The Glenn Brothers, Art Education, and Tallahasseeâ•Žs Frenchtown 1957

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Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School

2013 Constructing Community: The Glenn Brothers, Art Education, and Tallahassee's Frenchtown 1957-1967 Donald Sheppard

Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY

COLLEGE OF VISUAL ARTS, THEATRE & DANCE

CONSTRUCTING COMMUNITY: THE GLENN BROTHERS, ART EDUCATION, AND

TALLAHASSEE’S FRENCHTOWN 1957 -1967

DONALD SHEPPARD

A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Art Education in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2013 Donald Sheppard defended this dissertation on October 7, 2013. The members of the supervisory committee were:

Tom Anderson Professor Directing Dissertation

Maxine Montgomery University Representative

David Gussak Committee Member

Pat Villeneuve Committee Member

The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the dissertation has been approved in accordance with university requirements.

This dissertation is dedicated to my wife, Sarah and daughter, Donarah.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I want to acknowledge my committee members who gave me valuable feedback and support. I especially want to thank Tom Anderson for going the extra mile to see me through, for staying late on Thursdays to accommodate my work hours, and for meeting me in Barnes and Noble during the holidays because the school was closed. You have been more than a director, you have been a friend. I want to thank David Gussak for his always positive attitude and for stepping in to lend a hand when I needed him most. I want to thank Pat Villeneuve, who I am knitted to because of her teaching style, sense of humor, and the work we’ve done together. I want to thank Maxine Montgomery, who has been so encouraging and has brought many ideas to the table about which I would never have thought. I would like to thank the Ivan and Inez Johnson Award in Art Education for its encouragement and support. I would like to thank my church family, Watson Temple Church of God in Christ where I have served as pastor for almost 15 years, for its prayerful support. I would like to thank administrations, colleagues, and students of Griffin Middle School and Montford Middle School who have kept me hooked on art education. I would like to also thank my siblings: Elbert, Elliott, Elaine, and twin brother Ronald. We did it! I would like to thank my parents: my Mom who enrolled me into Mr. Harris’ art classes when the county took art out of the schools, and my father (posthumously) who is still my greatest mentor. And lastly, I want to thank Grandma Bessie (also posthumously), who got only as far as eighth grade, wrote letters to me while I was in undergraduate school, and wanted to be a teacher.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures ...... viii Abstract ...... x 1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1 Introduction ...... 1 Statement of the Problem ...... 2 The Research Questions ...... 5 Rationale ...... 6 Theoretical Perspectives ...... 8 Theoretical Framework of Choice ...... 11 Definition of Terms...... 12 Summary ...... 13 2. METHODOLOGY AND THEORETICAL FOUNDATION FOR THIS HISTORICAL RESEARCH ...... 14 The Research Question ...... 14 Methodology: Historiography ...... 14 Two Basic Approaches in Historiography ...... 15 Steps in Historical Research ...... 18 History and Historiography in Art Education ...... 24 Historical Research on African Americans and Art Education ...... 27 Historical Research Process and Art Educators Hodges and Rogers Glenn ...... 28 The Use of Oral Reports and Interviews...... 29 Supporting Sources, Perspectives, and Questions of Verity ...... 32 Writing the Study ...... 34 Summary of Methodology ...... 35 3. DEFINING COMMUNITY...... 36 Introduction ...... 36 What is Community? ...... 36 Socialization in Community Construction ...... 39 Constructing Community ...... 47 The Marginalization of the African-American Community ...... 58 African American Teachers and Education ...... 61

African American Male Teachers ...... 63 Community Based Art Education (CBAE) ...... 66 Material Culture, Community, and Art Education...... 70 4. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT FOR THE STUDY ...... 73 Discovering the Glenn Brothers: Some Personal Context ...... 73 The Community of Frenchtown ...... 75 Hodges and Rogers Glenn ...... 79 In Their Own Words ...... 82 The Black Art Movement of the 60s and 70s ...... 85 The Glenn Brothers and the Practical Arts ...... 87 Signage and Lettering in the 60s ...... 89 5. THE FRENCHTOWN COMMUNITY AND THE GLENN TWINS ...... 91 The Frenchtown Community as a Mecca ...... 91 A Mecca for African American Living ...... 92 A Mecca for African American Businesses ...... 94 A Mecca for African American Entertainment ...... 96 A Mecca for African American Education ...... 98 A Mecca for African American Dignity ...... 101 Training in the Community ...... 102 Beginning Teachers in the Community ...... 104 The Journey from Birth to Teaching Art in the Community ...... 106 Providing an Art Connection for the Community...... 112 Mentoring in the Community...... 120 Bridging the African American Community with the Total Community ...... 126 A Community in Transition ...... 132 6. ANALYSIS, CONCLUSION, AND IMPLICATIONS ...... 140 Social Progress ...... 140 Answering the Supporting Questions for this Study ...... 145 The First Supporting Question ...... 145 Historicity ...... 145 Identity ...... 147 Mutuality ...... 150 Plurality ...... 152 vi

Autonomy ...... 154 Participation ...... 156 Integration ...... 159 The community framed as art ...... 160 The Second Supporting Question ...... 161 The Third Supporing Question ...... 163 An Emergent Theme: My Personal Journey and Connection to the Glenn Brothers 164 Answering the Primary Research Question ...... 168 Conclusion ...... 170 Implications...... 173 APPENDICES ...... 176 A. INSTITUTION REVIEW BOARD (IRB)...... 176 B. FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PERMISSION TO PUBLISH, EXHIBIT, OR BROADCAST WORKS FROM THE COLLECTION ...... 177 C. HODGES AND ROGERS GLENN RESEARCH – DOCUMENT INVESTIGATION NOTES ...... 179 374 REFERENCES ...... 180 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...... 191

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LIST OF FIGURES

1 Community Types ...... 43

2 Sullivan’s Food Store and Ashmore’s Drug Store ...... 91

3 View showing African American homes on Copeland St. in Tallahassee, Florida...... 93

4 Frenchtown Macomb Street commercial district ...... 95

5 Red Bird Cafe ...... 97

6 Old Lincoln High School – Tallahassee, Florida ...... 98

7 Hodges Glenn...... 105

8 Rogers Glenn in his classroom ...... 106

9 James Glenn, Sr...... 107

10 The Glenn home (taken in 1986) ...... 108

11 Hodges and Rogers Glenn ...... 109

12 Left to Right: Hodges Glenn, Rogers Glenn, and student Larry Jones ...... 111

13 Hodges or Rogers Glenn ...... 111

14 Hodges Glenn’s 2nd Annual Art Exhibition at Lincoln High School...... 114

15 Hodges Glenn working extra wih a student ...... 115

16 Hodges Glenn teaches students at Lincoln High School ...... 116

17 Hodges Glenn preparing a nativity scene with a student ...... 117

18 Hodges Glenn painting a backdrop ...... 118

19 Hodges Glenn with students ...... 121

20 Hodges Glenn with student setting up a nativity scene ...... 123

21 Rogers Glenn with students at FAMU High School ...... 125

22 Miss Art 1963 ...... 129

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23 Lincoln Art Work ...... 130

24 The Glenn brothers with teachers and administrators ...... 132

25 Hodges Glenn receiving the SHIP’s Scholarship award in 1967 ...... 134

26 Hodges Glenn receiving award from the Black Citizens Committee ...... 137

27 Rogers Glenn’s lettering class at Florida State University in the early 70s ...... 138

ABSTRACT

African American brothers, Hodges and Rogers Glenn taught art in Frenchtown, in

Tallahassee, Florida during the tumultuous 50s and 60s. In spite of its marginalization, the community of Frenchtown was a thriving self-sustaining mecca for African American culture.

The Glenn brothers were an integral part of the vitality of this community. The purpose of this study was to situate their works within a community based art education framework and explore their roles in community construction.

In defining community construction, three theoretical perspectives emerged: Dewey’s

(1900) ideas of social progress, Selznick’s (1992) elements of community construction

(historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation, and integration), and

McMillan’s (1996; 2011) argument that a sense of community can be framed as art.

The historical methodology entailed primarily gathering a number of interviews with those who knew the Glenn Brothers and the community supplemented by secondary sources mostly from local archives. The data were evaluated in relation to the theoretical foundations described above and in light of the theory of social interactionism. The findings were drawn from an historical narrative centered primarily on the Glenn brothers’ ten years of teaching art at two rival African American high schools.

Analysis of the data showed evidence of the presence of each of Selznick’s (1992) elements of community construction and a preponderance of evidence that the Glenn brothers greatly contributed to this community. For example, the infusion of signage and artwork in and on the buildings contributed to the community’s identity, their many professions strengthened its plurality, and mentoring students before and after school showed their commitment to ready their students for community improvement and equip them with the autonomy to fend for themselves.

This giving back to the community seemed to drive the Glenn brothers in their teaching philosophies. Also, emerging themes of mentorship and art connections showed that the Glenn brothers were influential not only in the classroom, but throughout the community. As father figures, they gave direction and exemplary leadership while the city, state, and nation were experiencing unrest and transition. Their low key but high energy commitment and calm consistency served as proof that alternatives for social change, other than confrontations and protests, do exist. Members of the community described a sense of community that became art when they framed it with comments like “Frenchtown was a decent place” (M. Rush, personal communication, April 4, 2007) and “it was like heaven” (P. Houzell, personal communication,

June 5, 2013). Social Interaction between the Glenn brothers and others in the community brought about meaning in their environment. This meaning extended even to the present the author, too, discovered connections to the Glenn brothers.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

Introduction I recently read the book Against All Odds: Artist Dean Mitchell’s Story (James, 2007) to my middle school students. The author of the book, Betty James, came to our school and signed personal copies for all of our sixth graders. The book is about a friend of mine I have admired since I was a child. Like I did, he grew up in the small rural town of Quincy, Florida. As I read the book, many if not all of the feelings and emotions specific to our small community blossomed again in my being. I remembered the images of tobacco barns, clay roads, storefronts, and grandmothers doing Saturday shopping.

As the book charted Dean Mitchell’s course to college and his artful success, one name among many caught my attention: Tom Harris. Mr. Harris was a happy Caucasian art teacher who taught in the public schools of a mostly African American district. He was so influential that several of his African American students (including me) eventually went to art colleges to pursue careers in the field. Seeing Tom Harris’ name again made me reflect and wonder what he possessed to make such an impression on African American students in this mostly farming community. How had the art that he shared with us transcended the barriers of race and the racism of that period?

Often, we (his African American male students) found ourselves in his home framing pictures in preparation for art shows as his wife kept us going with cool glasses of water. This seemingly normal picture now was almost unheard of in the south during the early 1970s.

Segregated schools had just been integrated, though the Brown vs. The Board of Education decision had demanded the end of segregation almost two decades earlier. When the county

1 deemed art not important enough to stay in the curriculum of the public schools, my mother enrolled me into one of Mr. Harris’ once a week evening art classes. Art was in his very being and you could hear it in his voice and see it in his eyes. Though there were enough reasons to be fragmented (the differences of race, the lack of art in schools and so on) Mr. Harris persevered and constructed a sense of community among us through art.

Likewise, a decade earlier in the Frenchtown community in the adjacent city of

Tallahassee, only about twenty miles away, two other art teachers inspired memorable moments among the African American students they educated. Because their schools were still segregated in the 1960s, these African American teachers, who happened to be twin brothers, taught at the only high schools available to their students in the city. The brothers had grown up in the

Frenchtown community and they gave back to the community their love for art. They seemed to be kindred spirits to Mr. Harris in their tenaciousness and ability to sometimes unconventionally educate regardless of community challenges and hold the respect of their eager students. These artists and teachers were Hodges and Rogers Glenn. Their story and contributions to art and art education are the focus of this study.

Statement of Problem

The history of art education continues to attract more attention as the field becomes more established (Soucy, 1990; Bolin, 2009). Frederick Logan (1955) encouraged art educators to return to their towns after formal art instruction and apply what they have learned to the idiosyncrasies of their communities. He wrote, “[The art teacher’s] knowledge, his firsthand observations of masterworks wherever he has traveled, are needed to find and to make known to his students the individual qualities of their immediate environment” (Logan, 1955, p. 161).

Logan challenged educators to teach with the inspiration of their communities, and his advocacy of local specificity remains good advice. If art educators are to take Logan’s advice and inspire their communities through the visual arts, then more accounts should join Logan in documenting such practices especially in areas not yet illuminated. Without this documentation, we miss the full picture of the history of art education. The scope and overview of art education history can only be as good as the details we can find. When we leave out phenomena and stories such as that of the Glenn brothers, we leave blank pages in the books of understanding.

Bolin, Blandy and Congdon (2000) made this concept clear when they featured several art education stories that were not previously included in the mainstream of documented art education history. They further warned that “there is no single ‘history’ of anything; history is multi-dimensional and interpreted from many and often obscure experiences from the past” (p.

2). They encouraged their readers to celebrate the ordinary art educators who live extraordinary lives and have sometimes gone unnoted. Bolin, Blandy and Congdon (2000) further resolved that stories such as these are worthy to be told and that “these are the people we must remember” (p.

6).

Stankiewicz (1997) suggested that the historical researcher must find chronological and topical gaps in documented history and fill them. The story of Hodges and Rogers Glenn is one such gap. Sharaf Bey (2007) found that, when researching the lives of art educators Aaron

Douglas and Hale Woodruff, “the history of African American pedagogy has not been written”

(p.59). Such uncharted territory need not be excluded from art education history if the contributions of such African Americans find their way into good documentation. In that context, this study is not only the construction of a contribution to the body of knowledge, but it is also a

3 reconstruction in that it pieces together historical events, values, associations, and other factors in the lives of two individuals in a larger historical and cultural context.

This larger context, in which the finding and conclusion of this study are situated, focused on the community-construction focus of this study as social progress (Dewey, 1900;

McNeely, 1999), and center on the Brothers Glenn’s contributions to the Frenchtown community’s sense of historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation, and integration, which are necessary aspects of community building according to Selznick (2006,

1992). In addition, I will use aspects of McMillan and Chavis’ (McMillan, 2011; McMillan &

Chavis, 1986) theory of community construction to frame my findings, in particular their notion that the mutual benefit or spirit that comes from shared experiences that constitute community, are frequently preserved as art. I will look for instances and patterns of this use of art to construct community in this examination of the Glenn brothers. My assumption is that other themes will arise during the course of this study, but these seven aspects, plus their framing in an art context, will center my focus in the beginning.

The Glenn brothers, who grew up in Tallahassee’s Frenchtown, lived, witnessed, experienced, and became, not only a part of Frenchtown, but also helped to form and frame

Frenchtown. They received their elementary and secondary education there and left briefly to serve in the military. In the military, they utilized their artistic skills as sign painters: a skill they had learned in their community. After returning home and completing post secondary educations, they both went to work as art educators. They continued to paint signs and contribute to the images of their community. As African American male art teachers, Hodges and Rogers Glenn were pillars in the education of a segregated yet well-knit people who were self-sustaining and part of a thriving American subculture. Hodges Glenn taught at the public high schools for

African Americans, the original Lincoln High School located in Frenchtown. Rogers Glenn taught at the Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University (FAMU) high school. FAMU is a historically black college and university (HBCU) founded in 1887. The two high schools were noted rivals and engaged in healthy competition within the African American community

(Corbin, personal communication, March 15, 2007.)

This study of these two art educators centers on the role that art and art education played in their lives, and the role their lives played in the construction of the community during the mid- century period they lived and worked in the Frenchtown area. The study further explores the possibility that these brothers were important contributors to art education and histories in art education. The brothers continued to lead remarkable lives after this mid-century period. Hodges received a master’s degree from FAMU in 1961 and later left Tallahassee in pursuit of a doctoral degree at Pennsylvania State University. He later taught in the state of Massachusetts. Rogers also received a master’s degree from FAMU and a master’s of fine arts degree at Florida State

University. He eventually received two more master’s degrees at Indiana State University.

Rogers died in June of 1999 at the age of 69 and Hodges succeeded him in death only two years later in August of 2001. But their activities and accomplishments past the 1960s are largely beyond the scope of this study. The focus here is their time in Tallahassee, from 1957 to 1967, and particularly in Frenchtown.

The Research Question

The driving question, which gives purpose, direction, and parameters for this study is:

“What, why, and how did Hodges and Rogers Glenn contribute to art education and what did it mean to the local African American community in and around Tallahassee, Florida?”

Supporting questions, which serve to help answer the central research question, are: What were the context and circumstances of their lives as members of their local community? What were their actions and activities that served to contribute to the construction of their local community, according to the people who knew them and were influenced by them? How did the Brothers

Glenn contribute to the Frenchtown community’s sense of historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation, and integration especially through art and art education?

Rationale

Too often, significant contributions go unnoted and unappreciated because of little to no documentation of their occurrence. Consequently, unexamined phenomena form gaps within the body of knowledge (Borg & Gall, 1983). This unfortunate omission of information is especially prevalent in African American history (Ruffins, F. D. & Ruffins, P., 1997) and in particular in the history (or lack of history) about African American male art educators. As with Bey (2007), when I searched the literature for contributions by male African American art educators, there was little to be found. In this context, as an African American male, I felt intrigued and compelled to research the stories of the unsung art educators, Hodges and Rogers Glenn. Lynn

(2006) noted that it is important to look closely at the pedagogical practices of black men, especially those who use their classrooms to improve the social conditions of African Americans.

Unfortunately, in 2007, only 58% of African American males in the Tallahassee area graduated from high school as opposed to 84% of white males (Salerno, 2007). Considering this statistical disparity and Lynn’s comment, the successes and positive contributions of Hodges and Rogers

Glenn are valuable and important for study. What did these brothers experience growing up and as teachers and leaders in the community that could help close the disparity gap, giving African

American males, in particular, as well as others in the educational community, a better chance to succeed in school and in life? In addition, perhaps the untold stories of the Glenn twins may shed some light on black males’ contributions to African American art education. Noguera (2003) suggested that increased understanding in this area might provide implications for combating such problems as high dropout rates and antisocial behavior.

Furthermore, in such a study as this, the perspective of the researcher may give the reader insight by the experiences and point of view s/he brings into the presentation (Bogdan & Biklen,

2007.) Therefore, it may be fair to admit early in this research a possible interest in the lives of these men because of my own feelings of connection to them through race, profession, gender, and the experience of being a twin. As an African American citizen, I have experienced firsthand feelings of marginalization, the need to prove validity and competence, and a sense of responsibility to the integrity of my race. As an art educator, I have thought of my profession as a vehicle to empower students and thereby make a difference in the world. As a male teacher, I have been sometimes overwhelmed by the lack of male role models in a historically predominately female populated profession. As one of a set of fraternal twins, I know the bond that twins share which often causes them to operate as a team through multiple avenues such as healthy competition, encouragement, support, and non-verbal communication. My own connections to this study have fostered a commitment to it. However, I am willing to discover its outcome for what it is. Surprises and unexpected revelations in this study must be treated with respect and tact to ultimately bring integrity to its findings. The goal here is not to tear down nor unduly glorify anyone. The effort here is to contribute to unexplored gaps in art education histories.

Eisner (1998) wrote that “human beings have the spectacular capacity to go beyond the information given, to fill in gaps, to generate interpretations, to extrapolate, and to make inferences in order to construe meaning” (p. 211). In that context, implications of this study may go further than its application to the specific situation of the Glenn brothers. The analysis and interpretation of the experiences of the Glenn twins may have implications for other ethnicities or subgroups in American society as well as implications for what Dewey (1900) called social progress, that is the betterment of society as recognized by its members. So, this study may have implications for understanding what makes strong communities through examining the relationships and contributions of the Glenn brothers to their particular community. Also, if this study is successful in shedding light on the Glenn brothers’ contribution to community, it is possible that it will inspire other art educators to delve into the unique circumstances in which they teach and find insights applicable to curriculum that may contribute to community construction in their own contexts, possibly leading them to understand and appreciate the value of local specificity and the idiosyncrasy of their place. Each space poses specific challenges that require creative solutions to educate students. Rather than feeling inferior or superior within environments, teachers and students may take pride in identity and use it as a stage to speak, communicate, and unite with the rest of the world.

Theoretical Perspective

8 perceive is a lack of information about the role of particular male African American art educators in the history of art education and their place and potential in the construction of community.

The theoretical framework that grounds this study in the broadest sense is the concept of community, and in particular, what qualities, factors, and issues constitute the construction of community. Several theories centering and/or related to community merit exploration in this regard. These include ideas of John Dewy (1915), Philip Selznick (1992), David McMillan and

David Chavis (1986), and Joseph McNeely (1999). An overview of these theoretical structures reveals insights into what to look for when considering community construction.

For Dewey (Damico, 1978), community was more than mere associations, but is based on morals. Because communal life is moral, it takes a conscientious, emotional and intellectual effort to construct and sustain it. Referring to Dewey’s theories, Damico (1978) further expounded “to form a community, each individual must participate actively in determining the values of the group. A community is thus a group of men [sic] engaged in collective action who share common beliefs and have some degree of common understanding” (p. 43).

Not only did Dewey suggest that participation is a necessity in community construction, he contended that participation in a community is the means by which one realizes self-potential.

This fulfillment is a process, not a product. Dewey deemed learning institutions as small communities. Success of schools depended on their ability to allow students to progress socially.

Social progress in a particular communal environment, therefore, became the goal as opposed to rote information separate from practical application (Dewey, 1915).

9 identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation, and integration” (p. 361). Selznick (2006) later affirmed these elements as essential values and experiences that one must take into account in the design of communities. In referring to his theory, Selznick (2006) contended that “the beginning of wisdom is to recognize that community is a multifaceted phenomenon” (pp. 21-22) and one must know the seven values that are at stake in community construction. A closer look at these elements is presented in chapter three and shows the multifaceted possibilities within community construction.

McMillan and Chavis (1986) focused on other aspects of community. They claimed the sense of community could be organized into four elements: membership, influence, integration and fulfillment of needs, and shared emotional connection. McMillan (1996) later refined these elements and characterized them as spirit, trust, trade, and art. A brief explanation of the four elements helps to show how they relate to one another. The shared emotional connection aspect is particularly important for my purposes in this study because the previous elements form a shared history, which becomes the story of the community symbolized in art. This art is manifested through the contact of the members in time and space. McMillan (1996) explained “I would suggest that a community chooses the events that become a part of its collective heritage.

These events honor the community’s transcendent values. They challenge the community to meet its highest ideal. These events become represented in the community’s symbols” (p. 322-

323). McMillan (1996) said, “I view Sense of Community as a spirit of belonging together, a feeling that there is an authority structure that can be trusted, an awareness that trade, and mutual benefit come from being together, and a spirit that comes from shared experiences that are preserved as art” (p. 315).

A final theory that relates to the idea of constructing community is the approach of

Community Building (McNeely, 1999). Community Building is strategy that addresses the ills and the possibilities of both economically disadvantaged inner-city neighborhood and rural areas.

There are seven themes that express the tenants of community building: (1) Improvement initiatives that reinforce shared values, (2) broad resident involvement, (3) comprehensive strategies, (4) a focus on assets, (5) tailoring to a neighborhood scale, (6) collaboration with the broader society, and (7) addressing institutional barriers and racism. McNeely (1999) suggested that one must include all of these themes to some degree in community construction. All of these ideas are explored in more depth in chapter three since they frame the structure of inquiry for this study.

Theoretical Framework of Choice

The theories presented above provide direction for constructing community. The philosophical contributions of Dewey (1900) and the theories of Selznick (1992; 2002; 2006),

McMillan (1996; 2011), McMillan and Chavis (1986), and McNeely (1999) take into consideration the broad range of community construction possibilities while at the same time overlapping and addressing similar concepts.

For this study, I embrace them all in various aspects described above in the problem statement and use them to inform my inquiry. I am embracing the thought of Dewey (1915), which suggests that community is a means by which we realize our greatest possibilities and that social progress is the goal of both community and the education that seeks to foster community. I am also using the ideas of Selznick (1992) to bring structure to the exploration of the Glenn brothers’ lives particularly during the time they taught art in the 1950s and 1960s, in particular focusing my inquiry on how the Glenn brothers promoted community construction in

Frenchtown through: historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation, and integration. Finally, in my analysis and interpretation of the data I bring to bear the theoretical perspectives McMillan and Chavis (1986) and McNeely (1999) as they reflect upon the Glenn brothers’ contributions to the Frenchtown community.

Definitions of Terms

Community – The term community has a least two general aspects. The first has to do with a location and is geographically based. The second has to do with unity through commonalities.

This may include, but is not limited to, a bonding based on association, interests, certain characteristics or religious affiliations (Brint, 2001). For this study, “community” will mostly reflect the duality of locality and commonalities. Specifically, the location will allude to a

Tallahassee, Florida, community known as Frenchtown and the commonalities will include but not be limited to common ethnicities, interests, cultural identities, shared experiences and humanistic characteristics. A detailed analysis of community appears in the review of literature.

Constructing Community - To construct community is to participate in forming, building, unifying, and/or maintaining local or global societal oneness. Chaskin, Brown, Venkatesh, and

Vidal (2001) suggested a quantitative possibility by using the term community capacity as a measure of a place’s or group’s ability to become a community. To construct community denotes action and utilizes community capacity and or other methods to promote unity. Again, a more detailed discussion of community construction appears in the review of literature.

Tallahassee Frenchtown – Established in 1831 and considered one of the oldest neighborhoods in Tallahassee, Florida, Frenchtown possibly got its name because of early French settlers into its area (Menzel, 2005). It eventually became a self-sustaining residence of African American

12 citizens mostly segregated from the rest of the city in the early 1900s throughout the late 1960s.

More on Frenchtown is in the review of literature.

HBCU – An acronym for historically black colleges and universities. There are 105 in the

United States (eHow, 2012). Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University (FAMU) in

Tallahassee, Florida is considered an HBCU.

Segregation – The practice of separating groups of people (in this case, African Americans) from other people by making them live in certain areas, use different schools and use different social facilities.

The South – a region of the United States south of Pennsylvania, the Ohio River, and Missouri, especially the states that fought for the Confederacy in the Civil War.

Summary

In this chapter, I have introduced the study and presented a statement of the problem along with a central question and supporting questions that will guide the study. I have also given my rationale for the study and definitions of terms necessary for understanding certain aspects of the study. In the next chapter, I will look at the methodology of this study and its historical approach.

CHAPTER TWO

METHODOLOGY AND THEORETICAL FOUNDATION FOR THIS HISTORICAL RESEARCH

The Research Questions The problem to be addressed in this study is the existence of a gap in art education history, that being the story of the African American Glenn brothers, art educators in the 60s in and around the Frenchtown community, Tallahassee, Florida. The questions to be answered are

“What, why, and how did Hodges and Rogers Glenn contribute to art education and what did it mean to the local African American community in and around Tallahassee, Florida?”

Supporting questions, which serve to help answer the central research question are: What were the context and circumstances of their lives as members of their local community? What were their actions and activities that served to contribute to the construction of their local community, according to the people who knew them and were influenced by them? How did the Brothers

Glenn contribute to the Frenchtown community’s sense of historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation, and integration especially through art and art education?

Methodology: Historiography

The way we view history may be as important as history itself. Just the fact that the past exists (or existed) does not negate the fact that one must place it into a means by which to communicate it. Though one may trace the past back as far as the dawn of time, studying how we view history is a relatively new phenomenon. It was only in the nineteenth century that history became the focus for a recognized discipline like others such as mathematics and science

(Spalding & Parker, 2007). As the focus and study of the past developed, so did historiography

(or the “description of the past”) (Spalding & Parker, 2007, p. 1).

Fraenkel and Wallen (1993) suggested that the past can not be fully known. It is what it is and at best, one can only describe or reenact it. The use of the term “history” complicates matters further. The term is ambiguous and can mean both events of the past or the study of those events (Tucker, 2004). Spalding & Parker (2007) also use the term “history” in two ways: that which means the past and that which is written about it or historiography. Munslow (2007), however, differentiates what is the past and what is history. He suggests that the past is that which once was and is gone for good. History, on the other hand, is the narration of that past fashioned by historians. Tucker (2004) uses history to refer to past events and historiography to refer to representations of past events. Though the use of the term history varies, there seems to emerge some agreement that there are two aspects when considering looking at the past; those are what was and the way one communicates what was. From this point, I will, as Tucker (2004) suggested, refer to the way one communicates, narrates, or represents what was as historiography.

Two Basic Approaches in Historiography

Historiography on a continuum has at least two structural and procedural extremes. These extremes go from the very strict, calculated scientific approach at one extreme to pure narrative at the other (Tucker, 2004). On the continuum between these two extremes are the many philosophical ideas about historiography. According to Tucker (2004), some of these approaches may include those that are “factual and explanatory, more abstract and general or more local and

15 concrete, narrative-like, part of a story, or plotless summaries of statistical data and relationships” (p.92).

In this context, Stankiewicz (1997) suggested that there are two kinds of researchers: compilers and shapers. Those who compile fall within the realm of scientific historians who concentrate on chronicling the past with an emphasis on the facts, only. This strand of historiography is attributed to Leopold von Ranke, who founded an academically based approach to historiography that began in the German universities (Spalding & Parker, 2007). Ranke and those who followed his philosophy believed that it is possible to know what actually happened in the past by collecting facts and presenting them chronologically (Stankiewicz, 1997). On the other hand, the shapers are more interested in shaping the past for present use. This philosophy is attributed to Wilhelm Dilthey who argued that understanding the past is the result of imaginative re-creation and not the automatic result of collecting facts. Stankiewicz (1997) described these approaches to historical research as being on one hand more scientific and, on the other, more artful.

