux luy presentoit, il perd le temps a peindre le petit Enfant qui va, saute, revient, et ramassant une coquille, la va montrer a sa Mere, et met en quelque sorte, comme j'ay dit dans ma Poetique, les poissons aux fenetres..." 85

Boileau's criticism of the "Moyse sauve" is not limited, however,

to matters of style or content. He also makes insinuations concerning 176 the private life and reputation of the poet. In his Satire I, Boileau ridicules the poverty of Saint-Amant, and by implication, his stature as a poet:

Saint-Amant n'eut du ciel que sa veine en partage: L'habit qu'il eut sur lui fut son seul heritage; Un lit et deux placets composaient tout son bien; gg Ou, pour en mieux parler, Saint-Amant n'avait rien.

The biography of the poet reveals that he was never badly in want of life's essentials. When Boileau, reacting to debate between the ancients and the moderns, does give a sort of grudging praise to the poet, he dilutes his compliment with references to his personal life:

Ce Poete avoit assez de genie pour les ouvrages de debauche, et de Satire outree, et il a mesme quelquesfois des boutades assez heureuses dans le serieux: mais il gate tout par les basses circonstances qu'il y mesle. ^

In the seventeenth century, the "Moyse sauve" found only one defender of note, Charles Perrault. Perrault was, of course, a partisan of the moderns; and his defense of Saint-Amant stems in part from his desire to refute Boileau. In the "Quatrieme Dialogue" of his Paralelle des anciens et des modernes en ce qui regarde les arts et les sciences, Perrault, in an obvious counter to Boileau, justifies the portraiture of the crossing of the Red Sea. Asserting that the animation which characterizes Saint-

Amant' s treatment finds its inspiration in the Bible, he writes:

LE CHEVALIER

II y a encore une homme de l'Academie que j'ay ete fache de voir traiter comme on a fait

L 'ABBE

Qui?

LE CHEVALIER

Saint Amant; c'est a mon gre un des plus aimables Poetes que nous ayons. J'ay oiiy dire 177

que ses ouvrages faisoient les delices de toute la France, a raesure qu'il les donnoit au public. Est-il rien de plus agreable que sa Solitude, que sa Pluye & que son Melon. Est ce que ses Pieces satyriques ne font pas d'un bon goust, & qu'il ne s'y mocque pas agreablement des vices & des im perfections des hommes en general sans offender personne en particulier?

L 'ABBE

II est vray que je n'ay pu voir sans indigna tion traiter de fou un homme de ce merite, sur ce qu'on suppose qu'il a mis "des poissons aux fenestres" pour voir passer la Mer rouge aux Hebreux, chose a laquelle il n'a jamais songe, ayant dit .seulement que les Poissons les re- garderent avec estonnement. II falloit le condamner sur ce qu'il dit, & non pas sur ce qu'on luy fait dire.

LE PRESIDENT

On a pretendu que 1'estonnement des Poissons estoit une circonstance indigne d'un Poeme serieux.

L 'ABBE

On a mal pretendu, Quand David parle de ce mesme passage des Hebreux: il dit, que les montagnes en tressaillirent de joye comme des moutons, & les collines comme des agneaux.

LE PRESIDENT

Cela est vray, mais des montagnes & des colines font quelque chose de grand.

L 'ABBE

Est-ce que de Dauphins & des Baleines ne font pas quelque chose d'aussi grand en leur espece; & peut-on se persuader qu'il y ait une affectation frivole a dire que les Mon- stres de la mer furent estonnez de voir passer gg des hommes dans les plus creux de leurs abismes.

The Romantics of the nineteenth century, who responded favorably to certain grotesque or exotic elements in the poetry of Saint-Amant, were the first to attribute inner spirituality as the motivating force in

Saint-Amant's relationship to the poetic creative act. In Le Genie du 178

Christianisme (1802) Chateaubriand denegrates certain stylistic elements ✓ in the "Moyse sauve," but suggests that the work found its inspiration in the heart of poet:

Saint-Amand, presque vante par Boileau qui lui accorde du genie, est neanmoins inferieur a Coras. La composi tion du "Moise sauve" est languissante, le vers lache et prosaique, le style plein d'antitheses et de mauvais gout. Cependant on y remarque quelques morceaux d'un sentiment vrai, et c'est sans doute ce qui avait adouci l'humeur du chantre de "L'Art poetique."®^

The poet's reputation as a "bon vivant," however, continued to affect the reaction to his work. The critic Julien Duchesne, in his Histoire des poemes epiques franpais du XVII8 siecle, which appeared in 1870, re flects this bias. Duchesne asserts that certain episodes of the poem convey a religious sentiment, but he allows the poet's personal life to obscure his vision:

Certains morceaux dramatiques sont meme caiques assez heureusement sur les textes sacres. Devant ces rares lambeaux, on songe a tout ce qu'aurait produit cet esprit fin, aimable, sous 1'influence d'un monde moins leger: on plaint cette existence mal conduite, ces dons charmants gaspilles, et 1' on se dit que nul homme, si bien doue qu'il soit ne peut avilir sa vie sans rabaisser son talent.^

The critical acclaim of Saint-Amant did not continue into the twenti eth century; critics have been especially reluctant to see artistic merit in the "Moyse sauve." Raymond Toinet concludes: "Notre poesie n ’est pas la, ni ses miettes, et le plus fin lettre a le droit de tout ignorer de ^ ✓ 91 ces epopees, sauf leur titre; le reste n'appartient qu'aux curieux."

Antoine Adam dismisses the work entirely: "On ne lit plus, on ne peut 92 plus lire ’Moyse sauve'." Even Christopher Rolfe in his "sympathetic" study, Saint-Amant and the Theory of Ut Pictura Poesis, discredits the ✓ lasting worth of the "Moyse sauve:" 179

His talent for detailed, visually biased descriptions becomes a barrier which, time and again, prevent him from working up to a pitch of emotion..."Moyse sauve," in the final analysis, really deserves no better fate than that which it has suffered— that is to be forgotten except for a few colorful excerpts which have found their way into various anthologies.95

Recently, however, there has developed an increase of interest in the epic productions of the pre-classical era and a resultant sympathy for the defects in the various works. Critics have begun to wrest them selves from Boileau's dictum and to view the Biblical epics of the period with new perspective. David Maskell, in his The Historical Epic in France 1500-1700, summarizes the weakness in Boileau's thinking: 94 "Boileau erred in equating defective practice with faulty principles."

Although, as has been cited, the combination of Christian and classical elements continues to be seen as an overriding weakness of the "Moyse s au v e , " an increased awareness of the problems imposed upon the writers of epic has enabled critics to look beyond stylistic faults and to judge the works within the framework of their inherent limitations. The "Moyse sauve," in particular, has survived, leading William Calin in his study of Pere Le Moyne's "Saint Louis" to remark:

Although I agree with Adam's formulation, I wish to make two exceptions. These are Saint-Amant's "Moyse sauve" and Le Moyne's "Saint Louis," in my opinion literary works of the highest quality, deserving careful, loving scrutiny. Their only fault is to have come into the world at a time of shifting esthe tic taste, surrounded by a host of mediocre brothers, sisters, and c o u s i n s . 95 ✓ Three hundred years after the publication of the "Moyse sauve," cri tics have begun to seek the real figure of the poet within the work. The ✓ Christian elements in the "Moyse sauve" have received particular attention.

Archimede Marni, in his Allegory in the French Heroic Poem of the Seven- teenth Century (1956), is the first to view the "Moyse sauve” as a

Christian allegory. Marni accentuates the fact that the poem could have been a faithful epic treatment of the life of Moses without the many in clusions of Christian parallels and Messianic prophecy. He attributes a deeply religious preoccupation to Saint-Amant: "The poem is so replete with evidences of a moralizing intention on the part of the author that they strike the reader at every turn. As Saint-Amant wrote, he bore con stantly in mind that he was treating a religious theme, and as a consequ- 96 ence, he took pains to show it to the reader." Similarly, R. A. Sayce, in his The French Biblical Epic in the Seventeenth Century (1955) addresses such topics as the Christian "merveilleux," religious attitudes of the epic poets, and the incorporation of Holy Scripture into the genre. Sayce labels the "Moyse sauve" as essentially a Christian work. He observes that of all the Biblical epics of the period the "Moyse sauve" is the 97 most replete with references to Messianic prophecy.

It is ironic, therefore, that the very writers who have contributed to a new "Christianization" of the "Moyse sauve" are still loathe to at tribute profound faith as the motivating force in Saint-Amant's inspira tion. Marni is careful to state his preconceived beliefs regarding the poet's spirituality: "On the other hand, the author of the "Moyse" was first and foremost a "bon viveur" and whatever interest he might have shown, at first, in giving his work a mystico-religious significance, 98 must have been of a secondary nature." Sayce, too, tempers his examina tion of the many Christian aspects in the work by adhering to the axiom that Saint-Amant's personal reputation effectively removes him from the realm of spiritual poetry: "Saint-Amant's own careless and gentle temperament, not inclined to any violent religious emotion, is certainly 181

closer to Catholicism than to the Protestatism of his day." 99 It is not

surprising, therefore, that contemporary studies which do not address

the content of the "Moyse sauve" reflect a similar lack of vision. Yves

Le Hir, for example, in his article "Notes sur la langue et le style du

’Moyse sauve' de Saint-Amant" (1951) is laudatory in his treatment of

Saint-Amant's stylistic innovations, but ends his remarks with a stereo

typical apology for the poet's lack of faith: "II a essaye de faire pas

ser dans ses vers I’emoi de sa sensibilite; mais le souffle divin lui man- quait pour traiter d'une maniere absolument satisfaisante pour nous un

sujet d ’uue telle a m p l e u r . ^

Thus, from the condemnation of Boileau until the present day, the

"Moyse sauve" has suffered at the hands of critics who have been unable

to separate the writer from the creation. The biography of the poet, es pecially during the period of its creation, could be seen as substantiat

ing such a point of view. It is evident that part of the motivation which

served the poet in undertaking the task was his desire to receive the pro

tection of the due d'Orleans, a need amply fulfilled by the unexpected

entry of Marie-Louise de Gonzague. Saint-Amant was also inspired in part by the belief he could immortalize his own name as a poet in such an am bitious epic. The bawdy and often irreverent poems which belong to the period also have served with questionable methodology, to belie the exist

ence of sincere spirituality on the part of the poet.

It is important to note in addition that the epic genre itself con

tributed to the concealment of the figure of the poet in the work. Unlike

the shorter forms, in which patterns of prayer and meditation and deeply personal faith can be clearly observed, the exigencies of the epic required

Saint-Amant to look to such writers as Tasso and Marino, and to Ronsard 182 and Du Bartas for guidelines in the creation of the "Moyse sauve." The resulting mixture of classical and Christian conventions was not only poorly received, but also tended to obscure the relationship of the poet to his work. Unlike the mystical poet, who transmits deeply spiritual insight in a short work which has one immanent and transcendant focus, the writer of epic must concentrate on fulfilling the demands of a genre.

The elaborate landscapes and seascapes and the combining of both idyllic and heroic elements attest to the scope of the poetry of the "Moyse sauve."

These manifestations have tended to render obscure the deeply religious purpose of Saint-Amant as he reveals his spirituality in his work.

It is, however, in wresting ourselves from the axiom that the devout life must necessarily be a sober one, and in re-examining the limitations of the epic genre that we have come to find the figure of a spiritual poet in the "Moyse sauve." William Calin states the belief that for a Christian poet (for him, Le Moyne, but the application to Saint-Amant is viable), is at all times governed by the assurance of the redemption of Christ:

For him, time includes all of history, and all moments of history contain the past and future consubstantial with the present. For the Christian, we live in an eternal present, for each moment of our lives is cru cial to our own salvation and the future of mankind, and the present always refers back to the past and an ticipates the future, containing past and future within itself.101

This same view is offered by Saint-Amant in the "Preface" to the "Moyse sauve”" when he invites us to view the Hebrew world with Christian eyes:

II est a considerer que mon Histoire est prise sous la Loy de Nature; & qu'encore que la verite de la Religion y soit contenue, puis-que les Hebreux reconnoissoyent & adoroyent le vray & seul Dieu, neantmoins la Circoncision seule en faisoit presque tout le Culte & toute la Ceremonie, & en estoit la principale difference d'avec le Paganisme. Cela estant, j'ay pu faire dire a mes Personnages des choses que je ne leur aurois pas fait dire, si 183

^'avoit este sous la Loy de rigueur, qui ne fut que plus de quatre-vingt ans apres, ou sous la Loy de grace, qui est a present. (p. 17)

The Christian sensibilities of Saint-Amant are clearly revealed in

the text itself. The presence of Urania and of the poet's Muse suggest

that Saint-Amant regarded his work as a type of spiritual quest or task.

Their inclusion could be viewed as being merely perfunctory, but Calin

reminds us, and this study has shown, that Saint-Amant viewed the world

at all times with the eyes of a Christian. Referring to Le Moyne, he

remarks:

Like Milton and Saint-Amant, he proclaims the duty of the Christian poet to use his "talent" for God, as a sacrificial offering, and to write with aus terity, discipline, and responsibility. Art is good when it tells of God's eternal glory, evil when it upholds pagan or sensuous-materialist in terests. 102

Recent study has also demonstrated that the allegorical references to the

life of Christ are the central framework and clear source of inspiration

for the work. One must ask, therefore, why, in addition to the biographi

cal obstacles from whose bias we have begun to free ourselves, there con

tinues to be a reluctance to attribute sincere religious feelings on the

part of the poet as he composed the "Moyse sauve." The answer is clearly

found in the failure of critics to establish any connection between Saint-

Amant 's early religious life, the themes and structure of Contecplateur,"

and the religious poems of the latter years.

It has been demonstrated that Saint-Amant may have made a sincere conver

sion to Catholicism and that the structure and themes of "Le Contemplateur" were directly influenced by the writings of several leading theoreticians

on the practice of prayer and daily devotion. It is impossible to believe

that Saint-Amant's immersion in the study of ordered meditation, transferred 184

to the poetic creative act in "Le Contemplateur," ceased to have any effect

on the poet's thinking as he undertook the writing of the "Moyse sauve."

With this background and orientation ever in mind, it becomes clear that

Saint-Amant, in abandoning the more limited "Joseph" was responding to the

influence of his early study. When one considers the deeply personal and

confessional tone of "Le Contemplateur" and contrasts it to the "Moyse

sauve," the parallels are not readily evident. A more thoughtful study

of the epic, however, reveals that the poet is treating the same general

theme in both works; Old Testament condemnation and New Testament redemp

tion. The religious symbolism of water, the story of the Flood, and the

presence of Jesus in the world all indicate a close relationship between

the two poems. When one accepts that the devout life is not necessarily

a sober one and that the poet's conversion to Catholicism was sincere, and

incorporates into this knowledge an understanding of the patterns of medi- S tation which affected the poet's thinking, then the "Moyse sauve" emerges

as a much more significant and revealing work than has ever been its

reputation. It attests to a continuing spirituality on the part of the

poet, born with "Le Contemplateur," reinforced in the "Moyse sauve" and

forever fixed in the devotional poems of the latter years. The spiritual

depth of the "Moyse sauve," and of Saint-Amant as well, can only be

clearly comprehended when the early influences on the poet's thinking

and writing are seen in their full perspective. 185

Footnotes (Chapter 5)

1 0 Paul Durand-Lapie, Un Academicien du XVII siecle: son temps, sa vie, ses poesies (Geneve: Slatkine Reprints, 1970), pp. 110-225.

