Heaven, Spirits, and Political and Social Order: Rain-Praying in Eleventh-Century China
Cong Ellen Zhang University of Virginia
The centrality of agriculture in Chinese life ensured an interest in recording auspicious and abnormal climatic phenomena as well as natural disasters from the beginning of Chinese civilization. These records ranged from oracle bone and bronze inscriptions in the Shang (16th- mid-11th centuries BCE) and Zhou (1040s-256 BCE) periods to official documents and literati writing in the imperial times. Especially abundant in this body of literature was accounts of unseasonal and insufficient rainfall. A serious drought meant a poor harvest and famine for the local population. This was often followed by the disruption of social order in the forms of forced migration, banditry, and rebellions. This, along with the decreases in tax revenue and the demand for relief work, remained a major concern for the imperial state. Since the earliest times, Chinese cosmological ideas and political thought maintained that occurrences of natural disasters symbolized a breakdown of the balance and harmony between Heaven and man, often caused by irresponsible rulers and their representatives. One way to restore order and balance was through well-orchestrated ritual performances, during which the emperor or official-in-charge demonstrated his sincere concern for the suffering of the people and his utmost dedication to alleviate their miseries in exchange for the end of a disaster. Heaven and gods would then respond to the appeal, manifesting their power and benevolence while validating the legitimacy of the Son of Heaven and his rule. Rain-praying (祈雨, 禱雨, 求雨, 乞雨) ranked among the most enduring ritual traditions in Chinese history. Held at temples and shrines throughout the country, the ceremony was directed toward Heaven, dragon kings, mountain and river spirits, and a variety of local deities. The performance necessitated elaborate planning, including the building of an altar, dragon- making or painting, and the preparation of aquatic animals such as frogs or lizards. Depending on the extent of the impending disaster, the ritual could involve anyone from the emperor to members of the local communities, with prefectural and county officials being the most frequent initiators of such events. If rain fell soon after a sacrificial performance, an appreciation observance 謝雨 would follow. If not, more sacrifices might be offered. Similar rituals were also performed for snow-making, but less frequently; that is, less literature exists for snow-praying than rain-praying. The earliest transmitted texts mentioned the Shang and Zhou kings praying for rain. In the Spring and Autumn (8th-5th centuries BCE) and the Warring States Periods (5th-3rd centuries BCE), many lords presided over rain-making ceremonies. It was not until the Han Dynasty (202 BCE-220 CE), however, that the scholar Dong Zhongshu (179-104 BCE) attempted to standardize the rain-making ritual. Dong not only included a lengthy discussion of rain praying in his Chunqiu fanlu (The Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn Annals), he also recounted an actual observance that he oversaw while serving in Jiangdu (Yangzhou, Jiangsu). Dong’s description confirmed that rain-making ceremonies were complex social and religious events that involved local officials, ritual specialists (wu or exorcists), and spectators. These ceremonies often featured the beating of drums, construction of earth dragons, incantations of prayers, and aquatic animals such as snakes, turtles, and frogs and lizards. Successive dynasties in the post- Han era routinely promulgated ritual protocols, bestowed titles on mountains and water spirits, and offered regular sacrifices in hopes for timely rainfall and good harvests. This institutionalization of the rain-making performance reflected long-standing Chinese beliefs in the power of Heaven and a wide variety of spirits, the close relationship between the natural and human realms, and the interdependency of man and divinities. The same development also confirmed the utility of rain-making as an instrument for claiming and maintaining political legitimacy. The continual centrality of the ritual aside, extant evidence reveals that while rain-making activities remained a routine component of official responsibilities, they differed greatly in their actual practice. More importantly, in extant rain-making-related texts, local officials often went beyond the “performance” aspect of their role and experience, elaborating on the larger significance of the occasion. This paper makes use of three types of Song (960-1279) sources, all written in the mid-eleventh century, to illustrate the ubiquity of rain-praying across the country as well as the ritual role of Song local officials. Another focus of the study is to examine contemporary representation of the relationship between Heaven and shen (a generic term used to denote a variety of deities, gods, and spirits), Heaven and imperial rule, as well as the relationship between shen and the common people.