What remains constant at both ends of the spectrum to historiography is reliance on the evidence, or content, of the past. Leon Goldstein (1976) argued that good historiography is not determined by its approach or method but by its relation to the evidence. The style of historiography must not compromise its epistemic status. Whether by scientific numeration or artistic presentation, the knowledge conveyed remains central. Stankiewicz (1997) suggested that it is important to utilize whatever works within the continuum of historiography to successfully express content. Stankiewicz (1997) stated: “as teachers use analogies and metaphors, historians must use figures of speech to make stories meaningful and engaging” (p. 68). Bolin (2009) also called for a balance of imagination and facts when he wrote “it is incumbent upon the historian

16 not to overextend her or his speculative or imaginative conjecture beyond what the material will support, yet it could be well argued that imagination and speculation are qualities that can assist the historian in delving into investigations in ways that are both unique and meaningful” (p.

112.)

In the social interaction perspective, the historian has a place in the collective activity of all of the historical components. These may be the historical objects (or individuals of focus), other people in the study, organizations, or the community in general. Hall (1990) called these components of social interaction “actors”. Concerning the role of the historian, he wrote:

Interaction perspective pulls in two directions at once on the problem of the historical

object, because it consistently looks to the construction of knowledge from the point of

view of the actor. On the one hand, all actors themselves give s shape to history through

their meaningful constructions of events. On the other hand, since historians themselves

are actors, it follows that a historical account is constituted according to the purpose of

the historian constructing it. (Hall, 1990, p. 26)

Hall (1990) also suggested that there is a correlation between social interactionism and

Dilthey’s (1962) approach to historiography (the historian as a shaper.) Unlike the scientific chronological listing of events, shapers take into consideration the actions of individuals of focus and others’ activities. Hall (1990) explained that “Dilthey looked to the relativity of actors in history, and sought to provide historical accounts that reconstruct history from the point of view of interactive biographies. In Delthey’s perspective, it is at least in theory possible to identify historical objects that obtained their coherence in the interrelations of events themselves” (Hall,

1990, p. 27). To present such an array of activity, a historical imagination is necessary to make sense of correlating events and social interactions.

As Bolin suggested, historiography will benefit from a strong balance of material and imagination. With the content of historiography remaining central, conveyance of reality will fall on the ears of current listeners. Therefore, historiography is most effective when there is a consideration of an audience. A simple chronological listing of fact and events undermines the reality that information and content is falling into the presence of human beings complete with intellect and emotions. Therefore, in order to best serve the rationale of this study, I will use an artfully-shaping (Stankiewicz, 1997) approach to best fill gaps, repair breaches and provide missing structure in the history of art education, especially concerning the African American male art educators.

Steps in Historical Research

Initially, one may select a topic or focus as an attempt to describe a past event or situation or answer questions that surface due to ambiguity and inconsistencies of the past (Krathwohl,

1998.) Borg and Gall (1983) identify at least five problems that may prompt historical study: 1) addressing current social issues; 2) histories of specific individuals motivated by gaps in knowledge and unexamined phenomena; 3) attempting to interpret events or ideas that previously seemed unrelated; 4) the marginality of old data with new historical facts; and 5) attempting to reinterpret past events studied by other historians. Korzenik (1985) suggested that students take a sequential approach to choosing a topic in art education historiography, the first step being looking for empty spaces in the chronology of art education. When the researcher finds anomalies or areas of limited attention, then s/he can continue with a second step. This is when the researcher asks questions searching for topics that might fill in the gaps. The chosen topic should be personally meaningful and be significant to the field of study (Stankiewicz,

1997). This advice by Korzenik and Stankiewicz was central in formulating the focus of this study.

Procedurally, whether the historian is a compiler or a shaper and regardless of the historiographical presentation, there are at least four identifiable steps in historical research.

These steps are (1) selecting a topic and focus, (2) gathering facts from primary and secondary sources, (3) evaluating the gathered information for authenticity and validity, and (4) chronicling or writing an interpretive narrative of the facts through a meaningful story (Borg and Gall, 1983;

Stankiewicz, 1997).

After choosing a topic, the historical researcher may begin gathering information, facts, and historical evidence. Gathered data will come from primary sources as well as secondary sources. Primary sources may include official records, reports, minutes of meetings, photographs, bulletins, licenses, certificates, personal journals or diaries, letters, artwork, lesson plans, publications, relics and oral histories such as interview of family, friends, and students

(Anderson & Milbrandt, 2005; Borg and Gall, 1983; Krathwohl, D., 1998; Stankiewicz, 1997).

Secondary sources are materials or publications written by an author who was not a direct observer or participant in the events described (Borg and Gall, 1983). These may include review journals, books, handbooks, encyclopedias, textbooks, and so on (Anderson & Milbrandt, 2005;

Borg and Gall, 1983; Krathwohl, D., 1998). The researcher should regard primary sources critically and centrally and use secondary sources as contextual information (Anderson &

Milbrandt, 2005; Stankiewicz, 1997).

The historical researcher should examine gathered information thoroughly and enter the third step of historical research: evaluation. Evaluation must be guided by the researcher’s purposes for the study. It is paramount that the researcher gives thought and time to the

19 truthfulness of the information s/he has gathered in light of those purposes. Fraenkel and Wallen

(1993) note that one could never be sure of the genuineness and accuracy of resources and therefore must adopt a critical attitude toward gathered information. They further suggest that historical research is among the most difficult of all types of research because of its dependency on the skills and integrity of the researcher and the fact that methodological controls are not available. Criticism, then, must be focused and deliberate and the researcher must make a conscious effort to establish authenticity.

In evaluation of content, and verity, the historian must engage in a thorough investigation and evaluation of gathered information (Borg & Gall, 1983). There are at least two sequential steps in historical criticism: external criticism and internal criticism (Furay & Salevouris, 1988), resulting in internal and external verity (Anderson & Milbrandt, 2005). Each has its own purpose and importance in fostering integrity in a historical study.

External criticism looks at the nature of the information and the authenticity of the resource itself (Fraenkel & Wallen, 1993). It questions whether documents or materials are genuinely and truly what they appear to be (Stankiewicz, 1997). Fraenkel and Wallen (1993) provided the following as external criticism questions:

Who wrote this document? Was the author living at this time? For what purpose was the

document written? For whom was it intended? And why? When was the document

written? Is the date on the document accurate? Could the details described have actually

happened during this time? Where was the document written? Could the details described

have occurred in this location? Under what conditions was the document written? Is there

any possibility that what was written might have been directly or subtly coerced? Do

different forms or versions of the document exist? (p. 438)

All of these questions center on the historical source but mandate evidence from outside sources.

External criticism therefore seeks to find authenticity of the material in question by comparing it with external sources.

On the other hand, internal criticism focuses on the gathered source itself to determine its credibility (Stankiewicz, 1997). This method of inquiry evaluates the information within the source (Borg and Gall, 1983). It establishes believability and truthfulness of the author’s testimony (Stankiewicz, 1997). Fraenkel and Wallen (1993) also clarify the internal criticism process by providing the following types of questions it asks:

(With regard to the author of the document) Was the author present at the event he or she

is describing? In other words, is the document a primary or a secondary source? Was the

author a participant in or an observer of the event? Was the author competent to describe

the event? This refers to the qualifications of the author. Was he or she an expert on

whatever is being described or discussed? An interested observer? A “passer-by?” Was

the author emotionally involved in the event? The wife of a fired teacher, for example,

might well give a distorted view of the teacher’s contributions to the profession. Did the

author have any vested interest in the outcomes of the event? (Regarding the contents of

the document) “Do the contents make sense? Could the event described have occurred at

that time? Would people have behaved as described? Does the language of the document

suggest a bias of any sort? Do other versions of the event exist? Do they present a

different description or interpretation of what happened? (pp. 438-439)

All of these questions seek to establish the accuracy through the content within a gathered source of a historical research.

Likewise, Anderson and Milbrandt (2005) spoke of verity in art history research. They pointed out “external verity looks for confirmation to sources outside the account or art object for verification of its nature, status, and truth” (p. 236). This mirrors external criticism, which also looks outside the gathered material to find its nature and truthfulness. Anderson and

Milbrandt (2005) explain internal verity by noting that a work of art or account of a work can undergo examination itself to expose flaws that suggest deception or misinterpretation. If the examiner finds no flaws, the work may have internal verity. Internal verity, like internal criticism focuses on the internal relationships of an object. Finally, Fraenkel and Wallen (1993) suggested doing internal criticism only after subjecting gathered material to a sufficient amount of external criticism.

The use of external and internal criticism to establish external and internal verity is critical in the historical research process. These evaluative methods and concepts ensure the integrity of the finished historical product. This study will engage in an examination of primary and secondary sources. All interviews, pictures, documents, journals, papers and so on will undergo the process of external and internal criticism to ensure external and internal verity. Once the evaluation of the resources is sufficient, the researcher is ready to start the process of presentation. The writing or final product will likely reflect the historian’s place within the two broad areas and varied approaches to historiography.

Two methods in writing historiography are chronological and thematic (McDowell,

2002). They emerge, respectively, as styles that have roots in the more scientific approach

(chronological) and the more re-created approach (thematic.) The chronological method of writing a historical narrative traces the development of events in a chronologically sequential manner (McDowell, 2002). The writing primarily takes into consideration the times and the

22 order of history. This method stems from the assumption that history is a result of causality

(McDowell, 2002). The disadvantage of extreme chronological writing is that it equally includes events of varied importance. This gives the writing less flow and meaning as several concepts compete in a forced integration.

The thematic approach, however, traces one event at a time and emphasizes the thematic structure over the chronological sequence (McDowell, 2002). This may be a focus on social aspects or an overall train of thought (Vincent, 1911). This approach also has it disadvantages as it may rob the narrative of an appreciation for movement through time (McDowell, 2002).

McDowell (2002) and Vincent (1911) suggested that gathered data and choice would determine whether an account should be chronological or more thematic, and suggested that the best solution, in most cases is to include both. Vincent (1911) stated, “Any history which is to rise above a mere chronology, diary, or tabular view must combine the thematic with the chronological arrangement” (p. 295).

The appropriate approach for this study tends to lean toward the thematic. The thematic approach better lends itself to the artfully shaping portion of the historiography continuum. The use of theme provides continuity for the new material that bridges the gaps in already examined phenomenon, but attention will be paid to chronological factors.

The steps in historical research are applicable to a plethora of subjects and potential areas of historical inquiry. Whether researching the past of a family or providing an account of a specific event, the historical steps of topic selection, gathering information, evaluating gathered material, and providing a written or presentable product provide methodology conducive to a result of integrity. Such a methodology is appropriate to examining the specific field of art education and I will engage in this strategy here. Rush (1985) suggested that a surge of interest in

23 the use of historical methodology in art education is an indication of the field’s further establishment and coming to grips with its own roots, which is one of my purposes in this study.

History and Historiography in Art Education

Art Education has a relatively short history and even shorter is the writing of its history

(Soucy, 1990; Rush, 1985). Frederick Logan’s book Growth of Art in American Schools written in 1955 served as the most comprehensive account of art education history for over thirty years

(Soucy, 1990). More recently, comprehensive accounts have been written such as Efland’s A

History of Art Education: Intellectual and Social Currents in Teaching the Visual Arts (1990),

Wygant’s School Art: in American Culture 1820-1970 (1993), and Stankiewicz’s Roots of Art

Education Practice (2001). Wygant’s (1993) account especially gave insight into the 1960s, the years of focus in this study. Wygant stated that “the proposals for curriculum change that filled the sixties, with their related conferences, projects, and research, have supplied the impetus and direction for art education since that time” (p. xx). But Rush’s (1985) caution to researchers still holds true that with such a short history and minimal amount of secondary sources, the use of primary sources in art education historical research is crucial. Over-reliance on the few currently existing surveys limits exploration and the depth of the scope of art education histories.

Researchers in this field must particularly be aware and intentionally strive to gather primary sources.

Art educator Mary Erickson (1985) recognized at least four styles of historical investigation and related them to the field. She identifies the four styles as realistic, formal, expressive, and pragmatic. She suggested that the realistic historian believes that history exists outside of the historian. The realistic historian therefore works to represent accurately an existing

24 history by adjusting and reexamining written history accordingly. Like a representational painting, Erickson pointed out that one can judge realistic history on the basis of how well it brought the subject to life. Among the three other models, the formal historian seeks to understand history by way of structure and order. S/he tends to categorize individual aspects and specific events give way to generalizations. Formal historians not only work to understand particular events through broader context, but also use such information to make inferences and predictions. In the case of expressive history, the historian is endeavoring to make an individual statement about the past. It gives place to subjectivity in historical accounts and contends that there are many different accurate histories about the same past. Lastly, the pragmatic historian is concerned about issues and problems of the past. Erickson pointed out that such historical researchers in Art Education can bring attention and focus to what they deem problematic issues such as Alexander did in an article to suggest further curriculum development of the gifted and talented in art. Erickson concludes by suggesting that the Art Education historical researcher need not seek to declare one method of inquiry as the most accurate or desired. However, s/he should celebrate such diversity in research and the insight it brings.

This study in particular lends itself to each of these historical investigations. It is realistic because, accuracy is essential to the authenticity of this presentation. It is formal because particular events in this study would be best understood in the context of the turbulent years of the 1960s. It is expressive to a degree because, though I want to be objective as possible, I recognize my own perspective and biases as possible influences on what I deem important to note or emphasize. Finally, it is pragmatic because I seek to fill gaps in art educational histories as afore mentioned.

Diana Korzenik (1985) offered suggestions for those seeking methods for historical research in art education. These include centering and organizing research around specific questions and finding physical evidence as sources of inspiration. She contended that a riveting question can give energy to the research and is critical. Physical evidence may come in the form of things that the researcher may be able to touch, hold, and examine closely. The physical object(s) provokes new ideas and causes the researcher to think more intensely and in depth about their question. The question and search for evidence may lead the art education historical researcher from library books to yard sales, flea markets, basements, attics, and archives.

Korzenik (1985) wrote

American’s growing interest in art was documented by art educators before art historians,

because as educators they viewed art from their broad-based contact with beginners. Art

educators continue to be the people who see the connections. By anchoring our historical

research in ephemera, artifacts, and physical facts, we may continue to fill in some

historical blind spots: the study of art in past childhoods and of Americans as beginners

in art (p. 128)

Korzenik’s comments tend to give credence to the use of a central question and supporting questions that fuel quests for historical answers. Artifacts and physical evidence provide tangible references for further leads to information.

This study encapsulates Korzenik’s method for inspiration in history research because of it structure. The main question and supporting questions drive this study, as mentioned in chapter one, and give it purpose and direction. In addition, artifacts and a built environment from the past serve as physical evident to inspire further investigation in this study. I will talk about this further when discussing my personal approach to this study.

Historical Research on African Americans and Art Education

Alongside the other challenges for historical research in art education is the unique challenge that historical research in the African American community brings. Embedded in the history of art education is the racial prejudice that has influenced the perception, documentation, and exclusion of African American artists and art educators (Chalmers, 1992). Chalmers (1992) uncovered the ethnocentric mentality of nineteenth century educators responsible for this exclusion in art education curriculum and its peripheralization of the African American experience. He described G. G. Zerffi, an art history teacher at the National Art Training School in South Kensington, who in 1867 expressed views that the Negro’s reasoning and creative abilities were slow and incapable of creating beauty. Chalmers (1992) further pointed out that the philosopher Hume’s comment that the Negroes were inferior to whites contributed to a mentality that non-white had little or nothing to contribute to the arts. Such exclusionary ideas have now been debunked, and yet their embeddedness in the body of knowledge and common assumptions seems to have a heritage in which African American’s contributions to the history of art education is under-represented.

Sharif Bey (2007) shared his experiences as an artist and art educator that led to his thorough studies of artists and art educators Aaron Douglas and Hale Woodruff. Bey gave homage to ceramicists and artists who gave him valuable instructions as a high school student taking advantage of after school and summer programs. These artist/educators exposed him to experiences, places, and artistic growth far beyond the inner-city classroom lessons he was accustom to. He however realized that from his point of view, the pool of contemporary ceramicists were all white males. It was not until he met African American professor David

MacDonald that he was able to connect wholly to the field of study. He began to see the

27 possibility of becoming an educator himself. He also began to make connections with the information and experiences he had with previous teachers. Later as an educator, he introduced an inquisitive African American female student to a resource which featured an African

American female working in the same medium of interest. The book proved to be a great influence and inspiration to the student. Such experiences led Bey to research the artwork, teaching, and lives of Aaron Douglas and Hale Woodruff in hope of inspiring other African

American students (Bey, 2007). Still, there exist limited amounts of primary and secondary sources about African American art educators (Chalmers, 2004).

There are, however, researchers of African American artists and art educators that have gone against the grain to author books and document these untold stories. Writers like Romare

Bearden and Harry Henderson (1993) and Samella Lewis (2003) have compiled and chronicled the works of several black artist and art educators. Bey (2007) suggested there should more of this when he wrote “in order to fill one of the crucial gaps left in U.S. art education, the influence of post New Negro Movement artists/art educators on the African-American art community and historical Black colleges and universities should be studied and documented.” (p. 63)

The Historical Research Process and Art Educators Hodges and Rogers Glenn

At the onset of this investigation, it is proper to summarize what I am doing in this study.

This study is an historical examination of the role of art in the lives of Hodges and Rogers Glenn, twin brothers who were natives of Tallahassee, Florida, in a community known as Frenchtown.

The centering conceptual framework will be that of constructing community, its nature, and its relationship to art and art education in the context of the Glenn brothers’ lives from 1957 to

1967. The problem I have set for myself is the daunting task of providing information, and

28 interpreting that information, and adding to the body of knowledge their untold story and thereby helping to fill gaps in the history of art education. My specific methodology is that of historiography. The steps in the historical research methods consist of choosing a topic, gathering information, examining information gathered, and writing a historical narrative.

The Use of Oral Reports and Interviews

Getting resources is necessary to the afore-mentioned documentation of the contribution of African American male art educators and one challenge lies in the scarcity of such resources.

Sharif Bey (2007) mentioned, “there are very few studies on the legacy of African American art educators” (p. 55). This is evident in a lack of primary and secondary resources. This is why this study relies heavily on oral reports from people who knew and were influenced by the Glenn brothers. These reports are considered primary sources, which are the most reliable in historical research (Anderson & Milbrandt, 2005.) The importance of the use of primary information from oral reports finds a strong case for its necessity since the written record is thin, although I do rely on documents actually written by the Glenn brothers for contextual information. Sources other than primary that exist also run the possibility of limited reliability because of the cultural climate to disregard the authenticity and contributions of African American artists and art educators (Chalmers, 1992) and I have used these cautiously.

When gathering information for this study, it was important to be cognizant and sensitive to social aspects and opportunities. The families of these art educators, the Glenn brothers, have been cordial and accommodating. I needed and continue to need their kindness so that I could comfortably explore the world of these extraordinary men. The family provided photos, documents, artworks and especially their support for the project. Also friends and students of

Hodges and Rogers Glenn provided their time for interviews and artifacts such as yearbooks that they thought I might want to use. I found that the social rapport was important because it led me to a network of information, as one person would lead me to others and others would lead me to even more information, which is typical of historical research (Korzenik, 1985). Known as snowball sampling, talking to people who lead one to other people is an excellent way to gain admittance to otherwise limited access to members of a particular culture or group (Pierce,

2008). Snowball sampling has helped to initiate this study as I will explain in more detail in chapter four. Interviews of these people are a primary strategy of this study.

The initial interviews have provided contextual information. Their purpose was to give interviewees opportunity to give general information so that a foundation may be established to provide a context and setting for more specific questions focused on the driving concerns of this study. I aligned the structure of these interviews with Seidman’s (2006) approach to conducting interviews in qualitative research. This approach uses three interviews with different foci. The first interview focuses on the life history of the interviewee. This gives the participant the opportunity to establish who s/he is in light of the topic to be discussed. The second interview focuses on the participant’s lived experience with the topic, in this case his/her interactions with and details known about the Glenn brothers. Finally, the last interview allows for the reflection on the meaning of the experience. This interview takes into consideration the former interviews and makes sense of experiences and what these experiences with the Glenn brothers may mean

(Seidman, 2006). Although I utilized this interviewing structure, I compiled the three foci into one interview. I also considered the freedom to stray from this structure giving participants the opportunity to pursue their interests related to the Glenn brothers openly as appropriate to the concerns of this study.

In a second interview with selected participants the questions focused on the seven elements of community construction as discussed by Selznick (1992; 2006), and a question concerning Millian’s (1996) that a sense of community is framed as art, which are the central concerns of my study.

The following are the questions that were asked in the second interview, which address

Selznick’s (1992, 2006) elements of historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation and integration and Millian’s idea of community as art:

1. Talk about the customs, traditions, and understood share history of Frenchtown during

the period of 1957 - 1967. What part did the Glenn brothers play in celebrating and/or

preserving these? (historicity)

2. In what ways did the Glenn brothers contribute to the identity of Frenchtown? (identity)

3. What part did art play in the school’s functions and curriculum? In the community? What

did the Glenn brothers do to make art integral in the community? What were some of the

many “hats” he wore? (mutuality, participation)

4. In what group(s)/associations (formal or informal) were the Glenn brothers a part? What

were their activities as part of these groups? (plurality)

5. How did the Glenn brothers affect you as an individual? How did the Glenn brothers

effect on you correlate with your feelings about your school, environment, and

community? (autonomy)

6. Describe the coherence of institutions, factors (businesses, education, religion, etc.),

programs, and people in Frenchtown life. What part did the Glenns play in the integration

and continuity of the many facets of Frenchtown life? (integration)

7. How has the Glenn brothers’ participation in the community contributed to its sense of

character and identity as framed by art and art education? (sense of community framed as

art)

Supporting Sources, Perspectives, and Questions of Verity

Further, external and internal criticism brought new perspectives to the information gathered. New questions resulting from the analysis of the data within a critical mindset allowed for greater objectivity and new leads to more information. For example I looked for insight arising from my informants’ cultural and individual understandings and propensities. Littlefield

(1999) reminded the historical researcher of the need to examine resources in the light of cultural philosophies when looking at the African American classroom. She wrote, “. . . the reconstruction of the classroom of African-American teachers forces historians to realize that the classroom cannot be studied as an island. Through the windows of the particular time and locality and political, religious, cultural, gender and racial issues must be addressed to portray an accurate analysis. Reconstruction also requires usage of a multitude of sources and an examination of the public, private, and secret lives of teachers” (p. 149).

In addition to the interviews, other primary and secondary materials I sought during this study were census records, school records, dissertations, thesis, artwork, and photos of art in the community.

Each primary and secondary source was examined for external and internal verity. I examined the sources with regard to the questions suggested by Fraenkel and Wallen (1993) and mentioned in chapter two. I noted any issues, concerns, or confirmations about the validity of sources (see appendix, p. 370). I further examined each source for evidence of the presence of

Selznick’s (1992; 2006) seven elements in community construction and McMillian’s (1996) theory concerning art as a product of a sense of community. For example, I went through the text in each interview and highlighted conversational pieces in different colors related to the seven elements of community construction that center this study. In addition I examined Hodges dissertation and Rogers’ masters theses with an eye to the seven elements of historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation and integration as well as the sense of constructing community as art, particularly as these related to their time in Tallahassee. This allowed me to go back and assess the information, not just from one source, but in all of them and how they complement, confirm, or even discredit accounts of the Glenn brothers’ construction of community through art and education.

It is appropriate to mention again here the openness to the unexpected as emerging themes surfaced upon examination of these elements. I allowed for the unexpected and the surprises that would bring richness to the study. Though I am looking for specific documents and items as mentioned above, the door remained opened for the unexpected and last minute discoveries that added appropriate dimensions to this study.

As mentioned above, in support of the interviews that center this study, I conducted a review and analysis of theses and a dissertation written by the Glenn brothers with an eye to any information these documents might supply that could give me insight into their attitudes, ideas, and contributions to the construction of community in Tallahassee’s Frenchtown. These documents include Hodges Glenn’s dissertation entitled Predicting academic achievement of

“special-admit” students at the Pennsylvania State University (H. Glenn, 1970), Rogers Glenn’s masters thesis entitled The Technical Facets of Advertising Design and Graphics (R. Glenn,

1971), and Rogers Glenn’s paper The Aesthetics and the Creative Artist (R. Glenn, 1973). In

33 reviewing these documents, I was only concerned with information related to the topic of focus and therefore excluded other information outside of the scope of this study

Writing the Study

The final step in this study is the writing of a historical narrative. The narrative strategy I chose was chronological enough to establish how these men developed and eventually served as art educators in a turbulent time, but understanding the advantage of a mixture of approaches, I also focused primarily on a thematic approach centered on constructing community. Evidence of various styles of historic investigation may surface in the narrative.

Though this historical endeavor is realistic (Erickson, 1985) in nature and though a formal approach to the theme provides structure, still, expressive and pragmatic tones and passages may appear in places I deem appropriate.

If the realistic historical investigators (Erickson, 1985) are correct, then the story of

Hodges and Rogers Glenn exists and awaits an accurately written representation of its existence.

When compiling information and listing facts, the reconstructed image reflects the closest picture

I could produce of what was. However, if the shapers (Stankiewicz, 1997), pragmatists, and expressive investigators (Erickson, 1985) are correct, then the Hodges and Rogers Glenn story in its presented form also is my imaginative re-creation suggesting the possibility of an accurate but different history written by another. In this context I freely admit that in this study I make inferences and predictions and provide inspiration for progress. I tend to agree with Erickson

(1985), McDowell (2002), and Vincent (1911) when they suggested that diversity and combinations of methodological approaches result in a more meaningful and insightful product and I wrote this account in that manner.

Summary of Methodology

The methodology for this study is a historiography in dealing both chronologically and thematically with the events of the past. The past is unlikely to be recreated and therefore has to be represented by an imaginative narrative based on facts. The accepted steps in this methodology include a settling on a topic, gathering information, evaluating the gathered information, and presenting it in an engaging and interesting arrangement. Art education has its idiosyncratic challenges, like any other field that must be negotiated while undergoing the historical research process. My focus on constructing community in the African American community through a focus on the Glenn brothers also has its challenges due to lack of representation in the past. This then is a gap that needs to be filled and I have set out to at least partially fill that gap. In the next chapter, I will review the relevant literature pertinent to defining and constructing community, a central pillar of this study.

CHAPTER THREE

DEFINING COMMUNITY

Introduction Key concepts grounding this dissertation are community and community based art education, African American orientations in relation to community particularly related to isolation and marginalization, and the role of teachers, especially male African American teachers in African American communities. Because of the historical nature of this study, this brief literature review of significant topics should be taken as an introduction to these ideas, rather than a comprehensive treatment of them since each of them reemerges as themes in the lives of the Glenn brothers who are the center this dissertation.

What is Community?

Hallahan (2004) described the concept of community as one of the murkiest in the social sciences and humanities. He, however, quickly noted the ties of its Latin root, communis, to the words communication, common and commune. The philosopher Josiah Royce (1916) imagined

“the great community” where differences may all come together with common goals. (p. 25) A quest to define community is sure to reveal its vastness and various categorical meanings. In such a quest, Hillery (1955) found at least 94 definitions of community. He generally categorized these definitions into social interactions based on geographical proximity and interactions based on common characteristic. Brint (2001) referred to these categories as “communities of place” and “elective communities” as he identified major lines of inquiry on the topic of community (p.

6). Mayo’s (2000) ideas coincided with Hillery and Brint and suggested at least two approaches to the concept of community: (1) a focus on a place or shared geography and (2) shared interest

(which could be based upon race, ethnicity, religion or other interests.) Therefore, one may view and describe community in a geographical sense while the others may focus on the relational and non-tangible aspects such as interests and commonalities.

The first view of community centers around a place with a definite location and is often determined by landmarks such as roads, railroad tracks and other items that create boundaries and enclosures to give its inhabitants a place-base commonality (Suttles, 1972). Such communities may be urban by natural development or intentional design. On the other hand, geographical communities may be more suburban and/or rural in nature (Hillery, 1955).

Extensive studies on community as locality emerged in the 1890s through the 1930s from what community scholars call the ‘Chicago School’ (Hallahan, 2004). Hallahan (2004) contended that the Chicago School consisted of notable sociologists of the University of Chicago such as Park, Burgess, Quandt, and others. Bell and Newby (1972) pointed out that these contributors started with an ecological approach, making the land and terrain a central element in the concept of community. Burgess (1973) described community as consisting of “individuals, families, groups, or institutions located upon an area and some or all of the relationships which grow out of this common location.” (p. 39) Park’s article, The City (1925), became a crucible for the ideas that other Chicago researchers later developed. The Chicago School identified “natural areas (Parks, 1925, p. 6)” occupied by sub communities (Bell & Newby, 1972). These natural areas established a basis for economic hierarchy in which members may move from one sub community to another (Bell & Newby, 1972). The Chicago School’s contribution to the definition of community included a plethora of data on the Chicago area and a better understanding of community as locality. Later, researchers found the Chicago School’s approach inadequate and started to focus on cultural aspects of community (Hallahan, 2004).

This leads to the second approach to the term, community, which suggests an emphasis on relationship and connections. Community as commonality takes into account that one can feel, sense, and experience community. B. Anderson (1983) referred to this type of bond as imagined community. Block (2008) suggested that a shared sense of belonging is prevalent in community and its membership may be an emotional, spiritual, and psychological one. hooks

(2003) suggested a definition of community when she wrote “one of the dangers we face in our educational systems is the loss of a feeling of community, not just the loss of closeness among those with whom we work and with our students, but also the loss of a feeling of connection and closeness with the world beyond the academy” (p. xv). Peck (1987) recalled his first encounter and experience with a sense of community as he moved from a rigid, traditional learning environment to one that was more relaxed, supportive, inclusive, and conducive to belonging. He wishes he could remember more detail about the encounter and has endeavored to capture the mystery of and understand the sense of community since that time. He stated that many “facets of community are interconnected, profoundly interrelated. No one could exist without the other, they create each other, make each other possible” (Peck, 1987, p. 61). Peck (1987) went on to declare that community is inclusive, bonded by commitment, decisive by consensus, realistic, marked by humility, contemplative, provides a safe place, is a group of all leaders, and fosters a spirit of peace.

