University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap
A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick
http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/3070
This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. David Johnson Total Number of Pages = 420
The History, Theatrical Performance Work and Achievements of Talawa Theatre Company 1986-2001
Volume I of 11
By David Vivian Johnson
A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in British and Comparative Cultural Studies
University of Warwick, Centre for British and Comparative Cultural Studies
May 2001 Table of Contents
VOLUMEI
1. Chapter One Introduction 1-24 ......
2. Chapter Two Theatrical Roots 25-59 ......
3. ChapterThree History Talawa, 60-93 of ......
4. ChapterFour CaribbeanPlays 94-192 ......
VOLUME 11
5. ChapterFive AmericanPlaYs 193-268 ......
6. ChapterSix English Plays 269-337 ......
7. ChapterSeven Conclusion 338-350 ......
Appendix I David Johnsontalks to.Yv6nne Brewster Louise Bennett 351-367 about ...... ý;......
Appendix 11 List Talawa Productions 368-375 of ......
Bibliography 376-420 ...... Acknowledgments
Whilst it is not possible to mention everyone by name who has helped and encouragedme throughout the process of writing this thesis special thanks are due toYvonne Brewster OBE and all staff at Talawa who have given me their unerring support. I would also like to thank all those who were interviewed for their enthusiasm for this project, in particular, Cy Grant, Barry Reckord, Alaknanda Samarth, and Ben Thomas. Additionally I thank my supervisor John Gilmore for showing consistent commitment to my work.
Very special thanks are given to my father Lloyd for teaching me that anything is possible, and to my son Gavin for making me laugh and helping me to keep everything in perspective. Declaration
Appendix I consists of an edited version of a published interview by David Johnson with Yvonne Brewster that was published in 1998. Details are given below:
David Johnson,'David Johnsontalks to Yvonne Brewsterabout Louise Bennett', Kunapipi, Vol. x no.I (1998) 72-82. Abstract
The central aim of this thesis is to provide a work that may be used to start a serious archive that documents the contemporary theatrical work of Britain's individuals and companies that have an Afro-Caribbean cultural background. Such an archive will allow later writers on aspectsof modem British theatre the opportunity to move aheadwhere past generations have had to spend time reinventing themselves as documented resources have been lacking.
The thesisdocuments and discussesthe history and achievementsof TalawaTheatre Company.Prior to this discussionthe main theories,original researchand methodologies usedto completethis study are presentedin ChapterOne.
The historical aspectof the work is divided into two sections.The first sectionis Chapter Two and providesa historical context for Talawa's performancework. This is doneby presentinga chronologyof Talawa's performanceroots that are shownto begin in Africa, developin Jamaica,and end in England.The secondsection is ChapterThree and looks at Talawa's history between1986 and 2001. Analysis includesdiscussion of definitions of black British theatre,Talawa's mission statementand the company'sresidency in the West End.
Talawa's achievementsare discussedin the body of the thesis.The notion of achievement is understoodwithin the contemporaryBritish theatricalcontext highlighting the originality of Talawa'swork, and by extensionthe company'scommitment to its mission statement.To this end aspectsof Talawa's performancework are discussedthematically in the following threechapters:
ChapterFour: CaribbeanPlays
ChapterFive: American Plays
ChapterSix: English Plays
Although Talawa hasalso performedAfrican plays theseperformances are not part of the presentstudy. The decisionto omit this genrewas due to a lack of archival evidencein this area.
The thesisconcludes in ChapterSeven with a summingup of Talawa's history and achievementsby highlighting Talawa's artistic accomplishmentand the impactthat Talawa's work can be seento havehad outsidethe companyitself. This is followed by the presentwriter's recommendationsfor Talawa's future. Introduction Johnson
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
This introductory chapter sets out to clarify the overall perspective of the thesis and is divided into two sections.In the first sectionDefinitions, the presentwriter detailshis stanceas a black British writer, explainsthe sociolinguistictheories and conceptsused to debatecentral parts of the thesis,and defineshis notion of 'accuracyof languageuse' as usedto discussthe oral languageof Talawa's productions.In the secondsection Original
Researchand Methodologies,all original researchcarried out for this thesisis outlined alongwith the methodologiesused throughout the researchprocess.
Definitions
The presentwriter considersthe following thesisto be part of a live work that begansome five hundredyears ago. He also believesthat it will continueto developfor centuries beyondthe presentdiscussion that highlights a small part of a wider whole in the history of Afro-Caribbeanpeople and their relationshipwith Britain.
It may be suggestedthat the foundationsof present-daymulticultural Britain beganin the fifteen hundredsas therehave been black people(by whom the presentwriter means ' peopleof Afro-Caribbeandescent), living and being born in Englandsince that time. This thesisexamines their descendants'contribution to a very specific areaof the British stage.
This is donethrough the discussionof the history, theatricalperformance work and
1 Peter Fryer, Staying Power.- The History ofBlack People in Britain (London: Pluto Press, 1984), p. xi of preface. Introduction Johnson achievementsof TalawaTheatre Company from 1986to 2001. As the foundermembers of
Talawaand manyof thosewho have later worked with the companyhave been of Afro-
Caribbean descent it is important to look briefly at how many Afro-Caribbean people cameto Britain at the beginningof the secondhalf of the last century.
When the Empire Windrush docked in Tilbury in 1948 with 492 Jamaicansthey were welcomedas 'Five HundredPairs of Willing Hands'.2 Neither the new arrivals nor their hostscould havepredicted that this eventwould later be usedto mark the beginningof the
6enmasse' aff ival of Caribbean peopleinto the United Kingdom. This arrival alongwith
the influxes that followed in the ensuingdecade may give the impressionthat most
Caribbeanpeople arriving at this time camein this way, as skilled non-professionals
seekingwork in the 'Motherland'.3 Many who arrived during this time had beenenticed
by the promiseof securewell-paid work and educationalopportunities. 4 These 5 opportunitiessaw West Indianstaking up postson London Transportand in nursing.
Thesearrivals were British and 'took their British citizenshipseriously, and many
regardedthemselves not as strangers,but as kinds of Englishmen'.6 Their right to the title
of Englishmanwas however,disputed by someBritons:
The WestIndian doesnot by being born in Englandbecome an
2 Daily Worker, no.5226 (23 June 1948),p. 3 as quotedby PeterFryer, Staying Power, p. 372. 3 Fryer,Staying Power, p. 372. Fryer points to the fact that the largernumbers of aff ivals camefrom 1954 onwardsand not immediatelyafter the arrival of the Windrush.By 1958Britain had received125,000 West Indians. 4 ElyseDodgson, Motherland. WestIndian Womenin Britain in the 1950s(London: Heinemann,1984), r. 7. Dodgson,Motherland, pp. 3 1&33 respectively. 6 Nicholas Deakin andothers, Colour, Citizenshipand British Society(London: PantherBooks, 1970), p.283. Introduction Johnson 3
Englishman. In law he becomes a United Kingdom Citizen by birth;
still in fact he is a West Indian or an Asian .7
Powell's notion was voiced at a time when thosewho were later definedby British society as the first generationof black Britons, were babies.Whilst the West Indian parentsof thesechildren may have seentheir offspring as different to them becausethey were born hereand were both by their definition, and legally British, their children were not always treatedas equalto their white counterparts.In keepingwith Powell's abovenotion of suggested'difference' thesechildren were being madeto feel as foreign as their parents 8 had, particularly in the key areasof educationand later in employmentand housing.
Suchdiscrimination can be seenas an active factor in encouragingquestions around the complexcultural identity of later generationsof Britons of Afro-Caribbeanheritage. The presentwriter believesthat seldombeing acceptedas British and alwayshaving to explain one's cultural heritagecan encouragea sensethat the 'host' nation lacksthe will to fully acceptthose of a darker hue as entirely equalto them.9 Whilst someBritons of Afro-
Caribbeanheritage may respondto this by rejectingthe British aspectof their cultural backgroundothers may encouragetheir countrymento understandthat Englandis indeed their homeand that they are hereto stay.One way of doing the latter, and encouraging other Britons of Afro-Caribbeanheritage to recognisethe roots that they have in the
7 Mary Karen Dahl, 'PostcolonialBritish Theatre:Black Voices at the Center', in Imperialismand Theatre: Essayson World Theatre,Drama and Performance,ed. by J. Ellen Gainor (London/NewYork: Routledge, 1995),pp. 38-55 (pp.52-53). Quoting EnochPowell's speechin Eastbourneon 16 November1968. 8 David J. Smith, Racial Disadvantagein Britain: the PEP Report (Harmondsworth:Penguin Books, 1977), e. 13. This hasbeen the casefor the presentwriter thoughborn and raisedin England. Introduction Johnson 4
United Kingdom is by documentingand publicising black contribution in all areasof
British life.
The presentwriter was motivatedto discussthe work of black peoplein British theatre after studyingand working in the British theatreindustry for two decades.The history of black peopleon the British stageand their contemporarypresence was seldomprofiled or rarely discussedin the mainstream.The main changeto this was in the developmentof black theatrecompanies in the 1980s.10 Talawa Theatre Company emerging in the midst of this and later becomingthe longestrunning of thesecompanies can be seento have leant itself to the task of beginningto redressthe balance.
The presentwriter seesTalawa's work as a direct line in his Jamaican/Englishbicultural theatricalheritage as the subjectof this thesisand the presentwriter are linked by their bicultural Jamaican/Englishbackground. They areboth British of Jamaicanheritage.
Although this type of cultural fusion may be describedas schizophrenic," there is no intendedschizophrenia here but ratherthe expressionof a biculturalism that comesfrom the varying aspectsof English and Jamaicantheatre as exploredthrough a varied research process.
Both in conductingthe researchand in writing up the findings the presentwriter hasaimed
at demonstratinghow TalawaTheatre Company has made both a positive and innovative
contributionto the contemporaryBritish stage. He is also consciousof his changingrole
10 The companiesthat emergedat this time are highlighted in ChapterThree. Introduction Johnson 5 at variouspoints in the researchprocess, from researcherto advocatefor Talawaas he 12 becamemore involved with specific aspectsof the company'swork. This is seenin
ChaptersThree to Five wherehe playeda key role in the developmentof threeTalawa, projects.
The presentwriter's role as a researcherhas not beenstrictly typical with the ultimate researchbenefiting the investigatoralone. The continuousdialogue throughout the process andworking for the companycan be seento haveencouraged work that also benefits
Talawa.This doesnot meanthat the presentwriter was inappropriatelyinfluenced by the subjectand movedaway from his original aim, but ratherthat the subjectand the writer's 3 aimshave met on commonground throughout much of the researchprocess., No discussionwas held however,between the presentwriter and the subjecton the chosen sociolinguisticframework used to discusssections of Talawa'swork in this thesis.The theoreticalframework should be understoodas the presentwriter's chosenangle and not the original designof Talawa's Artistic Director.
The sociolinguistictheories used to structureparts of the debatealong with their meaning and sourceare explainedbelow. The rangeof theoriesand conceptsused throughout this thesiscome from a single comprehensivereader. 14 These theories can be divided into two
11Michael Gilkes, CreativeSchizophrenia: The CaribbeanCultural Challenge(Warwick: Centrefor CaribbeanStudies, University of Warwick, 1986),p. 6. 12 DeborahCameron, Elizabeth Frazer, Penelope Harvey, Ben Ramptonand Kay Richardson,'Ethics, Advocacyand Empowermentin ResearchingLanguage', in Sociolinguistics:A Readerand Coursebook,cd. by Nikolas Couplandand Adam Jaworski(London: Macmillan, 1997),pp. 1 45-162 (p. 148). 13 Cameronet al., 'Ethics, Advocacyand Empowermentin ResearchingLanguage', p. 159. 14 Othertexts which further discussthe theoriesused in this thesisand which were usedduring the research processare acknowledgedin the bibliography. Introduction Johnson 6 main groups.The first comeunder the headingof Sociologyof Language.The second group underthe headingof LanguageStyle as AudienceDesign and RelatedTheories.
The Sociology of Language
Fishman'stheory is referredto as it can be usedas an umbrellaten-n, referring to all
aspectsof languagelinked with languagebehaviour and the responsesto it. It is usedto
examinethe characteristicsof languagevarieties, their functionsand thosethat speak
them.15 Within the generaltheory of the sociologyof languageis the theory of
dynamicsociology of language.This is usedto explain selectivelanguage change within a
single communityfor different eventsand examinesthe factorsthat leadto this change
and the responsesto it. Within this theory are three sociolinguisticconcepts used
throughoutthis thesis.
Overt languagebehaviour is the term usedto discusshow speechforms at risk of dying
out are given a higher statusto help revive them. In the caseof West Indian and other
relatedspeech forms, the publicationof West Indian languagetexts and the languageof
performanceartists that use West Indian languagein their work demonstrateovert
languagebehaviour. 16
15Joshua A. Fishman,'The Sociologyof Language',in Sociolinguistics:A Readerand Coursebook,ed. by Nikolas Couplandand Adam Jaworski(London: Macmillan, 1997),pp-25-30- 16 This is also seenin the caseof the invention of Frenchsounding words in Quebecto stop the domination of AmericanEnglish in French.Fishman, 'The Sociologyof Language',p. 26. Introduction Johnson
Verbal repertoireis the term usedto discussthe languageof a communitythat usesmany forms of speech.17 The speakerdecides which speechform is most appropriatefor a particularoccasion. This can be seenin the caseof the black communityin Britain where languagecan be seento have evolved from African, British and Caribbeaninfluences.