Two Poems on Rain-Making
Thousands of extant Song poems feature seasonal rain and snow, droughts, and unusually long stretches of heat or cold. Rain-praying subsequently emerged as an important theme in Song poetry. Here I use two as examples. The first poem was written in 1040 or 1041 by Song Qi 宋祁 (998-1061) when he was serving in Shouzhou (Huainan, Anhui). The poem has a long title, “Since midsummer, there had been insufficient rainfall. Young plants withered. I then followed the late emperor’s edict, having dragons painted to request rain and praying at the Huoshan (Mount Huo) and Huaidu (Huai River) Shrines. Sacrifices were offered on the wuyin day. Rain fell on the yimao day (i.e. the next day). I respectfully composed this poem on the seasonal rain to present to my colleagues. 仲夏愆 雨, 稚苗告悴, 辄按先帝诏书, 绘龙请雨, 兼祷霍山淮渎二祠, 戊寅蒇祀, 己卯获雨, 谨成喜雨 诗呈官属.”
盛夏挾骄阳，于以搆炎熯。 Midsummer day, scorching sun, enough to create heat waves. 歊塵坌天蓋，烈御煽雲漢。 Dust covering up the sky, heat reaching the Milky Way. 稻穎茁然秀，涸流不勝灌。 Rice sprouts were strong and beautiful, but dried-up rivers could provide no water for irrigation. 田畯恤歲功，釋耒共愁歎。 Worried about their year’s worth of work, farmers released their hoes, lamenting together. 太守忝農使，閉閣重慚惋。 Ashamed of being in charge of agriculture, the magistrate closed his door and repented: 曾是謬政綱，曾是濫囚犴。 “Was it bad policies, was it excessive punishment?” 一食三失匕，冀亦思過半。 Being absent-minded during a meal (literally, “dropping his spoon for three times”), he stayed up to self-reflect. 馳祝訴羣望，願以身塞譴。 Hurrying to pray and convey the people’s wishes, (the magistrate was) willing to endure any punishment. 先帝隠民癠，致和格靈變。 The late emperor, sympathizing with the people’s poverty, had standardized measures that would generate miraculous changes to establish harmony. 圖龍著繪法，令甲布州縣。 He ordered the method of dragon painting to be promulgated in counties and prefectures. 愚計不知出，奉行安敢慢。 Not knowing what to do, how could I delay in following his majesty’s instruction? 外日築層壇，丙夜封舒雁。 One day, layers of the altar were built; at midnight, pheasants were prepared. 奉匜再三跪，信辭靡虚薦。 Holding the ritual vessel, I prostrated three times; my words were trustworthy, not superficial promises. 幸勿爲龍羞，敢不報神眷。 It was hoped that they would not offend the dragon, how dare we not repay shen’s kindness [if our prayer is answered]? 翼日耿弗寐，徂野視宵奠。 Having not slept the whole night, I went to the field to examine [the outcome of] the offerings the next day. 幽血粲静蠲，执事便傳讚。 Dark bloodstains remained, ritual masters conveyed their praise. 薄誠蒙昭享，距躍私自忭。 “Our humble gesture of sincerity was enjoyed.” Leaping with joy, they celebrated amongst themselves. 回車未及税，雲油默焉遍。 Returning to office, clouds had already gathered before I took a rest 窮海遂涔涔，籠山兹漫漫。 [Rain] water accumulated into pools, mists covered the mountains without end. 旱麓衆卉蘇，焦原暍氛散。 Plants on dry hills came back to life; the hot atmosphere on the scorched plains dispersed. 寸苗蔚如揠，新波鳞欲涣。 Young sprouts grew fast as if they had been pulled; [when wind blew] they looked like waves of fish scales. 何意一溉窘，有望千箱衍。 Who would have thought that my worries about the lack of irrigation has turned into prospects for an abundant harvest? 揆予乏嘉績，聖詔仰成憲。 Knowing that I lack outstanding accomplishments, it must have been the imperial edict that has made this possible. 恤祀神罔恫，昏作人胥勸。 Now that the deities have been pacified, I advise that the people work hard. 抒藻拙言詞，竊用慰羣掾。 I write these unsophisticated words to comfort my associates.1
Song Qi’s writing is revealing in several respects. First, the title itself is very informative, as we learn that a drought took place and was becoming more severe. The proper step for a local official to take was to pray for rain. The poet referred to Emperor Zhenzong (997-1022) having promulgated a protocol for this purpose, which entailed, among other things, the painting of