Cohen (1985) suggested that communities are symbolic and mentally constructed. He wrote:

Community exists in the minds of its members, and should not be confused with

geographic or sociographic assertions of “fact”. By extension, the distinctiveness of

communities and, thus, the reality of their boundaries, similarly lies in the mind, in the

meanings which people attach to them, not in their structural forms. (p. 98)

Cohen’s words emphasized a focus on non-tangible, imagined, and mentally constructed boundaries that define communities.

Community, therefore, is broad and yet identifiable. Forrestel (2004) described community as complex with a “myriad of definitions and characteristics” (p. 34). Its complexity perhaps reflects its importance and significance, – an argument for its worthiness of study.

However, for the sake of this study, I will categorize community as geographical and/or based on commonalities. Hallahan (2004) found it useful to think of these categories on a continuum from purely geographical communities to purely symbolic communities. More appropriate for this study is a dual approach of locality and commonalities merging as one. Such is the case of

Tallahassee, Frenchtown. One may also look into how communities come to be, its socialization and construction.

Socialization in Community Construction

Given that communities may be based on location, commonalities or a merging of the two, it is insightful to look at how a community may develop and the interactions of its constituents. Bell and Newby (1972), after reviewing Hillery’s (1995) 94 definitions, identified a third component of community in addition to area and common ties: social interaction. In the following sections, I explore socialization in the development of geographical communities then explore the same in the forming of communities that are characteristically and commonality based. Lastly, I focus on social interactionism and its specific ties to art and Selznick’s thoughts.

Tonnies (1957) identified two characteristics of locational social grouping which he called Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft. These two words are roughly translated as “community” and “association” (Robertson, 1977). Gemeinschaft is the small community where people know one another, share core values and there is a strong sense of unity. Gesellschaft, on the other hand, contains a larger population in which the members are less acquainted and more detached.

This is the case of bigger cities where the makeup is more diverse yet people have less emotional commitments. Muniz and O’Guinn (2001) pointed out that the term society was defined in opposition to the idea of community. Community being the rural, more intimate and emotional bond and society being a less cohesive relationship and a product of modernity. They further corresponded the terms Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft to community (rural) and society (urban.)

However, Gans (1968) found that the Gemeinschaft exist even in big cities and one could find a genuine sense of community, loyalty, and shared value in specific neighborhoods. Suttles (1970) found that strong feelings of solidarity existed in what he deemed as “slum neighborhoods” in

Chicago (p. 234). A community not only reflects the components it possess and how it interacts within itself, but it becomes what it is as a response to outside influences and other communities

(Suttles, 1972; Warren, 1972; Rubin, 1977). According to Suttles (1972,) there are at least three bases for the potential construction of communities. They reflect both the inner interactions and outer influences of communities.

The first basis for the forming of a community is the concept of territory. People are particular about who lives next to them. They want to feel safe, secure, and comfortable with how far their children can go at play (Suttles, 1972). They arrive at these areas based on consulting neighbors or relying on stereotypes as portrayed in local media. Suttles (1972) also declared that people construct communities out of “primitive conceptions of space, distance and

40 movement” (p. 234). Territorial selection may also place emphasis on residential areas where the prospective member finds comfort in the area’s cost of living presuming that a certain caliber of resident can afford to stay there (Suttles, 1972). These territories may develop arbitrary markers such as streets, passageways, railroad tracks, and buildings to establish borders. Some communities “acquire identity and a set of boundaries simply because they are left out of others”

(Suttles, 1972, p. 241).

The second basis for community construction is the idea of identity. Communities develop identities more because of how they relate to others rather than their internal characteristics (Suttles, 1972). Some identities form from obvious differences such as race, ethnicity, income, and education. However, many subtle differences contribute to communal identification. Competition among neighborhoods supports a system of identity. Competition may appear in the form of image making. Conveniences such as nearness to transportation lines, facilities, parks, and activity spaces make areas more appealing. Physical appearances and schools also contribute to communal identity.

A last basis for community construction is its potential as an object of administration

(Suttles, 1972). Politicians and administrators of the community take claim and seize opportunities to serve it and represent it. Such claims lead to its definition and further development.

According to Warren (1972), communities have vertical and horizontal patterns. Vertical patterns are the community’s ties and connections to the larger society and culture. A specific example may be the relationship of local retailers to wholesalers outside the community. In contrast, the horizontal pattern is the relation of local units within the community to each other, such as the retail store’s relationship to another business across the street. Other horizontal units

41 may include churches, schools, and governmental offices. The two patterns create a dual relationship that contributes to the total makeup of a geographical community.

To repeat, the term community is not limited to geographical ties. A sense of community may lie among common beliefs, interests, ethnicities, and so on. These communities also share sociological constructs and core commonalities. Muniz and O’Guinn (2001) suggested that there are three components in this type of community: the Consciousness of kind, shared rituals and traditions, and a sense of moral responsibility. Consciousness of kind has to do with the notion of shared identity and the feeling and understanding of being different than others. Shared rituals and traditions visibly perpetuate and celebrate shared history, culture and consciousness. The third characteristic, a sense of moral responsibility, reflects the member’s sense of duty and commitment to the well-being of the community. Muniz and O’Guinn (2001) further explained that “this sense of moral responsibility is what produces, in times of threat to the community, collective action” (p. 413.) These components describe a community based on commonalities.

However, such components may simultaneously exist within a given location.

In addition, according to Rubin (1977) and Warren (1977,) a community also has structural characteristics. Because the community serves as a bridge or intermediate structure between the individual and the larger society, the community generally possesses a structure that includes at least five characteristics. First, it is an intermediate size. This means that the community is small enough for the individual to feel included and large enough for the individual to feel connected to the society as a whole. Second, there is a presence of significant primary and secondary interaction. Third, there is a key institutional setting and a behavior that is the centralized focus. Fourth, there must be relative stability that manifests itself over time. And finally there must be “concreteness” and a social structure where members interact and identify

42 one another to a degree (Rubin, 1977). These five characteristics further begin to make communities and the concept of community recognizable and identifiable. These characteristics may apply to communities based on local or commonalities.

Brint (2001) developed a model by which he distinguished and compared community based on locality (geographic) and community based on commonalities (choice.) the model identified geography and choice as existential basis for relationship ties. In both of these areas, primary reasons for interaction may be activity based or belief based. Marked differences become apparent when the model noted frequency of interactions, location of members and the amount of face to face interaction.

The term interaction in the field of sociology refers to a concept beyond its surface definition. Shalin (1986) explained that among mid-twentieth century sociologists, interaction

“was also a philosophical category of wide-ranging significance” (p.13). Interactionism according to Becker and McCall (1990) referred to people “continually adjusting what they do in the light of what others do, so that each individual’s line of action ‘fits’ into what the others do”

(p. 3). Fisher and Strauss (1978) clarified the reference of those who embraced interactionism by identifying them as interactionist, symbolic interationists, the Chicago School, or the Chicago tradition.

From within the Chicago School tradition, Parks and Burgess (1925) started out approaching the concept of community from an ecological standpoint. Parks’ (1925) article became foundational in studying the community in relation to its physical and local characteristics. The people of the community later and increasingly became the focal point of study. Those who continued building upon the Chicago School founders’ contributions (like

George Herbert Mead and his student Herbert Blumer) looked more intensely at people their actions and interactions with others and the community as a whole.

Blumer (1969) pointed out that within social interactionism, there are two levels: non- symbolic interaction and symbolic interaction. Non-symbolic happens when people respond to one another’s actions or gestures directly. Symbolic interaction entails determining the meaning of others’ actions and indicating to others how they are to act. Mead (1969) pointed out the relationship of self to the rest of the community. He contended that “the self reaches it full development by organizing these individual attitudes of others into the organized social or group attitudes, and by thus becoming an individual reflection of the general systematic pattern or social or group behavior in which it and the others are all involved” (p. 231). Blumer (1969),

44 who embraced Mead’s ideas and coined the term symbolic interactionism, wrote “the possession of a self provides the human being with a mechanism of self-interaction with which to meet the world – a mechanism that is used in forming and guiding his conduct” (p. 235). Dimitri (1986) concluded that interactionist thought involved a paradox of the individual simultaneously being a product and producer of community.

Social Interactionism, therefore is the interplay of interpreting and defining in order to make meaning. Cohen (1985) declared that symbols don’t tell people what to mean, but they give people the tools with which to make meaning. The individual uses symbols to make necessary interpretations. Cohen (1985) further stated that “Social interaction is contingent upon such interpretations; it is, essentially, the transaction of meaning” (p. 17).

Meaning is the result of people interacting whether in communities of locality or communities of commonalities. Becker (1974) spoke of meaningful results through interaction when he talked about art as a form of collective activity. Becker (1982) contended that “all artistic work, like all human activity, involves the joint activity of a number, often a large number, of people (p.1). In order for art to happen, there has to be the activity and involvement of several entities in addition to the artist (Becker, 1974). Becker further explained that convention (or an established way of doing things) can make things simpler as these conventions provide structure for ways of interacting and carrying out tasks. This collective activity happens within a network of people and organizations called “art worlds” (Becker, 1974, p. 767; 1982, p.

1) that support and play a part in the production of art.

Gilmore (1990) noted that the concept of art worlds further developed the interactionist approach to social organization. Because art worlds are made up of collective activity, the action

45 and reactions of individuals and patrons, and the interpreting and defining of activity in order to produce something meaningful, they clarify and illustrate the notion of social interaction.

Selznick (1992) built upon the social interactionism perspective when he suggested that individual and organizations must work together for the betterment of the community. What

Selznick (2002) referred to as communitarianism is “rooted in old-fashioned American pragmatism, and its most basic principle asserts that individuals not only have rights but they also have responsibilities to their communities” (Langham, 1994, p. 140). Langham (1994) expounded that Selznick spoke of four main themes: (1) a sociological understanding of community which involves diversity, pluralism, and social integration, (2) he insisted that healthy communities must work for the common good, (3) pragmatism as put forth by John

Dewey has a potential to give rise to liberation, social reconstruction and a positively functioning community, and (4) communitarianism is offered as a means to construct a community based on individuals’ responsibility to others. Selznick pointed back to selective aspects of the Chicago

School. In pointing out the moral worth of tradition, he wrote “As a philosophy of the present,

American pragmatism is properly associated with criticism of tradition and openness to new experience. It should not be forgotten, however, that William James, John Dewey, and George

Herbert Mead thought of truth-finding as a social process” (Selznick, 1992).

In summary, socialization in community construction entails aspects of locality and common interest. Toennies (1957) ideas of Gemeinschaft (rural) and Gesellschaft (urban) incorporate ideas of unity and cohesiveness in locality. Meanwhile, Suttles (1972) suggested that territory, identity, and potential for administration were basis for forming a geographical community. Non-geographical communities have at least three components: consciousness of kind, shared rituals and traditions, and a sense of moral responsibility. Brint’s (2001) model

46 compared and contrasted geographic and choice based communities and confirmed the possibility that locale and commonality in community may co-exist. A third sociological aspect of community focuses on the individual and her/his symbolic exchange with others, organizations, and the community as a whole. This social interactionism is operational in art worlds and Becker (1974) suggested that art is a form of collected activity. Selznick contended that those who are a part of this social interaction have a responsibility to the well-being and good of the community.

In the next section, I will explore the idea of constructing community.

Constructing Community

Entities, components, and individuals who provide support or energy toward the structure and maintenance of a geographical or non-geographical community are a part of its construction

(Peck, 1987). To construct community is to play a part in its well-being, contribute to the likelihood of its existence, and to increase chances of its survival. Hallahan (2004) referred to this concept as “community building” and stated that it “involves the integration of people and the organizations they create into a functional collectivity that strives toward common or compatible goals” (p. 259). Hutchinson, Rodriquez and Hagan (1996) suggested that proximity of residence or common interest alone does not make a community. The success of community lies in the frequency and intensity of the interaction of its members. Burgess (1973) contended that an individual is not a member of a community solely because s/he lives there, but because, and to the extent that, s/he participates in the common life of it. There must be some effort to take part or agreement to come together. Vaisey (2007), for example, set up criteria to measure spatiotemporal interaction. Spatiotemporal interaction is the frequency in which members of a

47 commune interact. He considered the following measures: (1) the number of meetings per month, ranging from 0 to 30; (2) the frequency of eating meals together; and (3) the log interpersonal density of the commune.

Another example of an interactive commune happened accidentally. In 2010, during the incredible approximate seventy days survival of trapped miners in Chili, these thirty-three men quickly formed a community. Each one contributed to the health of all by sharing expertise, exhibiting leadership, and working together. Each constructed community with their every effort to live and eventually reunite with their families (Somavia, 2010).

Those who construct community give life to possibilities beyond themselves. Chaskin,

Brown, Venkatesh and Vidal (2001) used the phrase community capacity to describe a group or area’s ability to construct community. They defined community capacity as “the interaction of human capital, organizational resources, and social capital existing within a given community that can be leveraged to solve collective problems and improve or maintain the well-being of that community. It may operate through informal social processes and/or organized efforts by individuals, organizations, and social networks that exist among them and between them and the larger systems of which the community is a part” (p. 7).

This study is historical research (historiography) focused on the research question and supporting questions stated above. Historians seek to fill a perceived gap (Borg & Gall, 1983), usually from a particular perspective (Stankiewicz, Amburgy, & Bolin, 2004). The gap I perceive is a lack of information about the role of particular male African American art educators in the history of art education and their place and potential in the construction of community.

The theoretical framework that grounds this study in the broadest sense is the concept of community, and in particular, what qualities, factors, and issues constitute the construction of

48 community. Several theories centering and/or related to community merit exploration in this regard. These include ideas of John Dewy (1915), Philip Selznick (1992), David McMillan and

David Chavis (1986), and Joseph McNeely (1999). An overview of these theoretical structures reveals insights into what to look for when considering community construction.

John Dewey provided a noteworthy amount of philosophical thought on this subject.

When talking about the importance of the community, Dewey (1927) wrote:

If there is anything in human psychology to be counted upon, it may be urged that when

man [sic] is satiated with restless seeking for the remote which yields no enduring

satisfaction, the human spirit will return to seek calm and order within itself. This, we

repeat, can be found only in the vital, steady, and deep relationships which are present

only in an immediate community.” (p. 214).

Damico (1978) dedicated his publication, Individuality and Community: The Social and Political

Thought of John Dewey, to the documentation of Dewey’s ideas on individuality and community. He pointed out that Dewey rejected the notion of associations as an automatic evidence of the existence of a community. To Dewey, community is more than mere associations, but is based on morals. Because communal life is moral, it takes a conscientious, emotional and intellectual effort to construct and sustain it. Referring to Dewey’s theories,

Damico (1978) further expounded “to form a community, each individual must participate actively in determining the values of the group. A community is thus a group of men [sic] engaged in collective action who share common beliefs and have some degree of common understanding” (p. 43).

Not only did Dewey suggest that participation is a necessity in community construction, he contended that participation in a community is the means by which one realizes self-potential.

This thought is evident in his explanation of social feeling. Dewey (1886) made clear that “in social feeling we merge our private life in the wider life of the community, and in so doing, immensely transcend our immediate self and realize our being in its widest way” (p. 282).

Dewey’s comments suggest that community involvement and contributing to it lead to a greater fulfillment of the individual. This fulfillment is a process, not a product. Dewey (1920) contended that the process of growth was the significant thing rather than a static outcome and result. Even in education, Dewey deemed learning institutions as small communities. Success of schools depended on their ability to allow students to progress socially. Social progress in a particular communal environment, therefore, became the goal as opposed to rote information separate from practical application (Dewey, 1915).

Selznick (1992) offered a theory of community based on seven elements and pointed out that: “Any theory we propose must take into account the key values at stake in the construction and nurture of a community. These constitute a complex set of interacting variables: historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation, and integration” (p. 361). Selznick (2006) later affirmed these elements as essential values and experiences that one must take into account in the design of communities. A closer look at these elements shows the multifaceted possibilities within community construction.

Historicity entails the journey of the community’s development from origin to its current state. Selznick (1992) suggested that a strong sense of history and shared culture provides the possibility of a stronger bond. He further contended that historicity can determine size, geography and the demographics of a community. This idea has support from another source.

Schensul (2005) encouraged the use of history and cultural conservation to strengthen

50 communities. Community members may do this through means such as storytelling, rituals, and their local institutions.

Selznick’s (2006) second element, identity, deals with the developed character and/or reputation of the community. Communities, like individuals, may operate and function as personalities and entities. Selznick (1992) warned that the overemphasis on individual identity in a community could result in its disadvantage. Demands for individual self affirmation in a community may result in its distancing from others. In establishing identity, communities must strike a balance between uniqueness and an attitude of inclusiveness.

Also, within the identity of a community, there must be shared advantages, reciprocal rewards, and interdependence. This idea of mutuality is a necessity in the existence of community (Selznick, 1992.) Selznick emphasized the need for mutuality to go beyond mere surface exchange by insisting that “if people and groups do not need each other, if nothing is to be gained from reciprocity and cooperation, community is not likely to emerge or to endure….To be effective in forming community, mutuality must implicate persons and groups as unities and not only in respect to segmental activities or roles”(Selznick, 1992, p. 362), so mutuality is needed for community construction.

Another quality, plurality, on the other hand, derives from the idea that the viewpoint of several is more accurate and powerful than that of one (Nisbet, 1953; Selznick, 2002.) Selznick

(2002) explained that “in a pluralist system, people belong to a larger community, such as a nation, not only as individual citizens but also as members of families, churches, professions, and other specialized groups”(p. 44). These groups become entities between the individual and an impersonal centralized authority. Groups and organizations in a pluralist structure serve as

51 intermediate associations that become havens of protection and/or ladders of opportunity towards success and recognition.

Plurality, however, depends upon the contributions from committed individuals given of their own free will. Autonomy, therefore, refers to the community’s ability to allow individuals to flourish as unique and responsible persons (Selznick, 1992.) In community construction, autonomy acts as a balance to plurality to ensure the protected freedom of individuals.

Communities, like individuals, may also exercise autonomy, self- responsibility, and free will.

The element of participation comes as no surprise to the construction of community.

Selznick (1992) suggested the importance of participation by saying that “a flourishing community has high levels of participation: people are appropriately present, and expected to be present, on many different occasions and in many different roles and aspects” (p. 364).

The last element of the Selznick theory deals with integration and the coherence of institutions, beliefs, and practices. Concerning integration within the community, Selznick

(2002) insisted that, “what we prize in community is not unity of any sort at any price, but unity that preserves the integrity of the parts…. In a unity of unities the coherence of the whole allows and fosters the survival and flourishing of its fundamental components” (p. 39).

In referring to his theory, Selznick (2006) contended that “the beginning of wisdom is to recognize that community is a multifaceted phenomenon” (pp. 21-22) and one must know the seven values that are at stake in community construction.

52 elements and characterized them as spirit, trust, trade, and art. A brief explanation of the four elements helps to show how they relate to one another.

Membership (spirit) has to do with the need for a feeling of belonging. McMillan and

Chavis (1986) expounded that membership is marked by boundaries, which can appear in the form of language, dress, ritual, and so on. Boundaries may also exclude non-members and provide protection against threats and encroachment upon social barriers. Membership also provides emotional safety and an opportunity for personal investment so that members feel they have earned the right to be a part of the community. This results in a spirit of belonging together, confidence, entitlement and loyalty (McMillan, 1996.)

The second element of McMillan and Chavis’ (1986) theory focused on influence.

Influence may exist simultaneously as members influence the community and the community influences the members. Such influence operates through trust, which develops through the community’s use of power. Members gravitate more to a community in which they are influential.

McMillan (2011) also referred to the third element, integration and fulfillment of needs, as reinforcements. McMillan and Chavis (1986) pointed out that, “some of the rewards that are effective reinforcers of communities are status of membership, success of the community, and competence or capabilities of other members” (p. 13). This results in mutual benefits and the development of an economy. McMillan (1996) explained that, “a community cannot survive unless members make fair trades with one another” (p. 322).

Lastly, McMillan and Chavis’ (1986) theory included a shared emotional connection

(art). The previous elements form a shared history, which becomes the story of the community symbolized in art. This art is manifested through the contact of the members in time and space.

McMillan (1996) explained “ I would suggest that a community chooses the events that become a part of its collective heritage. These events honor the community’s transcendent values. They challenge the community to meet its highest ideal. These events become represented in the community’s symbols” (p. 322-323).

McMillan (1996) summarized his theory in a sentence by saying “I view Sense of

Community as a spirit of belonging together, a feeling that there is an authority structure that can be trusted, an awareness that trade, and mutual benefit come from being together, and a spirit that comes from shared experiences that are preserved as art” (p. 315). McMillan (2011) more recently presented his theory (McMillan, 1996; McMillan & Chavis, 1986) in outline form as seen below.

1. Membership (McMillan & Chavis, 1986) /Spirit (McMillan, 1996)

a. Boundaries

i. Barriers marking who belongs and who does not

ii. Symbols denoting membership

b. Emotional safety

i. Able to speak honestly

ii. Safe to be vulnerable

c. Sense of belonging

i. Expectation of belonging

ii. A feeling of acceptance

iii. Awareness of being welcome

d. Personal investment/dues paying to belong1

2. Influence (McMillan & Chavis, 1986) /Trust (McMillan, 1996)

a. Personal investment

i. Sacrificing to be a member gives one a sense that membership is earned.

ii. Personal investment makes a community more attracted to the investing

member.

b. Community norms influence members to conform

i. Norms

ii. Conforming behavior

c. Members need to conform for consensual validation just as a community needs

for its members to conform to maintain cohesiveness.

d. Members are attracted to groups that allow members influence over or in the

group.

e. Influence between community and members and members and community

operates concurrently.

3. Integration of Fulfillment of Needs

a. Communities meet members' needs.

b. Strong reinforcements to belong include status, success, and competencies of

other members.

c. Shared values—or consensual trading

d. Integrating needs and resources or complementary trading

e. Transformative trading2—teaching skills

f. Generative trading2—handing off responsibilities and roles from one generation to

the next

4. Shared Emotional Connection (McMillan & Chavis, 1986) /Art (McMillan, 1996)

a. Members must share time.

b. There must be certain quality to time shared

i. Events must have value—drama (McMillan, 1996)

ii. Events must have closure.

iii. Events must honor members.

5. Time becomes symbolized in rituals, common symbols, and traditions. Shared stories

emerge.

6. A spiritual bond emerges from shared history.

(McMillan, 2011, pp. 509-510)

A final theory that relates to the idea of constructing community is the approach of

Community Building (McNeely, 1999). Community Building is a strategy that addresses the ills and the possibilities of both economically disadvantaged inner-city neighborhood and rural areas.

There are seven themes that express the tenants of community building: (1) Improvement initiatives that reinforce shared values, (2) broad resident involvement, (3) comprehensive strategies, (4) a focus on assets, (5) tailoring to a neighborhood scale, (6) collaboration with the broader society, and (7) addressing institutional barriers and racism. McNeely (1999) expounded on these qualities and gave the following explanations:

The first theme is the use of improvement initiatives to reinforce common values.

Community Building often includes opportunities for its constituents to work together on projects that will bring about positive change. While working in specific ways to enhance the neighborhood, members build relationships and carry out initiatives that reflect shared values.

This theme improves the community while building cohesiveness and human capital.

The next theme, a broad resident involvement, suggests that communities must realize the need to take action for itself rather than passively wait for outsiders to lead the way. McNeely

(1999) points out that “the community must play the central role in devising and implementing strategies for its own improvement” (p. 745). Even leaders within the community must be careful not to dominate actions becoming an elitist untouchable group. They must seek to include everyone in the community building process.

Community Building must also be comprehensive. A struggling neighborhood is usually plagued by more than one problem (economically disadvantaged, low scoring schools, high crime rates, and so on.) Addressing all of the challenges of the community is necessary rather than specializing in only one are two areas. However, in doing so there must be a consideration for being productive and not becoming overwhelmed. Community builders, therefore, must attack problems systematically.

The next theme is the focus on assets. Rather than emphasize the problems that plague a community, a more positive approach seeks to maintain and enhance those good things that the neighborhood possesses. McNeely (1999) pointed out that these may include “skills and entrepreneurial ideas of local resident, neighborhood businesses, churches and other community institutions, sports, and social clubs. Even things you do not control directly (hospitals, vacant land, schools, libraries) can become your assets if you plan and partner as needed to take advantage of them” (p. 746). Willigen (2005) insisted that effective community building must include a process that addresses community assets.

The fifth theme of Community Building suggests that one works and takes action within the realm of the neighborhood scale. Otherwise, being too broad in actions may miss some of the personal attention required to affect a community positively.

Even though community builders should work on a relatively smaller scale, they yet need to establish links to the broader society. The sixth Community Building theme focuses on collaboration with outside entities for the good of the inside. McNeely (1999) described these community constructors by explaining that “they look for opportunities to partner with outside institutions (social service agencies, police departments, local business and philanthropic groups, universities) in ways that will serve their own interests and strengthen their own internal institutions” (p. 746).

The final theme of the Community Building theory is the need to consciously change institutional barriers and racism. This approach meets racial matters head on and seeks to come up with solutions for marginalized individuals and communities.

These seven themes of Community Building are characteristics that lead to the improvement of neighborhoods. In order to be successful in constructing community, McNeely

(1999) seemed to suggest that one must include all of these themes to some degree.

In the next section, I will discuss the marginalization of the African American community and its uniqueness as a merging of both locality and racial commonality.

The Marginalization of the African American Community

African American history is the same in some respects but also differs from other

American histories in others and therefore must be addressed in regard to its unique qualities related to community. Specifically, its structure is marked by exclusion and marginalization.

Beckman (1995) argued, “The goals of race prejudice sought to limit the opportunities of African

Americans while preventing them from assimilating into the American culture. They insisted that the former slaves remain as they had always been; a group that was outside the mainstream of

58 the American economy” (p. 126.) Bell and Newby (1972) noted that the differential boundaries of blacks and whites in the South were not just a matter of a competition and conflict resulting in hierarchy as suggested by the Chicago School, but were due to the reality that communities were closed to mobility across color-caste lines. The legal system reinforced this marginalization and there was punishment for individuals who questioned it by word or behavior (Bell & Newby,

1972). African American communities therefore developed through marginality and exclusion both geographically and racially.

The period of slavery contributed greatly to the marginalization of the African American community. Nyazzah and Gethaiga (1995) pointed out that the slaves were an important commodity in the early colonial period. This African American role in the political economy served to “disempower and marginalize them” (Nyazzah and Gethaiga, 1995, p 131). Slave revolts led by Denmark Vesey, Gabriel Prosser and Nat Turner resulted in laws and efforts to further restrict their movement. Even as the South held on to marginalization practices during pre-reconstruction, African American communities yet developed in the free territories. Jones

(2006) pointed out that in the late 1700s, in the more pluralistic north, black neighborhoods began to emerge in Boston, New York, and Providence and elsewhere blacks were not only excluded but were compelled to formulate their own territories out of a sense of freedom and avoidance of their white oppressors. Newman and Finkenbine (2007) wrote about the formation of these territories as they explained that institutions such as churches, burial societies, Masonic lodges, insurance organizations, small businesses and educational groups brought stability to these rising free black communities.

Nyazzuh and Gethaiga (1995) further stated that even though African Americans experienced progress during reconstruction, the marginalization continued with the rise of Jim

Crow laws. The “denial of land led to the continuation of the culture of poverty and dependence created during slavery” (Nyazzuh & Gethaiga, 1995, p. 135). The Plessey vs. Ferguson ruling also reiterated and solidified the idea of separate but equal, which was separate for sure but in no way equal. Later, restriction laws kept African Americans from certain neighborhoods.

Administrators and officials even set up separate school districts that would establish racial boundaries with segregated schools. Wilson (2007) verified such practices when he identified zoning and realtor steering as two processes that were crucial in marginalizing African

Americans in big cities during the 1930s and 1940s.

Mehretu, Pigozzi, and Sommers (2000) defined marginality as “a complex condition of disadvantage which individuals and communities experience as a result of vulnerabilities that may arise from unfavorable environmental, cultural, social, political and economic factors” (p.

90.) They identify at least two types of marginalities: contingent and systemic. Contingent marginality develops when individuals and communities become isolated due to spontaneous disadvantages in the dynamics of the free market. Disadvantages may include inadequate labor skills, unattractive locations, or a deficiency in natural resources. Systemic marginality is less accidental and is more of a product of the intentional exercise of repression. It is the result from

“disadvantages which people and communities experience in a socially constructed system of unequitable relations within a hegemonic order that allows one set of individuals and communities to exercise undue power and control over another set with the better manifesting one or a number of vulnerability markers based on class, ethnicity, age, gender and other similar characteristic” (Mehretu, Pigozzi, & Sommers, 2000, p. 91.) Systemic marginality is especially prevalent among ethnic groups because of its visible and indelible marker (Mehretu, Pigozzi, and

Summers, 2000.) Mehretu, Pigozzi, and Summers (2000) stated that in North America, systemic

60 marginality affects African Americans and to some extent, Hispanics, Asians and Native

Americans. Smith (2010) pointed out that research overwhelmingly indicate discrimination among non-white, especially blacks and Latinos in areas such as employment, housing, and the penal system. Seigel (2008) wrote “for black Americans seeking a place in the urban Midwest economy, the thirty years leading up to the August 1963 March on Washington were decades of hard-won gains amidst systemic discrimination” (p. 241.)