This hasequipped black Britons with a rangeof speechstyles that differ from 'standard
English' speech.18
AntilanguageSpeech is the term usedto discussthe specific languagecreated from a more dominantspeech form to show a rejection of the original form and what it represents.The antilanguageis the preferredform of speechfor the antigroup(the speakerswho use it).
The aim of the antilanguageis to 'exclude outsidersand expressthe ideologyof the antigroup'.19 The messageat the core of the antilanguageis one of hostility from thosein the marginalisedgroup to thosein the mainstream.In this studywhere the speechin performanceis describedas an antilanguagethe aim of the performeris often to expressa pride in their native speechrather than to demonstratehostility.
Antilanguagespeech can be usedas the result of a rangeof factorsincluding; the desireto expressdifference, create internal solidarity and excludeothers. All of this may be
17 Fishman,'The Sociologyof Language, p.28. 18 The term 'standardEnglish' is written in invertedcommas to show that the presentwriter doesnot regard a single form of English speechas having a higher statusthan all other forms becauseof its soundand grammar.See Richard Allsopp, Dictionary of CaribbeanEnglish Usage(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996),p. 1iii. Allsopp,discusses Wyld's notion of 'receivedstandard English' as the voice of the old English public schoolsthat cameto be recognisedas the 'standard' speechform aboveall others.Similarly, the term 'standardAmerican English' is written in invertedcommas in ChapterFive to showthat the presentwriter doesnot regarda single form of American speechas having higher statusthan other forms. 19 RobertHodge and GuntherKress, 'Social Semiotics,Style and Ideology', in Sociolinguistics:A Reader and Coursebook(London: Macmillan, 1997),pp. 49-54 (p.53). Introduction Johnson expressedthrough a particularuse of accent,grammar, unique phrases and themesthat 20 help to give the antilanguagegroup its identity whilst excludingothers.
Language Style as Audience Design and Related Theories
The theory of language style as audience design is linked to Bell's 1984 Audience Design 21 Frameworkthat presentssome of the factors identified as causinga changein speech.
The audiencereferred to for eachfactor consistsof whoeveris spokento. This may be individualsor groups.For the caseof this studythe audiencetends to be the literal theatricalaudience. The languageof performanceis premeditatedaiming to attracta target audiencethat usessimilar speechin everydaylife to that being performed.This can be seenas a subversionof the theory that ordinarily examinesthe speaker'schange of speech oncethe interlocutorhas spoken. In the caseof a performancethere is no oral dialogue
betweenthe actor and the audience.For the lengthof the performancethe actor can be
seento havea form of linguistic control over the silent audienceyet their speechhas been
20 Hodgeand Kress, 'Social Serniotics,Style and Ideology', p.54. 21 Allan Bell, 'LanguageStyle as AudienceDesign', in Sociolinguistics:A Readerand Coursebook(London: Macmillan, 1997),pp. 240-250 (pp. 243-248). Centralpoints: 0 Speakersdesign their speechstyle primarily for and in responseto their audience. 0 Audiencedesign applies to all codesand levels of a languagerepertoire, monolingual and multilingual. 0 Variation on the style dimensionwithin the speechof a single speakerderives from and echoesthe variation which existsbetween speakers on the 'social' dimension. 0 Speakersshow a fine-grainedability to designtheir style for a rangeof different addressees,and to a largerdegree for other audiencemembers. 0 Style shifts accordingto topic or setting derive their meaningand direction of shift from the underlying associationof topics or settingswith typical audiencemembers. 0 As well asthe 'responsive'dimension of style, thereis the 'intuitive' dimension.Here the style shift itself initiates a changein the situation ratherthan resulting from sucha change. 0 Initiative style shifts are in essence'referee design, by which the linguistic featuresassociated with a group can be usedto expressidenti f ication with that shift. Introduction Johnson 9
to, guided by their anticipation of what they imagine the target audience expects or what they think they shouldhear.
In additionto the theory of languagestyle as audiencedesign the presentwriter usestwo relatedsociolinguistic concepts throughout this thesis.These are the conceptsof linguistic accommodationand linguistic behaviour.The accommodationtheory expoundedby Giles and Poweslandpresents the argumentthat speakers'accommodate' their languageto 22 soundmore like their listenersand thus gain a favourableimpression from them. In additionto creatinga favourableimpression other factors for speechchange may include: the subjectunder discussion, where the discussiontakes place, the speaker'sattempt to be betterunderstood and the speaker'sability to makethe change.Effort and external 23 pressuresmay also leadto the attributions for accommodation. Le Page'sconcept of
linguistic behaviouris usedto describehow speakersmay changetheir languagein an
attemptto identify with anotherspeaker or group. This conceptdiffers to the
accommodationtheory as it is essentiallyconcerned with the temporarynature of the
languagechange and the reasonsfor it. Trudgill highlights the temporarynature of the
linguistic behaviourof teenagersand their pronunciationof pop songsin his discussionof
Le Page'stheory. 24
In addition to using sociolinguistictheories and conceptsto discussand analysethe oral
aspectof Talawa'sperformance work, the presentwriter also refersthroughout to the
22Howard Giles and PeterPowesland, 'Accommodation Theory', in Sociolinguistics:A Readerand Coursebook(London: Macmillan, 1997),pp. 232-239. 23Giles and Powcsland,'Accommodation Theory', pp.235-236. Introduction Johnson 10 importanceof Talawa's 'accuracyof languageuse' in performance.The useof this phrase is clarified hereso that preciselywhat is meantby it and why it is viewed with such importanceby the presentwriter can be understoodwithin the contextof the present thesis.
The phraseis usedto refer to the performers'skill in producinga believableoral voice for the characterthey are playing. For the presentwriter credibility comesfrom the performers'ability to producea soundthat enablesthe audienceto know preciselywhere the characteris meantto comefrom. This kind of oral naturalism/real ism is not essential to all theatreproductions. American actors play Shakespearein theatreand also to 25 internationalpublic acclaimon film using American accents. Similarly British actors perform American playwrightsregularly on the British stageý6 Theseconventions are widely acceptedand audiencescan reasonablybe askedto usetheir imagination,suspend their disbelief and acceptthe oral 'inaccuracies'of a performer.For Talawa's performanceshowever, and for their Caribbeanproductions in particular,the present writer arguesthe casefor accuracyof languageuse in performancebasing his argumenton two centralpoints.
24 PeterTrudgill, 'Acts of Conflicting Identity: The Sociolinguisticsof British Pop-songPronunciation', in Sociolinguistics:A Readerand Coursebook(London: Macmillan, 1997),pp. 251-265 (P. 253). 25 This is seenin Baz Luhrman's 1996film version of Romeoandjullet and Oliver Parker's1995 film versionof Othello. 26 The work of TennesseeWilliams, Arthur Miller and David Mametpresently being performedon the London stageis highlighted in ChapterFive. Introduction Johnson 11
Burdenof representation
As thereare relatively few positive perfortnancesof black peopleon the British stage, thoseblack peoplewho find themselvesrepresenting their racein performancemay be seenas having a responsibilityto createfavourable images. For the presentwriter this
burdenon artistswill continueuntil black perfon-nersare performingon the British stage
in equivalentnumbers to their white counterparts.As Bertolt Brecht usedhis theatreto
teach,the presentwriter believesthat black theatrepractitioners in Britain shouldalso be
didactic and usethe 'burden of representation'to give a clear and accuratecultural
representationof their people. An essentialingredient in this representationis 'accuracy
of languageuse'.
Consequencesof misrepresentation
Incorrectoral presentationgives a false impressionof the speechcommunity being
represented.In caseswhere the voice is changedso that a wider audiencemay understand
the work suchvariation may be seenas acceptable.If the speechform is alteredto the
extentthat it becomesa stereotypicaland inaccuraterepresentation, and if this form is
accepted,further dilution of black voices in public performancemay occur, moving the
performancevoices further and further away from the real voices of the varied black
communitiesthey represent.Continual dilution in the public arenamay also seeblack
voicesand their messagesbeing taken lessseriously in life off-stage.If Talawaaccepts its
performersusing a general'Caribbean type' accent(in Caribbeanplays), the company
may find that it is betterappreciated by the wider mainstreamwhite audience.By doing Introduction Johnson 12 this Talawa may also be likely to compromiseits right to producework that is truly culturally specific. This will add to a melting pot notion of black identity in Britain.
Additionally, if a voice is inaccurate this may be seen as a lack of acting skill on the part of the performer.This in turn could leadto:
o Bad publicity.
9 Poor audienceattendance.
9 Stigmatisationand marginalisationof black theatre.
* Lack of funding.
9 Closure.
Original Researchand Methodologies
Throughoutthe researchprocess the presentwriter was awareof the fact that whilst the
natureof what he was producingis new work to an academiccircle this was not entirely
the casefor lay followers of Talawa,Theatre Company or thosewho haveworked with the
company.The notion of original researchthen is relative to the communitythe researchis
presentedto. For the presentwriter the researchprocess highlighted that lay peoplecan Introduction Johnson 13
have benefit from working with academics and vice versa (with whom they may otherwise 27 little contact)if the commongoal is to documentoriginal knowledge.
The original natureof this thesis' subjectrests in the fact that it presentsresearch on a
British theatre company that has never been examined in its entirety. The nature of the researchwas mostly achieved in two ways:
1. By unearthinga massof materialson TalawaTheatre Company that had beenloosely
archivedand that had remainedunexamined since the company'sinception. The
presentwriter was the first, and to date,only researchergiven full accessto all areasof
Talawa's archives.
2. Throughthe professionalworking experiencesof the presentwriter with Talawaover
the past five years.
The wider researchprocess however, highlighting all researchtechniques used is outlined
below underthe following headings:
* Talawaand the presentwriter - Initial contact.
* Talawa's productionarchives and the problemsof using video as a primary resource.
27Deborah Cameron et al., I Ethics,Advocacy and Empowermentin ResearchingLanguage' p. 160. In the caseof this thesisthe lay peoplecontributed by their commentson Talawa's work in interviewsand Introduction Johnson 14 e Relevantprojects that the presentwriter hasworked on as an employeeof Talawa.
* Talawa's Board of Directors.
9 Surveys.
o Interviews.
Talawaand the nresentwriter - Initial contact
The presentwriter's original intention in contactingTalawa Theatre Company and Artistic
Director Yvonne Brewsterin 1995was in order to discussthe work of Jamaican writer/performerLouise Bennettwho was originally the intendedsubject of this thesis.
Brewsterwas the only establishedLondon basedtheatre practitioner who had leamt theatredirectly under Bennettin Jamaica.The presentwriter hopedthat a link could be madebetween the work that Bennetthad doneboth in Jamaicaand the UK, and aimedto revealwhere her legacycould be seenin black British theatrework that had emergedin the 1980s.This would be seenthrough the work of contemporaryBritish theatre companiessuch as Talawa.
In aiming to prove Bennett'seffect on the later work of Talawa,unlimited accessto the company'sarchives was granted.This led the presentwriter to a wealth of material on the work that the companyhad producedwhich he saw as a recordof the work that Talawa and by respondingto surveys. Introduction Johnson 15 had doneas well as a recordof an aspectof British theatrehistory that would possibly remainunexplored. This feeling encouragedthe presentwriter to changethe centralfocus of this thesisfrom a studyof Louise Bennettto one that centredon Talawa.Bennett would
now be shownas a theatrepractitioner whose own work would provide a historical context
for the work of Talawa.28
Talawa's production archivesand the problemsof using video as a primaa resource
All of Talawa's archivesare storedin the rehearsalroom of the company'sLondon offices
at 23-25 GreatSutton Street, London ECV I ODN. On startingthe researchfor this thesis
the presentwriter organisedthe productionarchives making them researcherfriendly by
creatingsets of files (as outlined below) for eachproduction where they did not already
exist. The fact this neededto be done suggeststhat the informationhad beenkept as
administrativerecords rather than for archivalpurposes. Filing this materialhas generally
beengiven to the companyadministrator although there is no memberof staff officially
designatedas archivesofficer. Accessto the archivescan be gainedwith the permissionof
Talawa'sArtistic Director.
The archivescan be divided into two sections,the paperarchives and the video archives.
The paperarchives for eachproduction (storedin chronologicalorder of performance)
consistof a set of files on eachproduction labelledas follows:
e Contactand contract(details of perfonners).
28See Chapter Two TheatricalRoots. Introduction Johnson 16
9 Correspondence(all lettersregarding the production).
9 Financeand funding (detailsof productioncosts and funding bodies).
* General file (miscellaneous information).
9 Marketingand publicity file (all publicity including programmesand flyers).
* Productionfile (researchand stagingdetails).
9 Rehearsalscript.
* Reviews(from mainstreamand fringe press).
The archivesfor Talawa's Education,Black WomenWriter's, SummerSchool and
Blackgroundsproject are also housedin chronologicalorder in the rehearsalroom of the company'sLondon offlices.