2Ibid. , p. 142. 3 "*■ Marc Antoine Gerard, sieur de Saint-Amant, Oeuvres completes, ed. Jacques Bailbe et Jean Lagny, II (Paris: Marcel Didier, 1967-1979), pp. 84-85. 4 Durand-Lapie, p. 143.

^Lagny, II, pp. 76-77- g Durand-Lapie, p. 315-

7 .. Jean Lagny, "Le Poete Saint-Amant et le Protestantisme," Bulletin de la Societe de I'Histoire du Protestantisme Francais, 103 (1957), 259- g Saint-Amant, I, p. 24. g Saint-Amant, V, p. 17. 10 Lagny, "Le Poete Saint-Amant et le Protestantisme," p. 260.

^Saint-Amant, IV, pp. 228-29. 12 Lagny, "Le Poete Saint-Amant et le Protestantisme," p. 265.

13 Raymond Toinet, Quelques Recherches autour des poernes -iheroiques- ^ ** epiques francais du dix-septieme siecle (Geneve: Slatkine Reprints, 1971),I, 141-42.

^ ^Julien Duchesne, Histoire des poemes e-piques francais du XVII6 siecle (Paris: Ernest Thorin, 1870)^ pp. 218-19. ^ 1 5 - f Samuel Borton, Six Modes of Sensibility in Saint-Amant (Paris: Mouton and Co., 1966), p. 109.

1 6 Durand-Lapie, p. 447. 1 7 Jean Chapelain, Opuscules critiques, ed. Alfred Hunter (Paris: Droz, 1936), pp. 387-88.

^Lagny, II, pp. 210-11. 1 9 Durand-Lapie, pp. 306-07.

20Lagny, III, pp. 93-94. 186

Footnotes (Chapter 5)

^ Ibid., p. 97.

^Ibid. , p. 115.

^ Ibid. , p. 116. 24 Ibid., p. 117. 25 ^ Jean Lagny, _Le Poete Saint-Amant: Essaj sur sa vie et ses oeuvres (Paris: A.-G. Nizet, 1964), p. 296.

“^Gedeon Tallemant des Reaux, Historiettes, ed. Antoine Adam (Paris: Bibliotheuqe de la Pleiade, 1961), I, 590.

“^Durand-Lapie, pp. 528-31.

^Saint-Amant, III, pp. 169-70. 29 Durand-Lapie, pp. 328-36. 30 Saint-Amant, III, p. 179-

^ Ibid., pp. 184-85. 32 R. A. Sayce, "Saint-Amant1s 'Moyse sauve' and French Bible Trans lations," Modern Language Review, 37 (1942), pp. 147-55. 33 Lagny, V, p. 13- Further references to the "Moyse sauve" will be indicated in the text of the paper by page (the "Preface") or by verse (the poem). 34 R. A. Sayce, The French Biblical Epic in the Seventeenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953), p p . 84-91• 35 Yves Le Hir, "Notes sur la langue et le style du 'Moyse sauve' de Saint-Amant," Le Franpais Moderne, 19 (1951) , p. 98.

•T 4T Sayce, The French Biblical Epic, pp. 92-94. 37 ^ Tallemant des Reaux, p. 1197.

7 0 Sayce, The French Biblical Epic, pp. 52-53.

3 Q ✓ t Joseph Cottaz, Le Tasse et la conception epique (Paris: Italia, 1942), p. 389. 40 a i N. Boileau-Despreaux, Oeuvres, ed. Jerome Vercruysse, I (Paris: Garnier-Flammarion, 1969), p. 103. 187

Footnotes (Chapter 5)

^Archimede Marni, Allegory in the French Heroic Poem of the Seven teenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1936), p. 121.

^Guillaume de Salluste Du Bartas, The Works, ed. U. T. Holmes, J. C. Lyons and others (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1935-401 II, pp. 121-24.

^Pierre de Ronsard, Oeuvres completes, ed. John Jones (Paris: Editions Gallimard, 1950), See pp. 656-663 and 751-756 for examples of style.

^David Maskell, The Historic Epic in France (1500-1700) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 3.

^Raymond Picard, La Poesie franpaise de 1 640 ji 1 680 (Paris: Societe d'Edition d'Enseignement Superieur, /1969), I, 9-10. 46 Maskell, p. 20. 47 Sayce, The French Biblical Epic, p. 181.

^^Ralph C. Williams, The Merveilleux in the Epic (Paris: Champion, 1925), p. 46. A Q ^ P. V. Delqporte, Du Merveilleux dans la litterature francaise (Paris: Retaux-Braz, 1891), p. 368. ' 50 Williams, p. 46.

"^Cottaz, 165-66. 52 Delaporte, p. 366. 53 Williams, p. 46. 54 Maskell, pp. 186-87.

56 Sayce, The French Biblical Epic, p. 98.

5 7 Franeoise Gourier, Etude des oeuvres poetiques de Saint-Amant (Geneve: Slatkine Reprints, 1961), pp. 224-25. 58 Marni, p. 119-

"^Paul Chilton, The Poetry of Jean de la Ceppede (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977) , p. 93. 188

Footnotes (Chapter 5)

60 Sayce, The French Biblical Epic, p. 175-

^Chapelain, p. 588. r p Sayce, The French Biblical Epic, p. 83. 65 * Sayce, "Saint-Amant's Moyse sauve," pp. 246-47.

^Alain Seznec, "Saint-Amant, le poete sauve des eaux," in Studies in Seventeenth-Century Literature (ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1962), p. 50. 65 ^ Sayce, "Saint-Amant's Moyse sauve," p. 246.

8^Sayce, The French Biblical Epic, p. 170.

67Ibid., p. 184.

68Ihid., p. 185.

^9Ibid., p. 85.

78John W. Suter (ed.), The Book of Common Prayer (New York: The Church Pension Fund, 1945) p. 103. 71 Sayce, The French Biblical Epic, p. 186. 72 Borton, p. 158. 73 Terence C. Cave, Devotional Poetry in France C. 1570-1615 (Cambridge: University Press, 1969), pp. 249-253.

7^Saint-Amant, V, p. 256.

79Marni, p. 125- 76 Sayce, The French Biblical Epic, p. 83.

77Chapelain, p. 399- 78 ** Tallemant des Reaux, p. 590.

79Ibid., p. 1197.

88Jean Chapelain, La Pucelle ou la France delivree, ed. Emile de Molenes (Paris: Librairie Marpon et Flammarion, 1891), I, lxv. 189

Footnotes (Chapter 5)

CH R. A. Sayce, "Saint-Amant and Poussin: Ut pictura poesis," French Studies, I (1947)> p. 241.

^Boileau, I, p. 103.

^ Ibid. , p. 87.

^ Ibid. , p. 105.

^N. Boileau-Despreaux, Oeuvres., ed. Ch.-H. Boudhors, V (Paris: Societe Les Belles Lettres, 1934-43), P- 85.

^Boileau, ed. Jerome Vercruysse, p. 51.

8^Ibid., p. 85.

88Charles Perrault, Parallels des anciens et des modernes en _ce_ qui regarde les arts et les sciences, ed. H. R. Jauss et M. Imdahl~XMunich: Eidos Verlag, 196"4j, PP* 349-350.

89 F. A. Chateaubriand, Le Genie* * du Christianisme f (Paris: Furne et Cie, 1859), pp. 164-65. 90 Duchesne, pp. 222-23.

■^Toinet, p. 138. 92 Antoine Adam, "Saint-Amant," in L'Epoque d'Henri IV et^de Louis XIII, Vol. I of Histoire de la litterature francaise au XVII siecle (Paris: Domat, 1948), p. 67. ^ 93 Christopher Rolfe, Saint-Amant and the Theory of Ut Pictura Poesis (London: The Modern Humanities Research Association, 1972)ipi60. 94 Maskell,. p. 21 . 95 William Calin, Crown, Cross and "Fleur-de-lis:" An Essay on Pierre Le Moyne's Baroque Epic "Saint Louis" (Saratoga Cal: Anma Libri, 1977) p. 11. 96 Marni, p. 1 29- 97 Sayce, The French Biblical Epic, p. 176. 98 Marni, p. 162. 99 Sayce, The French Biblical Epic, p. 186. 100 Yves Le Hir, "Notes sur la langue et le style du 'Moyse sauve' de Saint-Amant," Le Francais Moderne, 19 (1951)» p. 108.

^Calin, p. 45. Chapter 6: Manifestations of Spirituality in the Dernier Recueil: "Stances a Monsieur Corneille sur son Imitation de Jesus-Christ;" "La Genereuse;" "Fragment d'une meditation sur le crucifix."

Even critics who see hardly any evidence of sincere spirituality on the part of Saint-Amant affirm that in three poems of the Dernier Recueil of 1658 the poet reveals a profound interest in religious themes: "Stances a Monsieur Corneille sur son Imitation de Jesus-Christ," "La Genereuse," and "Fragment d'une meditation sur le crucifix." Archimede Marni suggests that the poet underwent a gradual renewal of faith as he composed the

"Moyse sauve:"..."since we are told of no sudden conversion that had come upon him, we have the right to assume that this change must have come gradually, it may have been taking place even while he was rewriting the greater part of his "Moyse sauve." Most critics, however, see in his pre occupation with certain aspects of the Christian faith in the closing years of his life only a natural reaction of a poet who did not have long to live, a sort of deathbed conversion. Antoine Adam, who does not see any mani festations of spirituality in the early works of the poet, and doubts the sincerity of his conversion, asserts the probability that "qu'avec le temps

^ S 2 il finit par adherer dans le fond de l'ame a la religion du royaume."

Francoise Gourier also alludes to an abrupt rededication to religious themes in the Dernier Recueil,"...publie par le poete a la fin de sa carriere, qui est ainsi marquee par un renouveau de 1'inspiration religieuse 3 de Saint-Amant." Similarly, Paul Durand-Lapie, who does not regard Saint-

Amant as ever being a true "libertin," does attest at least to a new accent on the part of the poet: "mais en 1653, touchant a la soixantaine et alors que l'age reportait bien loin en arriere les folies de la jeunesse, il manifestait, sans ostentation comme sans crainte, ses sentiments de foi religieuse.

190 191

No critic has ever suggested, however, that the religious poems of the closing years of Saint-Amant1s life have a direct relationship with the poet's earlier works. Samuel Borton, in his Six Modes of Sensibility in Saint-Amant, for example, places the "Stances a Corneille" in a group of poems which "lie on the verge of or outside the modal evolution of the

5 poet's work." Certain themes and structural elements of the three poems do recall the patterns of prayer and meditation which guided Saint-Amant in the composition of "Le Contemplateur." An examination of these elements attests to a continuing influence of the theoreticians of devotional poetry on the thinking of the poet and demonstrates that matters of spir ituality, beginning with the poet's conversion, are the most consistent and unifying element in his work.

"Stances a Corneille sur son Imitation de Jesus-Christ"

The first of the three religious poems which belong to the Dernier

Recueil is the "Stances a Monsieur Corneille sur son Imitation de Jesus-

Christ." In 1651, the great French playwright abandoned the theatre and undertook the translation of the "Imitation de Jesus-Christ," the Latin classic of the spiritual life and whose authorship was the subject of much dispute. By the end of the year, the translation of the first twenty chap ters was released. The completed work was published in 1655- It is likely that Saint-Amant, a friend of Corneille and fellow citizen of Rouen, was among the first to read the "Imitation." The reaction of Saint-Amant is

S found in his "Stances a Corneille," a deeply devotional praise of Corneille in which the poet examines his own faith and confesses his life's errors.

g Saint-Amant wrote the "Stances" in Rouen in 1655. 192

The "Stances a Corneille" consists of seventy "sizains," in which the first and third lines are "octosyllabes" and the remaining are "Alexan- drins." In the first stanza Saint-Amant describes the effect the reading of the "Imitation" has produced on him:

J'ay lu tous les Livres du monde, Et n'ay lu cependant, rare Amy, que le tien; J'entens, pour en tirer un bien Sur qui de mon ^alut 1'edifice je fonde: J'ay cent fois a mes yeux ouvert ce grand Tresor;^ Que dois-je lire apres? cent fois le lire encor.

Saint-Amant lauds the talent of Corneille: "0 que de zele! que de charmes! /

Que de solidite dans l’eclat de tes Vers!," (vv. 19-20) and affirms that only the great master of French theatre possessed the ability to transmit accurately the word of God: "Mais je scay bien aussi qu'a leurs graves

Lecons / Ton Luth seul pouvoit plaire en cent dignes facons." (vv. 17-18)

In two controversial stanzas, Saint-Amant suggests that Corneille's achievement was made possible only through the intervention of divine grace.

Mais, sans le secours de la Grace, Cet Esprit, quoy que fort, de luy seul agissant, N'auroit rien que de languissant A soutenir le poids de cette impure Masse: Et qui pour l'estayer, sur Dieu ne s'estayroit, Dessous son propre orgueil soudain trebucheroit.

C'est cette mesme Grace encore Qui de ce grand Travail t'a fait venir-a-bout; En toute chose elle peut tout, Et c'est la seule aussi qu’en tout besoin j'implore: Le merite n'est rien, et l'Homme est criminel Qui croit par le Neant s'obliger l'Eternel. (vv. 31-42)

The observation, "Le merite n'est rien" suggests to Fran|:oise Gourier that

Saint-Amant had been influenced by the thinking of Port-Royal: "L'influence possible du jansenisme se revele enfin lorsque Saint-Amant aborde la 8 controverse sur la grace divine, dont il assure 1'action souveraine." In the stanza which follows, however, the poet refers to the blood of Christ as the only source which can endow religious works with virtue: 193

Ce n'est pas que les Oeuvres saintes Ne puissent de La-haut exciter la faveur; Mais dans le pur Sang du Sauveur, Dans cette vive pourpre il faut qu'elles soyent teintes: (vv. 43-46)

This reference to the omnipotent power of Christ's sacrifice compensates in Jean Lagny's opinion, for the references to grace, here fully orthodox, keeping the poet as at all times closer to the theology of the Jesuits 9 than to the Jansenists.

Continuing the examination of the importance of divine inspiration,

Saint-Amant evaluates his own poetic achievement and concludes that all his work not directed to the glory of God is worthless. The task which

Corneille had undertaken had pleased God:

Les Saints en sont ravis, les Anges les approuvent; Et Jesus, Jesus mesme en gloire au plus haut lieu Les henit de sa Croix comme Homme et comme Dieu. (vv. 82-84)

By comparison, Saint-Amant sees his own profane poetry as having no value.