1 Song Qi, QSS, 4:204.2335. dragons (rather than making dragons out of earth). Instead of praying at one place, Song Qi actually made offerings at two local shrines, one for a mountain deity and the other for a river spirit. The poem begins with a description of a serious drought in progress. Naturally, this worried farmers, who were afraid that a year’s work would yield nothing. The magistrate, as the “parents” of the local population, was equally troubled. In his deliberation, Song Qi wondered if he was responsible for the disaster. Was the drought a warning from Heaven for his poor administrative performance? His concerns grew to such an extent that he could not eat or sleep well. In distress, the magistrate responded by sending ritual masters to express the people’s wishes to the spirits. Furthermore, he made it clear that he would be willing to endure any punishments for the sake of his subjects’ wellbeing. Sacrifices were prepared according to the imperial protocol. Altars were built during the day and ritual goods were on display in the evening. The magistrate then composed a prayer and led the ritual observances. Having had no sleep that night, Song Qi went to inspect the outcome of the ritual sacrifice. Seeing the physical traces from the previous day, he hoped that his sincerity had reached shen, the mountain and water spirits. Surely enough, it was an effective ceremony. As soon as Song returned to his office, it began to rain. The abundance of precipitation completely alleviated the drought, ensuring a good harvest. Song Qi wrote in a humble tone, since he had not accomplished much on his post, it must have been the power of the imperial order that had created the miracle.
The second poem, entitled “Dragon Race at Baizikeng 百子坑賽龍, was authored by the scholar-statesman Ouyang Xiu 欧阳修 (1007-1072) in 1046.
嗟龍之智誰可拘，Alas! Who could constrain the dragon’s wisdom? 出入變化何須臾。It emerges and disappears and changes its form momentarily. 壇平樹古潭水黑，The altar is flat, the trees ancient, and the pond water dark, 沈沈影響疑有無。Everything is silent, one wonders about its power. 四山雲霧忽晝合，Clouds and mists in the four mountains suddenly merge in daylight, 瞥起直上拏空虚。They rise and go straight into the great void. 龜鱼带去半空落，Turtles and fish are taken into midair and fall, 雷輷電起先後駆。Thunders and lightning follow each other. 傾崖倒澗聊一戲，It rains as if cliffs and valleys are crashing down, like in a play, 頃刻萬物皆涵濡。In a moment, the myriad things are completely moisturized. 青天却掃萬里静，The blue sky is serene for tens of thousands of li, 但見緑野如雲敷。One only sees green land as if clouds have fallen and covered them . 明朝老農拜潭側，The next morning old farmers prostrated at the side of the pond, 鼓聲坎坎鳴山隅。The sound of drums echo in each corner of the mountains. 野巫醉飽廟門阖，Amateur exorcists drunk and stuffed, gates of the temple closed, 狼藉烏烏爭殘餘。Crows fighting for the leftovers scattered in a mess.2
2 Ouyang Xiu, Quan Song shi, 6:284.3605 As in the previous poem, this rain-making ceremony involved the use of dragons, but we are not sure if they were painted or made of dirt. The imageries in this poem, such as the dragon shrine, water pond, clouds and mists, turtles and fish, and food and wine were likewise staple elements for this type of occasion.3 Especially interesting is its reference to amateur wu (exorcists), which indicates the participation of local or itinerant ritual experts, the most visible of which in the Song period being Buddhist or Daoist monks. The poet began by highlighting the power of the dragons and the ritual performance: prior to the ceremony, everything was calm. Suddenly, clouds, mists, and winds coalesced, sending the turtles and fish into midair. Rainfall followed, accompanied by thunder and lightning. It poured so profusely that it took only a moment to satiate the dry field. Everything was then calm again. Ouyang Xiu indicated, just as Song Qi did, that he came back to the altar the next day, to check on the aftermath of the observances. Some farmers did as well, who gathered to celebrate and pay homage to the water pond. Ouyang noted, the sounds of festivity resounded even in the deep mountains. In addition, he noticed the exorcists, still drunk and stuffed, surrounded by crows fighting for the leftovers from the sacrifices. As we can imagine, Ouyang would not have minded seeing this mess. With the timely rains, he could take comfort in knowing that a good harvest was guaranteed. That in itself was a confirmation of his dedication to and competence in his official duties.