The video archivesare storedtogether in chronologicalorder of performance.The existing
videosare all single cameraunedited versions of the performances(where the 29 performancewas recorded). Eachvideo was also madewith the audiencepresent (the
audienceresponses are audible) suggestingthat Talawa had not intendedthem to be used introduction Johnson 17 for the analysisof the performancesthey represent,but simply as a recordthat the event took place.30 Regardless of Talawa'soriginal intention in makingthe videosthose who
accessthem later may havean agendathat gives the footageadditional uses. Melzer
presentsCate's notion of a video of a performanceas:
a (mediapiece', whosevery purposeis defined in advanceas of a
different order: yesa perfon-nancedocument, but one to be shared 31 with a wider audience,so as to 'initiate the beginningof a discussion'.
In the presentwriter's view this can be seento be the casewith the videos usedto discuss
Talawa'swork. It shouldbe understoodthat the presentwriter's analysisof the video
performancesof Talawa's work doesnot claim to discussthe actualperformance, but
rathera recordingof the eventwhich is by its very naturesecond hand. The ensuing
discussionis generallyof Talawa's videosof their live performancesas seenby the
presentwriter after the original performance.It must be statedthat the presentwriter
recognisesthat whilst the recordingis similar to, it is not identical to the live performance
and howevertechnologically advanced the quality of the video it is impossiblefor the
video representationto replacethe live performance.As Artistic Director Yvonne
29 The following videosare no longerin the Talawa archivesmaking any video analysisof the productions impossible:Anthony and Cleopatra(199 1), Smile Orange(1992), Necklaces (1992), King Lear (1994),Mooi StreetMoves (1994). 30Annabelle Melzer, ' 'Best Betrayal': the Documentationof Performanceon Video and Film,' Part 1, New TheatreQuarterly, Vol. xi no.42 (May 1995), 147-157(p.154). Melzer discussesissues surrounding the uses of the video of a theatricalperformance and raisesquestions from whethersuch resources should be limited to schoolsand libraries,to whetheractors should be paid for their video performancesand who has copyright. 31 Melzer, ' 'Best Betrayal': the Documentationof Performanceon Video and Film,' Part 1, p-I 50. Introduction Johnson 18
Brewsterputs it 'a video is a poor cousinto seeinga show'.32 As no limitation was set on their use it hasbeen possible for the presentwriter to useTalawa's archivalvideos as a primary resource for the analysis of aspectsof the original performance as seenon video, and notjust as documentationof the pastevent.
For this studythe presentwriter believesthat the usefulnessof the videosrests in the fact that they haveto be usedas the closestrepresentation to the performanceas they arethe entirety (in termsof moving visual evidence)of the pastevents. Where the presentwriter also sawthe original production,the productionis discussedalong with the video, at
which point the video is usedas a valuablesupplement to note-takingand human
33 memory.
The presentwriter is awarethat his discussionis influencedby his analysisof work that he
hasseen, and is ableto keepseeing in thepresent on video,although the events occurred
in the past.34 Whilst the recordedevent remains the samehis perceptionof it may change
due to externalinfluences, additional information later gainedabout the performanceand
the company,and mood changeson watchingthe performanceat different times.
A secondmajor influenceon the presentwriter's interpretationof Talawa's past
performancesas seen mostly on video is in the factthat many interviews and discussions
held with the Artistic Director looked at piecesthat had happenedmany years ago. The
32 Interview by David Johnsonwith Yvonne Brewster,Talawa offices London, 16 January1997. 33 Gay McAuley, 'Towardsan Ethnographyof Rehearsal',New TheatreQuarterly, Vol. xiv Part I (NTQ 53) (Feb 1998),75-85, (p. 76). 34 AnnabelleMelzer, "Best Betrayal': the Documentationof Performanceon Video and Film,' Part 2, New TheatreQuarterly, Vol. A no.43 (May - Aug 1995),259-276, (p. 264). Introduction Johnson 19
Artistic Director's memoryof the eventsmay also havebeen influenced by Talawa's manyperformance events since the one under discussion.The presentwriter feelsthat theseunavoidable research problems highlight the needto documentthe views and opinionsof the Artistic Director at the time of the perfon-nanceevent to ensurean accurate response.
It is the presentwriter's consideredbelief that working from the archival videos as primary sourceseven though they do not seemto havebeen made with this kind of analysisin mind is a valuabletask. Brook comments'You must devoteyourself to working on the filmed documentwhatever the lossesinvolved, it can be very useful for 05 our work. For all its pitfalls in not being able to providetotally accurateevidence of all aspectsof the pastevent, the video is however,in the presentwriter's view, the most useful availablerecorded form of Talawa's performancework for the analysisof the company'sstage work. Producingparts of the presentthesis from thesesources can be seenas the archivesbeing usedto createa further resourceon the work of Talawa.
Throughoutthe discussionof the video perfonnancesthe rehearsalscript (as usedin the
productionrehearsals) is alsoreferred to. This happenswhere the discussion focuses on
the languageof the text wherethe presentwriter has felt that it is necessaryto highlight
thewritten languageof thetext in orderto betterunderstand Talawa's chosen oral speech.
Additionally, the rehearsalscript is referredto in conjunctionwith the video of the
35 PeterBrook, 'FilmerLe Theatre',Cahiers TheatreLouvain, x1vi (1981),p. 41 as quotedby Annabelle Melzer, ' 'Best Betrayal': the Documentationof Performanceon Video and Film,' Part 1, p. 153. Introduction Johnson 20 performance, for easeof accessto specific points in the video. Unless otherwise statedthe performanceanalysis is however,about the video representationof the performance.
Relevant projects that the present writer has worked on as an employee of Talawa
Much of the presentwriter's researchprocess has evolved through work that he hasbeen requiredto do as a freelanceproject basedemployee for TalawaTheatre Company. This processhas provided the uniqueopportunity to work within the companywithout being part of the company'sregular staffing body.
In termsof theatricalproductions the presentwriter worked as PerformanceResearcher for
Talawa's performanceof Derek Walcott's BeefNo Chickenfrom November1996 to
February1997. He also worked as Pre-ProductionResearcher on PearlCleage's Flyin'
Westfrom March to May 1997.The researchdetails for both productions,along with the analysisof the findings are presentedin ChaptersFour and Five respectively.Finally, he worked as the Project Worker,conducting all researchand interviews for Talawa's first and only major video project to date,the Blackgroundsproject. The researchdetails and
somediscussion of the findings are presentedin ChapterThree. Along with working for the company,the original natureof the researchprocess for this thesiswas enhancedby
the presentwriter acceptingmembership to Talawa TheatreCompany's Board of Directors
in September1998. Introduction Johnson 21
Talawa's Board of Directors
As a Board member the present writer has had to inform himself of the entirety of the workings of Talawa and notjust focus on questions directly related to the present thesis.
Whilst the general stance of a board member may be to deal with any general business
concerning the company the present writer's detailed knowledge of Talawa has been
furtherenhanced by being the boardrepresentative for Talawa's EducationProgrammes,
alongwith sitting on the PersonnelSub-Committee. Additionally, he hashad to consider
the past,present and future of the companyboth as a researcherand as a Board member
with someinfluence on all of the decisionsthat the companymakes. The presentwriter is
clearthat it is possiblethat with eventhe greatesteffort the roles of researcherand Board
memberhave crossed.
In additionto this original researchprocess further information was gainedthroughout by
usingtraditional methodsof research:principally surveysand interviews.
Surveys
Throughoutthe courseof this studytwo typesof surveywere carriedout. The first survey
took the format of a questionnaireaimed at eliciting information on the respondents'
knowledgeof Talawa's work, their opinions on Talawa's use of languagein performance
andtheir opinions of their own languageuse. The questionnairewas handedto audience
membersduring the first week of Talawa's performancesof the following four runs: Introduction Johnson 22
* Beefno Chicken (18 December1996 to 2 February1997).
e Flyin' West (6 May 1997 to 28 June 1997).
* Othello (9 October 1997to I November 1997).
9 Zebra Crossing11 (15 October 1998to 7 November 1998).
Respondentswere askedto either leavetheir completedquestionnaires at the end of the performanceor post them to Talawa TheatreCompany. The returnsfrom all four shows totalled at 4.3% of the threehundred surveys handed out.
The secondsurvey was carried out over a one year period betweenJanuary 1998 and
January1999. This surveyalso took the format of a questionnaireand was aimedat
eliciting responsesfrom pocketsof London's Afro-Caribbeancommunity on their
perceptionof their personallanguage use. Respondents completed their questionnaires
anonymouslyand camefrom the following groupsas accessedby the presentwriter in
SouthLondon:
a Blacks adultsbom in Britain after 1958working as professionalS.36
36For the purposeof this survey, designationof professionaland non-professionalhas been achieved by following the Index of StatusCharacteristics (ISC), as describedby Wait Wolfram and Ralph W. Fasold, 'Field Methodsin the Studyof Social Dialects', in Sociolinguistics:A Readerand Coursebook(London: Macmillan, 1997),pp. 89- 115(p. 94). The sevenclass categories are: Class Occupation I Major professionals 23 introduction Johnson o Black adultsborn in Britain after 1958working as non-professionals.
14-16.37 o Black children at state schools in the Borough of Southwark aged
Surveyfindings are referredto in the thesis.
Interviews
In additionto the surveysextensive interviews were carriedout betweenApril 1996and
January2001 with Talawa's Artistic Director Yvonne Brewster.This on going interview processincluded the specific discussionof eachof Talawa's productionsfrom the company'sperformance of CLR James'sThe Black Jacobinsin February198ýto the
company'sperformance of ThePrayer in July 2000. Interviewswere also conductedwith
Talawa'sperformers for the productionsthat the presentwriter worked on (as outlined
above),and extensivelywith Ben Thomaswho is the actor who has playedthe most
leadingroles for Talawa.Additionally, interviews with post war (WWII) black theatre
practitionerson the British stagewere conductedthroughout 1997to completeTalawa's
Executivesof large concerns 2 Lesserprofessionals Executivesof mediumsized concerns 3 Semi-professionals Administratorsof small businesses 4 Technicians Ownersof petty businesses 5 Skilled workmen 6 Semi- skilled workmen 7 Unskilled workers
37As a SecondaryTeacher in Southwarkthe presentwriter was able to accessschool pupils from this age group.This age-groupwere chosenas their use of languagecan be seenas indicative of their initial adult attemptsto expresstheir group and individual identity. Introduction Johnson 24
Blackgroundsproject. Theseare commentedon in ChapterThree. As shownin the bibliographya rangeof other interviewswith theatrepractitioners were also carriedout between January 1996 and April 2001.
The collation of the aboveresearch has culminated in this first detailedanalysis of Talawa
TheatreCompany's work. Whilst black British theatremay presentlybe a little studied aspectof contemporaryBritish theatreits documentationand exposureis essentialto its continuedexistence and development.Through this presentationof TalawaTheatre
Company,its history, theatricalperformance work and achievementsfrom 1986to 2001,
the following six chaptersdocument, analyse and celebratea small part of black British
theatricalachievement in what hasbeen a historically white genre. TheatricalRoots Johnson 25
CHAPTER TWO
THEATRICAL ROOTS
The aim of this chapteris to provide a theatricallineage for TalawaTheatre Company.
This is doneby:
* Highlighting two African theatrical forms that havebeen passed down throughWest
Indian theatreand can be seenin Talawa's work.
9 Looking at the generalstyle and wealth of theatricalactivity in Jamaicafrom the
1700sto the 1990s.The theatrical history of Jamaicais highlighteddue to Talawa's
cultural heritage.This sectionincludes a discussionof Jamaicanwriter and performer
Louise Bennettand her Jamaicanprecursors. The impactBennett's work can be seen ' to havehad on contemporaryblack British theatreis also presented.
* Offering a contemporaryblack British perspective(that of the presentwriter),
on the developmentof black theatrepractitioners, theatrical movements and groups
in Britain from 1948to the 1990s.
The work of the individuals and groupsdiscussed here serve as an exampleof the
history surroundingblack British theatreand doesnot claim to be an entire history of the
1 SeeErrol Hill, TheJamaican Stage 1655-1900:Profile ofa Colonial Theatre(Amherst: The University of MassachusettsPress, 1992). Hill's text hasbeen used as a centralresource for the writing of this sectionof this chapter,in particular,Chapter Four Plays andPlayers, ChapterEight Readers,Reciters andStorytellers, ChapterNine SlavePerformances and ChapterTen PerformanceModes after Slavery. Theatrical Roots Johnson 26
genre.
African Ritual
Two main areasof African tradition that have filtered throughto West Indian and black
British theatre as can be seen in the work of Talawa Theatre Company are Ritual, and
Storytelling.
Ritual waspart of African daily life as can be seenin African religion and was extended
into African performanceas suchwork was often basedon real life events.Even in
performancethese ritual actswere believedto be real and were worked throughwith an
audiencewho knew how to respondto their development.Performers saw themselvesas
taking part in a ritual eventrather than acting a role. Suchritual servedto highlight
communalbeliefs as well as preservecultural history.2
African dramaritual may be divided into two parts:the sacredrituals that allowed
spectatorsonly, and the profanerituals that allowed participants.Much of the revelry seen
duringthe slaveyears which was later reproducedin West Indian and black British
theatre,incorporated elements of the latter. Ritual revelry in the Caribbeanthat can be
seento haveclear African roots include; Jonkonnu(Jamaica), Crop-over (Barbados),
2 HelenGilbert, and JoanneTompkins, Post-colonial Drama: theory,practice, politics (London/NewYork: Routledge,1996), p. 57. 27 Theatrical Roots Johnson
Carnival(Leeward/Windward islands, and Trinidad and Tobago),Papa Diable Mask, La 3 Roseand la Marguerite(St. Lucia).