He remarks that to waste one's talent, as he has done, is sinful, "Profaner le Talent c'est pis que l'enfouyr." (v. 90) He is ashamed and even horri fied when he contemplates the worthless nature of his poetry, "Ma plume en est confuse, et tous ses jeunes traits / N'en forment a mes yeux que d'horribles Portraits." (vv. 95-96) This horror inspires Saint-Amant to disavow, in an act of poetic contrition, all his profane works:

i # Aussi ma main les desavoue; Leur feu trop estime me fait rougir le front; Leur honneur ne m'est qu'un affront, Et fussent-ils tout d'or je les croy tout de boue: Enfin dans mon regret mon coeur sincere et franc Pour en effacer l'encre offriroit tout mon sang. (vv. 97-102)

After the penitential renunciation Saint-Amant encourages Corneille to return to the theatre, but to offer tragedies which reveal the glory of God:

Quant a toy, noble et cher Corneille, Deja ton saint devoir au Ciel a repondu; 194

Et le Theatre suspendu Montre que cet Oracle a frappe ton oreille: Mais n'y renonce pas, Dieu qui te l'interdit Veut par le Sacre-Bois le remettre en credit. En 1'adorable Tragedie, Au Supplice amoureux que le CHRIST a souffert, Ce Fils-Unique au Pere offert Veut que d'un soin devot ta Plume s'estudie: Et Luy-mesme a ta veue, en Acteur immortel, De represente encor tous les jours sur l'Autel. (vv. 103-114)

In giving advice to Corneille Saint-Amant is also addressing himself.

Spirituality must not hinder artistic production; it must serve only to inspire and to direct it. The encouragement also indicates a partisan approval on the part of Saint-Amant in the quarrel over the religious merits of Polyeucte.^ ^

The poet continues the "Stances" by describing in elaborate detail the physical and spiritual life of a devotional soul aspiring to earthly perfection. Saint-Amant attributes to the "Imitation" of Corneille the power to teach and to inspire such a devotional existence:

Mais je reviens a ton Ouvrage; J'en ay vante" les fleurs, j1en vanteray les fruits: Les plus Devots en sont instruits; De l'Enfer et du Monde il augmente la rage: Cependant, malgre tout, et le Monde et l'Enfer, Trouveront en ta Plume un invincible Fer. (vv. 133-138)

The thirty-five stanzas in which Saint-Amant describes the life of the

"devot" comprise in length exactly half of the work and act as a poem within a poem. Saint-Amant examines the life of the unnamed "devot" in the third person, but the association the poet makes between the devout life as inspired by Corneille and his own spiritual aspirations is clear.

The only difference between the "devot" and Saint-Amant is age. The "devot" can still pattern a life based on the teachings of the "Imitation"; the poet can only recommend such a life and hope to imitate its ideal in part in the short time he has left. In a sense, Saint-Amant delivers a sermon 195

to mankind, yet he sees hirnself, even in spite of his age, as one of the principal beneficiaries. The praise of Corneille is never forgotten, how ever, for Saint-Amant reminds the reader often that the "devot" is directed by the "Imitation."

The theme of man's fallen nature and the misery he endures due to sin

is the fundamental principle of the human condition which the "devot" must

try to reconcile. Whereas in the "Contemplateur," and later in "La

Genereuse," Saint-Amant reflects upon nature and discovers certain meta phorical representations of divine truths, in the "Stances" the poet

(through the persona of the "devot") is led to understand both the misery and the redemption of mankind through the reading of the "Imitation."

In his examination of the devout life, Saint-Amant directs his at

tention to both the physical and prayerful aspects of a daily routine.

The poet characterizes the physical deprivations the "devot" must endure:

Sa Table de peu d'apparence, Sous le fardeau des plats ne gemira jamais; On n'y verra point d'autres mets, Que ceux que la Nature offre a la Temperance:...

Son Lit tout simple, mais honneste, Ne joindra qu'a regret la plume a la toison, (vv. 259-262; 265-266)

In enduring the seeming hardships of a monastic existence, however, the

"devot" is availing himself to a deeper perception of the presence of God.

The purification of the "devot," like the victory of Christ, is reached

through suffering:

Bien que sa propre chair s'y soit mal aceordee: Cent Croix en une seule a luy viendront s'offrir, Et cent Croix luy diront, triompher, c'est souffrir. (vv. 190-192)

Sachant qu'a peine un dur gazon Supporta de JESUS la glorieuse teste: Et comme en un Sepulcre en ce Lit se trouvant, II croira chaque soir s'inhumer tout-vivant. (vv. 267-270) 196

The theology of the "devot," similar to the thinking of Rabelais and of certain other Humanists, will be based strictly on the Bible. Saint-

Amant is careful to remove from influence all the divisive interpretative quarrels which marked the Middle Ages:

II ne suivra point les raaximes De tant d'autres Esprits si vains et si fameux; II ne dira jamais comme eux Ces mots, ces lasches mots, qui sont autant de crimes: Non plus que le Passe, 1'Advenir ne m'est rien, Et le seul Temps-present fait mon mal, ou mon bien.

Un seul trait de ton digne Livre Luy sera plus exquis que nos plus beaux discours; (vv. 325-332)

Saint-Amant does not deny, however, the importance of total allegiance to the doctrines of the Church:

D ’une recherche perilleuse II n'espluchera point les Misteres sacrez; Sur sa Foy, ses Sens bien ancrez En croiront, sans branler, la grandeur merveilleuse: Et bien que leur raison s'en vueille desmentir, L'Esprit de Verite l'y fera consentir. (vv. 235-240)

Certainly prayer will be an essential part of every day's activity, "Tous les Jours seront ses Dimanches." (v. 307) At the same time his life will not be one of seclusion, limited to prayer and meditation. His faith will manifest itself in charity:

Les Pauvres a ses pieds se plaindront d'heure en heure: II s'epargnera tout pour verser tout sur eux, Et chacun le dira l'Avare genereux. (vv. 274-276)

In addition to describing and characterizing the nature of the devout life, Saint-Amant also examines in metaphoric terms the nature of God him self. He compares the life of the "devot" to a ship at sea which must follow the north star to arrive safely at its destination:

La seule Lumiere celeste, Encore qu'invisible, eclairant a ses pas, Luy fera du second trespas Eviter le chemin spacieux et funeste: 197

II la suivra par-tout, et singlant vers ce Nort, En conduira sa Barque au veritable Port. (vv. 169-174)

Even during storms, which represent worldly temptations, the "Phare," or the light of Christ, will shine through and keep the ship on a steadfast course:

Que l'orage emporte ses voiles, Que ses masts soyent rompus, son gouvernail destruit, Que l'horreur d'une espaisse Nuit A ses yeux, pour un temps, desrobe les Estoiles; Ses yeux verront ce Phare, adorable aux Nochers, Et son foible Vaisseau dontera les rochers.

Demande-t'on pourquoy l'assiste Cette Clarte divine aux rayons si puissans? Pourquoy sur les flots mugissans Cet homme imagine dans sa Barque subsiste? C'est qu'il porte la Croix au milieu des hazards, Mais bien plus dans son coeur que dans ses estendars. (vv. 175- 186)

This particular image, the only extended metaphorical treatment in the

"Stances a Corneille," recalls immediately the image of the compass which

Saint-Amant includes in "Le Contemplateur:"

La, mainte Nef au gre du vent Seillonnant la plaine liquide, Me fait repenser bien souvent A la Boussole qui la guide: La miraculeuse vertu Dont ce Cadran est revestu Poule ma raison subvertie, Et mes esprits en ce discort S 1embrouillent dans la sympathie Du Per, de l'Aymant, et du Nort. (St. XI)

The difference in perspective between the two metaphors, the use of the

third person in the "Stances" and the first person in "Le Contemplateur," serves to illustrate clearly an essential distinction in the poet's point of view. The young poet of "Le Contemplateur" can envision a whole life guided by God's will; the aging poet of the "Stances" treats the theme somewhat impersonally. He offers the hope that the "devot" will succeed where he himself in part has failed. This perspective, however, enhances 198 a basic theme of the "Stances.” The legacy of the work of Corneille is found not just in the personal benefits offered to the aging Saint-Amant, but to the generations to follow:

Enfin, dans les Choses futures, Je prevoy mille biens, de ton Oeuvre tirez; Deja mes yeux tout assures En fondent sur nos Jours les belles conjectures; Ce Siecle les confirme, et la Posterite En verra jusqu'au bout l'heureuse verite”. (vv. 337-342)

The spirit of devotion, however, which dominates both "Les Stances" and

"Le Contemplateur" attests to the continuing respect the poet attached to the importance of meditation as a means of salvation.

In the last thirteen stanzas of the "Stances a Corneille" Saint-Amant addresses the particular political dilemmas of his patron, Marie-Louise de Gonzague. Poland had been invaded by the Protestant armies of Charles

X of Sweden, and the dangers to the life of Marie-Louise were acute. The examination of her valor in inspiring the Polish army furnished Saint-

Amant with the subject for his "La Genereuse," which he would compose the next year. Saint-Amant envisions the effect of the "Imitation" on Marie-

Louise and her husband, Casimir, at a time of great peril:

Deja dans les dures alarmes Ou 1'engage de Sort de son grand CAZIMIR, Tes Vers l'empeschent de fremir, Arrestent ses regrets, et suspendent ses larmes: Toutesfois je me trompe, elle les fait couler, Mais., c'est de la douleur qui la vient consoler, (vv. 367-372)

Jean Lagny remarks that the closing stanzas seem out of place: "Elies sont assez artificilement rattachees a ce qui precede, et 1'on est enclin a se demander si elles n'ont pas ete ajoutees apres coup." Although the work could have been completed without the references to Marie-Louise, the poet makes a smooth transition from the subject of the "Imitation" to the needs of the Queen. After attesting that the lessons of Corneille will result in 199

"mille biens" (v. 358) and that "Ce siecle les confirme," (v. 341) he begins the next stanza with an immediate and practical example of their potential value:

Ha! qu'il faut bien que ma Princesse, Mon auguste LOUYSE, honneur des Dieux-Humains, Voye en ses precieuses mains Ces Tresors qu'a Dieu seul ta riche Muse adresse! Qu'il faut bien qu'elle die, en sa devotion, Nul ne peut imiter cette Imitation! (vv. 343-348)

Their inclusion, therefore, although unnecessary, does not detract from

the purpose of the poem. The poet is able to praise Corneille by showing

the edifying effect of the "Imitation" on himself, on countless genera

tions to come, and oh his patron who is faced immediately with real danger.

The stanzas, therefore, serve an important thematic role, through amplifi cation and canonization, and offer Saint-Amant the opportunity to honor his patron with a climactic tribute.

The last stanza's gesture is done with a certain humor and a real need

on the part of the poet to glorify his "Moyse sauve."

La, ma Princesse gracieuse, Admirant ton Ouvrage et si pur et si net, En parera son Cabinet Comme d'une Merveille et sainte et precieuse: Et peut-estre, o JESUS, que comme sur Thabor, MOYSE a tes costez s'y verra luire encor. (vv. 415-420)

The reference to the "Moyse sauve," like the treatment of the plight of

Marie-Louise de Gonzague, does not detract from the praise of Corneille

or from the general tone of piety which characterizes the work. Jean

Lagny affirms the right of the poet: "II a bien le droit, apres cela, de

se souvenir de son oeuvre personelle, et de glisser une allusion au "Moyse" x 12 a la fin d'une piece ecrite a la gloire d'un autre."

The "Stances a Corneille" serve as a particularly important testimony

to the existence of a profound spirituality on the part of Saint-Amant. 200

The inner spirituality which the poet expresses in "Le Contemplateur" and the "Moyse sauve," for example, tends to be more oblique and obscured be cause of the nature and limitations of the genre. In "Le Contemplateur" he is imitating a prescribed pattern of meditation and employs elaborate metaphors to reveal basic observations on the human condition. In the

"Moyse sauve," encumbered by the demands of the epic, lengthy narrations are often not related to any personal needs or spiritual concerns of the poet. With the "Stances a Corneille," however, Saint-Amant is not limited by the demands of poetic conventions and is straight-forward and descrip tive rather than analytical or suggestive. His spirituality is particularly manifest, of course, in the renunciation of his profane works. Saint-Amant could have rendered hommage to the effect Corneille's "Imitation" without denying the validity of his own profane work. The sincerity of the dis avowal, even in the opinion of Jean Lagny, seems certain.

The Dernier Recueil does contain works that are not at all spiritual:

"La Polonaise," "La Rade," "Le Gobbin," and the "Impromptu," which borders on the obscene, to name a few. But the sincerity of Saint-Amant's renun ciation is not compromised by the fact that he continued to write and publish profane poetry. In the "Stances a Corneille," Saint-Amant seems to assert that the same mind that created "Les Goinfres" could possess a profoundly spiritual nature capable of expressing itself in poetry that is devotional. The penitential disavowal of his profane work, therefore, does not present a contradiction or surprise, nor is its sincerity dimin ished by the poet's continuing to write profane poetry. It serves rather to demonstrate that Saint-Amant ultimately considered his spiritual poetry to be more important. This is the most important message of the "Stances" and a basic truth critics have been so reluctant to accept and to apply to the poet. 201

In addition to the denunciation of his profane work, Saint-Amant in the "Stances" examines his own faith, considers man's fallen and redeemed nature (the basic topic of "Le Contemplateur"), affirms the necessity of absolute submission to the will of God, and exalts the life of a "devot" as he strives for earthly perfection. It is clear that the "Imitation" had an edifying effect on the poet, and even though Saint-Amant sees himself as too old to alter his life drastically, he attests that the message of Corneille transcends time. For Saint-Amant, there did at least remain the opportunity to address his spiritual needs in the poetic creative act. An examination of the "Genereuse" and the "Fragment d'une meditation sur le crucifix" illuminates the deep spirituality which guided the poet in his later years and serves to demonstrate the sincerity of the renun ciation of his profane work in the "Stances a Corneille.”

"La Genereuse"

"La Genereuse," the second "idylle heroique" of Saint-Amant, celebrates the valor of Marie-Louise de Gonazque at the battle of Varsovie. Jean-

Casimir, king of Poland and husband of Marie-Louise, had protested the crowning of Charles X Gustave as king of Sweden upon the abdication of Queen

Christine in 1654- Charles X was distraught about the treaty of Westphalia

(1648) which gave him no access to the continent. The desire to establish a foothold across the North Sea, combined with his feelings of animosity toward Jean-Casimir, inspired Charles X to invade Poland in July, 1655-

The most important battle took place at Varsovie, lasting from July 28-30,

1656. Although the Poles lost the battle, Charles X was unable to maintain the victory. France, Denmark, Holland and Austria all came to the aid of 202

Jean-Casimir. In 1660, through the efforts of the diplomat, Hugues de Terlin, a treaty was signed wherein Jean-Casimir renounced all claims on the throne of Sweden. 13

Saint-Amant was in France during the war, but his role as protected poet of Marie-Louise kept him in constant anguish over the fate of Poland.

He followed the debacles in the Gazette and was even informed by special messangers of the defeat at Varsovie and of the valor of Marie-Louise. The story of her bravery was a natural subject for the poet to treat. Accordingly,

Saint-Amant left Paris in the fall of 1656 and retired to an unknown rural setting to compose "La Genereuse." The "privilege du roi" was granted in 14 1657 and the poem appeared in the following year.