Such marginality is deeply rooted in the history of African American communities. A succession of slavery mentalities, persevering for survival, and systemic marginality brings to surface a unique combination of place and shared experiences. This is the inheritance of contemporary African American communities and the crucible of the Glenn brothers who are the focus of this dissertation. I will now bring attention to the teachers in these marginalized communities.

African American Teachers and Education

In their marginalized communities, African American educators developed a tendency to teach with purpose and conviction to overcome perceived injustice and social oppression (hooks,

1994). They would remember those who taught them and mirror the same strong persona of revered leadership to their students (Ware, 2002). Tillman (2009) pointed out that teachers understood “their jobs, roles, and responsibilities to exceed far beyond the hallways of the school or their classroom. They had a mission to teach their students because they realized the risks and consequences in store for their students if they did not teach them and if the students did not learn” (p. 129). hooks (1994) concurred with the claim that African American teachers in the segregated south were on a mission. The mission, she explained, was to educate students in order

61 to liberate them. She wrote “for black folks teaching-educating-was fundamentally political because it was rooted in antiracist struggle. Indeed, my all-black grade schools became the location where I experienced learning as revolution (p. 2).

As educators taught with a mission of freedom, there was a great sense of dignity and a special pride that came along with teaching in the African American community (Jeffries, 1997).

Jeffries (1997) added that the teachers were symbols of community progress. Ronnie Hopkins

(1997) recalls his experience growing up in the 1960s and early 1970s when he says “there was a definite institution of neighborhood and community, consisting of parents, teachers, custodians, aunts, uncles, cousins, and others, that I was aware of” (p. 92). hooks (1994) suggested that

African American teachers understood the importance of knowing students beyond the classrooms when she recalled that “they knew our parents, our economic status, where we worshipped, what our homes were like, and how we were treated in the family (p. 3). Jeffries,

Hopkins and hooks’ comments indicate that teachers acted and educated in an activist manner in the context of their environment and community. African American teachers, therefore, taught with a passion to educate as they remembered their teachers, taught with a mission to provide

African American students a fighting chance to survive and thrive in embedded traditions of white domination, and they understood their contributions, roles, and importance in their communities.

Two ideologies emerged in the early and mid-twentieth century spearheaded by two

African American male educators (Beckman, 1995). In the first, Booker T. Washington, founder of Tuskegee University, placed an emphasis on educating African Americans to serve the needs of the industries at hand. He favored practical, industrial and vocational education. However, in the second, W. E. B. DuBois, founder of the National Association for the Advancement of

Colored People (NAACP), felt that an industrial education only would be too limited. He felt that it perpetuated the philosophy that African Americans were inferior and subservient to other races. He contended that African Americans should have choice of both vocational and more academic education. These two African American educators became iconic in the debate of industrial vs. academic education that would last for decades. J. Anderson (1988) argued that both Washington and DuBois were concerned with the training of black teachers and leaders and the progression of African Americans.

African American Male Teachers

In spite of the efforts of Washington, DuBois, and others, the education of African

Americans continued to struggle in comparison to their Caucasian counterparts, especially among males. Toldson, Ivory, Brown, Fry, Sutton, and Ryan (2009) reported that “in 1940, only

6.7% of Black men in the U. S. had a high school diploma, compared to 25% of white males.

“The gap between black and white males was largest in 1950, when the percentage of white males with high school diplomas doubled” (Toldson, Ivory, Brown, Fry, Sutton, & Ryan, 2009, p. 196). None of these statistics take away the effort made by Washington, DuBois and others to education young African Americans. Those black males who managed to graduate from high school and become educators despite the unfavorable odds tend to follow previous educators’ traditions of teaching with a sense of purpose. In fact Brown and Butty (1999) suggested that a motivating factor for African American males entering the field of teaching has been their underlying commitment to affect social change. Such research gives insight into the largely instrumentalist mindset of today’s African American male teachers and those that taught them in previous years.

Lewis (2006) and hooks (1994) noted that historically the teaching profession was noble and honorable in the African American community. In the 1950s and 1960s, many African

American preservice teachers enrolled in historically black colleges and universities (HBCU’s).

After graduation, many of these African American male teachers returned to their neighborhoods to serve the special needs of their communities. They were many things to their students and not only served as teachers but also counselors, role models and spiritual leaders (Lewis, 2006).

Kunjfu (2002) pointed out that during this time the climate of the U. S. denied the best African

American minds opportunities into certain professions such as engineering, accounting, computer programming and so on. This proved to be an advantage for African American public schools who were the recipients of these minds in the form of great teachers.

However, the Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas decision, which signaled an end of so-called separate but equal schools, drove a divide between teachers who felt a threat to their influence among young African Americans and the NAACP, who, along with other teachers, saw integration as an opportunity for African American students to gain truly equal standing (Fairclough, 2007). A decade later, many African Americans had lost their jobs in 17 southern states due to integration (Holmes, 1990). This was a devastating blow for African

American students and affected their academic success adversely (Lewis, 2006). This lost of teaching positions also contributed to the overall shortage of African American male teachers. In

2006, 20% of the public schools’ population was African American; however, African American males make up only 1% of the teaching force (Lewis, 2006). Lewis suggested ways of recruiting and retaining African American male teachers in order to counteract this crisis, which included collaborating with the community, providing faculty mentors, refining entrance requirements,

64 collaboration among colleges and schools, providing academic support, collaboration among two and four year institutions and alternative routes to certification.

African American males also continued to struggle with stereotypical perceptions of themselves. Steven Bollar (1997), an African American male elementary art teacher in

Lawrenceville, New Jersey, recalled parents coming up to him and asking “where is Mr. Bollar?” even when he was obviously the only adult in the room. In one instance, he told his students on the first day of school

My name is Mr. Bollar. Therefore, do not call me Bob, Tom, Ricky, Jerry, Lisa, Yo, Tall

Guy, Michael Jordan, or any other name because I will not answer you! I am 6’ 7” tall. I

wear a size 14 shoe. I like all kinds of music. I have been doing art since I was about five

years old. I do not know any professional basketball players. Yes, I can dunk a

basketball. No, I will not do it for you. And, no, I do not play professional basketball. I

am an art teacher! (Bollar, 1997, p. 47)

This art teacher has conditioned himself to a negative climate for African American male teachers at school.

The heritage of the African American male teacher is one of teaching for social change.

Evident in pioneers such as Washington and DuBois, African American male teachers saw the importance to not only educate but to affect their environment. Such passion suffered a challenge as the presence of African American males diminished in the wake of integration. Complicating this shortage has been the reality of stereotypes and how African American male teachers are perceived. This study assumes that the Glenn brothers had similar challenges and will address the issue of prejudice and stereotype as part of its focus.

Community Based Art Education (CBAE)

Because the primary focus of this study is community construction through art and education, it is appropriate to look at the role of art and art education in the context of

“community.” This approach of community as a central and key element for art education is what Peter London (1994) referred to as Community Based Art Education (CBAE). London

(1994) encouraged students and educators to step outside of the classroom and gain inspiration for art. Adejumo (2000) expressed the importance of students making connections between what’s in the classroom and their everyday experiences. He used the term “community-based art” to “describe works of art produced by people living within the same locality.” Adejumo

(2000) elaborated that Community-based art is “defined by common interests such as shared concerns, cultural heritage, traditions, and language patterns” (p. 12). Because the art within communities has developed its own unique style specific to the community, it becomes a part of the experience of students outside of their classrooms. By including and addressing community- based art in the classroom, Adejumo (2000) argued that students gain a connection to art concepts such as meaning, purpose, and style. This further enhances the students’ understanding and connection to art in a global society and different cultures around the world.

In addition, the term CBAE has become as broad in meaning as the word, community, itself. Both London (1994) and Adejumo (2000) placed value on looking to the community for inspiration in art. Adejumo (2000) also suggested the uniqueness of an art product from a particular community. Other CBAE concepts may include art’s ability to improve the community. Villeneuve and Sheppard (2009) acknowledged this and identified at least four areas

(or faces) of CBAE: place face, group face, ethnographic face, and social good face. Since

CBAE suggests looking beyond the classroom, place face usually entails art or art education in

66 the community’s settings. This may include local art centers, museums, religious facilities, social clubs, and recreation facilities (Congdon, Brandy & Bolin, 2001). Love and Goldberg (2003) suggested that place and art are inseparable and that the sense of place in art is detectable even by young children.

The interest in place-based art education has a life of its own. Powers (2004) explained that place-based education allows students to achieve academically while learning and enhancing the wellbeing of their environment. It counteracts the division of people from their land and community by grounding their learning in local phenomena and personal experiences (Gray, S.

R. & Graham, M. A., 2007). Klein (2000) expressed that places in the community take on special meanings as residents find connections between them and their own life experiences. Inwood

(2008) joined Blandy and Hoffman (1993) in calling for an art education with an emphasis on place. Inwood (2008) elaborated further by stating that place-based art education would mean that student can use their community as a source of inspiration and imagery. Engaging in such place-based art educational studies will connect important issues in the local community to art education and encourage students to “consider the convergence of politics, power, and culture in the places they inhabit.”(Graham, 2007, p. 379) Villeneuve and Martin-Hamon (2007) proposed that museums play a more vital role in their communities by supporting place-based study, using local resources as the impetus and basis for study. In the same way that Inwood (2008) suggested that place-based art education can be a meeting ground for CBAE and other variants, CBAE can be a common ground for place-based art education and other faces in which it reveals itself

(Bastos, 2002).

As suggested before, the concept of community involves at least two aspects: locality and commonality. The “group face” of CBAE focuses on the relationships of groups with common

67 interest or communal goals. This may be, for example, the collaboration of art teachers, formally educated artists, and folk artists in a community (Congdon, Blandy, & Bolin, 2001). Group face may also appear within school settings through interdisciplinary efforts or community-like atmospheres where the art teacher connect with other teachers, administrators and support staff through collaboration and communication (Marche. 1998).

Marche (1998) also pointed out another approach to CBAE she called “learning about: the detective role.”(p. 8) Rooted in multicultural education (Marche, 1998; Bastos, 2002), it deals with the tradition, character, and art and artist of the community (Ulbricht, 2005). Ethnography according to Powell (2010) “is a process of inquiry that involves the description and interpretation of the cultural and social practices of people” and it emerges from an in-depth study of a particular place or setting. (p. 45) The Ethnographic face of CBAE therefore encourages students to learn about historical aspects and human context of their community.

Congdon, Blandy, and Bolin (2001) referred to this area of CBAE as “community as ethnic and family identification” (p.127). Clark and Zimmerman (2000) argued that this approach is especially beneficial to rural communities where parents often place considerable value on family heritage, culture, and traditions. Ulbricht (2005) concluded that students “learning about individual cultures is an important form of community-based art education and can be the basis of future works of art and literature” (p. 9). Desai (2002), however, warned art students and art educators of an ethnography that does reach deep enough to capture the true essence of its observation. She reminded her readers that the ethnographic face of CBAE was born out of a response to social movement in the 1960s and 1970s “resulting in the subsequent dismantling of limited definitions of art, artist, audience, and community” (p.308).

Finally, CBAE may appear in the form of an effort to promote positive change in the community. The social good face (Villeneuve & Sheppard, 2009) of CBAE may focus on social well-being, environmental issues, and the reduction of cross-cultural conflict (Marche, 1998).

Ulbricht (2005) further described this arena by pointing out that art curricula may function to bridge the gap between different cultures and foster coexistence and better understanding by targeting specialized populations, such as at-risk youth, the handicapped senior citizens, homeless individuals, or the incarcerated. CBAE for the social good my take the form of public art that addresses the environment, community development, education, intergenerational communications, politics, conflict resolution, or other issues relevant to the community

(Ulbricht, 2005). Taylor and Ballengee-Morris (2002; 2004) suggested that art students contribute and gain a sense of responsibility to their community through service-learning and needful projects. Youth for Change and the Lewis Middle School of the Rocky Mountains conducted one such project by constructing a Peace Park (Krensky, 2001). Krensky found that participating students became more aware of the problems and tensions in their community and gained the confidence to promote change. Hutzel (2005, 2007) coordinated a similar project in the West End neighborhood in Cincinnati. Children’s participation in the development of two murals helped to reclaim their playground tainted by a reputation of an association with drugs and violence. Bailey and Desai (2005) argued that CBAE also becomes an avenue by which disenfranchised communities may share their experiences and voice concerns and issues they face in their lives daily.

CBAE, therefore encompasses a wide range of possibilities. Stemming from the

London’s (1994) admonition to look outside the classroom for inspiration and Adejumo’s (2000) suggested credence on community specific art, CBAE has blossomed in to the examination of

69 place connecting with studies of place-based education. Other CBAE possibilities include the participation in groups and building workable relationships, delving into the wealth of the community through ethnographical investigations, and the use of art and art education for the social good of the community. Next I will examine the related topic of material culture in community.

Material Culture, Community, and Art Education

Consideration of community is not complete without an awareness of the objects it possesses. Objects and the materials within the environment are what make specific places unique and meaningful. The recent trend toward including an exploration of visual culture in art education has expanded to take into account materials of the culture, which may go beyond the visual experience to include other sensory components (Bolin, P. & Brandy, D., 2003). Bolin and

Blandy (2003) argued that the consideration of material culture in art education is a more comprehensive approach relative to visual culture because the materials of an environment appeals to senses such as taste, smell, hearing and tactile texture of objects and artifacts. They go on to define material culture as any and all human made and human altered forms, past and present. Kader’s (2003) definition concurs by stating that “Material culture is a term used to describe all artifacts, past and present, big and small, beautiful and ugly, valuable and useless, simple and complex, hand made and manufactured that are created, used, and modified by humans” (p. 20.) Burkhart (2006) additionally sites examples of material culture as she includes

“skateboards, billboards, succotash, yurts, paintings, pyramids, tattoos, gardens, medieval armor, and divided highways” (p. 33.)

It is useful to explore the material culture of a community as a means of understanding what is the whole context of art and art education at a given time and place. Ulbricht (2007) chronicled his experience and interaction with the material culture of his youth in an effort to understand his own biases, interests, and paths that brought him to present make-up. Looking at material culture in the lives of the Glenn brothers would be helpful in at least two ways. First, it will help to establish the historical stage and the context in which they lived. Looking at material culture and artifacts will help the observer divorce himself/herself from materials available currently. Then looking at material culture of the Frenchtown environment during the 1960s may provide some understanding of why the Glenn brothers made or taught art as they did. In particular, part of that material culture was the signage in the community that the Glenn brothers helped to create.

The aspects of the community as explored here are at least twofold. The term may refer to location and geographic perimeters. On the other hand, the term may imply that there is some group of people who have commonalities (goals, ethnicities, interests, and so on). The community of Frenchtown seems to be a good example of an instance where these two concepts of community merge into a dual sense of community. The findings and discussion of the findings in this study are placed in the context not only of the politics of the times in which the Glenn brothers worked and lived in Tallahassee but also the concepts of community established in this chapter. The driving question and supporting questions in this study will bring focus and structure towards an adequate and representational narrative of the role of art in the lives of

Hodges and Rogers Glenn as they worked and educated in Frenchtown Tallahassee.

A focus on community, both in general and in art education, has brought to light important aspects of art education history as it recognizes an importance in the context of

71 learning. Hodges and Rogers Glenn acted within their community, time period, and available resources to work, inspire, and pass along their love of art. The sense of place was a factor that could not be ignored and contributed to who they were in the community and what they did. The context of community and place is universal and a factor in any part of art education history. In the case of the Glenn brothers, the social and material culture of Frenchtown fueled and tooled the brothers’ contribution to their community. Exactly what that contribution was, is the focus of this study and the topic to which I now turn.

CHAPTER FOUR

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT FOR THE STUDY

Discovering the Glenn Brothers: Some Personal Context This study seeks to rectify and fill that gap in part, by examining the contributions to art education by African American artists and teachers, Hodges and Rogers Glenn. To begin to tell this story I feel I need to tell my own, at least briefly. At least I feel that it is noteworthy to briefly chronicle my own journey in choosing a topic. Choosing this study stemmed from my interest in the ideas of Community Based Art Education (CBAE) and Penner & Villeneuve’s

(1999) model for rediscovering the local community. My interest in art for the social good and authenticity in art education attracted me to CBAE concepts. As an art educator in an area in

Tallahassee known as Frenchtown, I found myself constantly wrestling with neighborhood pride and the school’s sense of identity. Frenchtown, located near the center of downtown suffered from a marred reputation consisting of drug infestation and high crime rate. I would often hear of the parents and students’ surprise discovery that the school was a great place to learn. The school’s location would often prompt families to move to other zones, home school, or enroll students in perceivably better schools.

Seeing Penner & Villeneuve’s (1999) model as start for establishing a sense of place and greater appreciation for the community in my students, I drew from the model to design a curriculum unit dealing with Frenchtown. Not only was it informative for my students but it also launched a growing interest in the Frenchtown community where I taught.

Later, an ethnographical study at a historic Frenchtown building yielded more facts that are interesting to me. The current Lincoln Center once housed the African American high school

(Lincoln High School), which closed down in 1969. It now serves as a neighborhood center and housed a small museum room (called The Lincoln Room) dedicated to its history. Like Marche

(1998) suggested, I felt like a detective uncovering and discovering contextual information intrinsic to understanding my community. In the process, I discovered the previous existence of an art teacher named Hodges Glen. In my journal, I wrote the following about that day in the

Lincoln Room:

The Lincoln room was another world. It was quiet and all the voices outside the room

disappeared. The room was very attractive with hard wood floors. It was well organized

and a row of African American male principals stared at me from the wall. I soon

realized the depth of the information in the room when I saw the date 1896. John Gilmore

Riley was the principal then. Other principles’ names felt familiar as I read them. The

displays were nice and simple. As I looked at the pictures, I could see there was

something here that was real. High School queens and old programs printed in the

sixties. I wondered how they managed such official diplomas, yearbooks, and

publications with such limited sources. Computers were not as prevalent then. Restraints

and restriction within the culture of segregation must have made printing something like

this very special.

A table in the middle of the Lincoln room had at least three notebooks full of

pictures, newspaper articles, and pertinent information. As I flipped through one, my eyes

stopped on a page that featured the high School art department. A picture of the

instructor, Mr. Hodges Glenn, Sr. flanked the upper right hand corner and listed him as

the Department Chairman. The top of the page read, “The aim of Art instruction is to

develop individual capacity for greater creativity and appreciation.” A photo of the art

room showed students sitting shoulder to shoulder at a table with their backs turned. I

wondered if this art teacher was still alive and what could he tell me about his teaching

experience at the Old Lincoln High School (personal journal entry, February 7, 2007.)

I later discovered Hodges Glenn to be one of a set of twin art teachers and the two eventually became the focus of this study. The path of CBAE had brought me to an opportunity for an extensive study of these African American male art teachers whose stories until now remained largely unknown and untold.

The Community of Frenchtown

The Glenn brothers were born, raised, and became societal contributors in the context of a community. A special blend of locality and commonality provides a background for the bases of this story. Within the boundaries of about twelve square blocks nestled in Florida’s capital city

Tallahassee, lies a small unique community known as Frenchtown. The neighborhood’s foundation started in 1824 when Congress awarded Marquis de Lafayette a township and

$200,000 for his services to the United States during the American Revolution (Klos, 2001).

Though Lafayette did not ever settle in this North Florida land gift himself, he encouraged

French colonist to come in 1831 as he envisioned a utopian place equipped with economical advantageous to the United States. Some of these Frenchmen settled in the Tallahassee area now know as Frenchtown (Lewis, 1966).

However, the Frenchmen deserted the area after they were unsuccessful in growing crops of grapes, figs, olives, mulberry trees and silk worms (Thompson & Bowers, 1987). After 1862, this left the land available for newly freed slaves who had worked alongside and, in some cases, for the Frenchmen (Lewis, 1966). Hare (2006) argued that French colonists may not have ever

75 settled the land as other scholars believed, however, Hare agreed with others that Frenchtown became an area where African Americans settled and resided. Segregated from other

Tallahasseans because of their race, Frenchtown inhabitants thrived after the Civil War. By the

1940s African Americans had made Frenchtown their self-sustaining community complete with businesses, stores, restaurants, a hospital, a theater, barber shops, and schools (Menzel, 2005).

This economic incline continued well into the 1960s, the period of this study.

In order to realize a more comprehensive view, it is necessary to look at Frenchtown in the 1940s. Businesses were rising out of necessity and were evidence of a resilient people surviving against many odds. Porter (1952) reported that though 2,750 of 15,000 qualified voters in the city were African Americans, none of them held a political office in 1948. Porter (1952), who was also the African American High School’s principal, described the racial relationship in the city as a “dual racial pattern or system” (p. 15.) He continued by stating that “this type of pattern places an undue limitation on freedom of speech, on the opportunity to own certain property, on free participation in the social, economic, and the political life of the community”

(p. 15.)

Porter (1952) further described the horrible living conditions of African Americans in the community by saying:

housing for the majority of Negroes in this community (Tallahassee) is anything but

adequate. Negros live, for the most part, in unpainted, dilapidated, tin roofed, unscreened,

clapboard shanties, with remnants of steps. Conveniences are limited, to say the least.

Often families must secure water from a public spigot and carry it back to their homes for

use. In many sections several families are compelled to use the same outdoor toilet

facilities. Flies, mangy, flea-bitten dogs, unkempt children and, occasionally, a jacked-up

car are to be seen in the yards. Washing is often done in black iron wash pots out-of-

doors. Wash water is sometimes carelessly thrown in the yard and streets. Rental property

of this type is often owned by local “leading” white citizens. Thus far all efforts to start a

low-rent housing project in this community for Negroes have met with stiff opposition

from landlords who are satisfied with conditions as they are. (p. 23)

Wilkes (1949) paralleled Porter’s comments with his description of the housing in

Frenchtown in the late 1940s. Wilkes (1949) reported Frenchtown as being 7% white and 93%

African American. In his system of describing the conditions of homes, he classified them with a numerical value from one to six. “Ones” were houses in good condition a “sixes” were houses in very poor condition. His statistics revealed that only 9% of white residents in Frenchtown were living in houses four or worse as oppose to 66 2/3% of the African American residents were living in houses four or worse. He characterized the Frenchtown community as a “slum district”

(p. 1.) He stated that

A high percentage of the sub-standard houses, particularly those in class 6, are

constructed flimsily out of inferior lumber. Many are not sealed on the inside, and so

have only one thin board between the occupants and the weather. In some instances it is

possible to stand on the front porch and view the backyard through cracks in the walls.

Many occupants tack newspaper or heavy wrapping paper over the interior in an effort to

remedy this condition. This provides some measure of protection against wind and cold,

it is not too effective at repelling rain and definitely constitutes a fire hazard. (p. 12)

Ironically, Hare (2006) reported that some residents felt like these were some of

Frenchtown’s finest days. There were restaurants on practically every corner and many night

77 clubs featured some of the nation’s finest entertainers. Hare (2006) captured the following description of Bessie Hardin’s walk from her high school to home:

“I can picture the whole walk home. Turning south from Lincoln, you would pass the

Chicken Shack, then John Harper’s Pool Room. Mr. Nims had a pool room and there was

another one called Nell’s Pool Room.” As Mrs. Harding continued her nostalgic walk

back home, she named the businesses she would pass or see down the side streets:

Frenchtown Cleaners, the E&K Clothing Store, Lloyd White’s Barber Shop, Tampa’s

Store and a grocery or two. Miss Bessie smiled and added, “If you, or one of your

friends, had some extra change, you’d go on over to Mr. Ashmore’s store. He had ice

cream cones that only cost a nickel.”

Asked if she was afraid to walk past all those pool halls, Miss Bessie shook her

head emphatically and replied, “No! Folks weren’t afraid to walk the streets.” On the

contrary, each person you met knew who you were and knew your family. Each adult

was another set of eyes to make sure you went where you were supposed to and didn’t go

where you weren’t. If you got into mischief, your mother was likely to know about it long

before you reached your front porch.” (p. 94)

Such reflections depicted Frenchtown as a community not only in locality, but a community with a character born out of bonds and commonalities.

As Frenchtown moved into the 1970’s, however, it started to feel the effects of desegregation (Menzel, 2005). The Civil Rights Act of 1964 meant the Frenchtown dwellers were no longer confined to the stores and businesses in their community. Residents who were more affluent moved to other neighborhoods or to northern cities. This placed Frenchtown in an economic decline with a high unemployment rate. By the late 1970s and 1980s, poverty and

78 drugs plagued the Frenchtown area giving it a reputation for violence and high crime rates

(Menzel, 2005). Even passing through in daylight hours would yield cause for fear (Menzel,

2005).

But Frenchtown today is on a path of rebound and revitalization.

At every point in its history, Frenchtown has been central to African American life and the African American community in Tallahassee and North Florida. Hare (2006) wrote that:

In the end, Frenchtown cannot be defined in geographical terms, but by its nature and its

influence on the city of Tallahassee as a whole. Even in the worst of times, there was

always a presence in Frenchtown that could not be easily defined. It was a spirit that

could not be watered down by government policies or substantially altered by court

rulings. Frenchtown had a life of its own that ebbed and flowed like the nearby waters of

the Gulf of Mexico. (pp. 88-89)

A good understanding of the Frenchtown neighborhood is an important factor in the construction of this study, and more insight will be developed in the body of this dissertation. I turn now to Hodges and Rogers Glenn.

Hodges and Rogers Glenn

Twin brothers, Hodges and Rogers Glenn were born to Mr. and Mrs. James and Carl

Glenn on January 22, 1930 (Obituary, 1999). They were so identical that one Lincoln graduate declared they could switch classes and no one would ever know it. According to art student

Curtis Corbin (personal communication, March 15, 2007) their artistic skills and abilities were so synchronized that one could start a painting and the other would finish it.

They grew up in the Frenchtown area on Copeland Street with their older brother, James.

They graduated from Lincoln High School (their marginalized community’s high school for

African Americans) in the late 40s/early 50s. They both did what many progressive minded

African American males did after they graduated from high school in the early 50s: they served in the military (M. Rush, personal communication, April 4, 2007). Isaac Johnson (personal communication, April 4, 2007), a visitor at the Lincoln Room Museum of local African

American history, stated that the military did a whole lot for him and African American males from Frenchtown because it was their way of escape. The military was a means of desirable and voluntary exploration to many African American males in the Frenchtown community, but the

Glenn brothers may have enlisted by way of a draft (Glenn, 1970).

In the military, Hodges and Rogers landed jobs utilizing their artistic abilities (Glenn,

1973). They became sign painters and illustrators and served the army together from October 9,

1951 to March 16, 1953 (O. Glenn, personal communication, April 11, 2007). When they returned to Tallahassee, they continued to paint signs in their spare time, establishing a community presence. Corbin (personal communication, March 15, 2007) stated that it was not unusual to see the both of them on ladders painting commercial billboards. He further stated that they were so talented, that they would hand paint letters in different typestyles with great precision. Margaret Glenn (personal communication, April 5, 2007), Hodges wife, said that she would help them by getting on the ladders and filling in letters they had already outlined. The

Lincoln Room proudly displays a sign painted by Hodges Glenn, which reads “Lincoln High

School.”

The twins completed their undergraduate studies at Florida Agricultural and Mechanical

University according to Rogers’ obituary (1999). Corbin (personal communication, March 15,

2007) said that both were art teachers at rival schools. Hodges taught at Lincoln High and

Rogers taught at FAMU High. Former Lincoln student Barrie Ashcroft (personal communication, March 4, 2007) said that she and others adored the twins. She further stated that they had great personalities and that she never heard anything bad about them. Margaret Glenn

(personal communication, April 5, 2007) said that her husband taught at Lincoln from approximately 1960 to 1966. When asked what inspired them to be artists, she said, “They had a natural gift. They wanted to make a living and develop their gifts.” They would go on to develop their gifts in different ways.

Hodges Glenn left Tallahassee in 1967 with a Bachelor’s degree in Art Education and a

Masters of Education degree from FAMU (shortly after the signing of the Civil Rights Bill). He received a scholarship through the National Association of Art Education’s (NAEA) SHIP award to attend Penn State. He received a doctorate in Education in 1970 and moved to Amherst where he taught at Smith College and the University of Massachusetts (UM) (personal communication with Margaret Glenn, April 5, 2007). At the UM, he became one of the early leaders of the

Committee for the Collegiate Education of Black and Other Minority Students (CCEMBS). This organization was designed to be a support to minorities and served to acclimate them to the rigor of college life and thereby helped them be successful. This organization was a help to the campus since Massachusetts law mandated that the college race ratios reflected those of the state

(Warner, 1998). A photo of Hodges appears in the University of Massachusetts archive of photos as he received an award from the Black Citizens Committee of Pennsylvania (University of

Massachusetts, 2011). After he retired, he returned to Tallahassee before he died in August 2001.

After the Civil Rights Bill passed, Rogers stayed in Tallahassee and obtained a Master’s of Science degree in Curriculum Development and Educational Administration from FAMU in

1961 and a Master’s degree in fine arts from Florida State University in 1973. After graduating from FSU, Rogers went to Indiana University where he pursued a doctoral degree. He did not finish the degree but received two more masters’ degrees instead (O. Glenn, personal communication, April 11, 2007). Rogers received an award and accolades at FSU for research he did on race relations. He died in June 1999. The brothers left a legacy in the community mostly shared through oral reflections of former students, older members of the community and admirers abroad who hail them as important subjects in the community’s history of art education.