This ritual tradition of African dramaas further developedin the Caribbean,provided a
legacyfor the work, centurieslater, of black artiststhat usedritual as a major elementof
their work. Theseinclude, Marina OrnowaleMaxwell, Lennox Brown (Trinidad), Henk
Tjon (Surinam),and Zeno Constance!The theatrical legacyof Jonkonnuis seenin Sylvia
Wynter'sMaskerade, (1973). This legacywas brought to British audiencesin 1994
throughTalawa's performanceof the show. Jonkunnuwas the most popularmasquerade
in Jamaicaprior to emancipationand saw the Jonkonnu(Jester) dancing in the streets
accompaniedby a bandof musiciansand followers. From the 1950sJonkunnu was
recognisedwith the new statusof a Jamaicanart form and has becomepart of the
performancerepertoire of the JamaicanNational DanceCompany. Similarly, fellow
JamaicanDennis Scott'sAn Echo in the Bone,(1974) displaysthe inheritanceof African
religiousritual throughits presentationof the nine nights ritual wherethe body of a dead
personis watchedover by relativesand friends for nine days and nights. Talawa
performedthe play to British audiencesin 1986.5
The secondlegacy of African dramain Caribbeanand black British theatreis seenin the
tradition of storytelling.The importanceof storytelling lay in its dual aim to tell the
history of the communityand to entertain.The story was not fixed, and neitherthen was
3 Kole Omotoso,The Theatricalinto Theatre:a study of drama and theatre in the English speaking Caribbean(London/Port of Spain:New BeaconBooks, 1982),p. 33. 4 Judy S.J. Stone,Studies in WestIndian Literature: Theatre(London/Basingstokc: Macmillan Caribbean, 1994),pp. 155-6. Theatrical Roots Johnson 28 history.The storytellers'gift was in making the tale their own by adding local colour throughcarefully chosenthemes, characters and popular situations.The artistswould also performmultiple charactersand incorporatemusic and danceinto their work.6 Storytellers performedin their native tongue.This display of what may be describedas overt language behaviourhas remained a fundamentalfeature of storytelling acrossthe centuriesas the tradition hasevolved.
The fact that womenplayed a centralrole in African tradition was reflectedin the storytellerswho were female.For Europeanstheir gendermade their historical accounts
0 dubiouswhich somesaw as no more than 'Little fictitious histories. The tradition continued,producing many later West Indian storytellers,male and femalealike. Amongst the bestknown are Derek Burrows (The Bahamas),Paul KeensDouglas (Trinidad), Shake
Keane(Saint Vincent), Bill Trotman (Guyana),and Louise Bennett(Jamaica).
Working within the African theatricaltradition has sometimesgained low artistic status
for black theatrepractitioners. Biodun Jeyifo arguesthat this is due to three common
Westernviews on African drama.Firstly, that there are no native dramatraditions.
Secondly,that Africa's theatricaltradition doesnot compareto that of Europeand Asia, finally, and that what exists in Africa comesfrom Westernsources. 8 Throughoutslavery
and colonisationit was difficult for black theatrepractitioners to alter the above
perceptionsand sinceemancipation black theatrepractitioners have seenthat theseideas
5 Talawa's Caribbean Plays are discussed in Chapter Four. 6 Gilbert and Tompkins, Post-colonial Drama, pp. 126-13 1. 7 Hill, The Jamaican Stage, p.226. 29 Theatrical Roots Johnson havebeen ingrained not only into the Westernpsyche, but also into that of their own
people.This can be demonstratedthrough an examinationof the work that emergedover
two hundredyears in Jamaica.
JamaicanTheatre 1700s-1 900s banned When Jamaica became a British colony in 1655 all public theatre performance was
In 1682 ensuring that theatrical styles developed under Spanish rule were erased. when
theatre spaceswere established to bring British theatre to the Jamaican expatriate
communitythere were three main groupsof performers.
1. Touring professionalsfrom Britain and the North Americancolonies that later became
the USA.
2. Residentamateurs.
3. Theatrefrom the Jamaicanworking classes?
It was the first group that broughtthe most theatrically respectedwork to the island.They
broughtthe latestwork from home,which was imitatedby rich locals. 'Real' theatrethen,
meantBritish work, and especially,Shakespeare. The Creoleactors (local whites) could
not reachthis British ideal but were able to producework depicting their own expatriate
8 Biodun Jeyifo, 'The Reinventionof TheatricalTradition, in TheIntercultural PerformanceReader, ed. by PatricePavis (London/New York: Routledge,1996), pp. 149-161 (pp. 153-154). TheatricalRoots Johnson 30
life. This consisted of living apart from other islanders and concentrating on material gain
discussed life, and luxury. The work also made fun of island-born Creoles and plantation
historical figures and politics.
large For morethan thirty yearsfrom the 1750s,The Hallam TheatreCompany provided a
part of the theatricalentertainment on the island and during 1783the companyperformed
two favouritepieces that focusedon expatriatelife.
10 life The first of thesewas Bickerstaffe's ThePadlock (1770). The picture of West Indian
is presentedfrom a privileged white land-owningperspective. Much of what is gleaned
aboutexpatriate life is learnedthrough the presenceof the black characterMungo. The
depictionof him demonstratesthe period's notions of slaverybased on colour. His
blacknessautomatically acquires him the lowest position in societyas a slave.Throughout
the play his languageis distinguishedfrom the other charactersas it is written in what
appearsto be a recognisablepidgin. This chosenform servesto presentthe notion that the
characterlacks the intelligenceof the white peoplearound him. This would in part help to
justify their perceivedsuperiority and enslavementof him. Similarly, his later drunkenness
canbe seenas a sign of his projectedbackwardness. " The play demonstratesthat the
white West Indiansare 'superior' in every way. Once slaverywas abolishedin 1834the
play was no longerperformed.
9 Hill, The Jamaican Stage, pA 10 The premise of the play is taken from Cervantes's El Celoso Extremeno (163 1) in which the protagonist Carrizales becomes obsessively jealous after marrying a young girl. See Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, Dos Novelas Ejemplares, (London: George G. Harrap and Co. Ltd, 197 1), p. 29. 31 Theatrical Roots Johnson
in The secondpiece was RichardCumberland's melodrama, The WestIndian, performed
1771,which satirisesthe cultural problemsof a wealthy Creolemale in England.
Despitehis physicalwhiteness the West Indian protagonistBelcour is shownto be inferior to the Englishman.He arrivesin Englandwith inappropriateluggage from Jamaica 12 including, 'grey parrots,a Jamaicasow and pigs, and a mongrovedog'. Belcour sumsup the English ideaof a West Indian whilst seeminglyaccepting the notion, "I am an idle 13 dissipated,unthinking fellow, not worth your notice: in short, I am a West Indian".
Someyears later the cultural dilemmasof Creoleswere highlightedby the responseto
MargaretCheer Cameron's West Indian lady's Arrival in London (1781). The play offendedJamaican society as the 'lady' useddialect speech.The author arguedthat her protagonist,'.. Sor a time lay asidethe eleganceof her characterand assumedan awkwardness.' 14 The responsereveals how someexpatriates expected to live on the
islandswithout adoptingthe native black aspectsof West Indian languageand culture.
In addition to the abovework Jamaicantheatre continued to show Europeanclassics and
with time the emergenceof the black performerswas seen.The following highlights what
the presentwriter views as significant developmentsin Jamaicantheatrical activity
between1781 and 1912:
11 IsaacBickerstaffe, The Padlock, (Cork: Anon, 1770),p. 26. 12 RichardCumberland, The WestIndian, (Perth: Morison and Son, 1771),p. 4. 13Cumberland, The WestIndian, pp.4445. 14Hill, TheJamaican Stage, pp. 1 6 1. TheatricalRoots Johnson 32
1781- Recitersand the developmentof the single performer. in 15 1802 - Designated seating for people of colour Kingston Theatre.
1813 - John Anderson Costello - The Guyaneseactor, the Infant Roscius came to
the fore on the Jamaicanstage.
1824 - French operatic society at Kingston theatre for five months.
1827 - Mr and Mrs Castells's Company performed English work only.
1829- The English companyperformed twice weekly.
1841- The Italian Operavisited Jamaica.
1842- The Monier family performedtheir work from America including Jamaica'sfirst
productionof Oihello.
1847- 1850at Kingston's TheatreRoyal: KingstonAmateur Association,Philo-Dramatic Association, Amateur Thespian
Association,an Amateur FrenchTroupe, Ethiopian Amateur Society,
Numidian AmateurAssociation. 16
1850s onwards- Blacks were creatingtheir own theatrewith Bruckins and Tea Meetings.
1862 - Obi or ThreeFingeredJack. The true story of the runawayslave who wagedwar
on Jamaicanplantation society. 17 1865- The first quartetof Minstrels perforniedin Jamaica.
1873 CharlesRarnpini Leitersfrom Jamaica Negro Proverbs, - published ... ivith
demonstratingwhite academicinterest in native Jamaicanspeech.
15Richardson Wright, Revelsin Jamaica (New York/London: Benjamin Blom, 1937) 305. 16 p. The black groupsdid the samework as their white counterparts. Johnson 33 Theatrical Roots
Jamaica Proverbial Philosophyfor 1890- ReverendD. J. Reynoldswrote the article Timehri,the Demererajoumal.
in Kingston down, then destroyed once more 1900 - Old Theatre Royal was torn rebuilt,
by the 1907earthquake.
in Kingston. The Ward Theatre later becomethe 1912- Ward theatrewas built would
homeof the annualChristmas pantomime which from 1943and Louise Bennett's
initial performancein Solidayand the WickedBird, would incorporatemore and
more black talent.
The first part of the 1900ssaw two artistic movementsthat centredon the developmentof black performance.The first was the 1920sHarlem Renaissancethat producedblack in writers and performerswho placedtheir blacknesscentre stage. Though based the
United Statesthe movementhad gainedinternational attention, and producedartists such
as JosephineBaker, LangstonHughes, Zora Neal Hurston and the JamaicanClaude
McKay.18 Additionally Jamaicahad its anti-colonial championand political figure in
MarcusGarvey (1887-1940), who also played a key role in the Harlem Renaissance.
Garveyhad dedicatedhis life to the developmentof the black raceand in the1920sformed
the UniversalNegro ImprovementAssociation (UNIA) basedin Harlem. He playeda
fundamentalrole in the developmentof Jamaicantheatre and the wider West Indies by
demonstratingthat theatreshould have a social responsibility.Stone celebrates Garvey as
17Their work encourageda tradition amongstblack and white performersthat producedthe double acts of Cupesand Abe, Ike and Mike, Harold and Trim, Raccaand Sandy.Minstrel work remainedsuccessful throughoutthe 1950sand 1960sin Jamaicawith the work of Bim and Barn. 18See note on McKay in this chapterunder Precursors to Louise Bennett. 34 TheatricalRoots Johnson
beingthe first WestIndian to breakthe stereotypeof blacksas mammytypes in 19 Roaming subservientroles. In 1930Garvey's plays TheCoronation of an African King,
Jamaicans,and Slaveryfrom Hut to Mansion, were performedin Kingston.
Garvey'splays were accompaniedon a literary level by the novelsbeing written by
Jamaicanartists in the 1930sthat were writing about the WestIndies from a black
perspective.These included: Herbert George De Lisser's SusanProudleigh, The White
WitchofRose Hall andJane's Career,and G. Ogilvie's EthelredMarloiv and OneSoja
Man 20The WestIndies artists includingNorman . was also producingother political 21 Cameronof British Guiana,and Trinidad's CLR James.
Importantlythe mood of the Harlem Renaissancewas echoedin Europeby the 1930swith
the rise of Negritudeheralded by Martinique's Aimd Usaire. He encourageda rejectionof
Frenchcolonialism and embracedhis African heritagethrough theatre. His work was to
prove long-lasting,and in 1948Leopold SddarSenghor published New Negro and
MalagasyPoetry, featuringexcerpts from Usaire's 1930sReturn to my native land. In the
1960sUsaire himself launcheda resurgenceof his Negritude themein theatreto advance
his politics of black consciousness.All of this would provide an artistic and political
backdropfor the developingWest Indian theatreand the work of Jamaica'sLouise
Bennettthat would influencethe developmentof black theatrein Britain decadeslater.