"La Genereuse" consists of one hundred and fourteen stanzas of nine ^ • / lines each. In spite of its title, "idylle heroique," the definition, ac cording to Jean Lagny, "n'est sans doute la que pour rappeler le "Moyse," et parce qu'on ne pouvait decemment appeler poeme heroique une oeuvre d'un ,, .. j 5 millier de vers ecrite en strophes ou domine 1'octosyllabe."' The theme of

"La Genereuse," the glorification of members of the nobility as they display extreme valor and virtue in time of war, is clearly epic. The principal poetic conventions are also common to the epic: combats, a prophetic dream, moral lessons, allegory, a revue of troops, and incorporation of the "merveilleux." Although the valor of Marie-Louise de-Gonzague had been verified, much of the work is interpretative and the religious experiences of the queen are strictly the product of the poet's imagination.

Saint-Amant did not dedicate the poem to Marie-Louise de Gonzague, even though the sole inspiration for the work is the desire to glorify her name.

He dedicated the work, rather, to the sister of Marie-Louise, Anne de Gon zague, the princess of Palatine. Although the sisters were not always 203

mutually supportive, Anne, whose piety was renowned, rallied to the call

of the Polish monarchs and sent a considerable amount of money to aid their 16 cause. In the dedication, Saint-Amant asks the princess to deliver the

poem to her beleaguered sister:

Enfin, MADAME, apres avoir fait mille voeux au Ciel pour l'entiere & parfaite guerison de V. A. je n'ay plus qu'a la supplier tres-humblement, comme je fais, qu'il luy plaise m'accorder la grace de voir de bon oeil l'Ouvrage que je luy offre & consacre avec tant de soumission & de justice; d'en attribuer tous les deffauts, autant au manque de Nouvelles certaines, qu'au peu de capacite de l'Artisan; & pour exces de faveur, qu'elle daigne avoir la bonte de faire en sorte qu'il soit si heureux que de parvenir, par son moyen, entre les dignes & precieuses mains de la royale Princesse qui en a si hautement fourny la matiere.

By requesting that Anne serve as an intermediary between Marie-Louise and him, Saint-Amant accentuates the inaccessibility and preoccupation of the

queen. In establishing the queen's remoteness, forced by circumstance,

Saint-Amant is also able to demonstrate his own lack of worth in even addressing her:

En effet, MADAME, je ne s^ay comme j'ay este si presomptueux que de 1'entreprendre; je suis confus de l'honneur que j'ay pretendu en acquerir: mais que me repondra-t' on, lors que je diray que j'y renonce, & que mon seul devoir, & le seul zele que j'ay pour tout ce qui regarde ma grande & fameuse REINE, ont fait toute ma temerite? (p.2)

Saint-Amant concludes the "Preface" with words which suggest deep humility and a relationship to the work which transcend the perfunctory obligation of a protected poet;

Ce n'est point, MADAME, par la bouche de 1'Interest que je parle; ce n'est point mon foible, Dieu-mercy: Et j'oseray dire, avec une honorable fierte, soustenue" d'un aussi honorable dedain, que ceux qui me connoissent jusqu'au fond du coeur, me tiennent assez genereux, & assez detache de la Fortune, pour n'avoir jamais offert l'encens a son Idole; pour ne luy avoir jamais lachement 204

sacrifie raes soins & mes peines; & enfin, pour n'en avoir jamais voulu faire le moindre de mes desirs. Non non, MADAME, ce n'est point 1'amour des richesses qui me touche; elles n'ont point d'appas pour mes yeux: c'est la seule gloire qui m'attire, & la seule vertu qui me prend. Et en un mot, s'il n'y avoit quelque sorte de vanite a dire qu'on n'en a point, je dirois que je n'en ay jamais eu, si ce n'est qu'on vueille nommer ainsi la belle & haute licence que j'ay toujours prise, & que j'ose prendre encore de me vanter d'estre au-de-la de qui que ce soit, & autant par choix & par inclination que par devoir. (pp» 7-8)

In separating himself from the desire for fortune, Saint-Amant reveals

/>■ J * a different state of affairs from when he addressed the "Epistre heroi- comique" to the due d'Orleans a quarter of a century before. The senti ments reinforce the sincerity of the renunciation of his profane poetry in the "Stances a Corneille." They also suggest the mentality of an older person to whom the material world has lost its importance. Jean

Lagny, who is not inclined to attribute a deeply spiritual nature on the part of the poet, sees in the last lines of the "Preface" an indication of sincere faith. His reaction is characteristically guarded: "Le tout se termine par une profession de foi assez etonnante, sinon absolument sincere."• - „f'8

"La Genereuse" is both a thematic and stylistic synthesis of the various poetic devices which Saint-Amant employs in both "Le Contemplateur" and "Moyse sauve." Saint-Amant begins "La Genereuse," as he does "Le Con templateur," by placing himself in an isolated locale where, in search of spiritual insight, he meditates upon the natural world:

Pendant que mon auguste REINE Resiste aux outrages du Sort, Muse, pour un dernier effort, Chantons sa gloire dans sa peine. Employons aujourd'huy, mais d'un air de grandeur, Un noble et saint reste d'ardeur Qui nous purge d 'ingratitude: Et comme fait ce Bois ou je fais mon estude, Accordons 1'ombre et la splendeur. 205

■Jamais Retraite solitaire Ne fut plus propre a mon loisir; Jamais je n'en pouvois choisir Qui pour mon Luth sceust mieux se taire. Tout ayde a mon dessein, tout en cette Saison, Si muable en sa liaison, Sert a m'en ebaucher l'ldee: Elle est rude, elle est belle, et mesme est secondee Par l'assiette de la Maison. (vv. 1-18)

Such isolation recalls the opening lines of "Le Contemplateur:"

Loin dans un Isle, qu'a bon droit On honora du nom de Belle... Je contente a plein mon desir De voir mon Dieu a mon plaisir, Sans nul objet qui m'importune,... (St. IV)

The figure of the poet in the work becomes, therefore, that of the mystical poet who, as demonstrated in Chapter II, must seek a solitary setting as a pre-requisite for prayer and meditation.

It is also important to note the reference to the poet's muse. In

"Le Contemplateur" Saint-Amant addresses his muse only twice. The importance of the role of the muse in the "Moyse sauve," however, where Saint-

Amant endows her with the power to transmit the prophetic insight associ ated with Urania, has been demonstrated. And references to the poet's reliance on his muse permeate "La Genereuse." As in the "Moyse sauve,"

Saint-Amant uses the first person to address his muse, granting her the function of a co-author: "Muse, pour un dernier effort / Chantons sa gloire dans sa peine." Through the presence of the muse, Saint-Amant is able to establish his role as that of a poet-prophet.

In both "Le Contemplateur" and "La Genereuse," the experience of the poet in contemplation is enhanced through the use of the verb "voir."

Examples from "Le Contemplateur" include: "J'y voy ce grand Homme marin,"

(St. XVl); "Je croy voir tout, pour ne voir rien." (St. XXIV); "Et pense voir en appareil / Espouventable, et magnifique, / JESUS au milieu du 206

Soleil." (St. XXXIV). Throughout "La Genereuse" the poet conveys the sensation of actually seeing what takes place: "Tandis que ces choses se passent / Dans ce Jardin si mal traite, / Je voy d'un et d'autre coste /

Toutes les Forces qui s'amassent." (vv. 280-283); "La, je voy, sur de riches hausses, / D'autres illustres Cavaliers" (vv. 370-371); "Retournons a LOUYSE en cet obscur instant; / Voyons-la, d'un esprit constant, /

Regarder l'espoir et la crainte;" (vv. 662-664). The ability to envision events through contemplation is, of course, an essential element of the poetic-mystical experience.

In "Le Contemplateur," what the poet sees is a reversed image afforded by the water's reflection of the sky. Similarly, in the "Moyse sauve," the reflection of the Red Sea reverses an image, resulting in a distorted view of reality. It is in responding to the disfigurement, however, that the poet is able to realize a deeper comprehension of the object of con templation. In "La Genereuse," Saint-Amant reflects upon some trees which line a river and receives a mirror-image in which he is able to envision the heroism of the Polish monarchs:

Ce doux et morne Paisage, Ces tertres nus, ces tertres verts, D'un Destin estrange et divers Me representent le visage Ces Fresnes hauts et droits qui bordent ces ruisseaux, Aussi bien que les arbrisseaux Me semblent renversez dans l'Onde; Et pour peindre a mes yeux les disgraces du monde, De leurs bras ils font leurs pinceaux.

Mais, comme en la seule apparence Leur sommet est precipite, L'erreur mesme, et la verite M'instruisent de leur difference. A Ils sont toujours debout, ils souffrent cent debats, Ils s'obstinent dans les combats Des plus effroyables tempestes; Ils portent jusqu'au Ciel les honneurs de leurs faistes, Et rien ne les peut mettre-a-bas. (vv. 19-36) 207

The trees symbolize for the poet the steadfast nature of Marie-Louise.

The river, which acts as a mirror, distorts the image, yet lends insight into the future. Marie-Louise, like the trees on the bank, will survive the "tempestes."

As the poet continues to gaze upon the scene, however, his vision be comes blurred. The reflection off the water, in distorting the image of the trees, reveals that they are to be threatened by a flood.

Mais quoy, cette glace liquide Ou je les voyois jusqu'au fond, Toutes leurs Images confond, Se change, se trouble, et se ride. Ce n'est plus qu'un torrent qui dedaigne ses bords, Un fier torrent dont les efforts, Sous ces Bois et tristes et sombres, Semblent en leur murmure, ayant detruit les ombres, Parler de detruire les corps.

II en menace les moins proches, II gronde, il ecume, il fremit; L'Echo des rives en gemit Dans la concavite des roches. Toutesfois sa fureur, terrible a voir marcher, S'efforce en vain de detacher Les sourds liens de ces grands Arbres; Leur pie fait-teste aux flots, et comme autant de Marbres, Rien ne scauroit les arracher. (vv. 46-63) i Again, Saint-Amant is able to receive from a distorted view of nature cer tain truths about his object of meditation. The Polish monarchs, like the sturdy trees, will remain steadfast against all assaults:

Tels, croy-je-voir en leur Constance L'un, et 1'autre royal Objet, De qui j'exprime en ce Sujet La genereuse resistance. Tel, me representay-je, en son rapide cours Cet orgueil, l'effroy de nos Jours, Dans les beaux Champs de Varsovie; Champs, helas! ou la Mort a peine laisse en vie Ses cruels et propres Vautours. (vv. 64-72)

The contemplation of nature has also led Saint-Amant into a vision of a broader theme of "La Genereuse:" man's fallen nature. The reversed 208

image of the trees which "peindre a mes yeux les disgraces du monde," re

calls "Le Contemplateur" where Saint-Amant, studying a reflected image in

the sea, envisions Noah, "Pleurant pour les pechez du Monde." (St. VIl)

It has been demonstrated in Chapter IV that the dilineation between man's

fallen and redeemed nature is the central focus of meditation in "Le Con

templateur.” Although the piety and bravery of Marie-Louise de Gonzague are the principal objects of contemplation in "La Genereuse," Saint-Amant

succeeds in incorporating into her story an examination of the greater

themes of sin and man's corruption. The brutality of the battle of Varsovie

serves as a constant reminder of man's inhumanity to man. It will be seen

that the triumph of Marie-Louise is made possible only through the strength

she receives from the Risen Christ. Thus, there is in "La Genereuse" an

allegorical significance which recalls Saint-Amant's earlier works and en hances the general depth of the poem.

In contemplating the woods, Saint-Amant is led to envision Marie-Louise

and Jean-Casimir as they converse in a garden in Varsovie which has been ravaged ty the war. The two lament their plight and begin to discuss the

merits of calling upon the armies of non-Christain countries, particularly upon the "Tartars," to assist them. Jean-Casimir feels their cause is just

and cannot be corrupted by non-Christian aid. Marie-Louise, however, is

decidedly against such a move:

LOUYSE, a qui le coeur augure Quelque sinistre evenement, Est dans le mesme sentiment, Et rien de bon ne s'en figure. Je crains, dit-elle au Roy dans leur grave entretien, Que pour mon mal, et pour le tien L'Infidelle ne s'achemine, Que le Ciel ne s'en fasche, et que nostre ruine Ne vienne de nostre soutien Bon Dieu, quel etrange remede! Done le Sceptre cher a nos doigts, Des Adversaires de la Croix Fera son espoir et son ayde? Done ainsi nostre honneur en leurs mains se commet? Done nostre teste s'en promet Un Lauier franc et legitime? Ah! e'est faire a l’Olympe un appuy de l'Abime. Et s'asservir a Mahomet. (vv. 226-243)

The objections of Marie-Louise are theological and play an important part of the religious theme of the work. Her words recall again an important object of meditation in "Le Contemplateur:" the Catholic Church is the only true religion. In "Le Contemplateur," Saint-Amant celebrates his own conversion and attributes to the Bishop of Nantes words and deeds which

"Triomphent de tous les faux Temples." (St. XLVl) Marie-Louise's concern about accepting non-Christian aid ("Ah! e'est faire a l'Olympe un appuy de

A . l'Abime") is even broader, for it implies that all non-Christian bodies are inherently evil.

Throughout "La Genereuse," Saint-Amant alludes to the superiority of the Catholic religion. His portrayal of the conflict is replete with references to the righteousness of the cause of Catholic Poland and to the heresies of Protestant Sweden. Historically, the war was perceived as a battle between the two faiths. The clergy of the Catholic Church in

Poland had organized the masses to defend the country and the Papacy viewed the conflict as essentially religious. The Swedes, too, found in their 19 Lutheran faith a fervor which enhanced their hostility toward the Poles.

Saint-Amant affirms the superiority of the Catholic faith in particular in his portrayal of the partiality of God toward Marie-Louise and her cause.

The queen becomes a symbol of the Church militant in a struggle against both non-Christians and Prostestants. Her mission is sacred and her strength is a gift from God. 210

En tous lieux elle est agissante, Elle est intrepide par-tout; Aucun revers n'en vient a-bout, Et quoy que foible, elle est puissante. Elle l'est en effet, elle l'a bien fait voir; Mais e'est de 1'unique pouvoir Qui du Ciel s'epand sur la Terre, Qui peut changer en marbre une piece de verre, Et qui fait tout vivre et mouvoir. (vv. 109-117)

Marie-Louise is not unaware that God is on her side. Addressing Jean-

Casimir, she reminds him that they are doing God's work on earth:

La sainte equite du nos Armes, Le Ciel qui voit nostre besoin, Veut que tu repousses bien loin Les vains Spectres dont tu t'alarmes. (vv. 262-265)

In contrast, Saint-Amant refers to the Swedes, symbols of the Protestant

faith, as "Ces Inhumains, ces Criminels," (v. 85) and describes their faith

as false: "L'Ennemy campeidepuis peu,/Veut par le fer, et par le feu/

Soustenir sa fausse conqueste." (vv. 479-481)

Having established the religious implications of the conflict, Saint-

Amant describes the army of Jean-Casimir, reinforced by the Tartars, as it

arrives on the banks of the Vistula. The poet devotes twelve stanzas to

describe the various calvaries, painting vividly their uniforms, armaments,

horses, and the like. He calls upon his muse to assist him in the por

traiture :

Ne laisse pas pourtant, o Muse, D'en esbaucher quelques Portraits; Et si tu manques en leurs traits L'absence t'en sera 1'excuse. s ' Peut-estre qu'un beau jour, ton beau feu r'allume, Ton grand crayon mieux informe, Achevera cette Peinture; S'il plaist a ton Genie, ou qu'en la Sepulture II ne soit bien-tost enferme. (vv. 525-555)

The description is a veritable tableau of the troops wherein the poet

vaunts their ferocity with images which convey vividly the seeming invin

cibility of the soldiers. The most vivid portrayal of strength belongs to 211

the Tartars who drink the blood of their animals and who cook their meat under the saddles as they ride:

La, les Tartares en grand nombre, Enfin venus, apres cent maux, Font voltiger des Animaux Qui s'effarouchent de leur ombre. Ces Animaux legers, au regard vehement, Enharnachez bizarrement, A tous coups maistrisent leur Maistre, Qui de leur propre chair joyeux de se repaistre, S'abbreuve de lait de Jument. (vv. 388-396)

The treatment transcends the realm of the visual. Saint-Amant also appeals

to the senses of hearing:

La Tymbale, aux Chefs glorieuse, Tonnant dans son ventre d'airain, - Fait bruire en l'Air doux et serain Une Musique furieuse. La Trompette eclatante, et le Tambour divers, Au Fifre embouche de travers Joignent leur brusque melodie; Et tous ces Instrumens, en l'oreille estourdie Semblent confondre l'Univers. (vv. 343-351)

The end of the painting is marked by the listing of colors, a kaleidoscope

which completes the dazzling effect the poet wishes to render.