In Their Own Words

To further set the stage, it is appropriate here to address what the Glenn brothers themselves have written as it addresses the focus of my study: that is, the construction of community in Frenchtown and the Glenn brothers’ role in that through their art and art education activities. I’m assuming that what they said in the primary sources I consulted reflects the philosophies they embraced at a given time. The Glenn brothers’ written words are especially resources of interest as they complement the recollections of the students and people they influenced. Like Vincent van Gogh’s sister-in-law, Johannas van Gogh, I’ve found that compiling words and art of the deceased is worth the effort and is a gift to the world (Morrow,

Craig, Edwards, Collins, Gioving, & Johnson, 2002). The following concepts are those communicated to us by the Glenn brothers in their own words.

Hodges Glenn left Tallahassee in 1967 to pursue a doctorate at Pennsylvania State

University. There, his dissertation, entitled Predicting Academic Achievement of “Special-

Admit” Students at the Pennsylvania State University (H. Glenn, 1970), dealt with the university’s methods and formulas for determining the success of disadvantaged students (also

82 called special-admit students). These students were comprised of African-Americans, poor whites, and youth of other ethnic groups. Hodges’ interest and expertise in this area is evident in his involvement later at the University of Massachusetts as one of the founding members of the

Committee for the Collegiate Education of Black and Other Minority Students (CCEMBS)

(personal communication with Margaret Glenn, April 5, 2007).

In making a case for fair and equal treatment for all, and the possible negative effects on community and society if that does not happen, Hodges Glenn (1970) described the inability for standardized college admissions tests to measure characteristics like motivation, creativity, and leadership ability. He said that “such instruments work effectively and systematically to exclude

Blacks and other disadvantaged youth from obtaining a real chance to attend college” (p. 3). In his conclusive statements he went on to say that:

Unless all institutions of higher education move to bring about polarization of the

American “dream” by providing each member of our society an equal opportunity to

succeed, those Black and other disadvantaged youth who are seeking socio-economic

mobility through obtaining a better education as a means to a better way of life can only

return to the streets of the city ghettos and deprived rural communities to one day become

the opposing force which will certainly destroy the college and university system as we

know it today.(p. 76)

In making the case for the arts as important in the construction of community in an educational context, Rogers Glenn (1973) suggested the importance of creativity, not just as a criterion for admittance in higher education, but also for inclusion in college curricula. He urged curriculum developers to see the ingeniousness of the creative individual as well as that of the

83 scientist. He mentioned the philosophers such as Plato, Dewey and Fleishman who suggested the importance of aesthetic experience. He then wrote:

One could infer that the artist who creates a high order work of art, one which stands the

test of criticism, not only can create but conceptualize that creation. In other words, he is

a “knower” and a “doer.” Leonardo da Vinci was such a person. He spoke six different

languages, was an artist, inventor and an engineer.

The message for curricular developers in higher education is clear; that the

present education system, which dichotomizes the “thinkers” from the “doers” should no

longer be employed. How many “Little Leonardos” has our present system destroyed or

crippled for life?

I submit that what is needed to replace this system which “robs the nation of

creative manpower,” which does not give equal treatment to those who can

“conceptualize and create,” is one which allows for and encourages fuller development of

the individual talents. Who knows, “Little Leonardo’s” may come in all “colors”

(ethnically), all sizes (short or tall), and all sexes (male and female). (R. Glenn, 1973, pp.

10-11)

Rogers Glenn (1973) also wrote about his own early education in the arts and that of his brother. In defense of the need of art education as well as other disciplines in education, he wrote:

In the rationale for this paper, I mentioned briefly that my twin brother was equally

talented. Our early art training can be traced directly to the works of the classical period

and the Italian Renaissance. As we grew in technique and knowledge or the past cultures,

so did our values and appreciations; hence any sound structure manifested in our artistic

creations is not our own, but reflects the techniques, values and beliefs of the masters for

which we honored and studies.

It is thus my engrained belief that the artists’ creations are synonymous to those of the

scientists, not his to claim alone, but are built upon the works of hundreds of men before

him. (pp. 6-7)

The Glenn brothers’ obvious concern with social justice in their writings should also be set into the context of their times in a larger sense. The political unrest, racial tension, and movements of the 1960s, the time period when the Glenn brothers were living and working in

Tallahassee, fostered a complexity that mandated a need for decisive positions on issues and philosophies. This turbulent decade produced such major events as the assassination of President

John F. Kennedy, the culmination of the Civil Rights Movement, the signing of the Civil Rights act, the landing on the moon, and the death of Dr. Martin Luther King. Included in these critical events is the rise of the Black Arts Movement.

The Black Art Movement of the 60s and 70s

Aiello (2009) described the Black Arts Movement as “a loosely affiliated group of politically motivated activist poets, painters, musicians, dramatists, and other artist working in

American urban centers, beginning roughly in 1965 and losing momentum by the mid-1970s” (p.

186.) In the movement’s inception, the poet LeRoi Jones rejected passive acceptance of the influence of traditional western aesthetics. He and others promoted the idea that African

Americans should find their unique identity. Jones founded the Black Arts Repertory

Theatre/School in Harlem, New York. Although there was no central geographic location of the movement, it thrived by way of publications and other media. Other poets and performers

85 contributed to an effort to emphasize the black experience and the search for a black aesthetic.

Gayle (1971) and writers in his book The Black Aesthetic searched for a commonality among black artists that would define, savor and celebrate blackness.

Because of its agenda to reexamine and reject the existing norms as established by

(white) America, the words of its literature were often pointed, shocking and intentionally offensive. The movement tended to alienate others in its attempt to unify the black community.

This type of content eventually contributed to the demise of the movement as its suggestions of violence brought tension even within the African American community (Ongiri, 2010). The

Black Art Movement mainly manifested itself through poetry and drama. However, the visual arts also showed evidence of the movement’s philosophy. Lewis (2003) provided a visual record of black artists during this era who used their art to make strong and political statements. She wrote that “in the course of this struggle for equal economic, political, and social opportunity,

African American artists embraced the concept of self-determination through self-expression, which involved the demand that they formulate their own aesthetic principles” (p. 143.) African

American painters took part in a surge in celebration of blackness and therefore provided visual support towards the unity of the African American community.

There, therefore, emerged two ideas of community. One concept of community was that of the commonalities found in African American art and culture. The other was the merging of

African Americans into mainstream America, forming a community of inclusion and racial harmony. One can see the reality of these two concepts of community best in the tension between the Black Power Movement and Dr. Martin Luther King’s leadership and philosophy of non-violent methodology (Ongiri, 2010). The Black Power (and the Black Arts Movements which was considered an arm of the Black Power Movement) advocated a defining of the

86 distinction of the black community. Meanwhile, Dr. King sought to rid barriers between races and form a sense of community as a result of coming together. Ongiri (2010) stated that “the twin guiding precepts of the Civil Rights Movement, nonviolence and a vision of an integrated

‘beloved community’ were the ones most contested by the Black Arts and Black Power

Movements” (p. 98). Such differences of philosophies were characteristic and contributed to the tensions of the 1960s.

The Black Art Movement featured an effort to accentuate the unique identity of the

African American culture. It tended to avoid catering to traditional western aesthetics and express pride in the African American community through poetry, drama and the visual arts.

These were often conveyed through pointed and sometime controversial and political statements.

Two focuses toward community emerged from this movement: (1) the philosophy to strengthen ties within the African American community and (2) the effort for African Americans to gain acceptance, inclusion and live peaceably within the global community. These times were part of the context in which the Glenn brothers lived and worked as artist and art educators and the issues of those times had an influence on their lives as this study will demonstrate.

The Glenn Brothers and the Practical Arts

The practical arts were primary tools for the Glenn brothers in affecting community, particularly the art of signage. Roger Glenn (1973) suggested in one of his theses that one cannot divorce art from everyday experience. He wrote:

The aesthetics in curricula should no longer be treated separately from life experience

since it reflects the evolutional relics and experiences of mankind. I think that the study

of aesthetics which differentiates knowledge of the beautiful from logic, which was

aimed at obtaining truth, must begin to reflect the daily work of people, while

maintaining its classical mode. (p. 8)

Part of the Glenn brothers’ daily work in the Frenchtown community included their commercial art throughout the community. Later interviews in this study suggest this contribution was important to the Frenchtown community. Rogers Glenn (1971) wrote about the art of lettering:

It is my opinion that the best lettering is still done by hand. My experience in the

advertising design field has been wide and varied. I have, in designing and executing

letting for billboards, posters, window displays, and etc., varied in size from a fraction of

an inch to the expanded size of 9 feet high and 10 feet wide. I have worked free-hand

with all four main alphabet families, (Roman, Gothic, Italic and Text). I have also worked

diversified forms of calligraphy.

In working for art agencies, as a free-lancer, it became an observable fact that

many modern illustrators could not do their own lettering. Here, it should be mentioned,

however, that this fact, the inability to execute letters free-hand, does not affect the

advertising designer’s ability as an illustrator. It merely shows that lettering is an art in

itself. (p. 18)

These words of the Glenn brothers suggest that the artistic community and the community of the peripheralized, especially African Americans, was an issue of concern for both brothers. Later in this study I will again bring the Glenn brothers writing to bear as appropriate in support of points made by interviewees in relation to art, art education, and the construction of community in Frenchtown. But here I will discuss in more detail the issue of signage and the impact of lettering during the time that the Glenn brothers were practicing commercial artists.

Signage and Lettering in the 60s

Burkhart’s (2006) mentioning of billboards as an example of material culture opens the door for a relevant discussion concerning community and context. Today’s billboards are often times digitally operated and the graphics are computer generated and produced by elaborate mechanism of sign making. But even in digital imaging the skills exhibited by the Glenn brothers continue to be important. The Stanford Report (2005) quoted Steve Jobs referring to typography as he spoke to college graduates at Stanford University. Jobs talked about the value in pursuing more knowledge in a calligraphy class. He said, “I learned about serif and san serif typefaces, about varying the amount of space between different letter combinations, about what makes great typography great. It was beautiful, historical, artistically subtle in a way that science can’t capture, and I found it fascinating” (Stanford Report, 2005, paragraph 7). Jobs went on to talk about how this art of writing impacted the development of computers and computer software as his company made more fonts available to its customers. Typography therefore played a vital part in the growth of Steve Job’s enterprise. But the development of computers has also had a profound impact on hand-painted signage making it more and more a lost art.

Before the advancement of computer technology, sign painters were needed and in demand to create billboards and signage in the commercial world. Baines and Dixon (2002) noted that traditional lettering is different than type and that lettering is not addressed in contemporary design. They go on to say that “this and the ability of contemporary production methods to generate types at any size on virtually any substrate, tends to blind us to the subtle but important differences between lettering and type. Put very simply, type is an industrial product capable of duplication and automation, while lettering is a one-off, created for a specific purpose and capable of responding to the demands of scale, material and surroundings in quite a

89 different way” (p. 8.) Hughes (2010) pointed out that technology and the stipulations of mass production brought a need to minimize variations of typefaces to accommodate more general use. He stated that “before the Mac, even before Letroset and the Photo-Typositor, the only way to produce an eye-catching expressive printed headline was to draw it – by hand” (p. 6.) The peak of such custom handmade lettering extended from the 1930s to the late 1960s (Hughes,

2010). This is the time period of this study and the Glenn brothers’ efforts at lettering signs is important in the context of this study. One of the values of signage is its potential power to bring clarity to an otherwise chaotic and conflicting situation such as was the case of the 1960s.

CHAPTER FIVE

THE FRENCHTOWN COMMUNITY AND THE GLENN TWINS

The Frenchtown Community as a Mecca Lincoln Students attended their classes and worked hard throughout the mornings doing

Math, English, Science, History, and of course Art. Sometimes in art they prepared props of prom celebrations and holiday nativity scenes (M. Glenn, personal communication, April 11,

2013). At lunch time, it was time to take a break and breathe easy before the rest of the day

Figure 2. Sullivan’s Food Store and Ashmore’s Drug Store State Archives of Florida, Florida Memory, http://floridamemory.com/items/show/127111

91 began. Students hurried to the cafeteria while some students ventured off campus. Hungry High

Schoolers spilled over into the stores of Frenchtown. Frenchtown was just south of Lincoln and the main street extended for several blocks. Sullivan’s Grocery store was just across the street right next to the Ashmores drugstore. Mr. Ashmore was one of the only white businessmen in

Frenchtown (Ensley, 2010). At Ashmores, students could buy a hot dog and an “across the fountain” soda. (A. Barnes, personal communication, April 16, 2013) Altamese Barnes, a student at the time, said that it was called so because Mr. Ashmore would put in the coke, strawberry, and orange and mixed it. “So everybody back then called it, give me across the fountain and he knew what that meant,” she said.

Not every student used lunchtime just for lunch. Some would take care of important business for their parents and pick up necessities. Robert Baker (personal communication, May

7, 2013) remembers periodically going down into Frenchtown during lunch to buy a money order for his mother. “It was almost like being to a mall or outlet” he explained. There would be a plethora of black owned businesses including barber shops, drugstores, pool rooms, restaurants, a chicken shack, cleaners, Chavis Service Station and Buddy’s Record Shop where Baker could get the latest recording of the Temptations. In the 50s, Frenchtown had developed into a central point for blacks to shop, live and gather.

A Mecca for African American Living

“It was just that small town flavor,” said Rush. “There were no lines drawn . . . teachers knew the students and they knew their parents.” M. Rush, personal communication, April 4,

2007) Barnes (personal communication, April 16, 2013) added that families knew each other and may range anywhere from four to twelve or thirteen children. “But we were still close because

92 we were all going to the same school, all going to the same churches, all to the same activities, frequent the same businesses,” she said.

“Frenchtown’s heyday was probably in the early 60s,” Mack Rush (personal communication, April 4, 2007) contended as he reflected on Frenchtown history. This heyday

Figure 3. View showing African American homes on Copeland St. in Tallahassee, Florida. (Across from the Glenns’ childhood home, taken in 1968) State Archives of Florida, Florida Memory, http://floridamemory.com/items/show/46093

93 had been in the making for years. A former place of mainly French settlers in 1831, Frenchtown rested in a low lying area in the heart of Tallahassee. Newly freed African American slaves in the late 1800s inherited its terrain and became its major occupants. Overt and hidden laws of segregation and separation made Frenchtown a marginalized refuge for blacks. As the decades of the twentieth century unfolded, the economic deprivation remained evident in some of the living facilities. A 1943 account described houses that were frail and patched up with inadequate materials (Anderson, 1943.) A 1949 study reveal that many of the substandard houses were occupied on a rental basis (Wilkes, 1949.)

Woven throughout the neighborhood were also well-built houses. Rush (personal communication, April 4, 2007) and Barnes (personal communication, April 16, 2013) pointed out that a lot of the teachers lived in the area. Barnes remembers Ms. Mandy Jones, Ms. Eva

Mannon, Ms. Carter, the civics teacher, and Ms. Peacock and the Glenn brothers all living in the area. “So the community was, you had a mix of professional, middle class and then you also had some that would be considered low socioeconomic. There were some shotgun and like alley houses behind that Stars Grocery and the Chicken Shack. But it was where some of our classmates lived.” (A. Barnes, personal communication, April 16, 2013)

A Mecca for African American Businesses

Menzel noted that “Frenchtown was a natural home to blacks, and from the 1920s until the late 1960s, it was known as a social center with a thriving business climate.” (p. 5) “It was more of a shopping area for black folks,” Margaret Glenn (personal communication, (April 11,

2013) explained. Baker (personal communication, May 7, 3013) echoed Menzel’s comments by saying “it was almost like a social center type place, because you would be there and of course

Figure 4. Frenchtown’s Macomb Street commercial district Courtesy of the Florida State University Libraries, Special Collections and Archives you would see other people there that you knew who would be doing the same thing, shopping.”

Hunter (personal communication, April 22, 2013) recalled that “there was enough in the

Frenchtown community – with the stores because there was an E&K that had the clothing. There was a shoe shop in Frenchtown. As I said earlier, the grocery store was there. So, we had churches, we had schools. So pretty much, our lives, I would say 85% of our lives were based on what was right there in the community,” Hunter (personal communication, April 22, 2013) added that “the lifestyles and activities prevalent in this quasi inner city, if you will, encapsulated church business, school, and culture.”

A compilation listing of black businesses revealed varied professions such as physicians, barbers, druggists, shoemakers, grocers, tailors, cigar makers, blacksmiths, bakers, butchers,

95 morticians, and jewelers (Barnes & Roberts, 2000.) Other important places of business included a hotel, theatre, pool halls, fish markets, fruit stands, an insurance company, cleaners, saloons, furniture stores, service stations, restaurants, and the Red Bird Café. The Red Bird Café became one of Frenchtown’s landmarks as it entertained guest such as Louis Armstrong, Little Richard,

Cab Calloway, Al Green, Lou Rawls, Nat and Cannonball Adderley, and others (Hare, 2006.)

“Frenchtown sort of provided that connection that sort of tied people together,” Baker (personal communication, May 7, 2013) explained.

A Mecca for African American Entertainment

During World War II, black soldiers stationed near the outskirts of Tallahassee would come into Frenchtown for socializing, relaxation and entertainment (Hare, 2006.) Anderson

(1943) noted the divide within the African American community and stated that there were “two sets of Negroes; Those who live in Tallahassee proper and those who live on the campus of the

Florida Agricultural and Mechanical College” (p. 9). She contended that the division was lessening since the war because everyone was working together for the sake of the soldiers that were stationed at Tallahassee. “It was a decent place,” said Rush (personal communication, April

4, 2007). “And people would get dressed to come to Frenchtown. We had a few night clubs that were first quality. We had world renowned entertainers such as Ray Charles, James Brown, and the likes.” Houzell (personal communication, June 5, 2013) confirmed Rush’s statement by saying, “people used to dress up with ties, spit shine shoes and go to Frenchtown and go to the El

Dorado Café to eat. I mean oh my God, it was just like heaven.” “It was almost like a Harlem in New York,” Hunter (personal communication, April 22, 2013) described, “bustling with activity, dancing, music, and food.”

Figure 5. Red Bird Cafe Courtesy of the Florida State University Libraries, Special Collections and Archives

Rush (personal communication, April 4, 2007) remembered that people referred to the entertainment spots such as the Red Bird Café as the Chitlin’s Circuit. “At that time black folk couldn’t go to no civic center and some other fabulous place that they could perform so they had, around the country, they had these little jook joints or night clubs that they performed in and considered as part of the Chitterlings Circuit.” Tallahassee Frenchtown was an ideal hub and rest stop for entertainers on the road between New Orleans and larger Florida cities (Hare, 2006).

A Mecca for African American Education

Another important hub in the Frenchtown community was the Lincoln High School.

Lincoln High School was a center for the community (Hare, 2006). “To many of us, Lincoln is hallowed ground,” Rush solemnly declared as he paused to reflect.

The school was established in 1869 shortly after the Emancipation Proclamation

Figure 6. Old Lincoln High School – Tallahassee, Florida State Archives of Florida, Florida Memory, http://floridamemory.com/items/show/88347

98 officially freed the slaves. Though President Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation

Proclamation on January 1, 1863, slaves in Tallahassee didn’t get the news until May 20, 1863

(Hare, 2000). It would not only mark an important day in the liberty of African Americans, but it would start a tradition of celebration that would continue throughout the next century.

Emancipation Day was important for Lincoln High School students and they were allowed to leave early to enjoy its festivities. The school, which had been named in honor of President

Abraham Lincoln, was established for the purpose of educating newly freed slaves.

The school had it share of troubles in its infancy, suffering a fire in 1872, rebuilding on

Copeland and Park Streets in 1876, and finally relocating in its permanent location in 1906. At its permanent location, fire destroyed again before building again in 1929 (Hare, 2006). The

Principal of Lincoln, Mr. Freeman Lawrence now followed a tradition of outstanding leadership:

John Gilmore Riley 1893 – 1926, Gilbert Lawrence Porter 1938 – 1954, R. Frank Nims 1955 –

1958, and James Abner 1958 – 1959. The school now served as the only public high school for

African Americans in Tallahassee and Leon County. FAMU High School where Rogers was teaching was the only other private high school for blacks. A previous private school, Griffin

School, was established by the African American Baptist Church but made an agreement with the county in 1939 to receive funding in order to accept students and relieve the overflow at

Lincoln High School (G. P. Anderson, 1943). The Griffin School, which formerly housed first through twelfth grades, eventually became a Junior High School for African Americans.

Lincoln welcomed, not only its residents in the Frenchtown community, but also neighboring black communities throughout the city. (T. K. Hunter, personal communication,

April 22, 2013) Hunter (personal communication, April 22, 2013) described Frenchtown as “an island unto itself that was surrounded by other African American cultural subdivisions.” Some of

99 these neighborhoods included Springfield, Bond, Griffin, and Jake Gaither communities. In addition some blacks continued to reside on plantations throughout the county. The students would be bused in to attend Lincoln for their high school educations. Porter (1952) indentified 48 black schools in 1938 and 24 in 1951 following a major consolidation. Rush (personal communication, April 4, 2007) noted that at some time, Lincoln welcomed students who wanted to continue after their elementary school education from approximately 60 schools. This made the community of Frenchtown a Mecca for education as well.

Richardson (personal communication, April 1, 2010) and Baker (personal communication, May 7, 2013), who were neighbors at a plantation, remembered riding 12 miles on the county school bus into to Frenchtown after walking two and a half miles on a dirt road from their dwelling places and. Baker (personal communication, May 7, 2013) explained, “We didn’t have the exposure in the rural area until we attended Lincoln, where everyone else in

Tallahassee already had the exposure to the brothers (the Glenn brothers) because they moved about the city doing different things art-related.”

It was a challenge living in the country and attending school in the city. Students from rural areas didn’t have the luxury of hanging around for afterschool activities. Richardson

(personal communication, April 1, 2010) expounded by saying “if I want to be on the football team, I couldn’t be on the football team, cause I had to go home. There’s nobody to pick me up after school if I did stay after school to practice. . . So you go home. You miss all that opportunity. If I had to play in the band or anything like that afterschool practice or anything like that, it was out of the question. Even art class, if I had to do a project after school . . . You couldn’t do it because you gotta jump on the bus and go back home.” Richardson, his sister,

Frankie, and Baker would use these disadvantages as incentives to do well in school knowing

100 that their education provides more opportunities. “So we had that burning desire to keep moving and to better ourselves,” Richardson (personal communication, April 1, 2010) said.

A Mecca for African American Dignity

Living on a plantation was somewhat humbling. Richardson (personal communication,

April 1, 2010) worked after school as a butler assistant when he got old enough. He would see the life of the wealthy with big wine cellars and fine cars like Porches and Mercedes. “Then I go home and I have to ride a school bus, you know. . . It works on your mind a little bit.” (E.

Richardson, personal communication, April 1, 2010) Baker (personal communication, May 7,

2013) added by saying “most of my folks, and I think Luster’s too, had grown up and worked on the plantation as a young age and as an old age and died on a plantation, and were never living outside of the plantation. So I think it was our group that came along . . . challenging that, that you can live outside a plantation.” Baker continued by explaining how he and his playmates would tease each other about staying on the plantation.

If you wanted to make someone mad, the little group we ran around with, Luster, his

brother Dave, and we had a couple of other friends, Elijah, Gold and Dickie, if you

wanted to make someone mad, say, you know, maybe after losing the basketball game or

after losing whatever game we were playing.. . you say, that’s why you’re going to be on

this plantation for the rest of your life! But then that was a fight, I’m not going to be on

this plantation. Oh yes, you will, you’re going to be driving the tractor. And so that was a

way of getting back at someone, is to say that they were going to be condemned to live

there. Because we felt like it was negative. (R. Baker, personal communication, May 7,

2013)

101

Robert Baker considered Frenchtown a place of safety. It was a place where blacks could go and not worry about being treated with indignity. Often times, when his family made their weekly trip to Frenchtown to shop, his mother would have them take the Greyhound bus to the city limits, then walk the rest of the way into Frenchtown. She would refused to ride the city buses even after the bus boycotts were over because she didn’t want to risk exposing her children to the negative side of segregation. According to Hare (2006) this behavior was typical of

African American adults who shielded their young from the indignities of the South’s traditions.

After finishing their shopping, Robert’s family could take a taxi out of Frenchtown. “You can catch a taxi out of Frenchtown and not have to worry about mistreatment or anything,” he said.

(R. Baker, personal communication, May 7, 2013)

Training in the Community

Many of the business owners had been trained at Lincoln High School. As he talked about this phenomenon, Roosevelt Glenn (personal communication, July 15, 2010) noted “a lot of people learn those skills and the next thing you know; they might open up their own beauty shop right there in the community somewhere.” At Lincoln’s 1958 commencement ceremony, students received Trade Certificates in Auto Mechanics, Carpentry, Cosmetology, Masonry, and

Painting (of interiors and exteriors.) (Lincoln Commencement Program, 1958) “Lincoln, besides just being an academic public institution, it was also a trade school,” Rush (personal communication, April 4, 2007) explained. He expounded by saying that students could select a college preparatory track or go into one of the trade areas. Some of the students used their trade to help finance their college education. “Many of the people that took trades ended up with that being their life’s work,” Rush (personal communication, April 4, 2007) noted. Barnes (personal

102 communication, April 16, 2013) added that the vocational buildings were a big part of the educational program at Lincoln. “They had carpentry, brick laying, tailoring, licensed practical nursing courses. There was the agriculture program with Farmer Brown,” Barnes (personal communication, April 16, 2013) continued. Roosevelt Glenn (personal communication, July 15,

2010) said “we kinda probably took it for granted, but we had no idea what we were really accomplishing.”

The trade and training philosophy probably got its start with formal Principal Gilbert

Porter. Porter (1952) implemented several programs as a result of surveys and reports that he periodically oversaw. Porter (1952) got his ideas from the philosophies of John Dewey. Dewey

(1929) suggested that teachers were valuable resources for a schools’ progress and that administrators should seek a more cooperative approach in gathering data and improving their curriculum. The Evolution of Susan Prim (1944) was a narrative that documented the process and challenges of Lincoln’s move from a traditional to a more comprehensive involvement of administration, faculty and students. In 1943, Gladys Pepper Anderson (1943), a media specialist at Lincoln wrote in a report that approximately one-third of the students were employed with part-time jobs. “These students range in age from twelve to twenty three years,”

(p. 21) the report went on to say. Specifically, Anderson (1943) added that “boys are usually employed as drug store helpers, elevator operators, newsboys, gardeners, shoeshine boys, deliverymen, porters, pen setters, helpers in dry cleaning establishments, box factory workers, janitor and woodyard helpers. Girls find their chief employment as domestics, laundress, children’s nurses, cooks, office helpers, waitresses, and baker’s helpers.” (p. 21) Obvious in the report was a truancy issue with Lincoln students. The report pointed out that the Legislature had passed a law in an effort to keep students in school. However, the report noted “in Tallahassee

103 this law has been neglected. Neither the employers nor the parents seem mindful of their law- breaking. Large numbers of minors work full time. There is no attendance officer to see that

Negro school children attend school” (G. P. Anderson, p. 22). Such information suggested that the pressures for students to financially support their families existed alongside educational opportunities.

From 1946 to 1951, Principal Porter continued to gather data through surveys conducted by administrators, teachers, and members of the student body. After reviewing a collection of surveys, he and his staff concluded that students’ dropout rates coincided directly with students’ economic challenges. They noted that students were dropping out of school to obtain employment and help provide for their families. To address the problem of students leaving high school, Lincoln embraced and implemented a program called Diversified Corporative Training

(DCT). This program involved local businesses and allowed student to work part-time with respect to school hours. They also received on the job training and the opportunity to experience the world of work as they pursed their high school diplomas.

Another initiative implemented by Principal Porter stemmed from the school’s conclusion that it had a dual purpose. The Lincoln school would prepare their students for college and the school would provide a track for students not attending college. Students not attending college would benefit from learning trades and undergoing training in skills that would prepare them immediately for the work force.

Beginning Teachers in the Community

It was 1957. He was finally a real teacher! Hodges Genn walked into an empty class room space that had not experienced the touch of an art teacher (M. Glenn, personal

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Figure 7. Hodges Glenn communication, April 11, 2013). Principal Frank Nims told Mr. Glenn that this space would have to do for now. It would be several months later before Mr. Glenn would be able to settle down in what he could call a real art room. But for now, it was a fixer-upper and a good place for a brand new art program at Lincoln High School. He had so much to do – the second semester of the school year had already started and there were only four months left before the end of the school year. How exciting it was to continue exposing the kids in his neighborhood to the joys of art. It should be a seamless start since he had already been teaching the students. In between studies at the Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University (FAMU) he periodically came back to his alma mater, Lincoln High, to teach the kids art. Some had been with him for several years now. After graduating last Thursday with a bachelor’s degree in Art Education along with his twin brother, Rogers, it was nice to be hired right away!

Teachers were well respected in the community and all of his preparations were finally paying off. Around the same time on the other side of town, twin brother Rogers Glenn was setting up at the rival school, Florida Agriculture and Mechanical University High School (R

Glenn, resume). The year was 1957 and FAMU High and Lincoln were the only high schools that African Americans could attend in Tallahassee, Florida. Some Lincoln students teased

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Figure 8. Rogers Glenn in his classroom

FAMU High students who they thought were elite and mostly comprised of the sons and daughters of professors and doctors. Rabby (1999) noted that “for many middle-class and professional blacks, FAMU’s developmental high school served as an alternative to the county’s only black public high school” (p.232.) Later, students of each school bragged and debated about who had the best art teacher. It was ironic that the Glenn brothers would be teaching at rival schools especially since they seemed to do everything together. It was not so ironic, however, that now they would be both sharing their passion for art with African American students all over town given their journey to this point.