19Errol Hill, ThePioneers of WestIndian Theatre1900-1950, as quotedby Stonein Studiesin WestIndian Literature: Theatre,p. 17. 20The presentwriter is awarethat De Lisser may seeman unusualchoice heredue to his elitist perspective and at best 'ambiguous'attitude to black working classJamaicans. His inclusion hereserves to highlight the contemporaryblack British perspectiveof the presentwriter that celebrateswork featuringblack characters. This perspectivecomes from the lack of readily availablework featuring a black presencein the educationof the majority of secondand third generationWest Indians educatedin Britain throughoutthe 1960sand the 1970s. 35 TheatricalRoots Johnson
Louise Bennett
1930sJamaica saw the emergenceof one of its most celebrated contemporary performers 7 in writer/performer Louise Bennett. Bennett had been born in Kingston Jamaica on
September 1919. It was Bennett's presence and her linguistic style that gave her performance its impact. Her work being epitomised by her dialect performance poetry was drawn in stark contrast to her British colonial education and the mainly British literary influencesshe had grown up with. Her determinationto work in her chosenstyle ultimately broughther considerablerecognition in the shapeof many awards.These includean MBE in 1960,the Order of Jamaicain 1974and an HonoraryD. Litt from the 22 University of the West Indies in 1983
Precursors
Much of Bennett'seventual fame and recognitionstems from the fact that she is regarded
as being a pioneerin using Jamaicanlanguage in her performancework. Bennettcan
howeverbe seenas part of a line of Jamaicanartists who like herself choseto usethe
languageof the peopleas the main medium of their work. Morris comments,'Louise
Bennettwas not the first West Indian, nor eventhe first Jamaicanpoet to makeextensive
useof dialect.Her best known predecessorin Jamaicandialect versewas Claude
23 McKay., McKay (1890-1948)started his literary careerin Jamaicain 1912with two
21Talawa's 1986performance of James'splay, TheBlack Jacobinsis discussedin ChapterFour and demonstratesthe natureof James'spolitical writing. 22Bennett's career and awardshave now beendocumented by academics,principally Jamaica'sMervyn Morris. Also seeinternet site: http://www. pacifinet. net/jaweb/loti-b, 01. htmi - Louise Bennett, Jamaica Labrish 20/02/01 23 - Louise Bennett,Selected Poems, (Kingston: Sangster'sBook StoresLtd., 1982),p. xiv of introductionby Mervyn Morris. TheatricalRoots Johnson 36
24 volumesof poetry,Songs ofJamaica (January)and ConstabBalldads (November).
Bennettcan howeverbe seento have a theatricalhistory that beginsa centuryprior to
McKay's work.
In 1781, a new style of acting was introducedto the Jamaicanstage when the Hallam's
Company began recitals, lead by readers. The recitals featured a single performer who
recitedknown and new poetry in multiple characters.The earliestrecitals were basedon
GeorgeAlexander Stevens's satirical monologueThe Leclure on Heads.Papier m5ch6
bustsrepresented characters who were satirisedin turn.
Of the manyexpatriate, Creole and foreign performerswho visited Jamaicato recite, the
work of RafaelJ. de Cordovawho Hill describesas a "humorousreader". 25 can be seento
havea similar contentto that of Louise Bennett.De Cordova,a wealthy white Jamaican
who wrote in the 'standardEnglish' of the period may be seenculturally as Bennett's
polar opposite,yet they wrote on the samesubjects.
De Cordovawrote Broad%vay,the story of an omnibusride. Bennett's first dialect poem
was On a Tramcar. Shewrote further on the samesubject, Rough Riding Tram, Tan-Up 26 Seat,Buy a Tram, Bear Up and Ole-Time Tram. Additionally, both de Cordovaand
Bennettwrote extensivelyon royal visits.
24 WayneF Cooper,Claude McKay: RebelSojourner of the Harlem Renaissance(New York: Schocken Books, 1987),p. 35. 25tfill, TheJamaican Stage, p. 19 1. TheatricalRoots Johnson 37
De Cordovawrote a poemto celebratethe 1860royal visit to the United Statesof the
British Princeof Wales,Albert Edward. Someeighty-five yearslater, and for the next thirty years, Bennett produced works on royal visits. Both Victory and De Victory Parade 27 written in 1945celebrated the end of the SecondWorld War and the British victory.
Bennett'spoem Ben Dung dealswith the visit of PrincessMargaret and the Earl of
Snowdonto Jamaica'sIndependence celebrations. 28 In 1973on her JamaicanBroadcasting
Company(JBC) radio show Miss Lou's Views,Bennett delivered a pieceentitled Dear
Princess,on the honeymoonvisit of PrincessAnne and CaptainMark Phillips to Jamaica
29 in the sameyear.
Furthersimilarities exist with both writers and their poetry commentingon social situations.Hill states,"During the war yearshe (de Cordova)produced some of his most enduringpieces such as Courtship and Marriage, and its sequelOur First Bab.)P. 30
Bennettproduced similar works as observationsin responseto the SecondWorld War includingMarried, SoIja Workand WhilePickney. 31 Like her predecessorher commenton social institutions and behaviourwas not limited to wartime. Shealso wrote Mass
Wedding,Registration, Colour Bar, and PassFe White.32
26 All of the poemsappear in Louise Bennett'sJamaica Labrish (Kingston: Sangster'sBook Store Ltd., 1966), pp.47,48,51,52, &53 respectively. 27 Bennett, Jamaica Labrish, pp. 106-110. 28 Ibid., p. 172. 29 This show ran from 1965to 1982.Some fifty of these'views' are presentedin Louise Bennett'sAunty RoachySeh, (Kingston: Sangster'sBook StoresLtd., 1993),Dear Princessis at p.20. 30 Hi 11,The Jamaican Stage, p. 195. 31 Bennett, Jamaica Labrish, pp. 90-1,97-98 and II I- 112 respecti vely. 32 Ibid., pp.30-31,4243,211-212 and 212-213respectively. TheatricalRoots Johnson 38
Similarities between the work of de Cordova and Bennett are not limited to subject matter alonebut can also be seenin their style:
In the tradition of the solo performerde Cordovapeopled the
stagewith a castof imaginedcharacters "with whom he laughed,
and talked and pleaded,and remonstrated,never for a momentlosing
his identity, his lively 33 or making confusionamong motley company".
In the sameway Bennettpresented multiple charactersin her work as seenin her poem
CUS CUS. 34 The popularity of the single performerfrom de Cordova'stime led to the
emergenceof readerswho unlike de Cordovaworked in the patois of the peopleand hence
can be seento provide a more direct theatricalhistory to Bennett'swork.
Three performersof this kind are Henry GarlandMurray (d. 1877)and his two sons
Andrew C. Murray and William ColemanMurray. Like Bennettthey were black, wrote
aboutJamaica in the languageof the peopleand displayedovert languagebehaviour. The
elder Murray also usedproverbs and Anancy tales in his work as Bennettwas to do later.
Their successwas enhanced by the factthat they were performing when white intellectuals
and leadersof the KingstonianPresbyterian community were taking an interestin
Jamaicanlanguage. The casefor dialect being carried forward by white intellectualsmeant
33 11 i 11,The Jamaican Stage, p. 195. 34 Bennett,Jamaica Lahrish, pp.18 8-189 TheatricalRoots Johnson 39 that in 1866 dialect writing occurred in the press for the first time and can now be seenas having started a legacy of scribal overt language behaviour.
A centurylater, Bennetthad her own column in the local presswriting in patois.This in
turn pavedthe way for later patoiswriters who continueBennett's legacy today. This is
seenwith Dr Carolyn Cooper'sweekly Zig Zag Talk, in the JamaicanGleaner written in a Dear Jamaica in Jamaicanphonetic script, and JenniferKean-Dawes's weekly ....
OutlookMagazine written in her own brand of JamaicanEnglish. The popularity of both
articlesgives an indication of the needfor the Jamaicanpublic to seeforms of their own
languagein print. Similarly, Bennett'swork can also be seenas providing an historical
backgroundto more recentworks pertainingto the folklore of the Caribbeangenerally and
to Jamaicaspecifically. This is seenin suchworks as Elder's Folk SongsFrom Tobago,
Marshall,Me Gearyand Thompson'sFolk SongsofBarbados, and Tanna'sJamaican
Folk Talesand Oral Histories, all of which aim to documentsome of the folklore of their
respectiveislands. 35
Bennettmade a consciousdecision to demonstratewhat can now be seenas overt
languagebehaviour by working in the vernacularof the people,for the people,at a time
when Jamaicanswere encouragedto achieve'standard English' speech.The patois speech
of Jamaica'seconomic poor that Bennettused may havebeen seen as a form of rebellion
33D, J,Elder, Folk Songsfrom Tobago(London: Karnak I louse,1994). Marshall, McGeary, and Thompson, Folk Songsof Barbados(Kingston: Ian RandlePublishers, 1981). Laura Tanna, Jamaican Folk Talesand Oral Histories, no. 1. Jamaica21 Anthology Series(Kingston: Institute of JamaicaPublications Limited, 1984). TheatricalRoots Johnson 40
to the languageof powerful Jamaicansociety, and in this contextcan be describedas
antilanguagespeech.
Bennett'suse of patoisthen took on a political dimensionparticularly as sheused it in the
'standard' English setting of the theatre. For those who supported her work she was seen
'. helping Jamaicans their identity heritagethrough drarna. ' 36 as .. to express and cultural Thosewho did not supporther useof patois seemedto find it difficult to appreciateher
work. This lack of supportcame generally from the middle classesthat had the powerto
chooseto leaveher out of publishedanthologies of WestIndian literaturedespite all
her 37She localjoke; high-spirited printed evidenceof work . was seenas a a good,
joke, but, in the end,only ajoke. ' 39
By the time Bennettno longertravelled to her audience,they were able to accessher work 39 througha variety of forms, including through written stories,readers, and recordS. tier
work was also televisedprincipally through her children's programme,Ring Ding.
It was through the mediumof radio howeverthat Bennett'stalent would be best
transmittedto her audiencein the early years.Bennett became so popularon radio that
36Barbara Gloudon, 'The flon1ouise Bennett,O. J. Fifty Yearsof Laughter'.Jamaica Journal, Vol. 19 No.3, Aug/Oct (1986), 10. 37Mervyn Morris, 'On ReadingLouise BennettSeriously', in JamaicaJournal, Vol. I no.I (December 1967),69-74. 38 Ibid., p.69. 39Louise Bennett,Anancy and Miss Lou (Kingston: Sangster'sBook StoresLtd., 1979).Bennett recorded her Anancystories that havebeen compiled by Morris. In his introductionto the storiesMorris places ownershipof them with Bennett,p. viii of introduction: 'I say Louise Bennett's Anancy stories,because part of our delight is to hearthe voice of Louise Bennetttalking from the page.Most of the storiesare commonproperty, but in re-telling them Louise Bennettcontributes the personalflavour of her own distinctive art'. Theatrical Roots Johnson 41 whenJBC celebratedthirty-f ive yearsin businessthe Lou and Rannyshow was aired live from the Carib Theatre.40 Her Radio showAunty RoachySeh was aired from 1965to 1982.
OnceBennett became fashionable the criticism that shehad had to acceptfor manyyears was put behindher. By the seventiesshe was widely acceptedas a heroineof Jamaican folklore and culture. Academicrecognition of her work, whilst praisingher also focused on the ill treatmentand lack of recognitionshe had receivedin the early days.41 Morris describesher as the 'only poet who has really hit the truth abouther societythrough its own language',and as an importantcontributor to her country of valid social documents
42 reflectingthe waysJamaicans think and feel and live.,
In the presentwriter's view Bennetthas also beena major influenceon the developmentof presentday languageuse in black British perfon-nance.Her careercan be seento have affectedtwo specific groupsof black theatrepractitioners in Britain. The first group are thosebom and raisedin Jamaicathat would later move permanentlyto Britain to work in theatre,and secondlyare the generationsof black Britons bom to Caribbeanparents who work in the British performanceindustry today. Of the first group Yvonne Brewsterand
LintonKwesi Johnson are perhaps the bestknown.
Both Brewsterand Johnsonhave been major influencesfor many black Britons
developinga careeron stage.Johnson's use of patois in performance,and Brewster's
40 Anon,' JBC-Thirty-five yearsof Broadcasting',Outlook Magazine, 10 July 1994,p. 14. 4'Bennett, SelectedPoems, p. viii of introductionby Morris. Her work was not includedin the Jamaican Anthology Focus(1943,1948,1956,1960) and shewas welcomed of the JamaicaPoetry League. 42 not as part Morris as quotedby Nettleford in his introductionto Bennett'sJamaica Labrish, p.9. Theatrical Roots Johnson 42 direction of it may now be seenas the historical linguistic backgroundfor black British performersfollowing in their footsteps.
Brewster's initial theatrical influence was Bennett, who considered Brewster her protdgd.
Brewster'swork in providing British audienceswith performancework in manyof the voicesof the Caribbeanover the pastdecade is in part due to Bennett's influence.The fact that Brewstermay be seenas having beensuccessful in creatingand raising the profile of black theatrein Britain remainsher own achievementbut hasboth a personaland linguistic theatricalroot in Bennett.43
Linton Kwesi Johnson,(unlike Brewsterwho cameto Englandas a young adult to study and then return to Jamaica),came as a child and camefor good. He would form part of a new generationof black peoplein Britain (thoseCaribbean immigrants who were lessthan a generationolder than the first generationof blacksborn here),all of whom would later be termed'black Britons'. Johnsonwas born in Jamaicain 1952and cameto Englandin
1963.He is now recognisedin Englandand Jamaicaalike as a prolific 'dub poet' as he useshis native Jamaicanpatois as the languageof his poetry. Johnsonacknowledges
Bennett'spoetry in BBC televison'sArena documentary,Upon WestminsterBridge, whichis a tributeto the work of fellow 'dub poet' Mikey Smith,famed in Jamaicafor his poemMe Cyaanbelieve L Johnsondescribes Bennett as revolutionaryfor her chosenform
43 Interviewwith Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London,9 January1997. TheatricalRoots Johnson 43
44 Jamaican oflanguage. In the same documentary Smith describes her as 'The mother of
45 poets which I think is responsible for all Of US.,
Johnson,like Bennett,uses patois uncompromisinglyin his work and similarly has securedan audiencefrom the dispossessedand the middle classesalike. Johnson's languagecan be seenas a purposefulsign of rebellion and of non-conformityto British linguistic performancestandards and as a refusalto be dominatedby British colonial attitudespast and present.This rebellion, an echoof the initial developmentof the 46 language,born out of repressionand usedas a code, perhapsdemonstrates that in Britain patoisspeakers are using their languageto display both overt languagebehaviour and that they havea needto usepatois as an antilanguage.Johnson's choice of languagecan be seenas an intentionalpolitical act, which is aimedat, and attractsa specific audience,for 47 whom the messagewithin the antilanguagewould be fully understood. The indigenous
languageserves to empowerthe West Indian speakingcommunity in Britain, as well as
ensurethat white British audienceswould rind themselvesat leastpartially excluded.