L'or, 1'argent, l'azur, et la soye, Y luisent en tous les habits; Et de la toison des Brebis L'estoffe a peine s'y deploye. La Martre zibeline, et le beau Loup-cervier, Bien qu'on brusle sur le gravier, Ne laissent pas de s'y produire: La Palme y semble croistre; et rien ne peut 1'induire Au choix d'un honteux Olivier. (vv. 433-441)

The lengthy description is one of the most elaborate in all of Saint-

Amant' s poetry and reveals clearly the proclivity of the poet to combine

poetry and painting.

Marie-Louise witnesses the battle as the two armies face each other

from opposite sides of the river. Fortified by the knowledge of God's will,

Marie-Louise responds to the seemingly hopeless situation by throwing herself

into the fray. She even shoots arrows at the enemy: 212

Tantost, pour n'estre point deceue En ce que son oeil veut choisir, Elle contente son desir 11 De ces longs Secours de la veue. Tantost, presqu'en fureur, un grand Arc a la main, D ’un bras, d'un effort plus qu'humain, Cent traits a CHARLES elle envoye; Et malgre la distance, elle leur donne en proye Et Goth, et Vandalc, et Germain. (vv. 532-540)

Jean Lagny observes that the poet is using his imagination to the fullest:

"Nous savons par malheur que ces derniers se trouvaient hors de portee des V --20 canons de la redoute! Pardonnons toutefois a la fiction poetique."

Marie-Louise, witnessing the carnage, is inspired to pull a canon

down to the river bank, allowing a broader range of the enemy:

Enfin, n'estant pas satisfaite De voir du Canon mal place, Elle veut qu'il soit avance, Pour en haster une Deffaite. Elle y court elle-mesme, au sein le coeur luy bat, Elle offre le Bronze au combat, Le pointe, l'ajuste, le mire, Ose y porter la meche, et des coups qu'elle tire, Cent et cent testes elle abbat. (vv. 541-549)

While the two kings seek each other in vain, Marie-Louise leads the battle

of the canons. She retreats, however, to the safety of a fort where she

pleads for God's help. In her prayers, Saint-Amant glorifies the strength,

humility and faith of the queen:

Elle remonte en Amazone s ' Sur le Port qu'elle avoit quitte; Et pour le grand Sceptre agite En fait une espece de Trosne. La, ses riches tapis sont les simples gazons; La, pour carreaux des Oraisons Elle n'a que les seules herbes; Toutesfois ses regars les trouvent plus superbes Que ceux de toutes ses Maisons.

Sa piete haute et fervente, Y montre si bien sa vertu, Que 1'Ennemy presqu'abbatu S'en laisse aller a 1'espouvente. (vv. 622-634) 213

Upon returning to Varsovie, she receives the incorrect news that her countrymen have been victorious. Even though her fears are not totally assuaged, she finally falls asleep. At this point, Saint-Amant introduces the major event of "La Genereuse:" the dream of Marie-Louise wherein her infant son who had died several years before appears to her and brings a message from God. Jean-Casimir will be defeated as an act of punishment for having accepted the help of the heathen Tartars:

Je viens sous le seul Ordre adorable en tous lieux, De la part du grand Dieu des Dieux T'apprendre une chose future; Chose, de qui le poids pourroit, sans ma nature, Tirer des larmes de mes yeux.

Pour s'estre ayde, dans cette Guerre, De vrays Ennemis de la Poy, Demain, ce Pere, ce bon Roy Verra ses Enseignes par terre. Et leur nombreux secours il s'est trop confie; Le SAINT, le GRAND-CRUCIFIE En trouve 1'action injuste; Et ce mauvais Soustien, a ce trois fois AUGUSTE Doit estre en part sacrifie. (vv. 734-747)

The joy of the queen in envisioning her son is put into opposition to the horror of his tidings:

Ah! s'escrie en dormant la Mere, C'est done ce Fils tant regrette, Qui de nostre infelicite M ’apporte la nouvelle amere? Je puis done te revoir avec quelque douleur? Je devray done a mon malheur Le plus grand sujet de ma joye? Done mon mal fait mon bien? et le Ciel done m'envoye Ensemble et l'espine et la fleur? (vv. 766-774)

The son offers some comfort, however, by asserting that God will eventually arrange for a lasting peace. He explains the nature of God's justice and

confirms that man is powerless when confronted with His will: 214

C'est a Dleu seul qu'il faut remettre I.es chastimens dus aux Ingrats, Puis qu’en ce Monde d'aucun bras On ne s'en peut assez promettre. Lors que leur perfidie est venue a ce point, Sa Justice raesrae s'enjoint D'en foudroyer le crime enorme; II semble quelquesfois, cependant, qu'elle dorme; Mais, elle ne pardonne point. (vv. 811-819)

He also extends personal consolement to his mother by assuring her that

God has reserved for her a place in heaven:

La, Dieu te reserve une place, Mais bien haut au dessus de nous; Les Anges y sont a-genoux, Et s'inclinent devant sa face. S ✓ La, le plus saint honneur de la Virginite La plus ardente en charite, MARIE, a-mains-jointes 1'adore; Mais plus elle s'abbaisse, et plus s'esleve encore Sa gloire en son humilite. (vv. 865-875)

The queen, upon the advice of her son, leaves for Danzig to join her husband. She pauses in a convent to reflect upon the miraculous events which had transpired. Her concern is for the sins of mankind. The des cription Saint-Amant gives to her sorrow, which is born out of the misery of others, approaches a portraiture of saintliness:

Elle regarde, comme Humaine, Tant de lamentables objets; Et des douleurs de ses Sujets Sa pitie fait sa propre peine. Son coeur est fort et grand, on le voit aujourd'huy Mais pour les miseres d'autruy II est sensible jusqu'aux larmes; Elle en pleure les maux, elle en plaint les alarmes, Et son ame en souffre l'ennuy. (vv. 964-972)

The last two stanzas of the poem are a prayer of meditation:

L'Homme n'est point fait pour la Terre; Bien qu'il en soit fait et sorty, Et qu'il doive estre converty En cent substances qu'elle enserre. II est ne pour les Cieux, il y doit aspirer; Nul Vivant ne peut l'ignorer S'il scait d 'ou son ame derive; 215

S'il ne le connoist pas, quoy qu'on pense qu'il vive, C'est un vray Mort a deplorer.

Dieu ne veut 1'Homme que pour l'ame, L'ame, que pour la volonte, II faut que sa seule Bonte L'esmeuve, la touche, et I'enflame. Enfin, il ne demande, a qui respire au jour, La volonte, que pour 1'amour, L'amour, que pour l'honneur supreme^ Que tout Ange luy rend, qui n'est du qu'a Luy-mesme, Et qui couronne un si beau tour. (vv. 1009-1026)

Saint-Amant is able to comprehend that a constant vision of God's will is the highest earthly aspiration. It is the example of Marie-Louise which has made, of course, such insight possible.

Thus, in his contemplation upon the valor and faith of Marie-Louise de Gonzague, Saint-Amant is elevated to a deeper understanding of the pre sence of God and of the absolute necessity of submitting one's life to His will. The experience of Marie-Louise affords an example of an almost saintly life. She accepts without question her duty to undertake God's work on earth. She is valiant in battle, but owns a heart that weeps for man's wretchedness and suffering. Her instinct to reject non-Christian help is deemed correct by God himself who rewards Marie-Louise with a vision of her son. Her steadfast allegiance to God will be manifest in lasting peace for her country and eternal salvation for herself.

In his presentation of the story of Marie-Louise de Gonzague, Saint-

Amant is able to address the themes of man's fall and his redemption in

Christ. These subjects of meditation are the foundation for "Le Contempla-

teur" and play a vital thematic role in the "Moyse sauve." In addition

Saint-Amant portrays the faith of Marie-Louise as peculiarly Catholic.

The victory of her armies is seen in a broader sense as the triumph over

the inferior Protestant faith of the enemy. It seems clear that part of

the intent of Saint-Amant, in making such delineation, is to celebrate, by 216 implication, his conversion.

In addition to the thematic similarities in "Le Contemplateur," "Moyse sauve," and "La Genereuse," the figure of the poet in the works is also very much the same. In both "Le Contemplateur" and "La Genereuse," the poet places himself in a solitary setting, contemplates nature, and receives a deeper insight into certain divine truths. In all three works, Saint-Amant calls upon his muse and also establishes for himself the role of a poet-prophet. The elaborate land and seascapes, and reflected images which reveal allegorically certain truths, are also common elements of the three works.

Thus, both the themes and the language of "La Genereuse" recall the spiritual contemplation of the poet from an earlier period. Even critics who have consistently denied the importance of spirituality on the part of the poet attest to its presence in "La Genereuse." Francoise Gourier des cribes the prayer at the end as a manifestation of "le spiritualisme

X v 21 chretien du poete." Similarly, Jean Lagny questions his own bias: "On se demande, a lire ces vers, si Saint-Amant occupe, comme poete chretien,

• " 22 la place qu'il merite." It could still be argued, of course, that the manifestations of spirituality in the poetry of Saint-Amant are the work of the poet-artist, who is more concerned with achievement in matters of style than with expressing personal and spiritual needs. In the "Fragment d'une meditation sur le crucifix," however, Saint-Amant speaks to God . directly and the soul of the poet is laid bare.

✓ "Fragment d'une meditation sur le crucifix"

The most personal of the religious poems of Saint-Amant is the "Frag ment d'une meditation sur le crucifix," an eight stanza work in which the 217 poet prostrates himself in front of a crucifix and contemplates the Passion and the victory of the Cross. Jean Lagny assumes that the work was written \ at the same time as the "Stances a Corneille," but the biography of the 23 poet reveals no specific evidence regarding the date of its composition.

Meditations before the Cross find their roots in the teachings of

Bonaventura. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, contemplation on the Passion and its legacy of eternal love had found poetic expression in such works as the rosary sequences of Pavre and the "Meditation devant le croix" of Desportes.^ Although Saint-Amant follows the pattern of

Desportes and others in contemplating the Passion and the resultant bene fits bequeathed tc all mankind, the influence of St. Francois de Sales and

Ignatius Loyola are particularly evident in his "Fragment d'une meditation.”

Both the Introduction a JLa vie devote and the E.jercicios espirituales con tain detailed recommendations on the method by which a penitent should approach his meditation upon the Passion. In his "Fragment d'une medi

tation,” Saint-Amant reveals a close imitation of their method.

In the first stanza, Saint-Amant humbles himself before the Cross:

Je me prosterne en ce saint Lieu Au pie de la Croix de mon Dieu; C'est le seul endroit ou ma teste Est a l'abry de la tempeste. Pour contempler sa Passion, Pour m'en faire une image et plus vive et plus forte, Sur la montagne de Sion 25 La grandeur de mon zele en esprit me transporte.

In stating that the goal of the contemplation is, in part, to envision more

clearly the Passion of Christ (Pour m'en faire une image et plus vive et plus forte,), Saint-Amant is following the recommendation of St. Francois de Sales. In the Introduction, Saint Francois requires that one imagine himself physically present at the scene he wishes to ponder as a pre

requisite for proper meditation: 218

La quatriesme fa^on, consiste a se servir de la simple imagination, nous representans le Sauveur en son humanite sacree comme s'il estoit pres de nous, ainsy que nous avons accoustume de nous representer nos amis et de dire: je m'imagine de voir un tel qui fait ceci et cela, il me semble que je le vois, ou chose semblable.

The aid of the visual imagination is particularly helpful for a peni tent preparing for a general confession. And the event upon which he should meditate is most properly the crucifixion:

Quand vous seres arrivee devant vostre pere spirituel, imagines-vous d'estre en la montagne de Calvaire sous les pieds de Jesus Christ crucifie, duquel le sang pretieux distille de toutes partz pour vous laver de vos iniquites; car, bien que ce ne soit pas le propre sang du Sauveur, e'est neanmoins le merite de son sang respandu qui arrouse abondamment les penitens autour des confessionnaux. Ouvres donq bien vostre coeur pour en faire sortir les peches par la confession; car a mesure qu'ilz en sortiront, le pretieux merite de 27 la Passion divine y entrera pour le remplir de benediction.

Throughout the "Fragment d'une meditation," Saint-Amant reinforces the visual nature of his experience. Almost half the lines begin with "J'y voy," "J'y regarde," or "J'y considere," leading Claude Bonnefoy to observe that the 20 poet achieves in his description "un realisme de visionnaire." Thus, the tone of the work, reflecting the thinking of St. Francois de Sales, is clearly penitential.

In the next four stanzas, Saint-Amant describes the crucifixion:

J'y voy, d'un oeil baigne de pleurs, Secher les herbes et les fleurs Autour du Cedre venerable Que dresse un peuple inexorable. J'y voy mon Sauveur attache, J'y voy les rudes cloux, les cruelles espines Qu'il endure pour mon peche, Entre deux Criminels convaincus de rapines.

J ’y voy languir ces chers Soleils Qui n'ont qu'eux-mesmes de pareils; J'y contemple ce front auguste Se courber sous un faix injuste. J'y regarde ces nobles mains, 219

J 1y voy ces dignes pieds s'enfler dans le martire, Et pour laver tous les humains Donner tout le beau sang que la rigueur en tire...

J'y voy le Sceptre amy des eaux, J'y voy la Mort aux grands Ciseaux Dont son fil mesme est tributaire, En ce Suplice volontaire. J'y voy de ses bras estendus Fremir la chair, les nerfs, les muscles et les veines, Et des tourmens qui nous sont dus, Son corps en chaque part faire ses propres peines. (Sts. Ill, IV and V)

His portrayal of the death on the Cross follows closely the guidelines for proper meditation on the Passion as outlined in the E.jercicies espirituales.

