Quaderns De Cine 13 2018
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Retired DEA Agents Steve Murphy and Javier Pena Talk to Blue About Hunting Down Pablo Escobar
THIS ARTICLE WAS PUBLISHED BY THE BLUE MAGAZINE FALL 2020 Exclusive Interview: Retired DEA Agents Steve Murphy and Javier Pena Talk to Blue About Hunting Down Pablo Escobar By Eddie Molina (www.eddiemolina.com) When it comes to television shows, I’m very picky. I keep a watchful eye out for flaws, inconsistencies, unlikely coincidences- anything that will make me shun the show and give up on it. But every once I while I come across a gem that is perfect in every way. My favorite are shows based on actual events. And that show is Netflix’s Narcos. Narcos is the true story of the DEA’s hunt for the world’s first narco-trafficker- Pablo Escobar, one of the most ruthless drug lords in modern history. The Blue Magazine sat down with the two retired lead DEA agents responsible for hunting Escobar: Steve Murphy and Javier Pena. We discussed everything from the accuracy of Narcos, the extreme right wing group Los Pepes, their new book Manhunters: How We Took Down Pablo Escobar and much more. The first thing I wanted to know was the accuracy of Narcos. Javier Pena tells Blue, “I tell people that the chronology is pretty accurate on the show; the timeline, the assassination, a lot of the major events, but the producers have to make it interesting.” Javier’s character in the series was pretty bad-a**; a booze-chugging womanizer who threw policy and morality right out of the window. But I wondered how accurate that was, especially considering his role as a law enforcer. -
Beyond War: Bin Laden, Escobar, and the Justification of Targeted Killing, 69 Wash
Pace University DigitalCommons@Pace Pace Law Faculty Publications School of Law 2012 Beyond War: Bin Laden, Escobar, and the Justification of arT geted Killing Luis E. Chiesa Pace Law School Alexander K.A. Greenawalt Elisabeth Haub School of Law at Pace University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/lawfaculty Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, International Humanitarian Law Commons, International Law Commons, Military, War, and Peace Commons, National Security Law Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Recommended Citation Luis E. Chiesa & Alexander K.A. Greenawalt, Beyond War: Bin Laden, Escobar, and the Justification of Targeted Killing, 69 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 1371 (2012), http://digitalcommons.pace.edu/lawfaculty/853/. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law at DigitalCommons@Pace. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pace Law Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Pace. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Beyond War: Bin Laden, Escobar, and the Justification of Targeted Killing Luis E. Chiesa* Alexander K.A. Greenawalt∗∗ Abstract Using the May 2011 killing of Osama bin Laden as a case study, this Article contributes to the debate on targeted killing in two distinct ways, each of which has the result of downplaying the centrality of international humanitarian law (IHL) as the decisive source of justification for targeted killings. First, we argue that the IHL rules governing the killing of combatants in wartime should be understood to apply more strictly in cases involving the targeting of single individuals, particularly when the targeting occurs against nonparadigmatic combatants outside the traditional battlefield. -
Redalyc.Asalariados De La Muerte: Sicariato Y Criminalidad En Colombia
URVIO, Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios de Seguridad ISSN: 1390-3691 [email protected] Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales Ecuador Montoya Prada, Alexander Asalariados de la muerte: sicariato y criminalidad en Colombia URVIO, Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios de Seguridad, núm. 8, septiembre, 2009, pp. 61-74 Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales Quito, Ecuador Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=552656557005 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Asalariados de la muerte '1'&& @[@ED ()6/X@' Wage earners of the death Sicariato and criminality in Colombia Alexander Montoya Prada1 Fecha de recepción: junio 2009 Fecha de aceptación y versión final: septiembre 2009 LatinoamericanaRevista de Seguridad Ciudadana. Resumen W@ El sicariato es un recurso utilizado en el desarrollo de conflictos sociales desde el ámbito público estatal hasta el privado íntimo. En este artículo hacemos un recorrido de los últimos 30 años en la historia de Colombia, para estudiar la manera como se relaciona con diferentes actores y pro- cesos, como los del narcotráfico y el paramilitarismo, describiendo la trayectoria de los sicarios, modus operandi, niveles de organización, móviles de los contratantes y tarifas. De igual manera abordamos la relación y la reacción del Estado ante el sicariato, con políticas de justicia, seguridad y rehabilitación. Palabras clave: sicarios, conflicto, conflicto armado, cultura, violencia, narcotráfico, parami- litarismo, oficinas de cobro, justicia, políticas de seguridad. -
15 the Story of the Us Role in the Killing of Pablo Escobar