As Jamaicanpatois has influencedEnglish and particularly London speechover the past
four decades,academic interest from a linguistic point of view hasalso developed.This is
44Linton Kwesi Johnson,Upon WestminsterBridge: A tribute to Jamaica's dub poet Mikey Smith, BBC television' Arena, 23 November 1982. 45 s Ibid. 46G. liewellyn Watson,Jamaican Sq), ings: with noteson Folklore, Aesthetics,andSocial Control (Tallahassee:Florida A&M University Press,1991), p. 6 and p.7 respectively.'In the plantationcontext in which it was hammeredout amongthe blacks,it was importantthat, as muchas possible,the masteror white overseerwas to be confusedlinguistically or kept guessingas to the meaningof what later cameto be called pidgin or trade language.' fie continues:'Clearly, what is so remarkableabout these languages is that they could developunder repressive social conditionsuntil they becamethe f irst or native languageof millions of vople. 1 7 Gilbert and Tompkins,Post-Colonial Drama, pp.168-170. TheatricalRoots Johnson 44 demonstratedin the work that hasbeen steadily produced on the subject.Such work includesWells's JamaicanPronunciation in London, Hewitt's White Talk Black Talk:
Inter-racial Friendship and CommunicationAmongst Adolescents, and Sebba'sLondon
Jamaican. 48Sebba comments:
Caribbean have beyondthe Caribbean .. usages spreadoutwards community itself, so that there are a numberof expressionsof
Caribbeanorigin now in use in London both within and outsidethe
black community.Speakers from outsidethe black community,
however,may not haveany idea of the origin of theseexpressions,
while eventhose within the black communitymay not realisetheir
Caribbeanconnections. 49
Themost recent influence that Jamaican patois has had on LondonEnglish has been
powerful due to both the revolutionarywork of the artistsusing it, as well as the accessto
patois from other performancemedia. Whilst this thesis is abouttheatre, the music
industryshould be acknowledgedfor the wider role it hasplayed in bringing patoisto
Britainand the rest of theworld. This hasoccurred most recently through the widespread
popularity of Jamaicanmusic in the last decade.
48C. J. Wells, JamaicanPronunciation in London(Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1973),R Ilewitt, While Talk Black Talk: Inter-Racial Friendship and CommunicationAmongst Adolescents, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1986) and Mark Sebba,London Jamaican (London: Longman,1993). 49Sebba, London Jamaican, p. 59. TheatricalRoots Johnson 45
One aspectof Jamaicanculture is presentedthrough the reggae,dance hall and ragga artistswho are now achievinginternational fame. These include: BeenieMan, Shabba
Ranks, Yellow Man, Buju Banton, Patra, Shaggy and Diana King, all of whom use
Jamaicanpatois uncompromisinglyand, throughthe saleof their music,can be seento be teachingJamaican patois to the rest of the world. Unlike Bennett,who condemnedthe use of 'bad' languageand cursewords, later artists using Jamaicanpatois often usesexually explicit and violent lyrics. This is seenin Buju Banton's 1994hit BoomBye Bye, promotinggun violence againstgays.
Lessobvious artists are buying into Jamaicanpatois speech and the raggabeat.
InternationalFrench Canadian pop star, Celine Dion in her 1997album, Let's talk about love, teamsup with Diana King, Andy Marvel and Billy Mann, to producethe track, Treat
Her Like a Lady. Whilst all fifteen trackson the album discussaspects of love, TreatHer
Like a Lady, the only reggaesong on the album, dealswith the two timing man and the womanwho goesto jail for attackinghim, (versetwo):
Right in her facewith anotherwoman
Now she'sin jail for attackingher man.
Nettleford's commentin the introduction to Jamaica Labrish, althoughsome thirty one yearsprior to the releaseof Treather Like a Ladyseems sadly confirmed by the lyricsof the song: TheatricalRoots Johnson 46
Although it hasbeen accepted for entertainmentlargely
throughthe efforts of peoplelike Louise Bennett,and eventhough
its literary merit is concededby some,it still carrieswith it the stigma
of ignorance and nonsophistication.50
Prior to the introduction of Jamaicanpatois to the British stage,Jamaican theatre saw variousattempts to promotethis form of speech.In the fifties and sixties this was seenin the shapeof the Yard Playsthat discussedthe harshrealities of WestIndian life usingthe languageof the people.The plays producedthroughout and beyondthe pre-independence era included;Douglas Archibald's Junction Village, and TheRose Slip, (Trinidad 1954 and 1962),Barry Reckord'sDella (Jamaica1954), Samuel Hillary's Departure in the
Dark, (Jamaica1960), Errol Hill's ThePing Pong (Trinidad, 1966),Eric Roach'sBelle
Fanto (1966), and SladeHopkinson's A SpawningofEels, (Guyana1968).
Although the Yard Plays'as a coherentbody of work was comparativelyshort-lived, being rooted in a particulartime, and largely dependenton that time's particularsocial 51 conditions', both Hill's ThePing Pong, and Douglas'sJunction Village havebeen
52 preservedby being publishedin print form. Stonesuggests that productionsof the Yard
Playswere popular throughout the Caribbeanwith Archibald'sJunction Village and
Hilary's Departure in the Dark being the most performedto date.53 Whilst the Yard Plays
cannotbe seento havehad an impact on British theatreReckord's Della was performedat
50 Bennett,Jamaica Labrish, p.23 of introductionby RexNotleford. 51Stone, Studies in WestIndian Literature: Theatre, 52 p33. Errol Hill, ThePing Pong (Trinidad and Tobago:U. W. 1. Extra-Mural Department,1966), and Douglas Arhibald, Junction Village (Trinidad and Tobago:U. W. l. Extra-Mural Department,1967). TheatricalRoots Johnson 47
54 the Royal Court TheatreLondon in 1958,under the new title of Flesh to a Tiger. The
Yard Playsare not to be confusedwith the later Yard Theatrewhich becamepopular in the
Jamaica,Barbados and Trinidad, and whosename came from the useof the yard as a
55 performancespace.
The wider advancementof West Indian theatricalactivity was helpedin the fifties by BBC
Radio's Caribbean Voicesand the first publication of the CaribbeanPlays seriesedited by
Errol Hill. The introductionof the seriesinto British and Caribbeanliterature would signal the beginningsof suchwork being takenas worthy literatureon an internationallevel and by extensionafforded the work the possibility of being seenas 'serious' performance material.56 Additionally Caribbeantheatre received an importantaccolade when Errol
Johnwon the ObserverPrize in Britain (1957), for Moon on a RainboivShaid. Along
with second,third prize winners, and thoseawarded an honourablemention John's play
57 was publishedin 1958. Of the sevenprize winners only Simpson's(one of threethird 58 prize winners)A ResoundingTinkle was performedat the Royal Court the sameyear.
John's play was a producedthe following year in 1958(also at the Royal Court).
Runningconcurrently with the developmentof Jamaicanpatois usage on the British stage
weretwo maintheatre companies that emerged in Jamaicain the 1960sand 70s. The work
exemplified the rangeof activity that was being producedby a new generationof West
Indianartists that continued to useJamaican patois in performance.Yvonne Clarke and
53 Stone,Studies in WestIndian Literature: Theatre,p. 33. 54Reckord's work is further discussedbelow. 53 Stone,Studies in WestIndian Literature: Theatre,p. 33. 56 Also seeinternet site: httl2://wNvw. westindiesbooks, com - West Indian Literature- 21/02/01 TheatricalRoots Johnson 48
Trevor Rhone The Barn in 196559 This followed by the the all set up . was emergenceof femalegroup Sistren.
In 1977 Sistren formed in Jamaica.The company, still in existence, was unique on two
grounds; firstly, they were an all-female group, and secondly, they used Jamaican
languageas the exclusive linguistic mode of their performance work. Their choice of
languagewas both political and strategic. Politically, they sought to return to black women
the voice that had been denied them during slavery, whilst strategically they aimed to
60 attract a predominantly working class audience. The thirteen founder members all came
from the Kingston ghettos and were casual labourers. They created Doivnpression Get a
Blow under the dramatist Honor Ford-Smith, using the technique of collective creation
from actual experiences, to explore exploitation of factory workers. This was followed in
1978 by a second devised piece, Bell)nvoman Bangarang, which explored motherhood.
Sistren have subsequently produced on average at least one play a year, including the
celebrated Lionheart Gal also under the dramatist Honor Ford Smith, using the same
technique.61
In additionto thework of Sistren,theatre in the WestIndies developed from the late
seventiesto includevarious specialised groups. In Jamaicathis hasincluded Jamaican
CommunityTheatre, Children's Theatre and The GunCourt Cultural Movement. The
57 KennethTynan, ed., The ObserverPlays (London: Faberand FaberLtd., 1958) 58Ibid., p.] I of prefaceby Tynan. 59The Barn is discussedin ChapterThree. 60 Gilbert andTompkins, Post-ColonialDraina, p. 186. 61 Stone,Studies in WestIndian Literature: Theatre,pp. 63-64. Also seeSistren internet site: http: //www.oneworld. orgZni/issuc270/sista. htm -A cartoonin the local Creolelanguage by the Jamaican women'stheatre collective, Sistren - 21/02/01 TheatricalRoots Johnson 49 latter consistedof performersserving life sentencesat Gun Court PrisonS.62 This activity was followed in the early eighties,by the innovativeCaribbean Lab, which was setup at the JamaicanSchool of Drama,and was run for three yearsby BarbadianEarl Warner with the aim of developingindigenous theatrical techniques. 63 Whilst Jamaicanand wider
Caribbeantheatre evolved, some of the roots establishedby Caribbeantheatre practitionerswould be transportedto Britain as thesepeople went to live and work there.
The Developmentof Black TheatrePractitioners. Theatrical Movements and Groupsin
Britain, from 1948to theI 990s
According to Anne Walmsfeythe black peoplethat were in Britain after the war could be
divided into the three following groups:graduates from the West Indies,students from the
West Indies and post-warcleaners. 64 Most of the immigrantsbelonged to the latter group,
and like thosewho camein the period immediatelyleading up to, and following
independencein the WestIndies, theatre was not a priority for them:
do you think the Windrushpeople were looking about
theatre,they was looking 'bout bluesdance and how to get
to live how find 65 somewhere and to a nicewoman ..
62 Ornotoso,The Theatrical into Theatre,p. 85. 63Stone, Studies in WestIndian Literature: Theatre, 143. 64 p. Anne WaIrnsley,The Caribbean Artist's Movement1966-1972: A Literary and Cultural History (London/Portof Spain:New BeaconBooks, 1992), Preface. 63 p.xvii of Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa ofliccs London,9 January1997. TheatricalRoots Johnson 50
From the other groupsof West Indiansand Africans, however,theatrical in-roads had alreadybeen made. In 1907,Kobina Sekyi's play TheBlinkards, 'was the first black play to be publishedin Britain. 966Despite the little that hasbeen published about the author 67 his friendsnicknamed him 'the GeorgeBernard Shaw of WestAfrica. Sekyi's play dealswith the Europeanisationof all things African and his:
concernabout anglicisation and the inability of the younger
generationwho had grown up in colonial boardingschools and 68 under missionaryinfluence, to speakthe Fanteof their ancestors.
DespiteSekyi's efforts and perhapsothers like him, black theatricalactivity remained
minimal throughoutthe first three decadesof the centurywhen black artistswere seenon
the London stageeither in subservientroles or working as musiciansand dancers. It was
not until the 1940sthat significant numbersof black performersappeared.
Achieving considerablesuccess at this time were Paul Robesonplaying Othello at the
Savoy,and Louise Bennettworking in repertorytheatre and for the BBC's Caribbean
Service,presenting her own showlater that decade entitled Caribbean Carnivaj. 69
Althoughacting work for blackartists was scarce during this time,both Earl Cameron,
(Bermuda),and Cy Grant, (Guyana)made their mark in Britain. Their legacywas later
66 Michael McMillan (TheatreWriting Associate),Black lVriting.- A Guidefor Black JVriters (London: London Arts Board, 1998),p. 2 McMillan's spelling of the author's nameis 'Kobena Sekeye. Kobina Sekyi, TheBlinkards (London: Ileinemann,1974), p. ] of introduction by J. Ayo Langley,the play is datedas 1915. 67 Sekyi, Blinkards, p.5 of introduction by Langley. 69 Ibid., p. 11. TheatricalRoots Johnson 51 addedto by writer, Barry Reckord,(Jamaica), and theatrepractitioner, Pearl Connor,
(Trinidad).