Loyola suggests that the penitent be moved to tears as a proper preparation for envisioning the death on Calvary:

FOURTH POINT. The fourth: to consider what Christ our Lord suffers in His Humanity, or wishes to suffer, according to the scene which one is contemplating; and here to begin with much effort, and to force myself to feel sorrow, to be sad and to weep; and thus to exert myself over the other points which follow.^9

It is significant, therefore, that Saint-Amant begins to envision the Passion with eyes drenched with tears (j'y voy, d'un oeil baigne de pleurs).

Loyola also requires that the penitent experience, along with Christ, the agony of the death on the Cross:

I shall force myself, while I rise and dress myself, to grow sad and to sorrow for so much sorrow and so much pain of Christ our Lord...not striving to bring cheerful thoughts, although good and holy, such as are those of resurrection and of glory, but rather inclining myself to sorrow and to pain and to a broken heart, bringing to memory frequently the^Q toils, fatigues and sorrows of Christ our Lord.

Saint-Amant reflects this influence in his graphic portrayal of Christ's death. In envisioning "les rudes clous, les cruelles espines" and the arms of Christ which "Fremir la chair, les nerfs, les muscles et les veines," the poet leads us into a vicarious experience of the horror and pain of the dying Christ. 221

Thus, in both style and content, "Fragment d'une meditation" is a perfect example of a Passion meditation; the influence of St. Francois de Sales and Loyola seems certain.

The "Fragment d'une meditation" lends particular insight to the examina tion of the spirituality of Saint-Amant. Unlike the "Stances a Corneille" or "La Genereuse," where the poet praises the accomplishments, born out of faith, of a famous person, "Fragment d'une meditation" is a totally personal rendering of the poet's innermost spiritual self. The inspiration for the work is found only in the need of Saint-Amant to express his commitment to the Risen Christ. Jean Lagny regards the poem as the purest example of

Saint-Amant's various expressions of faith:"...nulle part le sentiment religieux ne s'est exprime chez lui avec autant de sincerite." Even the most skeptical critic must conclude that the "Fragment d'une meditation" is the work of one whose faith was both real and profound.

Thus, in the three major religious works of the Dernier Recueil, Saint-

Amant reveals significant facets of his spiritual self. In the "Stances a

Corneille" Saint-Amant glorifies the devout life as an ideal. In "La

Genereuse" he examines how unquestioning allegiance to God's will always results in the triumph of justice and will be rewarded with inner peace.

Finally, in "Fragment d'une meditation" Saint-Amant is able to speak-to

God directly. The fact that his life has not been like that of the "devot" or of Marie-Louise de Gonzague does not make him unworthy or incapable of knowing the joy that can be realized only by those who have responded to the sacrifice of Christ. The benefits are available to all, and in the poem, Saint-Amant reaffirms his acceptance of the invitation. 222

The three works, seen as isolated spiritual outpourings of an older man facing death, do not serve readily as testimony to the existence of a deeply spiritual nature on the part of the poet. The fact that he includes, however, in all of them certain patterns of meditation on man's fallen and redeemed state, and imitates, in part, the guidelines of St. Francois de

Sales and Ignatius Loyola, links the works to both "Le Contemplateur" and the "Moyse sauve." They must not be viewed, therefore, as aberrations, but rather as the culmination of a life's work which finds its most unifying element in spiritual concerns. 223

Footnotes (Chapter 6)

A ^ Archimede Marni, Allegory in the French Heroic Poem of the Seven teenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1936), p. 119- 2 Antoine Adam, "Saint-Amant," in L'Epoque d'Henri IV et de Louis XIII, Vol. I of Histoire de la litterature francaise au XVIIe siecle (Paris: Domat, 1948), p. 94 ^ 3 * Francoise Gourier, Etude des oeuvres poetiques de Saint-Amant (Geneve: Slatkine Reprinte, 1961), p. 185.

^Paul Durand-Lapie , Un Academicien du XVII6 siecle: Saint-Amant, son temps, sa vie, ses poesies (Geneve: Slatkine Reprints, 1970), p. 443-

^Samuel Borton, Six Modes of Sensibility in Saint-Amant (Paris: Kouton and Co., 1966), p. 169.

g Durand-Lapie, p. 463.

rj ^ Marc Antoine Gerard, sieur de Saint-Amant, Oeuvres completes, ed. Jacques Bailbe et Jean Lagny, IV (Paris: Marcel Didier, 1967-1979), p. 208. Further references to the "Stances a Corneille" will he noted in the text of the paper by verse. 8 Gourier, p. 196.

Q s, Jean Lagny, Le Poete Saint-Amant: Essai sur sa vie et ses oeuvres (Paris: Nizet, 1964), pp. 374-75*

10Gourier,„ . p. 195.

11Lagny, p. 377.

12Ibid., p. 378. 13 Durand-Lapie, pp. 478-82.

1^Lagny, pp. 386-388.

15Ibid., p. 389-

1 f \ Durand-Lapie, pp. 475-77. 17 v Saint-Amant, Oeuvres completes, IV, pp. 6-7. Further references to "La.Genereuse" will be noted in the text of the paper by page (the "Preface") or by verse (the poem).

18Lagny, p. 394. 1 9 Durand-Lapie, p. 481. 224

Footnotes (Chapter 6)

20 Lagny, p. 389.

21 Gourier, p. 194.

22Lagny, p. 392.

2^Saint-Amant, Oeuvres completes, IV, p. 360.

Terence Cave. Devotional Poetry in France c. 1570-1613 (Cambridge University Press, 1969) p p . 54-55. s Saint-Amant, Oeuvres completes, IV, p. 260. Further references to the "Fragment d'une meditation" will be noted in the text of the paper by verse. 26 \ ^ Saint Francois de Sales, Introduction a la vie devote, ed. Charles Florisome (Paris: Fernard Roches, 1930),I, 75-

27Ibid., p. 58. 28 " Claude Bonnefoy, La Poesie franpaise des origines a. nos ,iours. Anthologie (Paris: Seuil, 1975), p.v124. pQ Saint Ignacio do Loyola, The Spiritual Exercises, trans. Rev. C. Lattery, S. J. (St. Louis: Herder Book Co., 1928), p. 88.

^°Ibid., pp. 91-92.

51Ibid., p. 97.

^2Lagny, p. 378. Conclusion

We have attempted to demonstrate in this study that the figure of the poet, Saint-Amant, as revealed in "Le Contemplateur," "7'oyse sauve," "Stances a Corneille sur son Imitation de Jesus Christ," "La Genereuse," and "Frag ment d'une meditation sur le crucifix," is that of a deeply religious man who was inspired throughout his life by the need to express spiritual concerns.

The goal of the work has been, in part, to identify certain thematic and

structural patterns which the works have in common, and to establish them,

as a group, as one of the most consistent examples of his inspiration

and achievement.

The undertaking of such a task presents certain immediate difficulties. It has been necessary to examine both the personal and spiritual life of the poet in

an effort to rehabilitate his reputation as more than merely a self-proclaimed

disciple of Bacchus. For the past three hundred years, students of Saint-Amant have accepted almost without question that the image of a "bon vivant" is the most accurate description of the persona of the poet. The reaction of Tallemant des Reaux to Saint-Amant's description of himself as "le gros Virgile" in the

"Epitre heroi-comique a Nonseigneur le due d'Orleans", "il s'appelle 'le gros

Virgile,' il eust mieux fait de dire le gros ivrogne,"^ is not dissimilar from

contemporary observations on the poet's personal life. Geoffrey Brereton,

for example, in his An Introduction to the French Poets, Villon to the Present

Day (1956), characterizes Saint-Amant and several of his contemporaries as follows

poets like Saint-Amant, frolicking happily with the Muse and wineglass, appeared 2 still not to have heard of the new canons of taste." As recently as 1975, Robert

Sabatier, in his Histoire de la noesie francaise. offers a similar portrait: 226

Tracons une des images de Sain t-A.'.ant, aussi vraie que tuutes les autres. II est gros, gourmand. On l'appelle "l'Anacreon des goinfres." II est un des plus etonnants buveurs de son temps. On le trouve dans des hauts lieux de ripaille comme la Fosse aux Lions ou I'Epee royale, avec ses amis Faret (dont le nom rime avec cabaret, ce que Boileau ne manquera pas),... et autres "biberons" plus volontiers qu'a la jeune Academie francaise dont il fait partie. (3)

Reflecting the belief that the devout life must necessarily be a sober one, critics have been consistently reluctant to attribute spiritual depth to the thinking of the "beau Gros" and the reading of his religious works has been prejudicial. Interest in them has remained limited almost exclusively to areas of style— imagery, the response to nature, baroque characteristics, and the like.

The private life of Saint-Amant, as revealed in several of his works, does confirm that the poet felt equally at home in the cabaret as he did in the circle of the Hotel de Rambouillet. The poem, "Les Goinfres,"in particular, with its praise of inebriation, suggests that the poet's reputation as a heavy drinker was well deserved. It has not been our purpose to disprove that Saint-

Amant was a reveler and habitue of the cabaret. It has been necessary to examine this lingering epitaph, however, to suggest that the reading of his religious poems, even to this day, has been biased. Our reading of the works has been based on a belief which is in opposition to the tenets of nearly every major critic of- the poet: drunkenness and bawdy behavior on the part of a poet belie

in no way the existence of spiritual depth in his works.

The second most common epitaph applied to the poet is that of a "libertin."

As in the case of the "gros ivrogne", the appellation may have been well deserved. In two poems in particular, the "Tobacco Sonnet" and an epigramme written soon after his departure from Home in 1633, Saint-Amant alludes to a 227

seeding lack of faith. We have seen how in the "Tobacco Sonnet" Saint-Amant expresses feelings of spiritual emptiness,and in the unpublished epigramme he makes seemingly mocking references to the authority of the Chruch. Saint-

Amant was also known to lhave been on intimate terms with several leading

"libertins," Theophile de Viau in particular. Although few critics have gone

to the extreme of Antoine Adam, who labels Saint-Amant an "athee", he is regarded to this day as belonging to the circle of "libertins". Contemporary critics such as Imbrie Buffum and Odette de I'ourges, for example, refer to

Larni, for example, examine manifestations of the Christian "merveilleux" and allegory in the "Koyse sauve", but both temper their studies with reminders that Saint-Amant lacked a profound spiritual nature. Even the poet's principal biographer, Jean Lagny, doubts that Saint-Amant possessed sufficient spiritual depth to be considered an essentially religious poet.

It is an almost impossible task to determine the nature and depth of spiri tual feelings of Saint-Amant, but there is little justification for the general belief that Saint-Amant was indifferent to the practice of faith. Saint-Amant converted to Catholicism sometime before his composing of "Le Contemplateur."

Jean Lagny is the only student of Saint-Amant to give serious consideration to the conversion and he concludes that it was largely an act of political conven-

4 ience. The persecution of Protestants during the formative years of the poet, his close association with the due de Retz, and personal ambition could all suggest that his abjuration of Protestantism had motives other than spiritual.

There may be found, however, in the life and example of Philippe Cospeau,

Bishop of Nantes, to whom Saint-Amant attributes his conversion, cause to 228 believe that Saint-Amant became a Catholic for reasons other than convenience.

The Bishop was widely known as a man of letters and worldy tastes. He was a welcome guest at the Hotel de Rambouillet and showed much tolerance for the independence of thought of the "libertins," Theophile de Viau in particular.

The Bishop was in close association with such religious figures as Berulle and

Here Joseph, as well as with Guez de Balzac. The fact that Saint-Amant may well have known and even been influenced by the writings of Here Joseph, and was also a friend of Balzac, suggests there existed a loosely structured, yet significant rapport among Cospeau, Saint-Amant, and several prominent spokes men for Catholicism. The close ties of Saint-Amant to such a group, and to

Philippe Cospeau in particular, suggest that his conversion may well have been a natural and spontaneous act, not superficial and reluctant. If we acoept the observation of Saint-Everemond that all conversions are, by nature, irrational acts and not the result of the human will, then the conversion of Saint-Amant must be seen as an act of spiritual significance, coloring both his life and his poetry.

Saint-Amant's reputation as a "libertin" has resulted in a biased and less than serious reading of his religious poems. Critical attention has been directed toward that which is characteristically "Protestant" or "Catholic" in his works and few have attempted to find in them the spiritual figure of the poet. Our study has demonstrated that the spiritual life of Saint-Amant, particularly as it reveals itself in his conversion, shows a profound and continuing interest in the practice of faith. His independence of thought and even occasional expres sions of irreverence have distorted the fact that Saint-Amant, as revealed through his life and poetry, struggled with matters of personal faith and was addressing his confusion and his needs in prayerful poetry. Vftien the religious works of

Saint-Amant are read with the eyes of one who rejects any connection between sobriety and spirituality, and accepts the fact that a deeply spiritual man may 229

express occasional doubt and despair, then the religious poems can be seen a as profound expressions of faith and spiritual longing. Certainly the term

"libertin" becomes a superficial and inaccurate label for his spiritual self.

In the first two chapters of our study,we have examined the devotional and literary traditions to which Saint-Amant was heir. In the Kiddle Ages, the practice of structured devotion was limited to the cloister, and private prayer was not distinguished from theology. In the fourteenth century, however, the

Windisheira Community began to encourage daily devotion on the part of the laity.

In the years which followed, there appeared an increasing number of devotional treatises which outlined in detail daily, weekly, and even monthly cycles of meditatinn. Three works which date from the late Renaissance were of particular importance: Fray Luis de Granada's Memorial de la 7ida Christiana; Igantius

Loyola's B.jercisios esnirituales; Saint Francois de Sales' Introduction ;aia vie devote. Their theories on prayer and meditation were popularized in the A early seventeenth century by such religious writers as Louis Richeome, B6noit de Canfeld, Pere Joseph, Pierre de Berulle, and Madame Acarie. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, their influence had spread throughout the country and literary-devotional circles began to develop even in the provinces.

Ironically, the coincidence of prayer and poetry was the result, in part, of the wars of religion waged during the reign of Henri III (1574-89)- And mingling with foreign cultures resulted in an increased awareness of the .devotional traditions in France. The poets attached to the court— Desportes, Jean de

Boyssieres and the young Malherbe, to name a few— reflected the mood of piety at the court by writing poetry whose structural principle was based on the guidelines for controlled meditation. The poems of this genre functioned as a type of mime for prayer. Malherbe's Larues de Saint Pierre (1587) and La

Ceppede's Theoremes (1612) were early masterpieces of the genre which was 230

firmly established, by the year 1630 in the works of Yves de Paris, P. Caussin,

5 and Pierre le Moyne, to name a few.

The precursors and contemporaries of S-.int-Amant were successful in com

bining structured meditation and the poetic experience largely through the

use of certain stj'listic devices commonly labeled "baroque." The baroque

mentality, with its love of metaphor and its cult of solitude and reverie, was

ideally suited to transmit the prayerful poetic experience. The search for the

presence of the Divine eventually reached the level of a mystical experience wiith

the poet acting as a mediator between God and man. Although it would be improper

to think of Saint-Amant as a mystical poet, he does convey at times the type of

elevating and world-renouncing experience commonly labeled "mystical", and it

is important to think of him as belonging in part to this tradition.