15 THE STORY OF THE U.S. ROLE IN THE KILLING OF PABLO ESCOBAR Mark Bowden American military interventions overseas frequently have the inadvertent side effect of mobilizing anti- American sentiment. In Vietnam, Somalia, Nicaragua, Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere, the presence of uniformed American soldiers has energized propagandists who portrayed the American effort—including humanitarian missions like the one in Somalia in the early 1990s—as imperialist, an effort to impose West- ern values or American rule. In some instances, this blowback can severely undermine and even defeat U.S. objectives. As a result, it is often preferable for interventions to remain covert, even if they are successful. The killing of Colombian drug kingpin Pablo Escobar in 1993 offers a good example of both the virtues and hazards of working undercover with indigenous foreign forces. This chapter provides background on Pablo Escobar and his Medellin Cartel, including how Escobar achieved notoriety and power in Colombia. It then details Centra Spike, a U.S. Army signals intelligence unit that assisted the National Police of Colombia in finding Escobar and other Colombian drug lords. Although American assistance eventually led to the deaths of Escobar and other drug kingpins, it raised a number of legal and ethical challenges that are discussed in this chapter. Pablo Escobar and the Colombian drug trade During the 1970s and early 1980s, there was an increasing flow of cocaine from Colombia to the United States. A sizeable portion of an American generation reared on smoking dope and dropping acid had matured with an appetite for “uppers” and cocaine, which briefly became fashionable with young white professionals. -
Pablo Escobar. by Eddie Molina (
THIS ARTICLE WAS PUBLISHED BY LAW ENFORCEMENT TODAY JULY 2020 Steve Murphy and Javier Pena tell LET what it was like hunting down the world’s fiercest narcotrafficker: Pablo Escobar. By Eddie Molina (www.eddiemolina.com) What would you consider the highlight of a law enforcement career- solving a thirty year- old cold case? Rising up the ranks to chief of police? But how about taking down the world’s most notorious drug kingpin, Pablo Escobar. Well that’s exactly what retired DEA Agents Steve Murphy and Javier Pena did. Steve and Javier recently published their tell-all book about their adventure chasing down Escobar called Manhunters: The Hunt for Pablo Escobar (available on www.DEAnarcos.com) Their wild journey was also turned into a hit Netflix series Narcos, based on real events. In an exclusive interview, Javier tells LET: “I tell people that the chronology is pretty accurate on the show; the timeline, the assassination, a lot of the major events, but the producers have to make it interesting.” And the show was certainly interesting. It led to 3 seasons and a spin-off series, Narcos Mexico. But the producers had to take some creative liberties to make it more dramatic. The show portrayed Javier using dirty tactics by unethical means. When asked if his character was accurate, Javier said: “If that were all true, I’d be getting out of prison right about now.” Javier continues, “The executive producer called me up and says ‘We know you're not dirty, but we're going to make you out to be a little bit on the dirty side- working with Los Pepes, killing people and all the affairs.’ I do wish all the affairs were true.” Javier said jokingly. -
Political Visuality of Latin America in Narcos
° www. comunicacionymedios.uchile.cl 106 Comunicación y Medios N 37 (2018) Political Visuality of Latin America in Narcos: a te- levision style analysis Visualidad política de América Latina en Narcos: un aná- lisis a través del estilo televisivo Simone Rocha Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte, Brasil [email protected] Abstract Resumen From the theoretical approach of the visual stu- Desde la fundamentación teórica ofrecida por dies articulated with television style analysis, I los estudios visuales articulados al análisis del intend to analyze visualities of Latin America estilo televisivo, propongo analizar visualidades and historical events on the contemporary drug de América Latina y de eventos históricos que problem exhibited in the first season of Narcos tratan la problemática contemporánea de las (Netflix, 2015). Based on the primary meaning drogas exhibidas en la primera temporada de established by the producers, it is possible to Narcos (Netflix, 2015). A partir de la identifica- understand the complex relationships between ción del sentido tutor, definido por los realizado- crime, economy, formal politics and corruption. res de la serie, es posible captar las complejas relaciones establecidas entre crimen, economía, Keywords política formal y corrupción. Visuality; Narcos; Latin America; Television Style. Palabras clave Visualidad; Narcos; América Latina; estilo tele- visivo. Received: 10-03-2018/ Accepted: 08-06-2018 / Published: 30-06-2018 DOI: 10.5354/0719-1529.2018.48572 Political Visuality of Latin America in Narcos: a television style analysis 1. Introduction There were four directors in the first season:107 the Brazilians Jose Padilha (episodes 1 and A little over a decade ago audiovisual produc- 2) and Fernando Coimbra (episodes 7 and 8); tions depicting the global issue of drug traffic- the Mexican Guillermo Navarro (3 and 4) and king began making an appearance. -