Cameron arrived in England in 1939, and by 1942 was playing a non-speaking role at
London's Palace Theatre, in Chu Chin Chow. His professional career developed with larger speaking roles in 1943 and 1944 in The Petrified Forest and All God's Children respectively. During the early part of his career Cameron performed regularly on the
London stage, working with Dirk Bogarde, amongst others, as well as touring to India with the Entertainments National Service Association (ENSA). In 1950, after working on the stageplay, 13 Death StreetHarlem, Camerongot his first film role in ThePool of
London.This was to be the first of somethirty two films he would makeover the next twenty years.On leaving 13 Death StreetHarlem in 1950,Cameron was replacedby Cy
Grant.70
Cy Grant arrived in Britain in 1941and joined the Airforce. Afler the war Grant becamea
Barrister,although he neverworked in law. After taking over from Cameron,his run in 13
Death StreetHarlem securedhim a minor role in the Olivier Company,with whom he
latertoured to America.Grant's career like that of Cameronsaw him workingwith major
artistsincluding Joan Collins and Richard Burton (Scaivife, 1956). His carcerwas both
madeand perhapsbroken in 1957however when he worked on BBC television's Tonight.
Grantbecame a householdname presenting aspects of the news in calypsofor threeyears.
The role had stereotypedhim and hamperedhis acting career.fie found he was not being
69 AshanteInfantry, Jamaican'royal' reignshere by fosteringjoy of language, TorontoStar, 3 February 1996,p. A2. TheatricalRoots Johnson 52 considered for serious acting roles. Grant went on to work in theatre, films, television and radio throughoutthe following decades,and like his conternporarýCameron, continues to live in London The that both Cameron Grant facedin andwork .71 main obstacle and developingtheir careerswas in the fact that their colour would generallyhave made them unsuitablefor parts in traditional British theatre.Material written for black performerswas
limited and where it did exist was confinedto minor roles.This would changeby the late
1950s,with the above-mentionedsuccess of Errol John, and the laterwork of Barry
Reckord.
Reckord,who had graduatedfrom Cambridgesaw his plays perfon-nedat London's Royal
Court Theatrefor six successiveyears between 1958 and 1963,including Flesh to a Tiger
(originally Della), You in Your Small Corner, Skyvers,X, and Liberated Woman. Whilst
he achievedpersonal success, he attributesthe generallack of it in black theatreto back
stabbingamongst black performers.72
It was perhapsthe work of PearlConnor that most clearly aimed at bringing London's
black performerstogether. Although Connor did not perform in her own right shebecame
an importantport of call for all black performersthroughout the fifties and sixties. Having
marriedactor and fellow Trinidadian Edric Connor the couple set up the Edric Connor
Agency in 1956,aiming to representAfro-Asian and Caribbeanartists. The agencysought
work for performersas well as campaignedfor artists' rights throughequity. Edric
70From video recordedinterview with Earl Cameronby David Johnson,Cameron's London home,29 May 1997. 71From video recordedinterview with Cy Grant by David Johnson,Grant's Londonhome, 7 May 1997. 72From video recordedinterview with Barry Reckordby David Johnson,Reckord's London home, 22 April 1997. TheatricalRoots Johnson 53
Connor,though 'the first black actor to play at Stratfordupon-Avon', (wherehe played
Gowerin Pericles,directed by Tony Richardsonin 1958),knew how difficult it was for
73 black performers to get work.
The companyprovided dancers for stageshows and films, including the 1963film classic
Anthonyand Cleopatra,directed by Zanuckand Mankiewicz starringElizabeth Taylor
and RichardBurton. Many of the artistswho camethrough the agencyform part of what is
now increasinglyrecognised as a black British theatrelegacy. These include; Joan
Armatrading,Floella Benjamin,Patti Boulaye,Ena Bab, Nadia Catouse,Mona Hammond,
BoscoHolder, RamJohn Holder, HoraceJames, Elroy Joseph,Barry Johnson,Carmen
Munroe,Everol Puckering,Lloyd and Barry Reckord,Johny Sekka,Nina BadenSemper
and CoreenSkinner. Additionally Connor foundedThe Negro TheatreWorkshop in
1963.74
In the sameyear, black theatredeveloped further in Britain when Trinidad's John La Rose,
Barbados'sEdward Kamau Brathwaite, and Jamaica'sAndrew Salkeyfounded The
CaribbeanArtist's Movement(CAM). The work of the Movementfrom 1966to 1972is
detailedin Walmsley'stext, and demonstratesthe Movement'scommitment and
determinationto developingWest Indian theatreand literature in Britain.
CAM's first public readingwas held on 3 March 1967at London's JeanettaCochrane
Theatre.The meetingat which Braithwaiteread Rights ofPassagewas to be the first of
73From video recordedinterview with PearlConnor by David Johnson,Connor's London home,25 June 1997. 74 Ibid. Theatrical Roots Johnson 54 monthly reunionsto take placeover the next threeyears. By the secondmeeting the group was alreadydiscussing the importanceof West Indian languagebased work, particularly, 75 that of Louise Bennett, and Calypsonian, Sparrow. This marked the beginnings of their quest for appropriate cultural representation.
Eight months later, the Movement held a conference at the University of Kent on 10
November 1967. Amongst the group were; Lloyd Reckord, Marina Maxwell, Evan Jones,
Ram John Holder, Celia Robinsonand PearlConnor. Whilst somemembers saw black peopleas living in the ghettosof the world and as the world's true proletariat,Pearl
Connor'smessage was concernedwith theatrestandards:
We must have a critical faculty aboutourselves. We can't just
be submergedin self-love for our own peoples'sake, we must
let 76 give them a standard...... us presentthis thing properly.
Connor'splea was twofold; as performersthey shouldaim high, whilst seeking,as West
Indians,to give the fairest impressionof themselvesand their cultural identity. Having madethemselves responsible for the theatricalrepresentation of WestIndian culture in
Britain, they could not afford to do bad work.
The questionof how they should presentthemselves would causedifficulties as the newly
immigratedWest Indian was not the sameas the West Indian back home,and with time
75 Walmsley, The Caribbean Artists Movement, p.68. 76 Ibid., pA 17. Theatrical Roots Johnson 55 would becomeless so. Increasingly,impressions of homewere basedpartly on nostalgia whilst the languagethat had originally so clearly definedeach islander would, with time,
become transformed. Dealing with all of these changes, and the fact that few were trained
77 in theatreresulted in Brewster'sopinion, in a seriesof 'amateurish'performances.
At the second conference in 1968, Stuart Hall continued the cultural identity theme:
it is deepbreaking links that ... only the very of with complex
pastwhich I think happensnot in the first but in the secondand
third immigrant generationsthat we begin to seewhat the truly
immigratedWest Indian is actually like.78
During the 'angry decade'in British theatrethe questionof immigrationhad beenentirely
ignored.79 Ironically, Black Britons were being createdat this point. This theatricaland
political climate encouragedthe emergenceof a new kind of black theatrein Britain
throughoutthe 1970s.
The work of Roland Reesand Clive Barker with Interractionat this time openedthe
theatricaldoor to manyblack artists.This gaveblack performersa chanceto be seen.In
1970Roland Rees directed Matura's Black Piecesat the Institute of ContemporaryArts
(ICA), and in 1971Matura's As Time GoesBy was performedboth in Edinburghand at
77Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London,2 October1998. 78Warmsley, The Caribbean Artists Movement,p. 163. 79Jatinder Verma, 'Cultural Transformations',in Contemporary British Theatre,ed. by TheodoreShank (London:Macmillan, 1994),pp. 48-60 (p.55). TheatricalRoots Johnson 56
London's Royal Court. Twenty years later in 1991 Matura's play The Coup was the first 80 Caribbeanplay to be performedat London's National Theatre.
Many of the artistswho worked with Interractionbecame key playersin the development of black theatre.Amongst them; MustafiaMatura, Mona Hammond,Oscar James, Alfred
Fagin,Carmen Monroe, and HoraceJames. Brewster acknowledges Interraction's work,
'It was a platform becausethere was no other platform as black peoplewere not goingto 81 be given any moneyto do things like that.'
In the early seventies,the Dark and Light TheatreCompany was formedby Frank
Cousins,and producedwork which usedAfrican theatrical,West Indian and African
English languageforms. From its inceptionto its closurein 1977,the companyproduced;
Evolution of the Blues,by John Hendricks,Kataki, by ShimanWincalbert, The Slave, by
Amid Baraka,The Tenant,by RichardCron, Raas,by RobertLamb, Anansi and Brer
Englishman,by Manley Young, Tivistedknots, Dark Days and Light Nights, andJericho,
by JamalAli, JumbieStreet March, by T. Bone Wilson, and Seduced,by Jimi Rand.The 82 companybecame the Black Theatreof Brixton and existed into the eightieS. This work in
turn can be seento haveencouraged continued black theatricaldevelopment. In the late
seventies,Alton Kumolo foundedTemba Theatre Company, who within two yearshad 83 producedmore black work than the English theatrehad done in the last twenty five.
Despitethe impressiverecord of performancework, Tembaunder the direction of Alby
Jameswas forced to fold in 1990due to lack of funding.
80 Stone gives an account of Matura's success,Studies in West Indian Literature: Theatre, pp. 167-173. 81 Interview with Yvonne Brewster by David Johnson, Talawa offices London, 2 October 1998. TheatricalRoots Johnson 57
Throughout the seventies, the voice of black theatre developed due to the efforts of black artists as well as available funding. The Greater London Council (GLC), offered financial support to black theatre and other 'minority' projects under a Labour Government. As the political climate changed, so did interest in the development of such projects, and the people such funding benefited. On 31 January 1978, Margaret Thatcher (as Leader of the
Opposition) was quoted in the Daily Mirror:
Peopleare really ratherafraid that this country might be rather
by different British has swamped peoplewith a culture ... the character
doneso much for democracy,for law, and doneso muchthroughout the
world, that if there is any fear that it might be swamped,people are going 84 to reactand be ratherhostile to thosecoming in.
Thatcher'svictory in 1979,followed by eighteenyears of ConservativeGovernment did
not nurture 'minority' arts. Their major sourceof funding was sooncut in the early
eightieswith the abolition of the GLC.This however,did not stop the renaissanceof black
theatrein the 1980s,which featuredthose already mentioned along with a new generation
of black British artists,whose ideas, expectations, experiences and languagediffered from
that of previousgenerations. From this talent a wealth of theatrecompanies emerged,
including; Black Mime Theatre,Black TheatreCo-op, Carib, Double Edge,Hounslow
Arts Co-op,L'Ouverture, Roots Theatre, Tamasha, Talawa, Theatre of BlackWomen, and
82 McMillan, Black Writing, p.3. 83McMillanjoc. cit. 84 Mary Karen Dahl, 'PostcolonialBritish Theatre:Black Voices at the Center, in Imperialismand Theatre: Essayson World TheatreDrama and Performance,ed. by J.Ellen Gainor (London: Routledge,1995) pp. 38- 55 (p.46). Theatrical Roots Johnson 58
Umoja.All were using African theatrical/ritualforms, and non-'standardEnglish' speech.
Talawaadded to this, their innovativework on the classics.8S
The work of the abovegroups highlighted the multiplicity of what the black theatrical experiencehad to offer. Additionally, a wealth of black theatremeant that neither individualsnor groupswould becomemarginalised, and that no one group could be held up as a flagship.As the legacyof funds from the late seventiesand early eightiesdried, companiesfolded and individuals either left England,or gaveup theatreentirely. As the ninetiesapproached, the future of black British theatrelooked bleak For thosewho remainedin existence,they would both be held up as flagshipsas well as be marginalised from mainstreamtheatre as being for a 'minority' audience.
Apart from the individual successin the ninetiesof Brewsterdirecting Lorca's Blood
Weddingat the National Theatre(199 1), the generalsuccess of her company,and Matura's work, much of the black theatreto emergein the ninetieshas comefrom black British artists.The BiBi Crew (all female),and The Posse(all male), both startedat The Theatre
Royal StratfordEast performing devised work aroundidentity and topical issuesin a mixture of West Indian speechforms, 'standardEnglish' and, black British speech.
This period also saw new comedyartists suchas Llewella Gideon,Angie La Mar and
Felicity Ethnic, whoseissues and stanceparallel thoseof their performanceancestor
83See Chapter Six, The English Plays. Theatrical Roots Johnson 59
LouiseBennett. In the male role we seeFelix Dexter, alongwith the comedyduos of
Jeffersonand Whitfield, and Curtis and Ishmael.86
Black British playwrightshave remainedfaithful to the stageand havecontinued to
producework that givesblack actorsnew and challengingroles conceivedfrom a
contemporary black British perspective. This work includes; Caryl Phillips's Strange
Fruit, (1988) and WhereThere Is Darkness,(1990), Killian Gideon'sEngland Is De Place
For Me,(l 985), WinsomePinnock's A Hero's Welcome,(l 990) and Rockin the
ivater,(l 989), Trish Cook's Back StreetMammy, (I 99 1) and,Running Dream, (l 992), and
EdgarWhite's RedemptionSong, (l 993).