Our examination of the texts of the religious poems of Saint-Amant reveals

clearly the influence of the early writers of devotional poetry and, in

particular, of the theoreticians of prayer and meditation. The identification

of this influence not only endows the poems with a more serious religious

purpose, but also reveals the presence of certain structural patterns which

have eluded critics for three hundred years. The seeming lack of a coherent

order has been seen as the most overriding defect in the religious works.

Francoise Gourier's failure to find order in "Le Contemplateur" is typical:

"Saint-Amant se laisse gui'der par sa fantaisie, passant- sans ordre d'un sujet

a un autre, suivant 1'idee qui lui vient a 1'esprit."^ Alan Boase, in his

Introduction to Volume II of The Poetry of France (1973) presents a similar

opinion:

What is lacks is what most of Saint-Amant1s more ambitious poems also lack— a structure adequate to their dimensions, a lack of large-scale com position which renders illusory any attempt to see in him a poetical equivalent to a painter such as ^ Poussin, despite the visual character of his imagination. 231

Robert Corum, Jr., in his Other Worlds and Other Spas: Art and Vision in Soint-

Amant's Nature Poetry (1979), does attempt to identify a type of structural unity in "Le Contemplateur" by characterizing the work as "a highly complex series g of reactions to the natural features of Belle-Tle." Although the various panoramas of ^nature do give a type of structure to the poem, they do n

Cur study has demonstrated that Saint-Amant found inspiration for the structure of "Le Contemplateur" in the guidelines for daily meditation as out lined by Luis de Granada, Ignatius Loyola, and Saint Francois de Sales. The work divides itself easily into two subjects of meditation: man’s fallen nature as revealed in the Old Testament and man's redeemed nature as revealed in the

New Testament. The portrait of the deluge and the depiction of his inability to grasp ultimate truth are commonly recommended objects of meditation for one in the preparatory stage of a penitential contemplation. Le physical setting for "Le Contemplateur," the bloody siege of La Rochelle, underlines the theme of man’s corruption. The culmination of a proper meditation is the envisioning of the benefits of Christ’s sacrifice. In the second part of "Le Contemplateur,"

Saint-Amant regards the heavens and actually envisions the Risen Lord in all His glory. The fianl scene of the apocalypse and of the resurrection of the dead with the virtuous receiving salvation and the sinful perdition, is the fitting climax to a complete meditation. ’We have shown how Saint-Amant imitates this pattern in "Le Contemplateur." He even follows the recommendation of Saint Fran cois de Sales that one imagine himself physically present at the scene one wishes to meditate. Saint-Amant permeates the work with the verb "voir" and the visual nature of the poem invites the reader to share in the experience. It is of fun damental importance to understand this principle of composition, for the various images, metaphors, and emblems can only be fully appreciated when their symbolic role in the entire work is realized. 232

Our study of the "Moyse sauve" has demonstrated a continuing influence of

the theoreticians of prayer and meditation on the thinking of the poet. Mani- «• festations of this influence are certain, but not so easily identifiable as in

"Le Contemplateur." We have examined how the motives of Saint-Amant in under

taking the writing of the "Moyse sauve" can be seen as the desire for fame and

the need to find a patron. The needs of the poet are in marked contrast to

the motives for writing "Le Contemplateur," the desire to honor Philippe Cospeau

and to celebrate his conversion, and tend to obscure the figure of the poet in

the work. Our examination of the problems which presented themselves to the

writers of epic of the period, in particular the difficulty of reconciling the

incorporation of the Christian "merveilleux" onto pagan forms, has underlined

a basic weakness of the work. The epics of Saint-Amant and his contemporaries

were poorly received and critical attention has been directed toward matters of

technique, particularly their stylistic faults. The spirituality of Saint-Amant

as revealed in the work has never been addressed.

We have shown how Archim^de Harni in his Allegory in the French Heroic Enic

examines the work as a Christian allegory and how he attributes a moralizing

intent on the part of Saint-Amant in the creation of the "Koyse sauve."

Similarly, R.A. Sayce in his The French Biblical Enic directs much attention to

the Christian aspects of the work. William Evans, in his unpublished doctoral dissertation, "Saint-Amant*s Moyse sauve: A Study in the Baroque Style in Poetry"

(1973), refers to the Christian "merveilleux" which "underlines the moral purpose 9 of the work." • But we have also shown the reluctance of critics of the Christian

aspects of the work to attribute any sincere spiritual needs on the part of the

poet as the source of its inspiration. Marni’s observation that Saint-Amant

"was first and foremost a 'bon viveur' and whatever interest he might have shown,

at first, in giving his work a mystico-religious significance, must have been 233

10 of secondary nature," and Sayce's assumption that Saint-Amant was "not

inclined to any violent religious emotion,are typical of a pattern for nearly all students of Saint-Amant to refuse to seek any spiritual figure of

the poet in the work.

Our analysis of the "koyse sauve" has shown that the very subjects of medi

tation which the poet addresses in "Le Contemplateur" play a vital role in the

thematic development of the heroic idyll. Saint-Amant incorporates visions of man's fallen nature, in particular a repeated portraiture of the deluge, and

includes throughout the work allegorical references to the birth, life, and saving

grace of Christ. Several of the extended allegories could serve as poetic

equivalents of meditation on subjects recommended by Luis de Cranada, Loyola,

and Saint Francois de Sales. In the "Preface," Saint-Amant even invites us to

look for a "sens cache.'" The figure of the poet in the work as one who is

inspired by Urania and aided by a muse is that of a mystical poet who has the

task of revealing certain divine truths. We have failed to uncover the real

presence of Saint-Amant in the "Moyse sauve" because we have been blinded by its

several stylistic faults and by a pre-conceived opinion that the "beau gros" and

"libertin" was incapable of addressing any personal spiritual needs in its crea

tion. When one reflects upon the same objects of contemplation which permeate

"Le Contemplateur" and play a vital role in the'Tioyse sauve", however, the

continuing influence of the theoreticians of prayer and meditation on' the

thinking of Saint-Amant becomes certain. The "Moyse sauve" becomes a work

through which the poet reveals again a deeply spiritual nature.

Finally, in the last chapter, vie examined three poems of the Dernier Pecueil

wherein Saint-Amant addresses spiritual concerns in a more personal and direct

way. In the "Stances a Corneille sur son Imitation de Jesus Christ," praises

the work of Corneille by idealizing the life of a "devot"(a student who follows

the guidelines of the "Imitation" in his daily life) as the finest example of 234 human behavior. Saint-Arr.ant laments the fact that it is too late for him to pattern his life on such lofty examples of prayer and goodness, but offers a renunciation of all his profane work as a type of act of contrition. Critics have attempted to attribute the disavowal to the needs of an old man facing death.

Having always regarded Saint-Amant as the "beau Gros," the casual reaction is understandable. Our study has shown, however, that the religious poems, beginning with "Le Contemplateur" and spanning the entire life of the poet, are not aberrations, but rather examples of his fundamental poetic task.

In "La Genereuse," Saint-Amant succeeds in glorifying the valor of his patron, Harie-Louise de Gonzague, as she faces the Protestant army of Charles

Gustave of Sweden. In portraying the piety of Harie-Louise, whose mistrust of non-Christian aid and bravery in battle are rewarded with a vision of her son who promises salvation as a reward for her acts of faith, Saint-Amant reveals a spiritual self reminiscent of "Le Contemplateur." The poem serves as a type of renewal of his celebration of conversion, for the conflict is seen as a struggle between virtuous Catholics and inferior Prostestants. Similarly, his meditation on the horror of battle leads him into an awareness of the "dis graces du monde." The first half of the work functions, therefore, as a type of meditation on man's fallen nature as revealed in the Old Testament. The triumph of Harie-Louise, the subject of the second half of the work, is the result of her obedience to God's will as revealed in the Pisen Lord. This dichotomy between man's fallen and redeemed nature is the fundamental theme of the work and reflects again the continuing influence of the theoreticians of prayer and meditation. Even Jean Lagny is led to observe: "On se demande, a lire

- 12 ces vers, si Saint-Amant occupe, eomme poete chretien, la place qu'il merite."

Finally, in the "Fragment d'une meditation sur le crucifix," Saint-Amant prostrates himself in front of a cross and reflects upon the Passion and . . 235 the benefits the sacrifice of Christ has bequeathed to all mankind. The figure of the poet in the work, whereby he imagines himself physically present at

Calvary, is reminiscent of "Le Contemplateur" where Saint-Amant establishes himself as a witness to the various events. Saint Francois de Sales, in particular, accentuates the importance of envisioning oneself as a participant in the scene one wishes to meditate. The "Fragment d'une meditation!'1' attests, therefore, to a continuing influence of Saint Francois and others on the thinking of the poet.

No one could argue that the words of the "Fragment d’une meditation" are not those of a profoundly religious man. Even in the less directly personal

"Stances a Corneille" and "La Genereuse", the figure of the poet as a deeply spiritual man is evident. We have seen, however, that even critics who can not disclaim the spiritual depth which they convey are loathe to see in them more than aberrations of the poet's fundamental task. Samuel Borton's observation that the works "lie on the verge of or outside the modal evolution of the poet's work" 13 expresses most clearly the bias that exists to this day.

Our study has attempted to offer a new reading of the religious poems of

Saint-Amant. The works have rarely been studied as a group and a connection between them and a continuing spiritual quest on the part of Saint-Amant has never been established. Both the life of the poet and the stylistic and thematic patterns which the spiritual poems share suggest that Saint-Amant, from the time of his conversion to his death, was preoccupied by the need to address spiritual concerns. The personal life of the poet and his several expressions of sacrilegious sentiments have, unfortunately, obscured the real figure of the poet in the works.

The attempt to render an unprejudicial reading of the works has been inspired, in part, by the beliefs of Jaques Maritain and Jean Housset regarding the nature of spiritual poetry. Faritain defines Christian art as follows: I do not mean that in order to do Christian work the artist must be a saint who might be canonized or a mystic who has attained to transforming union... I say that a work is in fact Christian in so far as some element derived from the life which makes saint; and contemplatives is transmitted— however and with whatsoever deficiencies— through the soul of the artist. (14)

Rousset’s characterization of that which may be labeled "religious” in baroque

poetry has also been helpful:

Cette poesie fascinee par le squelette et la tete de mort est la plus souvent une poesie religieuse, fortement orientee vers la reflexion sur les fins dernieres et la destinee spirituelle de l’homme. Elle conduit directement a une poesie expressement chretienne, qui stinule la diffusion de nouvelles methodes de priere et d'ascese inspire^ par la Contre-Reforme des la fin du XVI siecle. J

Finally, William Calin, in his study of Pierre le Koyne, observes the

underlying orientation to art which is shared by all Christian poets and which

applies clearly to Saint-Amant:

Like Hilton and Saint-Amant, he proclaims the duty of the Christian poet to use his "talent" for God, as a sacrificial offering, and to write with austerity, discipline, and responsibility. Art is good when it tells of God’s eternal glory, evil when it up holds pagan or sensuous-materialist interests. (l6)

It is in seeing Saint-Amant as a Christian poet that we have been able to

give a new reading of the religious poemSj and the figure of a man whose

spiritual concerns were both profound and lasting has emerged. 237

Footnotes (Conclusion)

^Gedeon Tallemant des Reaux, Historiettes, ed. Antoine Adam (Paris: Bibliotheque de la P16iade, 196l), I, 590.

0 Geoffrey Brereton, An Introduction to the French Poets, Villon to the Present Day, 2nd. ed.~~("London: Hatheun, 1313), 56. •Z Robert Sabatier, Histoire de la poesie francaise. La Poesie du 17° siecle (Paris: Albin Michel, 1975), p. 97. 1

^Jean Lagny, "Le Poete Saint-Amant et le protestantisme," Bulletin de la Societe de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Francais, 105 (1951), 259.

^Henri Bremond, Histoire du sentiment religieux en France, II (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1967), pp. 151-158.

^Francoise Gourier, Etude des oeuvres poetiques de Spint-Amant (Geneve: Slatkine Reprints, 1961), p. 186.

r? Alan Boase, The Poetry of France, II (London: Katheun, 1975), p. lxviii. Q Robert Corum, Other Worlds and Other Seas: Art and Vision in Saint- Amant's Nature Poetry (Lexington Ky.: French Forum, 1979), P* 33.

Q ✓ William Evans, "Saint-Amant's 'Moyse sauve': A Study in the Baroque Style in Poetry," Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, The University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C., 1973, p. 110.

^Archimede Marni, Allegory in the French Heroic Poem of the Seven teenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 19367, p. 162.

■^R.A. Sayce, The French Biblical Epic in the Seventeenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953), p. 186.

12 ^ Jean Lagny, Le Poete Saint-Amant: Sssai sur sa vie et ses oeuvres (Paris: Nizet, 19647, p. 392.

1 ^ Samuel Borton, Six Modes of Sensibility in Saint-Amant (Paris: Kouton and Co., 1966), p. 169.

14 Jacques Maritain, Art and Scholasticism and the Frontiers of Poetry, trans. Joseph W. Evans (New York: Scribner, 1962), p. 213- 238

Footnotes (Conclusion)

15Jean Rousset, Anthologie de la poesies baroque ifrancaise (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1961), I, p. 17.

■^Williar: Calin, Crown, Cross and "Fleur-de-lis”: An Essay on Pierre Le Moyne's Baroque Epic "Saint Louis" (Saratoga, Cal. : Annia Libri, 1977), p."“71. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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______. Oeuvres completes. Ch.-L. Livet ed. , Paris: P. Jannet Librairie, 1855-

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Aubin, R.A. "Saint-Amant as Preromantic." Modern Language Notes, 50 (1935), 456-7.

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Bailbe, Jacques. "La Couleur baroque de la langue et du style dans les premieres oeuvres de Saint-Amant." Le Francais Moderne, 28 (1960), 171-80, 287-96; 29 (1961), 43-61.

______. "Maynard et Saint-Amant." Maynard et son temps, (1973), 183-199-

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Brun, Pierre. "Un Goinfre: Marc-Antoine de Saint-Amant." Revue d'Histoire Litteraire de la France, 4 (1897), 566-76.

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Labbe, J. "Saint-Amant, ce grand poete de la mer." Revue Maritime, No. 183 (1961), 1627-1645.

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Lawrence, Francis L. "Time and the Individual Consciousness in Saint-Amant's 'La Solitude' and 'Le Contemplateur'." French Review, 46, Special Issue 5 (1973), 32-40.

______. "Saint-Amant's 'L'Hyver des Alpes': A structural Analysis," Romanic Review, 68 (1977), 247-253-

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Le Sens, E. "Le Poete Saint-Amant et sa famille." La Normandie, III-IV (1893-94), 76-84; 108-116.

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Marni, Archimede. Allegory in the French Heroic Poem of the Seventeenth Century. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1936.

Mazzara, R. A. "A Case of Creative Imitation in Saint-Amant." French Review, 31 (1957), 27-34.