Medellín 1993-2013: Una Ciudad Que No Logra Encontrar El Camino Para Salir Definitivamente Del Laberinto
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Washington, D.C. Medellín 1993-2013: Una ciudad que no logra encontrar el camino para salir definitivamente del laberinto Max Yuri Gil Ramírez1 Ponencia presentada en el seminario “What Happens When Governments Negotiate with Organized Crime? Cases Studies from the Americas”, organizado por el Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars y llevado a cabo en Washington D.C., Estados Unidos, el 30 de octubre de 2013. Washington, D.C. Octubre de 2013 1 Sociólogo y magister en Ciencia Política Universidad de Antioquia. Director e investigador de la Corporación Región y profesor de la Universidad de Antioquia. Correo:[email protected]. Esta ponencia retoma información y análisis de la investigación en curso sobre violencia y criminalidad en ciudades latinoamericanas, financiada por IDRC Canadá, en la cual el autor es coinvestigador. Presentación Medellín es una ciudad que se ha reconocido en las últimas décadas por ser un sitio de contrastes, una urbe que sobresale por sus transformaciones, pero que de manera reiterada, pese a los esfuerzos de múltiples sectores de la sociedad, no logra romper con sus estructuras de inequidad, violencia y narcotráfico. En cuanto a la violencia homicida, es evidente que comparado con el pasado, la ciudad ha vivido una importante transformación. En el año 1991 Medellín tuvo 6.349 homicidios, equivalente a una tasa de 381 homicidios por cada cien mil habitantes –hxccmh-, mientras el año anterior 2012, se presentaron 1.249 homicidios, igual a una tasa de 52 hxccmh. Si bien es un descenso importante el que se ha presentado, los datos muestran que el comportamiento no es constante en el tiempo, que hay nuevos momentos de ascenso, pero sobre todo, que no han desaparecido las estructuras criminales que son responsables de la mayor parte de la violencia homicida. -
Colombia Elites and Organized Crime
Colombia Elites and Organized Crime www.InSightCrime.org Colombia Elites and Organized Crime Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................... 3 Land and Trade - Colombia's Elites ..................................................................... 4 Liberals and Conservatives ................................................................................. 5 La Violencia ........................................................................................................ 7 Organized Crime and Elites in Colombia ............................................................ 9 Crime, Cocaine and Guerrillas ................................................................................................. 9 Emerging or periphery elite (aka 'Narco-elite') ...................................................................... 12 A New Politics .......................................................................................................................... 13 The AUC and the Rise of the Periphery and Bureaucratic Elites .......................................... 16 Parapolitics ............................................................................................................................. 18 BACRIM and the Guerrillas ................................................................................................... 19 ‘Don Berna’ ............................................................................................... 26 Phase I: 'Don Berna' -
Élites Y Crimen Organizado En Colombia
Élites y crimen organizado en Colombia es.InSightCrime.org Élites y crimen organizado en Colombia Tabla de contenido Introducción ................................................................................................ 3 Tierra y comercio - La élite de Colombia ............................................................. 4 Liberales y conservadores ................................................................................... 6 La Violencia ........................................................................................................ 7 Crimen organizado y élites en Colombia ........................................................... 10 Crimen, cocaína y guerrillas ................................................................................................... 10 La élite emergente - Narcoélites ............................................................................................. 12 Una nueva política .................................................................................................................. 13 Las AUC y el ascenso de las élites de la periferia ................................................................... 16 Parapolítica ............................................................................................................................. 19 BACRIM y las guerrillas ........................................................................................................ 20 ‘Don Berna’ ............................................................................................... -
The Violent Drug Market in Mexico and Lessons from Colombia