The Journey from Birth to Teaching Art in the Community

It had been an interesting journey to the teaching profession. Hodges and Rogers Glenn were born on January 22, 1930 in Tallahassee, Florida to Mr. and Mrs. James and Carl Howard

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Glenn. At their resident on 542 West Call Street, the 1930 Census showed that they lived with their parents and two year old brother, James Jr. James, Sr. was a World War I veteran, a Truck

Drivers for a hardware store, and a Minister (1930 U. S. Census, E. Glenn, personal communication, July 9, 2012). Their mother, Carl, cooked for a white fraternity at Florida State

University (E. Glenn, personal communication, July 9, 2012).

Figure 9. James Glenn, Sr.

Around the time that Hodges and Rogers would be entering the public schools, their family moved about three blocks away from FSU into the Frenchtown community at 414 North

Copeland Street. The house was a saddlebag type architectural style and was built before 1920

(Thompson & Bowers, 1987). Its plan could be traced back to European settlers who eventually used the houses as slave quarters (Thompson & Bowers, 1987). Freed African Americans built houses with which they were familiar and thus accepted its style as a traditional form (Thompson

& Bowers, 1987).

Somewhere along the way, Hodges and Rogers picked up the nicknames Pippie and

Dickie respectively (P. Houzell, personal communication, June 14, 2013). People in the community sometime affectionately referred to them as Pippie and Dickie (E. Saunders, personal communication, April 10, 2012). Later, as grown men, they signed their notes and letters to one another using these names.

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As youngsters, the Glenn brothers were very industrious and worked as shoe shine boys and sold peanuts in order to help their family finances (E. Glenn, personal communication, July

9, 2012). They too found art to be a subject of interest. In elementary school, their teachers sometimes gave them money to make posters and create teacher aids (E. Glenn, personal communication, July 9, 2012). Also excellent football players, Art and Physical Education handed them their best grades to take home. They discovered that their talents could give them after-school jobs, so they made money lettering show-cards and painting windows for special sales and events at the local businesses (R. Glenn, 1971). To feed their interest in art, they also

Figure 10. The Glenn home (taken in 1986) Courtesy of the Tallahassee Trust for Historic Preservation

108 responded to correspondence courses they found in magazines (P. Houzell, personal communication, June 14, 2013).

At the time the Gladys Anderson (1943) reported that at least one third of the students were working part time, the Glenn twins were age 13 and had already been employed for over a year. As Principal Porter implemented programs such as the Diversified Cooperative Training to keep working students in school, Rogers was working for the Willis Grocery Company as a Sign

Painter. It is not clear when the twins became separate at grade levels, but Hodges was a student at Lincoln from September, 1945 to June, 1949 and was a grade ahead of his brother. Rogers was

Figure 11. Hodges and Rogers Glenn Courtesy of the Ora Glenn

109 a student at Lincoln from September 1946 to June 1950. They persevered and graduated at ages

19 and 20.

Upon graduation, Hodges worked for Elberta Crate and Box Company until both he and his brother could start their undergraduate studies at FAMU together (E. Glenn, personal communication, July 9, 2012). The Crate factory was a humbling experience for Hodges. He later expressed to his children that working there gave him incentive to further his education (E.

Glenn, personal communication, July 9, 2012). The factory’s employees were mostly African

American and the factory employed unskilled labor at low pay. The working conditions were unsafe and known for its primitive working environment (Rabby, 1999).

Hodges and Rogers entered FAMU together in February of 1951 to go to art school

(FAMU Registrar Office, 2011). A dramatic turn in their art careers took place after there enrollment. One month later, March 29, 1951, they were drafted into the Army during the

Korean War. Together, they were stationed in Ft. Campbell, Kentucky. They desperately tried to explain and convince army personnel that they were good artists and wanted to do something art related as their Military Occupational Specialty (MOS). They were not satisfied when the army gave them work as carpenters. So they came up with a plan. They convinced personnel to let them paint a mural on the “mess hall” in preparation for Post Inspection. The mural was a design which featured heavy duty engineering equipment, tractors, and power shovels (R. Glenn, 1971.)

When Post Generals Limertizer and Smith came, they were so impressed that they cut special orders for the Glenn brothers to be placed in Special Services as Illustrators and Art Instructors for Demolition Training Aids on the next day. The Glenn brothers’ skills afforded them the opportunity to be illustrators and finally work for 18 months in Frankfurt, Germany, before coming back to Tallahassee and reentering FAMU.

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Figure 12. Left to Right: Hodges Glenn, Rogers Glenn, and student Larry Jones Courtesy of Ora Glenn

Figure 13 Hodges or Rogers Glenn Courtesy of Ora Glenn At FAMU, they entered an art program highly charged by a new Art Department chair 111

At FAMU, they entered an art program highly charged by a new Art Department chair named Samella Lewis. Lewis was the first African American to receive dual PhDs in Art and Art

History (Wylder, 2012). She had been inspired and tutored by well known professor of Art

Education Viktor Lowenfeld who served as her major professor and on an occasion visited her at

FAMU. She also entertained other influential up-and-coming artists such as Hale Woodruff,

Margaret Burrough, and James Porter. Lewis commented later that she liked Hodges and Rogers and that they were good artists (personal communication, August 10, 2011). The Glenn brothers soaked up her inspiration and passion for the arts and were now ready to be the connection to such art appreciation for other students.

Providing an Art Connection for the Community

Hodges and Rogers hit the ground running as art teachers. It was not easy keeping the kids focused. African Americans were in limbo about whether or not to ride the city buses after

Wilhelmina Jakes and Carrie Patterson were arrested the previous year for refusing to give up their seats next to a white man (Rabby, 1999.) Reverend Charles Kenzie Steele organized a bus boycott which had, by January of 1957, lasted over eight months (Hare, 2006.) He called the bus boycott off after December 1956’s ruling by the United States Supreme Court that segregated seating on buses in Montgomery, Alabama, was unconstitutional (Hare, 2006.) Tallahassee however held on to their policy of segregated seating. On January 2, 1957, days before Hodges’ and Rogers’ graduation, the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) anchored a burning cross in the yard where

Reverend Steele stayed at the church parsonage. The Governor, Leroy Collins, shut the bus service down in Tallahassee for two weeks because of the tension and unrest (Rabby, 1999.) But the Glenn brothers maintained focus and transformed their classrooms into havens of creativity

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(P. Houzell, personal communication, June 14, 2013; C. Corbin, personal communication, July

23, 2011).

By the end of the school year, Hodges had enough student work to display the first annual art exhibit at Lincoln High School (Photo number 5). Little Eluster Richardson and little

Robert Baker were not in Hodges high school classes yet, but later they expressed how phenomenal it was to experience a real artist as a teacher (E. Richardson, personal communication, April 1, 2010; R. Baker, personal communication, May 7, 2013). Baker later said that growing up, no one had talked about Henry Tanner, Jacob Lawrence or John Biggers to him. He thought at one time that art was just for whites. “We weren’t exposed to the talents of blacks in art. So he (Hodges Glenn) provided that avenue, that this is something that you can do if you have an interest in art,” Baker (personal communication, May 7, 2013) explained.

Paul Houzell (personal communication, June 14, 2013) also talked about his eye opening experience in art. Hodges Glenn had come to his school as a freshman in college. Houzell was only in the fourth grade. He said that he was among a selected few from the elementary section to sit in Mr. Glenn’s lessons for Jr. High school students. Their teacher escorted them to a classroom where another teacher sat them down to wait. He suddenly saw a handsome, dark- skinned man come in and he didn’t know who he was. Mr. Glenn opened his zip-up art bag and another portfolio. Houzell’s eyes grew wider as Mr. Glenn opened up an attaché bag full of paints and brushes. “I had never seen nothing like that in my life!” Houzell declared. It would be his introduction to several years of Mr. Glenn’s tutelage.

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Figure 14. Hodges Glenn’s 2nd Annual Art Exhibition at Lincoln High School.

During the fall of Hodges’ second year at Lincoln, Russia launched a satellite called

Sputnik. Hodges and Rogers students were doing their own launching as their minds explored the different media the art rooms provided (C. Hudson, personal communication, August 1,

2012; M. Williams, personal communication, June 12, 2013). During the second annual art exhibition, Hodges cleared the bookshelves on one side of the library. He hung a large sign that he meticulously hand painted and neatly displayed many of the students’ works. It was like walking into an art gallery as the students enjoyed their oils, pastels, mixed media and lettering.

The year ended well as Lincoln students excelled in the visual art. No one expected the sadness that would touch them in just a few weeks.

Principal Frank Nims pulled up into his garage on July 4, 1958. He never made it out of his car. He died suddenly of a heart attack and the Lincoln school was now in shock (M. Rush, personal communication, April 4, 2007). The school was faced with the adjustment of new

114 leadership as Mr. James Abner took over as Principal. Principal Abner oversaw the opening of a new school year and led the school into the New Year before Mr. Freeman Lawrence was installed as Principal to finish out the school term. Principal Lawrence eventually served throughout the rest of Lincoln High School’s existence. Mr. Lawrence continued to support Mr.

Glenn’s program and the strides students were experiencing in art. He saw that Mr. Glenn was energetic enough to work with students on an individual basis. One student, Clinton Hudson

(personal communication, August 1, 2012), explained it this way: “It wasn’t just a group thing.

He (Mr. Glenn) worked one-on-one with you. These teachers took time with students. They worked with you individually. They would work with you before school; they would work with you after school. They just put their heart in it.”

Rogers’ students were experiencing the same level of art connection in the classroom.

One of his students, Curtis Corbin explained the impact the art classes had on his life (personal communication, August 3, 2009). He said that as Rogers Glenn opened his eyes to art, it created

“a certain kind of balance in my life where the aesthetic values are also the things of God.

They’re the things that make you appreciate the wonderment of the universe.”

Figure 15. Hodges Glenn working extra with a student

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Figure 16. Hodges Glenn teaches students at Lincoln High School. Courtesy of Endré Glenn

It was obvious that art education under the direction of the Glenn brothers had impacted the Frenchtown area. Students could be seen walking around with large sketchbooks in their hands and some tucked under their arms (T. K. Hunter, personal communication, April 22,

2013). It was also not uncommon to look up and see Hodges and Rogers painting billboards on high scaffolds. Students and community members would look in amazement as Hodges would start from one end and Rogers on the other. By the time they came together, a beautiful billboard had emerged. Sometimes the Glenn brothers’ wives would help. Margaret Glenn remembers filling in letters after her husband, Hodges and brother-in-law Rogers outlined them throughout the design.

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Figure 17. Hodges Glenn preparing a nativity scene with a student Endré Glenn Collection

The Glenn brothers like many others in the community, would congregate within the business Mecca of Frenchtown. They were not only there physically, but in commercial artistic expressions as well. “I don’t exaggerate when I say that their works were really all over town,”

Hunter (personal communication, April 22, 2013) added. “. . . Huge storefronts, furniture stores and all the other kinds of businesses that were adorned with their works. Those works that were strung through the community, and seeing them everyday like that had an all encompassing and pervasive kind of an impact on me. It was infused and integrated into the community and spilled over to other communities,” Hunter (personal communication, June 7, 2011) continued. Hudson (

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Figure 18. Hodges Glenn painting a backdrop Courtesy of Endré Glenn personal communication, August 1, 2012) confirmed “they (the Glenn brothers) had their stamp on the city. Downtown, all throughout the Frenchtown area, designs that were on display there were done by the Glenn twins.” Margaret Glenn (personal communication, April 11, 2013) commented on the aesthetic value of her husband and brother-in-law’s work: “They did such an excellent job and it helped beautify the place wherever they painted.”

Hodges and Rogers would sometimes get together after school and on weekends and paint signs before going home to their young families. Their wives supported them as this was extra income coming in to support their young children. Margaret had met Hodges at the Glenn brothers’ 21st birthday party (M. Glenn, personal communication, April 11, 2013). A few months later Hodges was off to war. However they married the summer he returned on June 14, 1953. 118

Two years later, wedding bells were ringing for Rogers and he married Zolena Russ on July 10,

1955. Zolena was little Paul Houzell’s (mentioned previously) second cousin. Sometimes when

Hodges wasn’t teaching Houzell at school, Houzell would go over to his cousin’s house for additional art lessons from Rogers. Everybody in the community knew the Glenn brothers and their families. Baker explained that the community had access to them and they were an opened door to new ventures in art.

The opportunity for vocational training continued into the years that Hodges and Rogers served as teachers at Lincoln and FAMU High Schools respectively. DCT also continued in the

Lincoln program. This emphasis on working and earning a living carried into Hodges’ curriculum. Hudson (personal communication, August 1, 2012), one of Hodges students said

“Mr. Glenn told us that he did not wet his brush without price. He said you’re in it, it’s hard work, and you’ve got to earn your money behind it.” Hudson went on to say “I think he was trying to tell us: you can do okay in the area of art, but you can’t be doing it for free. You have to get paid for your skills.”

Roosevelt Glenn (personal communication, July 15, 2010) and classmates made money after school and on weekends going around to stores and establishments doing commercial artwork just as their teachers, Hodges and Rogers, did in their high school days. “We had our little lettering boxes, our brushes and our paints,” Roosevelt said. “I use to do a lot of jobs for the

Hadley brother grocery store . . . those little signs they have up in the window, paper signs – so much per pound. . . I use to do a lot of that stuff,” Roosevelt (personal communication, July 15,

2010) expounded.

Not everybody praised the Glenn brothers’ imitators. Roosevelt added that some persons were somewhat uneasy with their after school jobs. “It was kinda overwhelming,” Roosevelt

119 explained. He said that people would say “They’re just in high school, and they can lay bricks and do art, paint signs and all this stuff?” When asked from where was the criticism coming,

Roosevelt replied “Well, basically, tell you the truth, it was more of the white community, ‘cause it was too overwhelming.” (R. Glenn, personal communication, July 15, 2012)

Mentoring in the Community

Roosevelt Glenn was no kin to Hodges and Rogers, but people thought that he was (R.

Glenn, personal communication, July 15, 2010; E. Richardson, personal communication, April 1,

2010). It was not only because he had the same last name, but even outside of the Hodges Glenn’ classroom, Roosevelt Glenn followed the Glenn twins around on their afterschool and weekend jobs. He learned so much as the brothers made their way throughout the community. Some of their jobs were commissioned by a successful businessman named Joe Wallfall (R. Glenn, personal communication, July 15, 2010). He had an advertising company and hired the Glenn brothers to paint billboards throughout Tallahassee. Roosevelt would watch intently while the brothers would disassemble a 10’ X 40’ billboard into separable panels. They would bring them into the shop, repaint them and carefully sketch out the panels to scale according to their new design. The brothers knew just how to use the art elements to make the subject matter look realistic. Roosevelt (personal communication, July 15, 2010) explained “when they had those bottles and the glasses with the liquid within it, you could see the glass sweating and the ice cubes. I mean it was so realistic.” Roosevelt was absorbing all of this rare opportunity to see practical art in action.

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Hodges Glenn was more than Roosevelt Glenn’s namesake, he was like a father.

Roosevelt felt like he could discuss anything with his teacher. “Those guys were there for us” he

Figure 19. Hodges Glenn with students Courtesy of Endré Glenn said. “It gave us a goal, something to strive to be. So I could ask him things that I might not have asked my father” (personal communication, July 15, 2010).

The Glenn brothers had that kind or personality; one that would reach out to help their students. Hodges’ wife, Margaret said that her husband would help his students beyond art lessons. “He listened to their problems and he helped try to solve some of their problems,”

(personal communication, April 11, 2013) she expounded. Margaret Glenn said that they would

121 have students over to their home and have special times for them. “He was a very understanding person and he was the kind of person that students could relate to, wherein they wouldn’t go to other teachers with a problem, they would come to him,” (personal communication, April 11,

2013) she said.

One of Hodges students, Eluster Richardson, a well-known and highly respected artist, remembered Hodges’ personality well (E. Richardson, personal communication, April 1, 2010).

The fact that he was compassionate didn’t make him a pushover. Hodges was stern and didn’t let you get by. If your work needed improvement he wouldn’t hesitate to tell you. Richardson remembered and laughed when he said that he came into Hodges class thinking that he was “hot stuff”. But Mr. Glenn brought him down a couple of notches. Eluster was feeling proud after he had spent almost two class periods drawing the assignment given to everyone. Eluster thought that he was the best in the class until Mr. Glenn came around and gave him feedback. “This is off. It’s supposed to be like this,” Richardson said Mr. Glenn exclaimed as he took a pencil and took the liberty to draw corrective lines over what Richardson thought was a masterpiece. After this, Richardson was humbled and willing to keep an opened mind in order to learn all he could.

He appreciated his teacher for being willing to give constructive criticism.

Even though the Glenn brothers were identical twins and both nice, their personalities were a little different. Rogers was outspoken and considered an advocate for his students, while

Hodges was more serious (M. Glenn, personal communication, September 6, 2013). Rogers, second wife, Ora (personal communication, July 23, 2011) laughed when she said that Rogers was somewhat militant and spoke his mind. Rogers’ student, Curtis Corbin revealed his teacher’s self-confidence by explaining that Rogers was “comfortable in his own skin.” (personal communication, August 3, 2009). Rogers would be one of the featured attractions during the

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Figure 20. Hodges Glenn and students setting up a nativity scene Courtesy of Endré Glenn student/faculty basketball games. “He’d get out there and he’d run around and jump and bump with everybody else,” said Corbin. In addition, during school assemblies and talent shows, he would participate wholeheartedly and sang with a nice baritone voice for the students. Student

Millard Williams said “I really enjoyed hearing him sing.” (personal communication, June 12,

2013)

Millard was one of Rogers’ homeroom students and the son of a prominent African

American Dentist. In homeroom, Rogers would take attendance and be sure everyone was

123 accounted for at the beginning of the day. He would proceed to teach them art using all types of media such as oils and chalk pastels. Corbin (personal communication August 3, 2009) said “we learned about the Byzantine period and the Renaissance period and art through the Middle Ages and all of that stuff.” Williams considered Rogers a father figure. “I looked up to him because he was a very nice person, a very lovely person to be around. You could go to him for any kind of advice; he would give it to you.” (M. Williams, personal communication, June 12, 2013).

Corbin remembers a specific time he turned to his mentor for advice. He had run for an office as Vice President of the Student Council. When he didn’t win, he was really disappointed and poured his heart out to Mr. Rogers Glenn. “He was very, very helpful in helping me to understand how rising above defeat was something that you had to do,” Corbin (personal communication August 3, 2009) said. Mr. Glenn told him that disappointments in life were inevitable but they helped to develop skills for perseverance in order to be successful.

Corbin also admired his teacher for his integrity. “He was a handsome guy. Plenty of girls at High School . . . had crushes on him and stuff and he never compromised those principles, “Corbin expounded. “And that was something to emulate as a young man growing up.” (C. Corbin, personal communication August 3, 2009)

Dr. Terry Hunter (personal communication, April 22, 2013), who was a pre-teen in 1958, pointed out that the Glenn brothers’ physiques may have been something for young men to emulate as well. They had athletic builds and kept in shape. Many of the students were drawing from the comic books and sketched in their pads super heroes such as Superman, Batman, Green

Lantern and The Flash. The Glenns were visibly athletic and could be seen at the local recreation venues playing football, basketball or skating.

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Figure 21 Rogers Glenn with his students at FAMU High School Courtesy of Cecilia Hawkins and the FAMU High 1965 yearbook

The Glenn twins had an impact even outside of their classrooms. Dr. Hunter considers them his teachers and mentors even though he never attended Lincoln High or FAMU High. As an elementary and Jr. High school student in the Frenchtown area, Hunter would often see the signs and commercial art done by the Glenn brothers throughout the neighborhood. “They were practicing, prominent, artists and their works were on display throughout the community,”

Hunter (personal communication, June 7, 2011) said. Hunter’s father, Samuel A. Hunter, was one of Hodges’ colleagues and taught Science and Physical Education at Lincoln High School.

He was also involved in the Civil Rights struggle and would have Hodges come over to his house to make signs and posters. On occasions, young Hunter would show Hodges his drawings and get tips of encouragement. Hunter (personal communication, April 22, 2013), who later grew up to be an artist and professor himself proclaimed “ I really think they taught me, even though I wasn’t in that classroom, but I learned a lot from them just from observing and they served as 125 role models. ... A teacher’s reach goes beyond the classroom and you never know whose life you impact and that’s why I think too that they were role models in that regard and I try to pattern myself after that because you never know who sees your work and who sees you on the stage.”

Bridging the African American Community and the Total Community

The end of the 50s and early 60s continued to be a time of racial tension in Tallahassee.

Not only did the Glenn brothers continue to educate their students during this time, but they also continued their education at FAMU. They both took classes during the summer and at least one class each semester. They enriched their knowledge with classes like Social Foundations in

Education, the Philosophy of Education, Curriculum Construction, Educational Psychology,

Adolescent Psychology, and Audio-Visual Education (FAMU transcript).

Meanwhile, their Art Department Chair, Samella Lewis, was experiencing difficulty within the Tallahassee community because of her husband’s involvement in the bus boycotts.

She too had joined the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and supported the African Americans’ struggle for racial equality. Because of it, she was targeted by segregationist who considered the NAACP a Communist organization. One day, Ku Klux

Klan members came by their residence, shot out their car windows, and damaged their house

(The History Makers, 2012). To further her problems, her label as a Communist interfered with the funding that she was able to secure for the department. Though FAMU wanted to keep her, the Board of Trustees had instructed the President not to give her any money. After considering the fact that she did not want her children to grow up hating white people, she made a decision to leave FAMU in 1958.

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Hodges and Rogers were after a degree in Education but managed to find their way to the art department to take Methods of Painting and a Mural Painting classes during the 1959-1960 school year (FAMU transcript). In March of 1960, several students were arrested in Tallahassee for sitting down at lunch counters reserved for whites (Hare, 2006). These students were from both FAMU and Florida State University (FSU) and had formed an interracial protest at the downtown store. Before the day was over, hundreds of FAMU students passed by Rogers’ classroom marching towards downtown in protest. Rabby (1999) noted that “Young white men were roaming throughout the city, many carrying bats, guns, and knives.” (p. 95) Police eventually fired tear gas to turn the students around. Some were hurt, including student activist

Pat Stephens. FAMU faculty scrambled to get students to the University hospital to be treated for burns and related injuries (Rabby, 1999). The Glenn brothers juggled the reality of this movement, educating their high school students, raising young families, and continuing their education in order to complete additional degrees. They both graduated with Masters Degrees in

Curriculum Development and Educational Administration in the spring of 1961.

Meanwhile, Hodges’ and Rogers’ talents went beyond the boundaries of Frenchtown.

Their signage abilities made them sought after by whites as well as blacks. Curtis Corbin

(personal communication, August 3, 2009), Rogers’ student, made note that “in terms of the commercial enterprise of business, these guys were doing business across the color barrier, because they were just so good.” He added that this was remarkable given the sensitivities of the times. “We’re talking about the 60’s when they were doing this art all over town for everybody,” he exclaimed. Hodges’ wife confirmed that “they painted all of Tallahassee, not just in

Frenchtown.” (M. Glenn, personal communication, April 11, 2013) “Their works were very visible,” Hunter pointed out, “In the black community and the white community. They had signs

127 and signage in downtown Tallahassee and it was always good to see that sign, signed by R.

Glenn of Hodges Glenn,” Hunter (personal communication, April 22, 2013) expounded.

The art and signage of the Glenn brothers connected the African American community with the total Tallahassee community in a tangible way. The physical separation mandated by the laws of segregation became blurred by the visual realities of common ground and commercial views created by Hodges and Rogers. In the light of a rising Black movement, the Glenn brothers braved out the risks of offending members of their own ethnicity by being an obvious part of the total community. Likewise, members of the white community risked offending some of their constituents by being sympathetic to the African Americans’ struggle (Rabby, 1999).

As the plot thickened, something seemed to be coming to a boiling point. In January of

1963, white desegregationist helped two black protesters, Patricia Stephens Due and Julius

Hamilton, by purchasing tickets for them to the downtown Florida Theatre. After they were arrested and charged with trespassing, 200-300 students picketed the theatre in May. During this time, Hodges managed to teach art, run an art club, build a float for Miss Art and her Attendants, and be the junior class sponsor. In May, images of lunch counter protest, dogs assisting policemen, and water hoses on children demonstrator flash on televisions throughout the nation.

In the summer of 1963, Hodges served as administrator at the Griffin Jr. High School. At the end of the summer, blacks and whites joined hands in Washington D. C. as they listened to a spokesperson of the movement, Dr Martin Luther King, articulate his dream of better days ahead. In the fall, Hodges and Rogers did art and signage for the North Florida Fair. Then on the

22nd day of November, shots rang out in Texas that shocked and paralyzed the world. The leader of the free world, John F. Kennedy, was dead.

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Figure 22. Miss Art 1963 Courtesey of Endre Glenn

While a nation mourned the premature death of its leader, the new President urged congress to tackle the issues of Civil Rights. On April 10, 1964, a Tallahassee Democrat front page article “Civil Rights Appeal Made By President” featured specifics about a meeting

President Lyndon B. Johnsons had with businessmen in the White House East Room the previous day. The article stated that these businessmen “represented businesses which have agreed voluntarily to adopt plans for progress which call for wiping out racial discrimination in employment.” (p. 1) The next day, Hodges appeared in the local newspaper with four of his students, Dr. Karl (a white administrator, and Acquilina Howell (a black administrator). In the

129 photo, the students’ three-dimensional art works were the center of attention as the brief article highlighted the students’ participation in an art festival. The photo seems to echo a nation coming together finding common ground as lawmakers toil with the possibility of some measure of protection of the Civil Rights of all citizens.

Rabby (1999) reported that “despite their common experience of racial oppression, blacks often found that class lines undermined racial unity. Residents of the FAMU community, professors who worked for the university, state government employees, and other black professionals had little in common economically with the semiskilled, undereducated, lower- income blacks living in Frenchtown or in the county’s rural areas” (p. 260). Rogers’ student at

FAMU High, Millard Williams (personal communication, June 12, 2013) said “we just couldn’t get along, for some reason. . . . I guess they thought that we thought we were better than they were.” However, Lincoln High and FAMU High found common ground that year as they came

Figure 23. Lincoln Art Work

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together for a joint Baccalaureate Exercise at Lee Hall Auditorium in May.

Finally, during the summer, a determined President, Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Civil

Rights Act on July 2, 1964. It would be a source of inspiration for the rising Lincoln High

School seniors. Rush (personal communication, April 4, 2007) mentioned “We felt that we had a

shot at doing something different than our predecessors had done, to go and explore into

unexplored territory so to speak.”

Hodges and Rogers showed their students the way by exploring more ways to bridge the

gaps between their students and other students of the total community. Hodges became the art

supervisor for 14 elementary and secondary schools (H. Glenn, 1971) and frequently offered

workshops for both black and white teachers throughout the district. Rogers helped him share

with teachers their experiences using several types of media and processes. By now, Hodges

even had a kiln in his room visible for student and visiting teachers making it possible for them

to witness the entire ceramic process.

While the teachers enjoy the serenity of art education in their workshops, the nation yet

Figure 23 produced unsettling images from the South. In 1965, protesters were attacked with tear gas in

Selma, Alabama. By August, the nation had once again remedied a wrong by signing a new law,

this time the Voters Right Act. This Act and the one brought about the previous year marked the

social progression of two communities: The African American community struggling for

equality in the community-at-large, and the community-at-large is opening its arms to the

African American community. The Glenn brothers made their statements through their art and

art education during this time. Hunter, noting their influence, mentioned that “it wasn’t until later

on when I discovered the work of the Mexican muralist and the black art movements of the

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Figure 24. The Glenn brothers with teachers and administrators Courtesy of Endre Glenn

1960s that I came to realize just how inspiring public art could be.” (T. K. Hunter, personal communication, June 7, 2011).

A Community in Transition

“Black folks always talked about there was going to be a change, but now it was like, it’s going to be a change for sure,” Baker (personal communication, May 7, 2013) exclaimed. The school year of 1966 – 1967 was the last opportunity for Lincoln students to enjoy the familiar classrooms and hallway they had grown to love. It had been brewing for years, and now

132 integration stared them in the face. Most of the high school students on the front line of transition were not even in elementary school when the official ruling came to integrate. The court decision in 1954 known as Brown vs. the Board of Education determined that segregation was not acceptable; however it had taken now 12 years to move into action. Lincoln students suddenly found themselves lectured and coached by guest who came in and prepared them for change.

Baker (personal communication, May 7, 2013) remembers speakers from different places telling them that “we needed to prepare ourselves mentally, socially, and educationally, because there were going to be more opportunities there for us.”

Even the annual career day took on new meaning. A tradition that continued from the time the Glenn brothers were in high school now became an opportunity to prepare students for fields more opened to African Americans. Local business owners and professional from the community came to talk about their areas of work. Hodges Glenn talked about the art field and the many art related careers (R. Baker, personal communication, May 7, 2013). Students could also write a letter and request to be a teacher for a class period. That day, Mr. Glenn had several applicants request to teach his classes as he himself talked about art careers nearby. “You would go to those different aspects of the building at Lincoln where you would be exposed to someone that’s coming in to talk about being a policeman or whatever field, or being in accounting, because this is like the beginning of blacks moving from a segregated society in Tallahassee to an integrated society,” Robert (personal communication, May 7, 2013) explained.

During that school year, Hodges got word that he would be awarded a scholarship through the National Art Education Association (NAEA). He took time off Friday, March 24,

1967 to travel to the 9th biennial conference of the NAEA in San Francisco, California to receive a $500 scholarship called the SHIP award (Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University,

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1967). The award solidified his decision to take a leave of absence and further his education.