______. "Saint-Amant and the Italian Bernesque Poets.” French Review, 32 (1959) , 231-241.

______. Italian and Spanish Influences in the Life and Works of Saint-Amant. Unpublished Ph.D. Diss.: University of Kansas, 1959-

______. "The Anti-Hero in Saint-Amant." Kentucky Foreign Language Quarterly, 9 (1962), 123-129-

______. "Saint-Amant, avant-garde precieux poet: 'La Jouyssance'," Ball State Teachers College Forum, 3 (1963), 58-63.

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Roberts, William. "Beyond the Frame: Saint-Amant's Mixing of Poetry Painting, and Ballet." French Literature Series, 5 (1978), 81-93-

______. "Classical Sources of Saint-Amant's 'L'Arion'." French Studies, 17 (1963), 341-350.

______. "Saint-Amant, Aytoun and the Tobacco Sonnet." Modern Language Review, 54 (1959) , 499-506.

Rolfe, Christopher. Saint-Amant and the Theory of Ut Pictura Poesis. London: The Modern Humanities Research Association, 1972.

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Rousset, Jean. Anthologie de la poesie baroque francaise. Paris: Libr- airie Armand Colin, 1961. Vol. I.

______. La Litterature de 1'age baroque en France: Circe et le paon. Paris: Jose Corti, 1953-

Sainte-Beuve. "Saint-Amant" (3 dec. 1855). Causeries du lundi, Vol. XII. 38 ed. Paris: Gamier, 1870. 242

Sayce, R. A. The French Biblical Epic in the Seventeenth Century. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1953*

_ . "Saint-Amant's 'Moyse sauve' and French Bible Translations." Modern Language Rpview, 37 (1942), 170-77. -

_ . "Saint-Amant and Poussin: IJt pictura piesis." French Studies^ I (l947), 241-51.

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Van Roosbroeck, G. L. "Neglected Strophes by Saint-Amant," Modern Language Notes, 42 (1927), 467.

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In the last three stanzas of the "Fragment d'une meditation," the

thoughts of Saint-Amant turn to the benefits of Christ's passion: the

triumph of love, eternal salvation, and the sacrifice of the mass:

J'y remarque en chaque tourment L'Eternite dans le moment, La gloire dans l'ignominie, Et la vigueur dans l'agonie. J'y considere 1'Immortel, Mourir ainsi pour l'Homme, en expier le crime; J'y voy le Prestre sur 1'Autel, Et pour s'offrir a soy, le Dieu dans la Victime.

Un incroyable excez d'amour Le presse de perdre le jour, Pour nous garantir des tenebres Ou regnent les plaintes funebres. II trouve en ce terrible pas De sa trop pronte fin l’approche encor trop lente: Et son coeur souffre en un trespas Et la mort naturelle, et la mort violente.

J'y voy change, j'y vois esteint Le divin eclat de son teint; J'y voy fletrir les saintes roses Qui disent tant de graves choses. J'y voy porter pour tout secours L'aigre et vaine liqueur dont se grossit l'esponge: Mon seul Refuge est sans recours, Et dans nostre Neant son Estre-humain se plonge. (Sts. VI, VII, VIII)

The prayerful ending is also in keeping with the outline of Loyola for

proper meditation on the Passion. Loyola advocates that the penitent, having contemplated the Passion, re-direct his thoughts toward the benefits

of the sacrifice. Of the several changes in direction, two are directed

specifically toward the importance of contemplating the joy which knowledge

of the Risen Lord imparts:

The second will be, as soon as I awake, to place before my mind the contemplation I am to enter upon, and then to strive to feel joy and happiness at the great joy and happiness of Christ our Lord. The sixth will be call to mind and think on what causes pleasure, happiness, and spiritual joy, for instance, the glory of heaven.31 221

Thus, in both style and content, "Fragment d'une meditation" is a perfect example of a Passion meditation; the influence of St. Francois de Sales and Loyola seems certain.

Saint-Amant's various expressions of faith:"...nulle part le sentiment

✓ ^32 religieux ne s'est exprime chez lui avec autant de sincerite." Even the most skeptical critic must conclude that the "Fragment d'une meditation" is the work of one whose faith was both real and profound.

Thus, in the three major religious works of the Dernier Recueil, Saint-

Amant reveals significant facets of his spiritual self. In the "Stances a

Corneille" Saint-Amant glorifies the devout life as an ideal. In "La

Genereuse" he examines how unquestioning allegiance to God's will always results in the triumph of justice and will be rewarded with inner peace.

Finally, in "Fragment d'une meditation” Saint-Amant is able to speak-to

The three works, seen as isolated spiritual outpourings of an older

man facing death, do not serve readily as testimony to the existence of a

deeply spiritual nature on the part of the poet. The fact that he includes, however, in all of them certain patterns of meditation on man's fallen and

redeemed state, and imitates, in part, the guidelines of St. Francois de

Sales and Ignatius Loyola, links the works to both "Le Contemplateur" and

the "Moyse sauve." They must not be viewed, therefore, as aberrations, but rather as the culmination of a life's work which finds its most unifying element in spiritual concerns. 223

Footnotes (Chapter 6)

4 ^ Archiraede Marni, Allegory in the French Heroic Poem of the Seven teenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1936), p. 119- 2 Antoine Adam, "Saint-Amant," in L1Epoque d'Henri IV et_ de Louis XIII, Vol. I of Histoire de la litterature francaise au XVIIe siecle (Paris: Domat, 1948), p. 94 ^ 3 * Francoise Gourier, Etude des oeuvres poetiques de Saint-Amant (Geneve: Slatkine Reprinte, 1961), p. 185.

^Paul Durand-Lapie, Un Academicien du XVII9 siecle: Saint-Amant, son temps, sa vie, ses poesies (Geneve: Slatkine Reprints,1970), p. 443- 5 f Samuel Borton, Six Modes of Sensibility in Saint-Amant (Paris: Kouton and Co., 1966), p. 169-

g Durand-Lapie, p. 463.

r7 Marc Antoine Gerard, sieur de Saint-Amant, Oeuvres completes, ed. Jacques Bailbe" et Jean Lagny, IV (Paris: Marcel Didier, 1967-1979)» p. 208. Further references to the "Stances a Corneille" will be noted in the text of the paper by verse. 0 Gourier, p. 196. Q y Jean Lagny, Le Poete Saint-Amant: Essai sur sa vie et ses oeuvres (Paris: Hizet, 1964), pp. 374-75. 10 Gourier, p. 195.

11Lagny, p. 377.

^ ^Ihid., p. 378.

^Durand-Lapie, pp. 478-82.

^Lagny, pp. 386-388.

15Ibid., p. 389.

1 f i Durand-Lapie, pp. 475-77. 17 ^ Saint-Amant, Oeuvres completes, IV, pp. 6-7. Further references to "La Genereuse" will be noted in the text of the paper by page (the "Preface") or by verse (the poem).

18Lagny, p. 394.

1 9Durand-Lapie, p. 481. 224

Footnotes (Chapter 6)

20 Lagny, p. 389.

21 Gourier, p. 194.

22Lagny, p. 392. 23 ^ Saint-Amant, Oeuvres completes, IV, p. 360. 24 Terence Cave. Devotional Poetry in France c. 1370-1613 (Cambridge: University Press, 1969) p p . 54-55. 25 •• Saint-Amant, Oeuvres completes, IV, p. 260. Further references to the "Fragment d'une meditation" will he noted in the text of the paper by verse. 26 Saint Francois de Sales, Introduction a la vie devote, ed. Charles Florisome (Paris: Fernard Roches,1930),I, 75-

2*^Ibid. , p. 58. 28 -v Claude Bonnefoy, JLa Poesie francaise des origines ja nos jours. Anthologie (Paris: Seuil, 1975) , p.V124. 29 Saint Ignacio do Loyola, The Spiritual Exercises, trans. Rev. C. Lattery, S. J. (St. Louis: Herder Book Co., 1928), p. 88.

^Ib i d . , pp. 91-92.

^ Ibid., p. 97.

^Lagny, p. 378. Conclusion

We have attempted to demonstrate in this study that the figure of the poet, Saint-Amant, as revealed in "Le Contemplateur," "T'oyse sauve," "Stances a Corneille sur son Imitation de Jesus Christ," "La Genereuse," and "Frag ment d'une meditation sur le crucifix," is that of a deeply religious man who was inspired throughout his life by .the need to express spiritual concerns.

The goal of the work has been, in part, to identify certain thematic and structural patterns which the works have in common, and to establish them, as a group, as one of the most consistent examples of his inspiration and achievement.

The undertaking of such a task presents certain immediate difficulties. It has been necessary to examine both the personal and spiritual life of the poet in an effort to rehabilitate his reputation as more than merely a self-proclaimed disciple of Bacchus. For the past three hundred years, students of Saint-Amant have accepted almost without question that the image of a "bon vivant" is the most accurate description of the persona of the poet. The reaction of Tallemant des F.eaux to Saint-Amant' s description of himself as "le gros Virgile" in the

"Fpitre heroi-comique a Monseigneur le due d'Orleans", "il s'appelle 'le gros

Virgile,' il eust mieux fait de dire le gros ivrogne,"^ is not dissimilar from contemporary observations on the poet's personal life. Geoffrey Brereton, for example, in his An Introduction to the French Poets, Villon to the Present

Day (1956), characterizes Saint-Amant and several of his contemporaries as follows poets like Saint-Amant, frolicking happily writh the Muse and wineglass, appeared 2 still not to have heard of the new canons of taste." As recently as 1975, Robert

Sabatier, in his Histoire de la poesie francaise, offers a similar portrait:

225 226

Tracons une des images de Saint-Awant, aussi vraie que tuutes les'autres. II est gros, gourmand. On l’appelle "I1Anacreon des goinfres." II est un des plus etonnants buveurs de son temps. On le trouve dans des hauts lieux de ripaille comme la Fosse aux Lions ou l’Epee royale, avec ses amis Faret (dont le nom rime avec cabaret, ce que Boileau ne manquera pas),... et autres "biberons" plus volontiers qu'a la jeune Academie francaise dont il fait partie. (3)

critic of- the poet: drunkenness and bawdy behavior on the part of a poet belie

in no way the existence of spiritual depth in his works.

The second most common epitaph applied to the poet is that of a "libertin."

As in the case of the "gros ivrogne", the appellation may have been well

deserved. In two poems in particular, the "Tobacco Sonnet" and an epigramme written soon after his departure from Rome in 1633 > Saint-Amant alludes to a 227 seeding lack of faith. We have seen how in the "Tobacco Sonnet" Saint-Amant expresses feelings of spiritual emptiness,and in the unpublished epiaramme he makes seemingly mocking references to the authority of the Chruch. Saint-

Amant was also known to lhave been on intimate terms with several leading

"libertins," Theophile de Viau in particular. Although few critics have gone to the extreme of Antoine Adam, who labels Saint-Amant an "athee", he is regarded to this day as belonging to the circle of "libertins". Contemporary critics such as Imbrie Buffurn and Odette de I'ourges, for example, refer to

Saint-Amant as a "libertin" as if the label were common knowledge. Even critics who have addressed the spiritual elements in his poetry are reluctant to attri bute sincere religious feelings on the part of the poet. P.A. Sayce and Archimede karni, for example, examine manifestations of the Christian "merveilleux" and allegory in the "koyse sauve", but both temper their studies with reminders that Saint-Amant lacked a profound spiritual nature. Even the poet's principal biographer, Jean Lagny, doubts that Saint-Amant possessed sufficient spiritual depth to be considered an essentially religious poet.

Jean Lagny is the only student of Saint-Amant to give serious consideration to the conversion and he concludes that it was largely an act of political conven-

4 ience. The persecution of Protestants during the formative years of the poet, his close association with the due de Petz, and personal ambition could all suggest that his abjuration of Protestantism had motives other than spiritual.

There may be found, however, in the life and example of Philippe Cospeau,

Bishop of Nantes, to whom Saint-Amant attributes his conversion, cause to believe that Saint-Amant became a Catholic for reasons other than convenience.

The Bishop was widely known as a man of letters and worldy tastes. He was

a welcome guest at the Hotel de Rambouillet and showed much tolerance for the

independence of thought of the "libertins," Theophile de Viau in particular.

The Bishop was in close association with such religious figures as Berulle and

Pere Joseph, as well as with Guez de Balzac. The fact that Saint-Amant may

well have known and even been influenced by the writings of Pere Joseph, and

was also a friend of Balzac, suggests there existed a loosely structured, yet

significant rapport among Cospeau, Saint-Amant, and several prominent spokes

men for Catholicism. The close ties of Saint-Amant to such a group, and to

Philippe Cospeau in particular, suggest that his conversion may well have been

a natural and spontaneous act, not superficial and reluctant. If we acoept

the observation of Saint-Everemond that all conversions are, by nature, irrational

acts and not the result of the human will, then the conversion of Saint-Amant

must be seen as an act of spiritual significance, coloring both his life and his

poetry.

Saint-Amant's reputation as a "libertin" has resulted in a biased and less

than serious reading of his religious poems. Critical attention has been directed

toward that which is characteristically "Protestant" or "Catholic" in his works

and few have attempted to find in them the spiritual figure of the poet. Our

study has demonstrated that the spiritual life of Saint-Amant, particularly as

it reveals itself in his conversion, shows a profound and continuing interest

in the practice of faith. His independence of thought and even occasional expres

sions of irreverence have distorted the fact that Saint-Amant, as revealed through

his life and poetry, struggled with matters of personal faith and was addressing

his confusion and his needs in prayerful poetry. When the religious works of

Saint-Amant are read with the eyes of one who rejects any connection between

sobriety and spiritualityj and accepts the fact that a deeply spiritual man may 229

express occasional doubt and despair, then the religious poems can be seen a as profound expressions of faith and spiritual longing. Certainly the term

"libertin" becomes a superficial and inaccurate label for his spiritual self.

In the first two chapters of our study,we have examined the devotional and literary traditions to which Saint-Amant was heir. In the Kiddle A^es, the practice of structured devotion was limited to the cloister, and private prayer was not distinguished from theology. In the fourteenth century, however, the

Windisheim Community began to encourage daily devotion on the part of the laity.

In the years which followed, there appeared an increasing number of devotional treatises which outlined in detail daily, weekly, and even monthly cycles of meditation. Three works which date from the late Renaissance were of particular importance: Fray Luis de Granada's Memorial de la 7ida Christiana; Igantius

Loyola's E.jercisios esoirituales; Saint Francois de Sales' Introduction :a la vie devote. Their theories on prayer and meditation were popularized in the early seventeenth century by such religious writers as Louis Richeoir.e, Bdnoit de Canfeld, Pere Joseph, Pierre de Berulle, and Kadame Acarie. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, their influence had spread throughout the country and literary-devotional circles began to develop even in the provinces.

Boyssieres and the young Kalherbe, to name a few— reflected the mood of piety at the court by writing poetry whose structural principle was based on the guidelines for controlled meditation. The poems of this genre functioned as a type of mime for prayer. Malherbe's Larmes de Saint Pierre (1587) and La

Ceppede's Theoremss (1612) were early masterpieces of the genre which was 230

firmly established, by the year 1630 in the works of Yves de Paris, P. Caussin,

5 and Pierre le Moyne, to name a few.

The precursors and contemporaries of S^int-Amant were successful in com

bining structured meditation and the poetic experience largely through the use of certain stylistic devices commonly labeled "baroque." The baroque

mentality, with its love of metaphor and its cult of solitude and reverie, was

ideally suited to transmit the prayerful poetic experience. The search for the

presence of the Divine eventually reached the level of a mystical experience witth