Praying for Snow at the Beiyue 北嶽 (the Northern Great Mountain)
Song Qi’s poem indicates that, at the time of the rain-making ceremony, he authored a prayer to communicate with shen, a common practice of the time. That particular document did not survive, but hundreds of similar texts have. Han Qi (1008-1075), for example, authored fifteen rain- and snow prayers.4 Of them, one was written when he was serving in Kaifeng, two in Yangzhou (1045-1047), eight in Dingzhou (in Hebei, 1048-1053), and four in Bingzhou (Taiyuan, Shanxi, 1053-1055). Among the spirits (shen) that were on the receiving end of the ritual was a Divine Mother 聖母 (1), the Spirit of Mount Meng 蒙山之神 (1), multiple unnamed deities 諸廟 (5), and the God of the Northern Great Mountain, the 北嶽安天元聖帝 (8). Except for one undated prayer, most likely composed in the mid-1030s, the remaining texts were all completed within a decade or so (1046-1054) when Han was the prefect of Yangzhou (1045- 1047), Dingzhou (1048-1053), and Bingzhou (1053-1055), respectively. Along with the capital city and Daming (the Northern Capital), these were the posts Han served in for the longest periods.5 All of Han Qi’s Dingzhou texts recorded ritual offerings held at the Beiyue. This indicates the prominence of the mountain and the absence of other influential state-recognized
3 Ouyang wrote about similar activities in other poems and essays (欧阳修, 賀九龍廟祈雪有應, QSS, 6:301.3780; 欧阳修, 祈雨曉過湖上, QSS, 6:292.3689). 4 It should be noted that Han Qi was far from the most prolific writer in this area. Just to give two examples, Zeng Gong was the author of 46 such texts (QSW, 58:1272.309-1274.339). Su Shi wrote 32 (QSW, 92:2002.211-2004.264). In addition to rain and snow, Zeng and Su prayed for qing 晴, clear days, presumably after excessive rain and snow fall. 5 Han Qi was posted in Zizhou (Zibo, Shandong) from 1027 to 1030. His ranking would have been too low to be in charge of rain-praying activities. He was the prefect to Daming twice from 1068-1072. No record of rain-praying related activities have survived. gods and deities in the Dingzhou region. Even the Beiyue Temple was in disrepair at the time of Han’s arrival. In a ji account, dated 1049, Han lamented the gross negligence in ritual performances and the physical degradation of the temple. To Han, this was extreme disrespect to the mountain spirit. Making use of the materials acquired from the demolition of unauthorized shrines, Han put his prefectural and county subordinates in charge of a three-month-long renovation project. “Traces of corruption and decay were subsequently replaced with a new look. Supplementary buildings were set up in the yard for scholar-officials and ordinary people to offer sacrifices. This was to make sure that their presence would not be a blasphemy to the spirit, yet [allowing them to pay homage] provide the spirit with additional reverence.” Han added, “Local officials should follow the emperor’s order with prudence in managing the spirit’s abode, keeping sacrifices to the spirit clean, and cultivating themselves in order to show benevolence to the people. [After all,] humans depend on the spirit for good and bad fortunes.”6 During his five years at Dingzhou, Han Qi visited the Beiyue at least eight times to pray for rain or snow. The frequency of such activities and the long prayers that he authored demonstrated recurrent natural disasters in the region as well as the centrality of ritual duties in the lives of Song local officials. Below is one of the eight rain-praying texts that Han composed in Dingzhou in 1050.