Penn State was a leader in the field of Art Education and Hodges had an opportunity to study with cutting edge professors (Efland, 1990). The school year closed and so did Lincoln High

School.

Figure 25. Hodges Glenn receiving the SHIP’s Scholarship award in 1967 Courtesy of The FAMUAN

The closure sent the Lincoln students into disarray and bewilderment. Some students tried to attend the school for whites, Leon High School, as only two percent of all Black students in the county had already bravely done (Rabby, 1999.) “They didn’t want us there,” Richardson said. “The blacks that did go there. . . the opposition they faced. . . it was just a bad year for them,” Richardson (personal communication, April 1, 2010) concluded. Some displaced Lincoln students went to Rogers’ school, FAMU High, a school that had been their rival for many years.

Another public school, Rickards High School had opened near FAMU and some students went there. Richardson (personal communication, April 1, 2010) said, “a lot of us kinda protested, not

134 protested, but we kinda put forth the argument that. .. OK, we went all this far from ninth, tenth, and eleventh grades, and it would be a shame if we can’t graduate with a Lincoln diploma.” The school board heard their cries and allowed Griffin Junior High School (the place many of them spent seventh and eighth grades) to house the displaced Lincoln students. “They gave us a choice,” Richardson (personal communication, April 1, 2010) explained. Now Griffin Junior

High became Lincoln/Griffin and many loyal students went there to retain their Lincoln name and school pride.

Bernyce Clausell (2012), an African American teacher at Griffin wrote in her autobiography “the year 1967 was a turbulent year for black students in Tallahassee. It was the year that integration of schools was implemented. They closed down old Lincoln High School and all of the students had to choose a new school. Many of the black teachers were dispersed to other schools.” (p. 52) In an interview with author Rabby (1999) James Ford explained that closing Lincoln School destroyed the infrastructure of the community. When the school closed, the Principal was removed, and now the one person that parents could go to for information and concerns was not there anymore.

“The way it was done was just unforgivable,” Rush (personal communication, April 4,

2007) said. Rush had graduated from Lincoln in 1965 and was in the military when it closed in

1967. To his knowledge, there was no fore warning to those affected most by the closing. “I’ve heard that the records and trophies and other memorabilia type stuff was just dumped down in the basement and as trash and anybody could come by and just plunder through it. And the bottom line is that nothing was saved,” Rush (personal communication, April 4, 2007) exclaimed sadly.

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The shutdown of Lincoln High School did not desolate the campus completely. Lincoln

High School was converted to an elementary school for a few years. The county transferred

Principal Freeman to Lincoln/Griffin to serve as Principal. The Principal at Griffin, Herman

Landers, transitioned to now Lincoln Elementary school (Rabby, 1999). A remnant of Lincoln buildings later became a community center. Gwen Lucas (personal communication, March 22,

2007), who eventually became the director of the community center, explained that “community residents say this building is important to us. It has our lives, we grew up in there, our children grew up in there. So a lot of the community residents petitioned the city and said we want to save it. And the city recognized that.”

Hodges’ and Rogers’ parents fit that category of community residents who saw their children educated in the school. Rogers was able to continue teaching at FAMU High, but

Hodges had to move on. Before moving on, he prepared his students for the coming transitions.

He encouraged his student and admonished them to welcome change and “not be afraid of it,” says Baker (personal communication, May 7, 2013). Hodges wrestled with his own next moves and had to make some difficult decisions. In a letter he wrote to Principal Lawrence in 1968, he mentioned that his decisions came with much thought.

Hodges completed a second Master degree (this time in Art Education) at Penn State. He stayed there and completed his PhD in 1971. His doctoral studies examined the possibilities for minorities and disadvantaged students to enter and be successful in their college programs (H.

Glenn, 1971). As Admissions Counselor and Recruiter for Special-Admit students, he traveled to several inner city schools and worked with guidance counselors to help minority students get into college (E. Glenn, personal communication, July 9, 2012). In 1970, he became the Director of the Committee for the Collegiate Education of Black and Other Minority Students (CCEBMS)

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(H. Glenn, 1971.) He receive an award from the from the Black Citizens Committee of

Pennsylvania which read: “For Outstanding and Meritorious Service Rendered in the Field of

Higher Education Through Counseling, Recruitment, and Admission of Black and Other

Disadvantage Youth to the Pennsylvania State University. There are Men and there are Great

Men, We Rank You with the Great.” (E. Glenn, personal communication, July 9, 2012).

Figure 26. Hodges Glenn receiving award from the Black Citizens Committee Courtesy of UM Photo Archive

Rogers after continuing to teach at FAMU High enrolled in the Master program at FSU.

A student from Hodges’ school, Maxwell Courtney, became a forerunner at FSU and the first

African American graduate there in 1965 (Barnes & Roberts, 2000.) Rogers was awarded a graduate teaching assistantship at FSU and received a Masters of Fine Arts degree there in 1972.

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While matriculating, he also taught Lettering to students of various majors and classifications. It was his first time teaching non African American students. Glenn, R., (1971) wrote “In the course of instructing the 110 students, I realized that being black was not the key issue.” He

Figure 27. Rogers Glenn’s lettering class at Florida State University in the early 70s Courtesy of Ora Glenn brought structure to the class with a course guide and clear communication about his educational philosophy. He later continued his education at Indiana University in Bloomington where he received a Masters in Instructional Systems Technology in 1974 and another Masters degree in

Psychology in 1977.

Rogers also worked towards his doctoral degree but never achieved it. His wife Ora

Glenn (personal communication, July 23, 2011) said “I get kinda sad . . . he really tried real hard.

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. . I tried to tell him, I say Rogers, say you’re too intent on getting this . . . if you were to just relax.” Rogers later shared what he was doing with his former student Curtis Corbin. Corbin

(personal communication, August 3, 2009) said “he had done a whole thesis on the way that human beings are all tied together by the expressions that we make in our emotional states, like laughing and crying and disappointment or sadness and stuff like that. And he showed how those things uniformly applied through across racial divides.” Rogers got permission from Carroll

Izard (1971) to alter the all white faces of emotions Izard used in administering psychological tests. Rogers changed them to include African American faces. He interviewed and tested many people to find out their reactions to the faces he called the Glenn Faces of Emotions. Ora Glenn

(personal communication, July 23, 2011) reported that Rogers said “black people were more prejudice, more racist with each other than white people were.”

The twins continued to inspire their students as they aspired to reach higher academic heights. Roosevelt Glenn (personal communication, July 15, 2010) said “it also taught me as I watched them progress. . . I’ve watched them as they went back and got those masters degrees, doctors degrees . . .I say, oh, okay, that’s growth and progress.” Roosevelt Glenn added, “Behind them they left such a legacy.” “You talking real legend stuff here man,” Corbin (personal communication, August 3, 2009) confirmed.

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CHAPTER SIX

ANALYSIS, CONCLUSION, AND IMPLICATIONS

The first goal of this chapter is to analyze the information presented on the Glenn brothers in the previous chapters in terms of community construction. That entails an examination of the historical narrative, first addressing the supporting questions of this study:

What were the context and circumstances of their lives as members of their local community?

What were their actions and activities that served to contribute to the construction of their local community, according to the people who knew them and were influenced by them? How did the

Brothers Glenn contribute to the Frenchtown community’s sense of historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation, and integration especially through art and art education? Doing this will provide the framework and context for answering the study’s driving question: What, why, and how did Hodges and Rogers Glenn contribute to art education and what did it mean to the local African American community in and around Tallahassee, Florida?

All of these questions assume a goal of social progress: an idea that needs to be understood as context for these analyses and conclusions.

Social Progress

As presented earlier, Dewey (1900) presented the idea of social progress as a necessity in education. It is useless and a disadvantage to students to introduce a discipline with only the discipline in mind. The discipline takes on meaning when it is applied and taught in the context of life experiences and for the purpose of furthering social growth. Dewey (1900) claimed that teaching lessons remotely is not as effective as “the training of attention and of judgment that is acquired in having to do things with a real motive behind and a real outcome ahead” (p. 9).

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Dewey contended that such attitudes in education where studies are conceived as socially significant are “the primal necessities of community life” (p. 11). Dewey further insisted that

“the school itself shall be made a genuine form of active community life, instead of a place set apart in which to learn lessons” (p. 11). It is in this context of the community’s potential social progress that I examine the Glenn brothers’ contributions to the Frenchtown community.

An examination of the historical context of the Glenn brothers in Frenchtown reveals that

Principal Porter (1952) took to heart the philosophies of Dewey (1900; 1910; 1929) and implemented them into the Lincoln school. Porter specifically took note of Dewey’s ideas of the comprehensive cooperation of administration, teachers, students and the community. With teachers, students, and community involvement, he identified the needs of the students and places of possible progress in his school’s curriculum. The implementation of Diversified

Cooperative Training and instructions in various trades were the direct responses to a corporate effort for social progress. Studies and disciplines were no longer isolated and meaningless but served a purpose for the betterment of the students and community.

Student Roosevelt Glenn (personal communication, July 15, 2010) noted that student who were trained in these trades many times exercised their expertise within the community.

Even students, who lived in the out skirts of Tallahassee, opened up their places of businesses featuring their specialties within Frenchtown. Student Mack Rush (personal communication,

April 4, 2007) further noted that many Lincoln graduates made their trades their life’s work.

The Glenn brothers were a part of this effort to educate students purposefully. Roosevelt

Glenn (personal communication, July 15, 2010) shared that he and other students took their art brushes and paint sets into the community after school and on weekends to paint signs for business. Clinton Hudson (personal communication, August 1, 2012) remembered his teacher’s

141 strong reminders that art related occupations were possible by asserting that he didn’t wet his brush without a price. The Glenns themselves realized the benefits of practical training in art in their lives as they supplemented their family’s income by providing signage and art for businesses in their community. And as teachers, they educated their students with the concept that art could be practical and relevant to the events and social meaning of everyday life.

Students were involved in seasonal settings such as the Nativity scenes, parades, and celebrations utilizing art concepts. As reported in chapter 5, the discipline of art was one by which students could develop socially and move throughout the community systems freely. Student Robert

Baker (personal communication, May 7, 2013), a plantation resident who himself became an art teacher in Indiana, credited the Glenn brothers for being the avenue by which he and others progressed socially. To him, art was a connection free from the aloof relationships of rural life resulting in his infusion and expansion into urban activities. What he learned in the urban classroom also help him progress socially in his rural setting. Previously, the art on the walls of the elaborate plantation houses did not relate to him. Through his art connection, he began to expand his mindset and to realize that art was a subject of interest.

Beyond the geographic challenges of social progress, there existed a quiet and subtle rift within the African American community. As noted in the narrative, there was a divide among social economic differences especially manifested in the context of the historically black university’s high school (FAMU High School) and the only public African American High

School (Lincoln High School). Rabby (1999) noted that even Civil Rights leaders such as C. K.

Steele struggled to rally cooperation among African Americans enough to effectively boycott segregated establishments. This divide trickled down to the students who sometimes could not get along. The Glenn brothers help to mend these differences firstly by their physical

142 appearances as identical twins. As noted in the narrative, students used them as a conversation pieces and dialogue concerning which school had the best twin. Because the brothers themselves had an established relationship, they showed by example how two could work on opposite sides of the track and yet come together in trust and accomplish successful visual products after school and over the weekends. The Glenn brothers further mended the social economic differences by suggesting in their professions that art was universal on either side of the track. Paul Houzell was a student of Hodges because of his enrollment in the Lincoln school. But when Hodges was not available during the summer, Houzell (personal communication, June 14, 2013) gladly received instructions from his cousin’s husband, Rogers whose summer program was in session. Hodges and Rogers, though teaching at rival schools, showed solidarity through their togetherness and after school and weekend artistry.

The concept of social progress was also the obvious goal in the protests and upheavals of the south during Hodges’ and Rogers’ time of teaching. There appeared to be a succession of waves featuring anarchy and answers as racial groups socially progressed toward one another.

The answer to segregation provided by Brown vs. the Board of Education in 1954 slowly gave way to the wave of bus boycotts in the mid-50s. The Supreme Court’s answer that segregated seating in Montgomery was unconstitutional at the end of 1956 eventually gave way to the cross burnings, sit-ins, water hoses, police dogs and eventually the assassination of President Kennedy in the early 60s. The answer of a Civil Rights bill in 1964 soon saw the rise of Bloody Sunday in

Selma in 1965. The answer of the Voters Rights Act in 1965 eventually moved into the culminating of the Civil Rights movement with the death of Dr. Martin Luther King in 1968.

Boycotts, sit-ins, marches, and even rioting were considered mechanisms for wanted change. However, the Glenn brothers addressed these needs through self-improvement and the

143 education of their students. All the while, the Glenn brothers remained constant in their instructions to their students and their modeling of the middle path, providing an unchanging refuge during a tumultuous time. Their art and art education helped allow social progress to glide upon the waves of change in the Frenchtown community.

The Glenn brothers’ demeanor of calm and consistency was in stark contrast to the uncertainties of protest and confrontation. Yet, they were effective in the social progression of themselves and their students. Most of the time while they were teaching, they were enrolled in college courses for personal growth. They believed in themselves enough to invest in education and thereby set examples for people to whom they were most visible. They also invested in their students so that the students would be prepared for the challenges of adulthood. One-on-one attention in the classroom, after school help, and taking students along on commercial jobs were among the Glenn brothers’ contributions to the social progress. In addition to preparing students, they continued to address the social problems of African Americans through their later works.

Hodges helped minorities and disadvantaged students to become successful at Penn State and

Rogers did research on race and identifying emotions.

During the transition from segregation to the integration of schools and community businesses, the Glenn brothers, not only encouraged their students to embrace progress, but lead them in example by taking advantage of new opportunities themselves. Hodges’ doctoral studies were a sure sign that he had a heart for minority and disadvantaged students and wanted to see them socially progress. Rogers’ doctoral studies, though never completed, revealed his passion for social progress through the investigation and exposure of psychological mind sets that determine healthy racial relations.

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Answering the Supporting Questions for this Study

The First Supporting Question

How did the Brothers Glenn contribute to the Frenchtown community’s sense of historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation, and integration especially through art and art education? I turn now to the Selznick’s (2002, 1992) elements of community construction for more lenses to answer this question.

Historicity. Selznick (1992) contended that “the bonds of community are strongest when they are fashioned from strands of shared history and culture” (p. 361). Frenchtown’s bonds were a result in part of its shared history of the marginalization of African Americans. This history was evident in the makeup of the people in Frenchtown and their culture. Menzel ( 2005) said

“from emancipation to integration, if you were black in Tallahassee, Frenchtown was most likely where you lived, went to school and did all your shopping” (p 77 and page 3 of Tallahassee

Business Journal). Hare (2006) pointed out that Frenchtown was historically African American and central to African American culture.

Even its architecture echoed evidence of African American history and culture. Though many houses reflected the influence of French architectural styles, those such as the house in which the Glenn brothers grew showed African American heritage. The Saddlebag style house was a choice design of African Americans who built their houses based on familiarity. The design, as stated in the historical narrative, started with the Europeans’ use of it as slave quarters dwellings.

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In addition to the evidence of historicity in architecture, there surfaced a sense of understanding in what’s possible and what are limitations. When talking of historicity, Selznick

(1992) said that “communities, like persons, can do better, and be better, if they understand their own possibilities and limits” (p. 361). Frenchtown was a community that developed its history through limitations and possibilities, like any other. The Frenchtown community limitations included segregated practices, limited access to white businesses, and bus etiquette that excluded blacks from the prime seats. Students knew that they only had two choices for High Schools.

Robert Baker’s mother felt limited in her comfort and walked into town to avoid indignities on the segregated city buses (R. Baker, personal communication, May 7, 2013). Even though there were limitations, the possibilities that things could get better remained. Baker explained that

Hodges and other leaders prepared students for change and new possibilities in education and occupations. Inside of this development were principles that members of the community shared and held dear as items of internal dialogue. These included the value of hard work, honesty and caring. The Glenn brother instilled this into their students through mentorship and example.

Principles such as pride, integrity, and dignity may be seen in the dressed up attendees of the Red

Bird Café listening to music characteristic of African American culture (see figure 5).

Hodges and Rogers were aware of the importance of these principles, possibilities and limitations as they poured back into the community that socialized them and contributed to the young men they grew up to be. Showing black students that there was a world for them out there in the arts, they took time out with them before, during and after school hours. They also promoted some of the traditions of their youth by allowing students to decorate floats, prom backdrops, and holiday festivals. Margaret Glenn (personal communication, April 11, 2013) stated that her husband, Hodges, “would supervise the students to do the decorations for the

146 prom.” Barnes and Roberts (2000) pointed out that “the prom was a community highlight for

Tallahassee’s teens” (p. 127). These activities promoted historic events and preserved the community’s values that had been passed along for generations.

Identity. Selznick (1992) suggested that the formed identity of an individual in a community is the product of the efforts to construct a sense community. The identities of individuals associated with Frenchtown either lived in Frenchtown, learned in Frenchtown, congregated in Frenchtown, or some combination of these three characteristics.

Those who lived in what was considered Frenchtown were identifiable as Frenchtown residents. So were the Glenn brothers as they grew up. There were, however African American communities outside of Frenchtown such as the Springfield community that were affected by

Frenchtown. Margaret Glenn described this community as a suburb of Frenchtown though it was only a few blocks away. As adults, Hodges and Rogers lived outside of Frenchtown. Individuals living in the outskirts of Frenchtown (near and far) yet came to Frenchtown to attend Lincoln and therefore became learners in Frenchtown. Yet another group of individuals only came to

Frenchtown to shop, gather, or enjoy entertainment. Therefore, individuals associated with the community of Frenchtown varied in their identities, but in any combination, the identity of individuals remains an element in community construction and the Glenn brothers contributed greatly to the identity of Frenchtown.

Hodges and Rogers were products of the Frenchtown community because of their socialization there and the fact that they were youngsters who grew up there. Persons like their parents, Principal Porter, their teachers, their early employers, neighbors, and other members of the community contributed to the construction of the community by having a part in the Glenn

147 brothers’ upbringing. Because of it, they developed their sense of self and identity relative to their locality and associations. As adults, they had a part in the socialization of their students and proteges. Because of this, they became community constructors. They affected and helped to socialize those who lived there, learned there, congregated there, or were individuals associated with Frenchtown in any of these combinations.

Especially affected were those who learned in Frenchtown including the Lincoln students and after school followers of the Glenn brothers. By passing along artistic skills to these students, the brothers strengthened the self-esteem and confidence of these individuals. The brothers modeled hard work as they worked after hours painting signs and attending graduate school. They encouraged students to believe in themselves and believe that progress was possible through their actions. Many of these affected individuals utilized their strong identities to launch successful careers.

The larger identity of Frenchtown manifested itself in at least two ways: physically and atmospherically. The physical identity of Frenchtown was primarily visual and identifiable through optical observation. The atmospheric qualities of Frenchtown were mainly psychological or emotional. Either, according to Selznick’s (1992) theory, must have developed through socialization and the endeavor to construct community.

The physical identity of Frenchtown entailed its locality, buildings, signage, and people.

It was a place located within the city limits of Tallahassee. Other African American communities fell on the outskirts of it and rural areas many miles from it. The visual description in the historical narrative included drug stores, barbershops, groceries and cleaners that were mostly operated by African Americans. And psychologically and socially it was the heart of African

American community during the time of this study.

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The Glenn brothers contributed to the visual identity of Frenchtown through their infusion of signage and artwork in and on the buildings. Students noted also that they were known by the community and the community associated them with the works of art that they saw. For example, they could be seen at various times on scaffolds painting billboards. Not only were they contributing to the visual identity, but became a part of the visual culture of

Frenchtown.

Socially as described in chapter 5 Frenchtown was the social gathering place for blacks which in fact they described it as a a social Mecca and a place of shopping. One of the most interesting comments was that of its comparison to a modern day mall. Some persons in the narrative described Frenchtown as being family oriented, a place where there were no lines drawn, and a place where everybody knew each other. Another said that Frenchtown was the connection that tied people together. These descriptions have to do with the emotional and psychological identity of the community.

The Glenn brothers contributed to this atmosphere through their participation and involvement as family members, professionals, and residents in their early lives. However,

Selznick (1992) pointed out that “fixed identities – local, religious, ethnic – are likely to generate demands for self-affirmation that all too often lead to insularity and withdrawal. This parochialism is a chief source of virulent antagonisms. Hence the formation of identities can be destructive of community.” (p. 362) The Glenn brothers avoided this problem by reaching out to the entire Tallahassee community through their professions and by encouraging their students to do the same. They did not succumb to the dangers of being individuals problematic to the health of a community, and instead were constructors of healthy community.

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Mutuality. In referring to mutuality, it may suffice to describe it as individuals, groups and/or institutions exchanging with one another. In the case of community, for example, businesses need the patronage of customers and the expertise of other businesses. Reciprocity is a must if the individual business and the community of which it is a part will survive. Selznick

(1992) maintained, however, that in order to effectively form community, its constituents must go beyond personal exchange and contractual agreements. Selznick (1992) added “as we move to association, and from association to community, mutuality reaches beyond exchange to create more enduring bonds of interdependence, caring, and commitment. There is a transition, we may say, from reciprocity to solidarity, and from there to fellowship” (p. 362).

The mutuality in the Frenchtown community as presented is no surprise, especially since the circumstances of its segregation mandated internal support and cooperation. African

Americans supported African American businesses because of limited choices outside their community. Hunter (personal communication, April 22, 2013) pointed out that at least 85% of what they needed was in Frenchtown and there was hardly a need to venture out. However, one may argue for and against the evidence of mutuality in Frenchtown to the point of constructing community.

The argument that community construction existed in Frenchtown through mutuality is manifest in its fellowship. Observers in the historical narrative referred to Frenchtown as a social center, a cultural Mecca, and safe place where integrity could stay intact. It was a place where people knew the parents of students and families were familiar with one another. The Glenn brothers were a part of this and it can be argued that Hodges was constructing community through mutuality when he visited the home of the future Dr. Hunter. Here several professions come into play. One teacher (Hodges) is supporting another teacher (father of Hunter) who is

150 also a Civil Rights worker needing the expertise of an artist (Hodges). The support goes beyond professional obligations evident in the fact that they are off campus after hours and showing a commitment to a change. While Hodges (the teacher and artist) is at the home of his colleague, the teacher and Civil Rights activist, he (Hodges) acts as a mentor and encourages the son of his associate. This is showing a caring attitude, which is characteristic of mutuality, moving into the community construction realm.

The Career Days at Lincoln High School and Diversified Coorperative Training serve as more evidence for the argument of community construction in Frenchtown through mutuality.

Professionals in the community went beyond association and sought to inform and prepare students for the world of work. Businesses who participated in the DCT program gave students the chance to support their families while completing their education. This showed solidarity and commitment on the part of the businesses and schools in caring for the students and community.

One may however argue that there was mutuality but not to the point of community construction during the period of integration. During the period of transition, the school board shut down the school and left Lincoln students almost fending for themselves. Even though entities outside of Frenchtown were responsible for this move, some students, businesses, and teachers (including Hodges) made the decision to venture out, leaving Frenchtown behind.

Menzel (2005) noted that the community after integration suffered economic decline and the following decade changed the face of Frenchtown to one of high crime and drug infestation. This information leaves hard questions about the level of mutuality prior to the transition. Was the fellowship and unity in Frenchtown due to commitment to its success or was it due to existing limitations of interactions with the entire city? Were the people and patrons of the community there because they had no other choice? Were what seemed to be enduring bonds of caring and

151 interdependence simply a question of circumstance? Is it ever any different? These questions seem to make an argument that mutuality may not have existed to the level of community construction once certain circumstances changed. However, one may further argue that caring went beyond the confines of locality. Dispersed community members who left after integration

(like Hodges) became forerunners and examples for others who needed to explore personal possibilities as well. In addition they look back fondly at the circumstances that created mutuality and a sense of individual and community identity.

Plurality. The lack of or presence of varied groups and associations within a community determine its plurality. Selznick (2002) declared that “all societies are composed of different, often contending groups based on kinship, age, occupation, and inequalities of property or power. Pluralism finds in this natural diversity a benign disorder, a vital source of energy and safety.” (p. 44) Frenchtown is no exception as far as its makeup of specialized groups. Groups determined by professions, religion, social economic status, and residential location (to name a few) all contributed to the well being of the community.

Hodges and Rogers were a part of several of these associations. As teachers, they were a part of very influential and well-respected membership in their community. In the historical narrative, Barnes (personal communication, April 16, 2013) noted that teachers lived and were dispersed throughout the neighborhood. The community was aware of their presence among the presence of other groups. Hodges also served as a member of subgroups in the teaching profession such as a member and Treasurer of the Florida State Teachers Association (FSTA)

District II, Remedial Program Director, Summer Enrichment Program Coordinator, Chairman of the Leon County Schools Art Council, and the Southeastern Art Education Association.

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As a member of the FAMU High School faculty, Rogers was a part of a unique group associated with Frenchtown. These were the African Americans that were sometimes more affluent and a part of Frenchtown mostly through social gatherings, business transactions, and ethnic commonalities. Because Rogers was a member of this specialized group, he helped to bridge the divide and differences within the African American community.

Not only did Hodges and Rogers belong to the group of teachers, but also they were professional artists. The people of the community knew where to go when they needed the expertise and help of graphic designers. In the narrative, Hunter (personal communication, June

7, 2011) called them “practicing, prominent, artists.” They perpetuated the idea that artists had a place in their community. They exemplified the roles of artists enough for their students to realize the possibilities that existed in the visual art profession.

Furthermore, the Glenn brothers were athletic and were visible in the community as athletes and occasionally skated at the recreational center. Their service in the military complemented their athletic abilities and FAMU gave each of them four physical education credits towards their undergraduate degrees because of it (FAMU transcript). Their service in the

Army also made them a part of the military veteran population in Frenchtown. This made them members of the specialized group they had witness as youngsters leaving the nearby base and coming into Frenchtown for rest and relaxation.

Even as children they were students at the neighborhood schools and served the community as youth within the confines of their time period and resources. As other students in their days at Lincoln, they participated in activities like football and made extra income for their families by working afterschool jobs. Hence, the Glenn brothers had the opportunity to construct

153 community in Frenchtown through pluralism as youngsters as well as adults carrying out their professions and associations.

Autonomy. Selznick (1992) contended that plurality must be balanced by autonomy. He wrote “the worth of community is measured by the contribution it makes to the flourishing of unique and responsible persons” (p. 363). Frenchtown contributed to the autonomy of individuals in several ways. By providing place, education, and opportunities for entrepreneurship the community fostered for its members the freedom to thrive.

The sense of place gave African Americans space to exercise cultural traditions and move about comfortably. In the narrative in chapter 5, Margaret Glenn (personal communication,

April 11, 2013) specified that Frenchtown was the “shopping area for black folks.” Baker

(personal communication, May 7, 2013) mentioned how Frenchtown was a place where African

Americans could feel free from the indignities of discrimination. This safe atmosphere helped to breed the autonomy of it community participants. For example, musicians who later became renowned throughout the world seemed to thrive in Frenchtown. Frenchtown had the setting and atmosphere for them to establish who they were, develop their individualities in music, and become self-sufficient.

Through education, the Frenchtown community provided the means by which its students could be successful and independent. The Lincoln High School philosophy of community cooperation and preparing students for needed professions was especially advantageous toward the autonomy of its graduates and the Glenn brothers participated in that. Again, Roosevelt

Glenn (personal communication, July 15, 2010) noted that people who were trained there left with the skills to open up their own businesses.

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The opening and operating of businesses is more evidence of the presence of autonomy.

The necessity of goods and services prompted entrepreneurship throughout the community. As entrepreneurs, people had the freedom to excel in areas of interest and expertise. Even as employees, workers had the opportunity to make income to provide for their families and spend their moneys at their discretion.

As professional artists, the Glenn brothers worked both for themselves and for employers.

In either case, they took the opportunity to be individuals and even signed their works visible enough for observers to know how to credit the images they saw. The Glenn brothers’ autonomy also inspired others to pursue artistic ways of expression as well. The students who went out in the neighborhood after school and on weekends to paint signs for businesses are proof that the

Glenn brothers were nourishing young artists who were benefiting the community. As artists and art educators they provided the place and circumstances for students to better themselves and flourish as individuals.

Because of the autonomy the Glenn brothers fostered in their students, many of them went on to realize success in their careers. Dr. Terry Hunter (personal communication, April 22,

2013) said “I think that they did have a very positive effect on me. The very nature of a black artist, helped spur my interest in art and art education as a career.” Dr. Hunter went on to become the Executive Director of the Fine Arts Cultural Enrichment Teaching Studios (FACETS) in

Orangeburg, South Carolina, Coordinator of a professional development institute in arts education, a professor in higher education, to curate more than 15 exhibitions, and participate in more than fifty (50) group and solo exhibitions (Hunter, 2011).

Other students include Eluster Richardson whose works have been displayed in important galleries including the Smithsonian, his sister, Frankie Richardson who was one of the first

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African American supervisors in the art department of Homes and Land Magazine; Roosevelt

Glenn, who did illustrations in the army, the State of Florida Department of Education and retired as an illustrator for the State of Florida Department of Transportation; Robert Baker, who went on to teach art at an intermediate School in Granger, Indiana; Paul Houzell, who earned a degree in art and art history and went on to be a renowned artist and lecturer; Curtis Corbin, who became a well-known artist; and Clinton Hudson, who retired after teaching art for 40 years. As reported in the narrative in chapter 5, the Glenn brothers contributed to their sense of self, their sense of autonomy, to help them become who they are.