Foreign Policy at BROOKINGS POLICY PAPER Number 12, March 2009 The Violent Drug Market in Mexico and Lessons from Colombia Vanda Felbab-Brown The Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW Washington, D.C. 20036 brookings.edu Foreign Policy at BROOKINGS POLICY PAPER Number 12, March 2009 The Violent Drug Market in Mexico and Lessons from Colombia Vanda Felbab-Brown Acknowledgements I would like to thank Carlos Pascual, Theodore Piccone, Michael O’Hanlon, Mauricio Cardenas, Carol Graham, Gail Chalef, Chappell Lawson, and Sey- om Brown for their insightful comments and suggestions. Any omissions or errors in the paper are my own. Foreign Policy at Brookings iii Table of Contents Introduction: The Context and Goals of Counternarcotics Policy in Mexico . .1 The Highly Violent Mexican Drug Market . .5 The Colombia Analogy and Its Limits . 9 A Better Analogy for Mexico: Colombia Before Plan Colombia ...........................15 The Existing Mexican Strategy and the Mérida Initiative . 19 Recommendations ..................................................................23 Foreign Policy at Brookings v Introduction: The Context and Goals of Counternarcotics Policy in Mexico he drug-related violence and the breakdown in to ensure that they deliver promised services—kid- Tsecurity in Mexico have escalated to extraordi- napping for even rather meager pecuniary profits also nary levels over the past two years. According to pub- appears to be growing, indicating a spiral of violence licly available data, 6,290 people died in Mexico due and -
Sever: Sigint and Criminal Netwar Networks
SEVER: SIGINT AND CRIMINAL NETWAR NETWORKS A thesis submitted to the faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Security Studies By Thomas Elfmont, BBA Washington, DC March 17, 2010 Copyright 2010 by Thomas Elfmont All Rights Reserved ii Table of Contents Introduction 1 Netwar Theory 2 SIGINT in Netwar 4 Colombia and the Medellin Cartel 7 Colombian Netwar Lessons 12 Criminal Netwar Networks in Mexico 15 Mexico’s SIGINT 20 Laws and Institutions 20 Communications Intercept System 22 Successes 27 Mexican Netwar Lessons 29 Considerations 31 Conclusion 32 Additional References 34 iii Introduction On September 16, El Grito, the shout of independence, will cascade through Zocalo Plaza. Father Hidalgo made his famous cry in 1810 and triggered the revolt which toppled the colonial government. One hundred years later, Mexico had much to celebrate. As Porfirio Diaz cried in the plaza, he could visualize the telegraph lines, railways, universities and hospitals that marked three decades of economic growth under his leadership. Yet, he was blind to the revolution around the corner. 1 This year President Felipe Calderon will mark the two hundredth anniversary of El Grito, and the birth of Mexico. Proclamations for the heroes of the nation, the people, and independence will echo throughout the plaza as the palace bells ring. But as this echo fades, it is corruption, drugs, and violence which will continue to resonate in the people’s ears. This time the revolution is not so distant. Narco-trafficking organizations have become a threat to the rule of law in Mexico. -
Narcos and the Promotion of an U.S. (Informal) Cultural Empire Based on Processes of Stereotyping and Comparison
FORUM FOR INTER-AMERICAN RESEARCH (FIAR) VOL. 12.1 (JUN. 2019) 43-55 ISSN: 1867-1519 © forum for inter-american research Narcos and the Promotion of an U.S. (Informal) Cultural Empire Based on Processes of Stereotyping and Comparison CLAUDIA HACHENBERGER (FAU ERLANGEN-NÜRNBERG) Abstract According to postcolonial critic Edward Said, European imperialism was not only based on arms; it was also based on forms of knowledge affiliated with domination and on a vocabulary that constructed and promoted the inferior Other. Contemporary practices of imperialism may be more subtle but are no less powerful. After the end of traditional and formal European colonization, the United States is still exerting influence on other countries, particularly Latin American countries, either in a formal, political, and interventional way, or, as I propose, in an informal way that privileges cultural ideological strategies and knowledge production. By reformulating and readapting Said’s concept of Orientalism, my paper suggests that the concept of Latinism illuminates the workings of an imperialist gaze in representations of Latinos in the media. By its promotion, the U.S. informal cultural empire introduces and installs negative portrayals of Latinos as the perceived ethnic Other. This presentation of stereotypes can influence the audience’s view on Latinos and thus poses an undesirable factor obstructing constructive tendencies in a globalized world, an argument I elaborate on by focusing on the first two seasons of the Netflix exclusive series Narcos. The series’ presentation of stereotypes is accomplished by different practices of comparing on the visual, verbal, and structural/ productional levels. By exploring the construction of Latino Otherness on these three levels, I assert that cinematic stereotypes are used to depict the Latino Other in an inferior way in the majority of the cases, simultaneously representing the U.S.-American characters and culture as superior.