In the second year of the Huangyou reign, on a certain day in the 12th month of the gengyin year (1050), I have humbly prepared an offering of wine to pronounce to the King/God (di) of Pacifying Heaven and Primal Sage: North of the Yellow River, the year’s harvest has not been good. Shen (the king of Beiyue) knew it already (i.e. sacrifices had been offered previously). Ever since winter, there has not been seasonal snow. Is this destiny? If that is the case, then good and bad fortune should alternate. Has this been caused by [my poor] administration? Then what crime have the people committed? This is why people suspect that Heaven and shen do not [actually have the power to or are willing to] intervene in human affairs. Shen resides in the north and [is expected to] help Heaven transform the people. You should manifest Heaven’s virtue and demonstrate your brilliance to send down timely rain soon. This will fulfill the people’s expectations and stop disasters at their origins as well as relieve people’s doubts [about shen’s power]. [If shen would act this way,] it would greatly benefit [the people]. Otherwise, not many in the northern circuit could survive. [If such a calamity happens, even if] Heaven does not stop day and night, what can it achieve? Who will provide shen with sacrifices? Enjoy!7 維皇祐二年 (1050) 歲次庚寅, 十二月某朔某日, 具官某謹以清酌之奠, 敢昭告於北嶽 安天元聖帝. 大河之北, 比歲不登, 神知之矣. 今又入冬以來, 雪不時降. 果數之然耶, 則否泰宜有以相返, 政之致耶, 則蚩蚩之民何罪? 此人之所以疑天與神不預人事者, 正謂是也! 惟神作鎮於北, 助天成化, 宜發天之德, 示神之明, 早霈時澤, 慰民望而銷 沴萌, 以釋人之所疑, 誠大惠也. 不然, 北道之民, 全其生者無幾矣. 天晝夜而不息, 胡 為哉! 神之祀孰供乎? 尚饗!
6 Han Qi, 定州重修北嶽廟記, QSW, 40:854.33-34. 7 北嶽祈雪文 (Praying for Snow at the Beiyue) Han Qi, QSW, 40:861.150. Some general observations about Han’s writing: first, like in his other prayers, this one begins with a date and reference to offerings of wine and food. We learn very little about the preparations for and performance of an actual sacrifice. In other words, the text was not meant to “describe” the actual event, as the poems by Song Qi and Ouyang Xiu were. Second, Han Di did not include much information about the organizer and participants of the ceremony either. The text implies that Han, as the prefect to Dingzhou, was in charge, but did not necessarily need to attend the actual event. In three of the eight Dingzhou prayers, Han specifically remarked that he sent an associate on his behalf even though he authored a prayer for each occasion. Moreover, it was not necessarily true that the principal performer or highest- ranked local administrator would write the prayer. Han Qi, for example, composed a note of gratitude following a successful rain-praying ritual in the capital city on behalf of the prefect.8 Third, a crucial component of a rain- or snow-praying text is a description of the developing drought. This necessitated a request for rain from Heaven and the corresponding shen. In this way, Han Qi revalidated the belief that timely rain was Heaven’s and shen’s way to “intervene in human affairs,” as they could not bear to cause them disaster.” More specifically, Han referred to the entire area “north of the Yellow River” as in distress and needing the help of the spirit. Han Qi subsequently made clear that the God of Beiyue was a more powerful deity and responsible for a larger region of the country than the local spirits featured in the previous poems. Fourth, just like Song Qi, Han Qi sought an explanation for the drought. Was it destiny? Was it his incompetence? Both questions suggested the possibility of local officials or even the emperor neglecting their duties, thus causing their subjects to suffer. Both were insistent, however, since the people were not at fault, that Heaven and shen should not punish them. Instead, local officials, like Song Qi, routinely declared that they were willing to endure the consequences of their mishandling of local affairs. Beyond an iteration of the conventional elements in rain-praying texts, what makes Han’s writing especially interesting is the inconsistencies and tensions in his representation of Heaven and shen. Han acknowledged that Heaven and the deities were powerful and benevolent forces, who could not bear to see the people suffer from any miseries. Han took for granted that it was the duty of the spirit of the Beiyue to help Heaven manifest its kindness and transform the people in Dingzhou from ignorant to enlightened. This would require shen to be responsive to the people’s implorations and exercise caution when ignoring developing disasters. In one of the texts, Han validated the power of the Beiyue deity that, in the last two years, shen had responded to his multiple requests on behalf of the people. This was not because “my prayer had moved shen.” Rather, the deity “corrected” the abnormalities “because the people had committed no serious crimes. At the same time that Han affirmed the role of shen to follow Heaven’s will, he seemed to suggest the possibility of shen deviating from that path. Han cautioned,
You (shen) should manifest Heaven’s virtue and demonstrate your brilliance to send down timely rain soon. This will fulfill the people’s expectations and stop disasters at their origins as well as relieve people’s doubts [about shen’s power]. [If shen would act this way,] it would greatly benefit [the people]. Otherwise, not many in the northern circuit could survive.