The Glenn brothers not only contributed to the autonomy of individuals in Frenchtown, but they also contributed to the autonomy of the community itself. Frenchtown had its independence and the self-sufficiency that allowed it to run on its own. Hunter (personal communication, April 22, 2013) described it as an island and a Mecca for other surrounding

African American communities. Like in the development of its identity, marginalization contributed to its autonomy within the city of Tallahassee, but the individual efforts and individualism of the Glenn brothers was a strong example of autonomy contributing to community..

Participation. Selznick (2002, 1992) considered the element of participation a necessity in a flourishing community. He contended that, not only is participation necessary but that there should be high levels of it. He identified two ways to participate in society: core participation and segmental participation. Core participation “reflects a need for intimacy and, more fundamentally, for connections that are central to a person’s life experience and identity”

(Selznick, 1992, p. 184). Segmental participation, however, involves only a part of a person’s life

156 and allows him/her to operate at a psychological and moral distance. Both have their place in the strength and well being of individuals and communities. Too much emphasis on core participation limits the horizons and becomes emotionally consuming. On the other hand, segmental participation tends to be impersonal, unfeeling and contractual. Balancing core participation and segmental participation eases this burden of self-consumption and allows for more cooperation with strangers (Selznick, 1992.)

The Glenn brothers show evidence of community involvement and a constructively healthy balance of core and segmental participation. As educators, they contributed to their communities on a contractual basis and acted within the realm of expectations as high school teachers. Hodges’ educational participation included other capacities by which he affected students and educational systems such as, coordinating summer programs, serving on the teachers association, conducting workshops and chairing the art council. Their connection as teachers also landed them the tasks of providing signage for the North Florida Fair. Rogers’ segmental participation as a teacher is evident in his responsibility as a homeroom teacher as well as teaching art. Rogers also move towards core participation as he elected to partake in the school’s student/faculty basketball game and use his baritone voice in the school talent show.

They both exhibited more personal participation as they took students like Roosevelt under their tutelage and allowed those students to follow them around after school and on weekends. Margaret Glenn (personal communication, April 11, 2013), the wife of Hodges, mentioned that students were invited into their home and her husband listened to their problems.

Rogers taught art to his little cousin, Paul Houzell, when Lincoln school was not in session. Such involvement reaches beyond the segmental duties of their job descriptions and taps into core and emotional participation.

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The Glenn brothers also maintained a level of segmental participation as artists in the community. Sometimes as employees of a commercial sign company and other times as freelance artists, they did jobs they were commissioned to do. They were the ones to call when the need arose for the use of their crafts. Some art jobs were a little more personal. For example,

Hodges’ trips to the home of his colleague, Samuel Hunter, doing artwork for Civil Rights efforts might have been more of an emotional participation. Evidence shows that the Glenn brothers were able to strike a balance as artists professionally and personally.

In addition to participating as educators and artists, evidence shows that they participated as mentors. It is not out of the ordinary to see how mentoring could be personal. Students mentioned that the Glenn brothers were father figures. They gave advice and tried to help solve problems. They mentored personally as they gave students individual attention. There were however segmental aspects to their mentorship. The Glenn brothers made an impression on a young Terry Hunter as he observed from a far. Hunter never had a formal class with them but saw evidence of their community participation on billboards, furniture stores and storefronts.

Hunter (personal communication, June 7, 2011) mentioned that seeing the Glenn brothers’ works everyday “had an all encompassing and pervasive kind of an impact on me.” The Glenn brothers continued to be mentors in a segmental way as their students watch them advance academically.

Roosevelt Glenn (personal communication, July 15, 2010) said that they were teaching him as he watched them progress.

Finally, the Glenn brothers participated in the community as ordinary citizens. They could be seen congregating downtown, skating at the recreational center, and working with their families. In several ways they showed high levels of participation, a necessity for constructing community.

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Integration. Finally, Selznick (2002, 1992) argued that it is important for a community to have supportive institutions and other factors that will provide coherence to the above elements and the basis for a common life. Integration therefore is concerned with how the facets of the community bond whether through norms, practices or beliefs. It may be important to note that the term integration here is not to be mistaken for the use of the term when it is defined as the process of ending the practice of segregation in schools of the South. Here we are talking about how a community incorporates its several components.

Frenchtown shows evidence of integration through its descriptions of close-knit people.

Barnes (personal communication, April 16, 2013) said that families knew each other and were close because they went to the same schools, churches and businesses. The Lincoln school made a special effort, through the foundational efforts of Principal Porter and subsequent leadership of

Principals Nims, Abner and Lawrence, to reach out to the community and solicit its cooperation.

The result was a good amount of supportive institutions serving the interest of the community.

Hunter confirmed the presence of integration when he said that “the lifestyles and activities prevalent in this quasi inner city, if you will, encapsulated church, business, school, and culture.”

The Glenn brothers were an intricate part of the integration of the community elements and culture. Their several roles made them binding factors for education, business, mentorship, recreation, and family life in Frenchtown. They also helped to alleviate disorder and racial tension through the common bond of art and art education. Margaret Glenn (personal communication, April 11, 2013) suggested that their art and art education helped to beautify the community. Art in of itself provides an underline language of visual communication and integration. This brings us to McMillan’s and Chavis’ (1986; McMillan 1996; McMillan 2011) claim that a sense of community is also art.

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The community framed as art. McMillan’s (1996) claim is based on the emotional ties in a community, which happens within time and space. He contended that contact is necessary in order to construct community. Not only is contact necessary, but the quality of that contact matters. He identified four influences on the quality of contact: “closure to events, shared outcome from the event, risk and sacrifice, and honor vs. humiliation” (McMillan, 1996, p. 322).

Concerning community as art, McMillan (1996) asked a question then explained by saying

“What collective experiences become art? They are stories of community contact. But contact is not enough. The contact must have a certain quality for it to become a collected memory that is art; the community must share in the fate of their common experience in the same way.” (p. 323)

Evidence of quality in contact emerges from the stories of Frenchtown observers and residents. Rush (personal communication, April 4, 2007) reminisced by saying that Frenchtown was a decent place. Baker (personal communication, May 7, 2013) said that thinking of

Frenchtown brought him good memories. Hunter (personal communication, April 22, 2013) called it a cultural Mecca. Houzell (personal communication, June 5, 2013) said that it was like heaven. Barnes (personal communication, April 16, 2013) said that Frenchtown residents were like a close-knit family. All of these comments testify to a shared intense emotional memory that the community and observers could frame as art.

Furthermore, the transitional period and beginning of integration serve as a memorable closure of events. The closure of the Lincoln school is a physical and symbolic reminder of the end of an era. Parents and members of the community rallied to keep city official from razing the building because it embodied quality of their lives and it was where they and their children went to school. They shared the sentiments of the comment Rush (personal communication, April 4,

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2007) made about the school closing: “the way it was done was just unforgivable.” In addition, there were risks and sacrifices made as members of the community participated in bus boycotts, sit-ins and economic hardships. As mentioned by Baker (personal communication, May 7, 2013), they worked hard to keep their integrity intact and tried to expose their children to honor rather than humiliation. These events lend themselves to the sense of community that has the quality of experience that meets the criteria of art.

The Glenn brothers contributed to these events. The nation was experiencing a memorable era from the time of Rosa Parks in 1955 until the death of Dr. King’s in 1968. This is about the same time that the Glenn brothers were on the scene as art educators in Tallahassee,

Florida. Their students and observers talk about them, their sacrifices, and consider them important persons in history. With their contributions, they not only helped to beautify the community as Margaret suggested (personal communication, April 11, 2013), but they were an intricate part of the experience that was memorable enough to call art.

The supporting question: How did the Brothers Glenn contribute to the Frenchtown community’s sense of historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation, and integration especially through art and art education has been addressed in the above analysis as it made reference to the Glenn brothers’ contributions to these specific area.

The Second Supporting Question

What were the context and circumstances of their lives as members of their local community? In answering this question, the tumultuous times of the 50s and 60s, especially in the South, becomes prevalent. The Glenn brothers were situated in a time period that featured the marginalization of the African American community and culminating activities of racial

161 struggles that brought tensions and unrest in their city. Within the time of their teaching the nation experienced the assassination of a President, the passing of the Civil Rights and Voting

Rights Acts, and the immediate years prior to the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King.

The Glenn brothers were familiar with the Frenchtown community because it was the place of their upbringing. Not only were the streets, buildings, and businesses familiar, but the culture and temperament, experiences of the people were their own. As youngsters, they struggled economically and did various jobs to survive in an underprivileged part of the city.

They were privy to seeing military men visit their community for entertainment. This along with the example of their father perhaps provided evidence that the military was a viable possibility among the professions and career paths of young black males. In the military, they experienced life outside of their small community and worked in other states and another country. The value of hard work they learned during their childhood carried over into their adulthood and they eventually passed this value on to their students. Because of their experiences, they were able to identify with both those students who knew only the humble conditions of neighborhood and those of the middle class family such as many of the students Rogers taught at FAMU High

School.

The Glenn brothers were known within the community for their artistic ability and were called upon for signs, billboards, and visuals that permeated the city. Bus boycotts, cross burnings, and other forms of protests surrounded the Glenn brothers as they lived their lives and carry out their passions for the arts. The community they grew up in, their city, and even their nation were experiencing change. They somehow managed to find stability among these circumstances and provide the same for those who looked to them as mentors and as experts in their fields.

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The Third Supporting Question

What were their actions and activities that served to contribute to the construction of their local community, according to the people who knew them and were influenced by them?

The Glenn brothers seemed to waste no time giving back to their community. Even before completing their undergraduate degrees in art education, student Paul Houzell (personal communications, June 14, 2013) remembered them coming to his school and teaching art lessons. This giving back to the community seemed to drive the Glenn brothers in their teaching philosophies. Hodges’ personal instructions before school, in the classroom, and after school were indicative of a commitment to ready his students for community improvement and equip them with the autonomy to fend for themselves. Rogers’ ability to be fatherly and a confidant to students like Curtis Corbin (person communications, August 3, 2009), who listened and took his advice to heart, provided mentorship needed in the community to produce well rounded students.

The brothers invested in the community after teaching hours by having special days for students and inviting them into their homes. Students got to see them as family men and a firsthand look at what they (the students) could possibly accomplish with hard work. The Glenn brothers also took students along with them on their afterschool and weekend commissions.

Roosevelt Glenn (personal communications, July 15, 2010) described somewhat of an apprentice environment when he talked about how he learned so much observing the brothers repainting disassembled 10’ X 40’ billboards and doing art on them. Their billboards and artwork all over

Frenchtown and the city contributed to the order, image, and continuity of the community.

Not only where their actions and activities as educators and artists strong contributions to the community, but their participation as citizens and their visibility as part of the culture of

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Frenchtown helped to define and solidify its identity. Students noted that the Glenn brothers were athletic and could be seen in the skating rinks, playing basketball, and football. Robert

Baker (personal communication, May 7, 2013) mentioned that they were a connection for the rural students to Frenchtown since they were well known in the community.

All the while, they were modeling the example of self-improvement by taking classes at

FAMU towards their masters’ degrees. Their enrollment in the graduate program at FAMU while teaching in the high schools strengthened the community’s economy and contributed to the integration of its many institutions.

In summary, answering this third supporting question highlights the presence the Glenn brothers had as participants and examples in the community, mostly in traditional and socially responsible ways. They seemed to be everywhere: skating in the recreational center, on scaffolds painting billboards, teaching in the schools, taking care of their families, taking college classes, and providing encouraging words. Student Barrie Aschroft (personal communication, March 4,

2007) said that she and others adored them, they had great personalities, and she never heard anything bad about them. Apparently, their mentorship served as a strong tool for community building. This is supported by the findings noted in the first supporting question.

An Emergent Theme: My Personal Journey and Connection to the Glenn Brothers

Social Interationism, which is one lens I used to examine the data in this study, not only entails exchange of the action of individuals, others, institutions, and the community at large, but in a historical study, it also includes the historian (Hall, 1990.) The historian has the task of chronicling, whether in a way that scientifically list facts or in an artful and yet accurate narrative that represents the depicted period of time. As the historian’s most honest and earnest attempt to

164 represent history appropriately, the process is yet a selective one and the product is subject to the perspective and biases of the historical researcher.

Early in this study I acknowledged my perspective as a male and African American art educator who may have been drawn to this research because the Glenn brothers share these same characteristics. I too admitted that as a twin, I can identify with the closeness and bond that provide a basis for cooperative activity. I knew that the Glenn brothers’ story would intrigue me.

What I didn’t anticipate was the fact that I would find links to them in my own personal life’s journey.

My connection with the Glenn brothers began with an image, seared in my memory, of a newspaper article about a young artist who painted the inside walls of a very prominent African

American church in Tallahassee, Florida, with unconventional images of biblical scenes. The paintings were beautiful and what was unconventional (and originally controversial) was the fact that the artist painted all the biblical characters as Black. I remember staring with admiration at the newspaper article which featured the artist sitting alone in the church pews with the beautiful paintings behind him.

As I examined the lives of Hodges and Rogers Glenn, I found that the artist who painted those wall paintings (which still exist after at least four decades) was a student of Hodges Glenn.

That person turned out to be Paul Houzell, the little boy in the narrative who was awe struck with the presence of Hodges Glenn and his art materials and whose cousin married Rogers Glenn.

This was a strong connection for me.

The connection did not stop there. I was at Paul Houzell’s solo exhibition in 2011 in downtown Tallahassee at the prominent Lemoyne Art Gallery. I happened to mention to a formal

FAMU professor that I was studying Hodges and Rogers Glenn and she replied quickly that she

165 knew one of their students. That student happened to be Clinton Hudson, my high school art teacher in Tallahassee’s neighboring city, Quincy, Florida. It all came back to me how Mr.

Hudson was the designated sign painter at our school. He was especially busy during homecoming time in preparation for the parade. I used to admire with awe his ability to hand- letter posters with such ease. He would do posters while we worked on our art projects. One day,

I asked him how he did such beautiful lettering. He brushed it off and made light of it by saying,

“Ahhh, you could do it. It just takes practice.” Well, I never did get as good as Mr. Hudson, but I did get better with practice. And before the computers and technology took over the sign painting industry, I did fulfill many hand-lettering commissions. I had no idea that this skill had been passed down to me from the Glenn brothers, but it doesn’t stop there.

When I returned to the Tallahassee area after completing my undergraduate degree in

1984 at the Columbus College of Art and Design in Columbus, Ohio, I was anxious to work as a professional artist. With a major in Industrial Design, minor in Advertising Design, and a desire to stay close to home, my job opportunities were scarce. I one day took my portfolio to a little advertising design office located in Frenchtown. After viewing my portfolio, the owner said to me that they didn’t have any positions available, but I was welcome to share their office space if

I wanted to do some freelancing. I took him up on it and I felt like a true ad designer working alongside a master. That master was Augustus Colson, one of Hodges Glenn’s students when he was a pre-service teacher at FAMU.

There were some jobs that came in the firm that Mr. Colson would hand over to me so that I could have work. There was one job in particular that was an outdoor sign for a barber shop. I struggled with it trying to make it look presentable. Mr. Colson finally came over, took a brush and in a few paint stroke had it looking like a professional shipped it in from out of town. I

166 was so amazed at his skills. The barbershop was located in Frenchtown and for years I passed by and admired my work (or shall I say our work). It dawned on me later that not only had I been touched by the Glenn brothers through the tutelage of one of their students, but the same privilege of apprenticeship that the Glenn brothers gave to their students had been afforded to me by Mr. Colson. I remain grateful for that opportunity.

As my journey continued, I went for an interview in 1986 at a local company called

Homes and Land Publishing Corporation. They printed magazines for over 200 cities in the

United States. Two people came out to interview me: one a Caucasian male and the other an

African American woman. That African American woman was named Frankie Richardson. I soon learned that, even though she was the assistant manager, she was well respected in the paste-up artist department and the entire company. She was nice, knowledgeable, hardworking, calm in crisis, and wise all at the same time. She eventually became the manager and led us through some tough times. As everything transferred from manual to electronic, jobs shifted around and feelings got hurt. She somehow acted as a bridge between management and what was happening on the floor. She could somehow calm the concerns and complaints of the employees while holding the trust and respect of the employers. She was fair and needed and everybody liked her. She often blew us away in the company art shows when she brought out her canvases and displayed her talent. While studying the Glenn brothers, I discovered that she and her brother

Eluster Richardson were students of Hodges Glenn.

Eluster’s interview has been an asset to this study and I am sure that Frankie’s input would have been just as valuable. Unfortunately, Frankie passed away after a long and brave battle with cancer, but members of the company often talk about her legacy. I had no idea that once again, the Glenn brothers would reach me through another one of their students. I am

167 especially mindful of the times of transition and how Frankie kept us calm. It must have been similar, in a small way, to the leadership that the Glenn brothers provided to their students during the perils and unrest of the Civil Rights Movement and the integration of schools.

All of these instances reminded me that we are not far from the actions of others. Even across generational lines social and symbolic interactionism continue to have its place in the community. The Glenn brothers’ story has inspired me to take a look at my own social interaction and communal exchange and wonder what its legacy will be. As a historian, I have not only endeavored to successfully fill this gap in art education history but I am using what I have encountered in this study to adjust my own actions – and this is what symbolic interactionism is all about.

Answering the Primary Research Question

The question that drove this study was: “What, why, and how did Hodges and Rogers

Glenn contribute to art education and what did it mean to the local African American community in and around Tallahassee, Florida?”

I will address the answers in to this question in increments. What did the Glenn brothers contribute to art education? They provided a connection to art for their students and made it possible specifically for African American students in a segregated society to experience and consider art an option in their lives. The Glenn brothers also provided the opportunity to see both the universality of art and how art can fit unique and idiosyncratic contexts. Finally they provided an example of art and art education making a difference. This was an example of what can happen through the energy, drive, passion, and perseverance of the brothers as art teachers,

168 artists and human beings who modeled lives well-lived and provided inspiration to a generation of their students.

Why did the Glenn brothers contribute to art education? They contributed to art education because of a conviction that stemmed from their art experiences at a young age and their belief in positive social change as the foundation of social justice and social justice as the fundamental building block of a progressive society. As youngsters, they discovered their love for art and that it was applicable to their quest for survival. Their art abilities helped to supplement income for the family and possibly kept them in school. As adults, they wanted to pass this passion and the possibilities of art on to the next generation.

How did the Glenn brothers contribute to art education? As art teachers in the

Frenchtown community they provided a model of integrity, stability, and positive vision, demonstrating how in combination with keeping their eye on the prize, hard work and dedication can carry individuals and societies forward. They demonstrated Dewey’s (1900) notion that with intentionality and good will, progress in society can indeed be made.

What did it mean to the local African American community? Their contributions not only gave the community the opportunity to be well rounded because of its exposure to the visual arts and not only enabled the community to produce more artists and art educators, but they contributed greatly to the community’s positive sense of self through their roles as artist and educators. In doing what they did they not only produced a personal legacy but greatly contributed to the positive construction of community.

Their involvement in their community did a service to the history of art education in that it showed the possibility of relevancy in teaching art. Dewey (1900) encouraged teaching for the purpose of social progress and infusing the students learning experience into the activity and

169 social interactions of life. The Glenn brothers carried art and art education to that level, the level beyond mere information to a level of practicality and pragmatism.

This pragmatism became evident as each of Selznick’s elements of community construction was a present factor as the Glenn brothers, their students, and others in the community made meaning with their actions. Selznick (1992) contented that individuals had a responsibility to the good of the community. The Glenn brothers chose to be effective through conventional means such as the learning institutions and the need for commercial imagery. Amid unconventional methods of change, they unified the community with the possibility of coexistence.

McMillian (1996; 2011) suggested that such meaningful and memorable experiences be considered art. On the other hand, Becker (1974) suggested that art happens due to such actions and a collection of experiences. Thus, both, the Glenn brothers’ part in contributing to a sense of community can be realized as art, and the art that they produce can be seen as a product of the community’s activities.

Through their art and art education, the Glenn brothers perpetuated social progress, were a vital part of the African American community, and were liaisons for common grown of the entire area of Tallahassee. This not only held true for the 50s and 60s, but continued in the following decades through the admirations from their students and others who were unknowingly affected by them.

Conclusion

The Glenn brothers contributed to the social progress of their students and of Frenchtown by educating them in the arts and including real life situations. The subject matter was not

170 removed from the world outside of the classroom but provided an opportunity to apply art concepts to everyday living. Art also provided a constant and calm presence through the difficulties of change and racial social progress.

The Glenn brother actions were a part of collective activity and a manifestation of social interactionism (Mead, 1969.) Their social participation and dispositions were in response to the actions and symbolic interpretations they received from others in their community. This social interaction included students, other teachers, family, business owners, and organizations in the community. Social activity also extended to areas and entities outside of the community like the local universities and people of other ethnicities. And finally, it extended to me.

Segregated schools and businesses in the city provided unique challenges and circumstances in which to act and react. The Glenn brothers’ actions were often in contrast to some of the confrontation and intensive displays that resulted from the insistence of and the resistance to change. Their consistent focus on the arts and continual mentorship would lead observers to believe that their actions were deliberate and intentional.

The Glenn brothers established their places in the art world early. Even as teens and high school students, they found their way into the practical arts by painting signs for local business.

They further insisted on staying within the art world by proving their artistic abilities in the military to become illustrators and illustration educators. Perhaps they experienced some of their greatest education in the art world at FAMU under the auspices of Samella Lewis, art department chair. The Glenn brother seemingly utilized their membership in the art world to bring their students into the same knowledge and passion for the arts.

Not only did their social interactions take them into the art world, but they were an integral part of other aspects of the community. Their contributions and the collective activities

171 of others brought about meaning in the existence of Frenchtown. Selznick (1992) contended that individuals and institutions have a moral responsibility towards the good of the community. As individuals, the Glenn brothers acted responsibly towards meaningful results of communal living and social progress. As teachers and part of educational institutions, they acted to ensure that the schools were havens of exploration and learning and a means by which students could improve themselves and benefit others.

Furthermore, the Glenn brothers’ actions applied to Selznick’s (2002, 1992) elements of community construction. Selznick (1992) claimed that “a fully realized community will have a rich and balanced mixture of all of these seven elements” (p. 364): historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation, and integration. The community of Frenchtown showed evidence of all seven elements greatly contributed to by the actions and deeds of the

Glenn brothers. The questions remain: Did the Hodges and Rogers exhibit each element and was it an effective mixture to the extent that they helped construct a “fully realized community”

(Selznick, 1992, p. 364)? The comments of the students and people who knew the Glenn brothers have provided support for the actualization of the Glenn brothers as effectively constructing community in Frenchtown. Hunter said that Frenchtown was bustling with activity. Baker said that it was a connection that tied people together. Houzell said that it was like heaven. Such comments suggested that the elements were operating with a rich and balanced blend. The Glenn brothers were a part of this mix through their involvement as socialized citizens of the community and their deliberate and definitive actions as participants. As community constructors, they played a strong part in Frenchtown’s historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, and integration of institutions.

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And within a Community Based Art Education (Marche, 1998) context, they acted and educated with a sense of place and good understanding of the area in which they grew up. They also educated for the social good so that their students could have art connections and livelihoods that would benefit the community and themselves. They utilized the material culture of billboards, store walls, prom decorations and floats to make their creative statements.

Implications

The documentation of this history is important because it fills a gap (Borg & Gall, 1983;

Stankiewicz, 1997) in chronicling a previous buried story about African American art teachers who were important instruments of community construction in Frenchtown, Tallahassee, Florida.

It was previously unclear just how successful these teachers were. Many of the Glenn brothers’ students went on to be acclaimed practicing artists and art educators in their own right. People like Dr. Terry Hunter, Eluster Richardson, Robert Baker, Paul Houzell, Clinton Hudson, and

Curtis Corbin, for example have told their stories here in a way that reveals the depth of their debt to the brothers Glenn, previously unsung heroes in art education.

Like the Glenn brothers, current art educators operate in the context of a particular time, place and set of circumstances. Material culture, events and geographical spaces are inevitably placed in their hands as resources. Many times they have nothing to do with the context that befalls them. However, they can have much to do with the way they handle the context and circumstances. Modeling the Glenn brothers, art teachers and other professionals have the opportunity to build and construct community in their environments.

This community construction may be close in proximity. Art educators have the ability to construct community in their classrooms. They can educate for social progress and not just for

173 rote learning. Classrooms can be little communities that are bustling with activities and where each student has a place no matter what her/his strengths or weakness, physical characteristics or varied personalities are.

This sense of community can continue throughout learning institutions and the arts could be a viable part of the school’s total curriculum. Art educators can construct school community through visual efforts, interdisciplinary projects, and the promotion of school pride. Those in the corporate settings can also promote a sense of community through some of the elements noted by

Selznick (2002, 1992) such as participation, mutuality, historicity and integration.

Art teachers may further contribute to the construction of community in their neighborhoods. They can do this by being aware of how universal art is even within very unique and particular times and places. Art has to connect to the time in which the person is experiencing it. The art teacher cannot forget the power of context in the art experience. Art seems to be able to apply and reach across deep divides and even color barriers. Perhaps this is why I remember great art teachers like Tom Harris, my white teacher in the 70s South who planted his passion for art in his African American students ignoring stares and the norms of his environment as he drove his students to art exhibitions and helped them to do last minute framing at his house. This same passion for art prompted the Hodges and Rogers Glenn to inspire their students in the midst of tensions and even upheavals, contributing to the success and realization of art education in the Glenn brothers’ classes, schools and community.

Their success suggests that there is more than one way to promote change. While history proves that protests, sit-ins, marches, and even militancy may be effective, one cannot leave out the effectiveness of strong leadership, mentoring, and hard work in a confidently quiet way. The

Glenn brothers took a more subtle avenue for change. This one entailed believing in themselves

174 and in the possibilities of their students. It included pouring into and teaching practical skills that would provide means for better living. They promoted change through an infectious love for art, life, and social progress.

Perhaps this mentorship is a key ingredient missing from urban areas facing the problem of high crime and dysfunctional neighborhoods. Mentorship, a sense of direction, and strong positive examples are viable options and answers in the quest for a sense of community. In the story of the Glenn brothers, modeled behavior seems to be highly appreciated by those who knew them.

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APPENDIX A

INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD (IRB)



To see messages related to this one, group messages by conversation. Julie Haltiwanger ([email protected]) Add to contacts 3/19/12 To: [email protected] Cc: Anderson, Thomas

From: Julie Haltiwanger ([email protected]) Sent: Mon 3/19/12 2:20 PM To: [email protected] ([email protected]) Cc: Anderson, Thomas ([email protected])

-----Original Message----- From: Human Subjects [mailto:[email protected]] Sent: Thursday, June 30, 2011 2:49 PM To: [email protected] Subject: Human Subjects Staff Review

Human Subjects Application - For Full IRB and Expedited Exempt Review

PI Name: Donald Elisha Sheppard Project Title: Constructing Community: The Role of Art in the Lives of Two Brothers in Tallahassee Frenchtown

HSC Number: 2011.6648

Your application has been received by our office. Upon review, it has been determined that your protocol is an oral history, which in general, does not fit the definition of "research" pursuant to the federal regulations governing the protection of research subjects. Please be mindful that there may be other requirements such as releases, copyright issues, etc. that may impact your oral history endeavor, but are beyond the purview of this office.

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APPENDIX B

FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PERMISSION TO PUBLISH, EXHIBIT, OR BROADCAST WORKS FROM THE COLLECTIONS

177

178

APPENDIX C

HODGES AND ROGERS GLENN RESEARCH – DOCUMENT INVESTIGATION NOTES

Document Title (if appropriate) or type ______

Document description ______

______

External Criticism ______

______

Internal Criticism ______

______

Extra Notes ______

______

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Educational and Professional Profile

DONALD E. SHEPPARD

Personal Information

Date of birth: May 20 Married: Nov 1988 Spouse Name: Sarah Rivers Sheppard One child: Donarah

Education

Sep 2005 Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida -present Art Education Doctoral Program

Sep 2004 Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida Dec 2004 Art Education Special Student

Jan 1992- Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida Apr 1995 Art Education Masters of Science Degree

Aug 1980- The Columbus College of Art & Design, Columbus Ohio May 1984 Industrial Design Bachelors of Fine Arts

Aug 1977- James A. Shanks High School, Quincy, Florida May 1980 Academic High School Diploma Third in class

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Professional Certification

Florida Professional Teaching Certificate in grades K-12 Subject Area –Art ESOL Endorsement

Work Experience

Aug 2010 - Present Montford Middle School, Tallahassee, Florida

Art Teacher

Aug 1995-2010 Griffin Middle School, Tallahassee, Florida

Art Teacher  Yearbook Sponsor.  School Newspaper Sponsor  Peer Mediation Sponsor

Dec 1998 - Present Watson Temple Church of God in Christ, Tallahassee, Florida Pastor  Radio and Television Programs  Marriage Counseling

Jan 1986 – July 1995 Homes & Land Publishing Corp., Tallahassee, Florida

Graphic Design Artist  Team Lead  Department Trainer  Employee of the Month – October 1994  Employees Assistance Program Chairman.

Jan 1985 – July 1986 Capital Records and Tapes, Tallahassee, Florida

Sales Clerk

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Honors and Awards

Teaching Apr 1996 Sallie Mae Award, District Finalist Apr 1999 Ida S. Baker Distinguished Minority Educator, District Finalist

Civic Oct 2005 Elder Donald E. Sheppard Day, City of Quincy, Florida Apr 2008 Minister of the Day, Florida House of Representatives

Affiliations

National Educators Association National Art Education Association Leon County Teachers Association Tallahassee Urban League

Hobbies

Drawing Playing the Organ

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