8 代開封知府諸廟謝雨文 Han Qi, QSW, 40:861.147.
Here, Han pointed out in a rather straightforward manner that, for the people to continue to have faith in shen’s power and not deny its efficaciousness,” shen had to manifest its care for the people through answered prayers. Otherwise, “[Even if] Heaven does not stop day or night, what for? Who will provide shen with sacrifices?” as Han implied, repetitive failures on the part of Heaven and shen to recognize the people’s needs would inevitably create doubts in their mind. Equally important, when the people stopped believing in the kindness of Heaven and shen, what would be the purpose of Heaven’s existence? Who would “feed” the spirits? Han Qi took an even stronger stand when addressing shen’s unresponsiveness in another prayer. Han recounted, “In ancient times, there was the laji sacrifice (sacrifices to the eight deities associated with agriculture 八蜡) to record the affairs of the realm (lit., four directions). If the year’s affairs were not smooth, then there would be no laji. Was this meant for the people to be frugal with their wealth, or, was it because the deities, [for causing suffering in the world,] did not deserve any reward from the people?” 古有八蜡之祭, 以記四方. 若其方年不順成, 則蜡祭 不通, 豈特使民謹於用財, 抑亦明神不苟受其報也. On both occasions, Han highlighted the mutual dependency of the human and spiritual realms. If a deity failed to take care of the people and generated doubts in their minds, the people were under no obligation to waste their resources in sacrifices and continue to have faith in the deity. In this way, Han simplified the relationship between shen and the people down to a very practical one. Both needed the other to “survive.”
Building “The Pavilion of Seasonal Rain”
The third type of source for this discussion is a ji account by Su Shi (1037-1101), written in the spring of 1062, while Su was serving on his first official post in Fengxiang, Shaanxi. Su recorded in a rain-prayer that, since the previous winter, a drought had been developing. A ceremony was held at the nearby Taibai Mountain 太白山. “If there is no rain for another ten days, it is going to be a year of famine. When the people have no food to sustain themselves, they will rise up as bandits. [If it comes to that,] the situation will not only concern local officials; is it not also something that shen could not sit idly by and ignore?” Su’s prayer echoed the sentiments in Han Qi’s writing, expressing the hope that shen disappoint neither the Son of Heaven at the top of the social hierarchy nor the ordinary people at the bottom.9 It turned out, as soon as the ceremony was completed, rain fell and quenched the thirsty land. Both the emperor and the local officials were elated by the auspicious precipitation. The emperor even promoted the Taibai Mountain and gave it a new and higher title.10 This event
9 維西方挺特英偉之氣，結而為此山。惟山之陰威潤澤之氣，又聚而為湫潭。瓶罌罐勺， 可以雨天下，而況於一方乎？乃者自冬徂春，雨雪不至，西民之所恃以為生者，麥禾而 已。今旬不雨，即為兇歲，民食不繼，盜賊且起。豈惟守土之臣所任以為憂，亦非神之所 當安坐而熟視也。聖天子在上，凡所以懷柔之禮，莫不備至。下至於愚夫小民，奔走畏事 者，亦豈有他哉！凡皆以為今日也。神其盍亦鑒之。上以無負聖天子之意，下以無失愚夫 小民之望。尚饗。 Su Shi, 鳳翔太白山祈雨祝文, QSW, 92:2002.224-225. 10 天作山川，以鎭四方。俾食于民，以雨以晹。惟公聰明，能率其職。民以旱告，應不逾 夕。帝謂守臣，予嘉乃功。惟新爵號，往耀其躬。在唐天寶，亦賜今爵。时惟術士，探符 訪薬。謂為公榮，寔为公羞。中原颠覆，神不頋救。今皇神聖，惟民是憂。民既飽溢，皇 prompted Su Shi to change the name of a pavilion that he had just finished from the Northern Pavilion to “The Pavilion of Seasonal Rain.” In the account that marked this occasion, Su wrote,
The pavilion is named after rain to mark a joyous occasion. In the ancient time, whenever there was a happy occurrence, people used it to name things in order to show that they would never forget the event. The Duke of Zhou received he (a type of grain) and used it to name his book; Emperor Wu of the Han got a tripod and made it his reign title. Shusun defeated the Di (a norther minority); he named his son [to commemorate the occasion]. What varied were the scales of their delight. Their intention of memorialization was the same. 亭以雨名，志喜也。古者有喜，则以名物，示不忘也。周公得禾，以名其書；漢武 得鼎，以名其年；叔孫勝狄，以名其子。其喜之大小不齊，其示不忘，一也。
I began to build the government office compound in the year after I arrived at Fufeng. I had a pavilion built to the north of the main hall. To the south of the pavilion, a pond was dug. The water in the pond was channeled to water trees for them to create a space for rest and leisure. In the spring, wheat rained down in the south side of Qishan [as a result of a tornado]. Divination predicted a good harvest, then it did not rain for over a month. People began to worry. It was not until the yimao day of the third month that it rained. It rained again on the jiazi day, but people did not think it was enough. Rain fell heavily on the dingmao day and did not stop for three days. Officials and clerks celebrated in the yard [of the office compound]. Merchants sang at the market. Farmers gathered and clapped in the field. Those who had worried were happy. The sick recovered. My pavilion happened to be completed at the time. 予至扶風之明年，始治官舍。為亭於堂之北，而鑿池其南，引流種樹，以為休息之 所。是歳之春，雨麥於岐山之陽，其占為有年。既而彌月不雨，民方以為懮。越三 月，乙卯乃雨，甲子又雨，民以為未足。丁卯，大雨，三日乃止。官吏相與慶於 庭，商贾相與歌于市，農夫相與抃于野，懮者以樂，病者以愈，而吾亭適成。
I therefore prepared wine on the pavilion to entertain guests. I asked, “If there had not been rain for another five days, would it have been all right?” They replied, “Another five days without rain might have meant that there would have been no wheat harvest this year.” “If there had not been rain for another ten days, what would have happened?” They said, “Another ten days without rain, and all the sprouts would have been dead.” With no wheat and no seedlings, there would be a famine. Litigations would have grown in large numbers. Thieves and robbers would have multiplied. Then it might have been impossible for you and I to enjoy leisure and find delight on this pavilion. [What has just happened shows that] Heaven has not forgotten the people. It granted them rain after a drought. It is the rain that has bestowed us the opportunity to enjoy ourselves on this pavilion. How can we forget this?”11
無禱求。衮衣煌煌，赤舄繍裳。捨舊即新，以佑我民。尚饗。Su Shi, 告封太白山明應公 祝文, QSW, 92:2002.225. 11 Su Shi, 喜雨亭記, QSW, 90:1967.385-386. 於是舉酒於亭上以屬客， 而告之，曰：“五日不雨可乎？”曰：“五日不雨则無 麥。”“十日不雨可乎？”曰：“十日不雨则無禾。” “無麥無禾，歳且荐饑，獄訟繁 興，而盗賊滋熾。则吾與二三子，雖欲優游以樂于此亭，其可得耶？今天不遺斯 民，始旱而賜之以雨。则吾與二三子得相與優游以樂於此亭者，皆雨之赐也。其又 可忘耶？”
After [using “Seasonal Rain” to] name my pavilion, I proceeded to make a song for it. The lyric goes: “If Heaven rained pearls, those who are cold would not be able to use them as patted clothes. If Heaven rained jade, the hungry would not be able to eat it. Once it rained, it rained for three days. Whose power made it happen? The people said it was the prefect [who was responsible for the timely rain]. The prefect refused to take credit for it and attributed it to [the virtue] of the emperor. The emperor said it was not so and attributed to the Creator. The Creator did not consider it to be of its own merit and gave the credit to the firmament/Outer Space. Outer Space was dark and silent. I did not get a name from it, so named the pavilion [Seasonal Rain]. 既以名亭，又從而歌之，曰：使天而雨珠，寒者不得以為襦；使天而雨玉，饑者不 得以为粟。一雨三日，繋誰之力？民曰太守。太守不有，歸之天子。天子曰不然， 歸之造物。造物不自以為功，归之太空。太空冥冥，不可得而名。吾以名吾亭。
Su Shi’s writing alluded to a long tradition of using names to commemorate important occasions. He made it clear that he renamed the pavilion “Seasonal Rain” not just because the rain had alleviated an impending drought. More importantly, it eliminated other serious problems that would surely arise and cause disastrous consequences in the region. Su Shi explained, if there had been no rain for another five or ten days, there would have been no wheat harvest for that year. A famine would certainly have followed. Those who served the central and local governments knew full well that a famine meant growing numbers of litigations among people. It was also the root of banditry, which would lead to a total disruption of peace and order in the area. No wonder the seasonal rain was celebrated by all the residents, including farmers, merchants, and officials. As a junior administrator, Su particularly highlighted his and his colleagues’ gratitude. The event helped him realize that the leisure and entertainment that he had delighted in and taken for granted was a luxury secondary to his responsibilities as a local administrator and conditional on the smooth operation of the local government. Only when peace and stability was present was it possible for him and his peers to enjoy the beautiful sceneries that he had so carefully crafted with the office complex. What makes Su’s writing especially interesting, and the reason that I have selected this text for discussion, is his deliberation at the very end of the account. Instead of following the conventional rhetoric of thanking Heaven or shen for their benevolence, Su began his musing by giving the credit to the prefect. The prefect, of course, refused to accept the seasonal rain as a validation of his dedicated service, as did the emperor for the same reason. Su then recognized Heaven’s power and benevolence. After all, instead of pearls and jade, Heaven sent down rain to help feed and clothe the general populace and provide them with the basic necessities. It was in this context that Su introduced two new “forces,” the Creator (zaowu) and Outer Space (taikong). In Su’s rendition, these were additional powers that, just like Heaven and the variety of shen, helped ensure the wellbeing of the common people. Was the Creator an alternative name for Heaven in this case? If so, then what was taikong? Based on the order that Su assigned to each of the above “agents,” the Creator and Outer Space held more power and were placed above Heaven as well as all the local and regional shen. This is the only time that these two new concepts were used in the rain-making literature I have studied.
I would like to end my discussion with some general observations. First, the writing examined here involved rain-praying activities in southeast, north, and northwest China. The deities similarly varied, from “regional”-level shen like the spirit of the Northern Great Mountain to “gods” of local caliber; second, rain-praying rituals were frequently held and considered to be an integral part of a local official’s responsibilities. In other words, the local officials’ administrative responsibilities required that they serve as a medium to communicate with Heaven and shen on the people’s behalf; third, all the texts confirmed a firm belief in the close relationship between the human and (super)natural realms. Heaven and the deities were generally considered benevolent forces, on whose goodwill the people relied. This necessitated that the people and their representatives displayed sincerity through ritual performances, to which shen responded with seasonal rainfall. This belief explained the long- term continuation of the rain-making ritual; fourth, while the texts recorded the efficacy of the ritual performances and power of Heaven and the deities, we cannot help but wonder how many ineffective ritual events were not recorded: there must have been substantial instances to prompt Han Qi to question a deity’s intentions and power.