With the work of previousgenerations, and the coming of ageof a third generationof
British born blacks,black theatreis now readyto define itself. The multiple definitions
heapedupon the black community,(and by extensionblack theatre),from thoseoutside it
arebeing shed.Half-caste, coloured, multicultural, Afro-Caribbeanand black, may not be
the words that black theatrepractitioners choose to define themselves.Black theatre
practitionersmust now provide what they regardas the appropriatealternatives, 'Let's
havesome definition coming from the peoplewho are being defined,rather than it coming 87 from thosewho will define us.
86 It shouldbe notedthat whilst this last group are all stageperformers they havegained widespread public attentionthrough their regulartelevision appearances. 87 Interviewwith Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa off icesLondon, 2 October 1998. 60 History of Talawa Johnson
CHAPTER THREE
HISTORY OF TALAWA
The aim of this chapter is to present a history of Talawa Theatre Company. This is
achieved through a tripartite discussion:
In part one a brief biographyof Artistic Director Yvonne Brewsteris presented.,
In order for Talawa's performancework to be understoodthe context and definition of
Talawaas a black British theatrecompany is analysedin part two. This sectionalso offers
a definition of black British theatreand examinesTalawa's mission statement.This is
followed by an explanationof the populartheatre and classicaltheatre forms that makeup
the genreof contemporaryblack British theatre.In part three an analysisof Talawa's
residencyat The CochraneTheatre is presentedalong with an outline of Talawa's projects
developedduring and after the residency.
Part One- Biographyof Yvonne Brewster
On 6 October 1939Yvonne Brewster,n6e Clarke, was bom into an upper middle class
family in KingstonJamaica. She attended St. Hilda's boardingschool for girls whereher
father sat on the Board of Governors.Efforts to expel her were exercisedon more than one
occasion,once for disguisingher DaphneDu Maurier Frenchman'sCreek as TheBible,
and againfor translatingthe school's latin motto into Jamaicanpatois.
1 Biographicaldetails are takenfrom interviewswith Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London,9 and 16 January1997. History of Talawa Johnson 61
At seventeenshe set off for Englandaccompanied by a chaperoneand stayedat the
CumberlandHotel. Shebecame England's first black femaledrama student by attending the Rose Bruford School of Speechand Drama where she studied speech,drama and mime. On entry, Brewster was warned, 'You'll never work. We'll take your money but you'll neverwork... you do know this don't youT Sheis now patronof RoseBruford.
Whilst at dramaschool Brewsterbecame familiar with the work of Europeaninternational writers and theatrepractitioners including; Brecht, Chekhov,Ibsen, Shakespeare and
Strindberg.As shehad cometo Englandknowing that shewould be studyingEuropean theatreshe did not expecther Jamaicanroots to featurein her work. Brewsterhowever, sawthe opportunityto usenon 'standardEnglish' when performingpoetry arguingthat poetryis personaland has its own voice. As this view was not encouragedat Rose
Bruford at the time Brewsterknew that her decisionto work in this way meantthat she could be threatenedwith coursefailure, and shetook additional examinationsat the Royal
Collegeof Music.
After four yearsstudying in Britain Brewsterreturned to Jamaicawhere shetaught drama beforetaking up a post as a radio presenterand producer,soon moving to produceand presenther own show for The JamaicanBroadcasting Company (JBC). Additionally,
Brewsterrecognised that therewas a needfor a nationaltheatre in Jamaicaand set up The
Bam.2
2 All of the infon-nationon The Barn (which to dateremains undocumented) is takenfrom an interview with YvonneBrewster by David Johnson,Talawa off ices London,9 January1997. 62 History of Talawa Johnson
The Bam
The Bam, establishedin 1965as Jamaica'sfirst professionaltheatre company was designedby Brewster'sfather. The theatre(seating one hundredand forty four) was built in the garageof their Kingston home. The Barn was namedafter the practicetheatre at
RoseBruford and also after Spanishplaywright FedericoGarcia Lorca's (1899 -1936) theatre, La Barraca, which translates as The Barn.
The ideafor The Bam was developedby Brewsterand her contemporarieswho had also beenstudying theatre abroad: Trevor Rhonehad also studiedat RoseBruford, Leonie
Forbeshad beenat the Royal Academyof DramaticArt in London (R.A. D.A) and Sydney
Hibbert had studiedin America.They had expectedto return hometo Jamaicaand 'set the world on fire. 3 What they found however,was a theatreset up that continuedto be dominatedby expatriates.
In The Barn they were free to do the work they wantedto. At the time unableto find any
WestIndian plays that interestedthem they ran through modemclassics including
Strindberg'sMiss Julie (1888) and Albee's TheZoo Story (1958).This was new work to the islandas theatricaltradition was largely pantomimeand someShakespeare. The latter
was producedby the expatriatePaul Methuenwho ran The GardenTheatre.
The Barn memberssoon turned to creatingtheir own work that can now be seento have
launchedRhone as a writer and Brewsteras a director. They basedtheir work on the
experiencesthey had had abroad,and how on returningto Jamaicathey felt that they were History of Talawa Johnson 63 regardedas ridiculous becauseof the perceptionthat they were spoilt. They also foundthat they were subjectto ridicule becauseof the way they spokeas their JamaicanEnglish was now pepperedwith words and intonation from either England or North America. As a responseto this they devised It's Not My Fault Baby: A play in dialect (1966). Whilst performancework in dialect was not new to the island,The Bam presenteda new forum for this kind of work to thrive in without excluding the middle classJamaicans who were also accustomedto attending the expatriate style of performance.
Thirty-six yearson The Barn presentsfour plays eachyear. It is non-profit making ensuringthat Jamaicanscan accesscheap theatre. Groups are not permittedto stayfor longerthan three months to guaranteethat profits are not made.Although thereis no artistic policy the work shownmust havea black perspectiveand/or be written and directedby a black artist:
Young Jamaicanartists especially playwrights, must havea
placewhere they can put their work on without too much expense
and know that they will get an audience.My wish is that we produce
more playwrightsand the only way we can do this is if they can get a
I 4 chanceto put their work on...... so subsidise.
After morethan a decadeof artistic successin JamaicaBrewster returned to England,this time for good.
3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. History of Talawa Johnson 64
Brewster'scareer in Englandfrom the 1970ssaw her displayingfilm makingtalents as productionmanager and assistantdirector on; TheHarder TheyCome (1970), Smile
Orange (1975) and The Maryuana Affair (1976). As a filmmaker she also produced and cast for BBC television; The Fight Against Slavery (1975), My Father Sun Sun Johnson
(1976),and later Romeoand Juliet (1997). Brewsteralso producedThe Gods Are Not To
Blame (1995) for BBC radio. Continuous and successful projects have meant that her renownas a director hasspread beyond Britain and Jamaicawhere sheis bestknown. In
1997Brewster directed Harold Pinter's TheLover (1997) in Florence.5
Brewsterhas donated her time generouslyto the positive developmentof British theatre whereshe can be seento havemaintained a prominentand respectedposition. Shehas sat on numeroustheatre boards including Arts Council Committees(she was Dramaofficer of the Arts Council), The Black TheatreForum, The British Council's Dramaand Dance
Advisory Committee,The Gulbenkianenquiry into Director training in Britain alongwith numeroustheatre enquiries. Brewster presently sits on The London Arts Board,The Royal
Victoria Hall Foundation,The Theatres'Trust, and The RiversideMental HealthTrust.
Sheis also a Fellow of the Royal Societyof Arts. In 1993Brewster received an OBE for her work in the arts, alongwith an Arts Council Womanof AchievementAward. Of all her achievementsBrewster is probablybest known for her role as co-founderand to date only Artistic Director of TalawaTheatre Company. Talawa, has however, not existedin isolation and forms part of a contemporarygenre in British theatredefined as black
British.
3 Seeinternet http: site: //www.talawa-com/_Uonnebrewster. htm - Yvonne Brewster- 08/03/01 65 History of Talawa Johnson
Part Two - Black British Theatre
For the present writer an important part of defining black theatre in Britain is in clarifying that the practitioners responsible for the genre can be divided into two groups that have worked together. In Roland Rees's Fringe First, Caribbean theatre practitioners living and working in Britain and later black British theatre practitioners are all considered in the same group of people producing black British theatre. The fusion of the two groups may be explainedby the fact that it is the former who originally performedon the British stage whilst the latter are their British-bom theatricaldescendants. Their issues,experiences, attitudesand expectations(those of the latter group) are howevernot identicalto their
Caribbeantheatrical forebears. 6
In the first sectionof Rees'stext the artists interviewedwere all bom and raisedin the
Caribbeanbut startedtheir professionaltheatrical working life throughthe author's company,Interaction, in London. The artiststaking part in the discussionare: Mustafa
Matura, StefanKalipha, OscarJames and Malcolm Fredericksall from Trinidad, and
Norman Beaton,T-Bone Wilson and GordonCase from Guyana.' Whilst the interviews allow eachpractitioner the opportunityto describehow he cameto work in theatreand provide neededdocumentation on this aspectof black British theatrethe speakers'
attitudesdisplay a feeling of repayinga debt to Rees:
6 The differencein attitudeof thesetwo groupsis demonstratedin RolandRees's, Fringe First: Pioneersof Fringe Theatreon Record(London: Oberon, 1992). Historyof Talawa Johnson 66
James:
if it for I have it in theatre.I .... wasn't you, wouldn't made am really gratefulto you and all the time you put into thoseplays, because as far as
black theatregoes, nobody cared until you camealong and got in thereand
did it. 8
Later black British theatrepractitioners can be seento havea less 'grateful' attitude.This may stemfrom the groundworkhaving beendone for them.Additionally, British born black theatrepractitioners may feel that it is their right to haveaccess to the British stage as Britain is their only home.Those who worked beforethem, were (despitetheir British colonial nationality) foreigners,and perhapsdid not expectto be given the same professionalopportunities as their white counterparts.Interviewed by ReesPauline Black demonstrateswhat the presentwriter seesas a contemporaryblack British proactive
'. if in RSC National then do that stance, .. you, the and won't castus, we will work ourselvesand castall the partswith black actors.'9
Black's commentpoints to what can be seenas an essentialingredient in the longevityof
Brewster'swork which is characterisedby her belief that black theatrepractitioners should
not only createtheir own work but define themselves.For Brewsterlack of self-definition
on the British stagewill leadto non-whitetheatre practitioners failing underthe heading
'culturally diverse is by London Arts Board for of, theatre... this the term used the all
7 Rees,Fringe First, pp.96-116. 8 Ibid., p. 105. 9 Ibid., p. 143. History of Talawa Johnson 67
black the "O minority theatre... meaning... when the peoplecome and muddyup water.
The presentwriter suggeststhat such a dilution of cultureswill leadto poor representation acrossa rangeof culturesand will be lesslikely to be usedto inform theatregoers,of the cultural heritagefacts of their specific communities.In addition to this 'culturally diverse' may be perceivedby audiencesand practitionersalike as an inferior form of theatreas it is not a central part of mainstream performance. Brewster points to the fact that this is alreadyreflected in the attitudeof someblack performers,'People don't evenwant to say that they are in black theatre... they don't want to be associatedwith somethingthat is alwayson the fringes,no money."'
It is perhapspartly due to the aboveand similar ways of thinking expressedhere by Black
and Brewsterthat contemporaryblack British theatreemerged in the late 1970sand
throughoutthe 1980s.This emergencecoincided with the coming of ageof manysecond
and third generationblacks in Britain. The new theatricalactivity gaveblack practitioners
a creativeforum for developingtheir own theatricalvoice within the contemporaryBritish
context.In spite of the fact that black theatrepractitioners were seekingto createtheir own
work, their efforts were not generallyrecognised by the mainstream.This hasmeant that
the work achievedhas not alwaysbeen documented thus giving rise to a lack of clarity
aroundthe precisedates of when companiesstarted and when specific productions
occurred.Additionally, very few of the companiesthat emergedat this time appearto have
kept systematicrecords, or evencollections of accessibleprogrammes for their own
10 Interviewwith Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa off ices London,2 October1998. " Ibid. History of Talawa Johnson 68 productions.Contemporary researchers find that they are often dependenton the memories of thosethat were involved in the work at the time for a recordof events.
As the companiescame onto the theatricalscene many pointed to their black identity by their names.Black Mime, The Black TheatreForum, and The Black TheatreCo-operative amongst them. The names not only acted as an identification tag but can also be seenas a rejectionof the historical negationof words precededby 'black'. 12 In Britain the negative notionsand imagesthat havesurrounded black peopleand their languagecan be seento haveplayed a centralpart in encouragingthe lack of developmentof black performerson the British stage.13 This theatricaland cultural history may be deemedresponsible for having left contemporaryblack theatrepractitioners reinventing themselves and redefining their work as they attemptto find a permanentplace for their art, and give it a clear oral and non-spokenperformance vocabulary on the modemBritish stage.
The work of the modemblack theatrecompanies in Britain generallyfits into and continuesto be definedby one or more of the following categories:
The work is usually performedby black peoplefrom Africa, and/orthe Caribbeanor
their British bom descendants.
The work hasa black themethat dealswith issuesaffecting aspectsof black life.
12 Seediscussion of the languageof the British stagein ChapterSix. History of Talawa Johnson 69
* The work is usually written and directedby black theatrepractitioners.
Whilst some of the black theatre groups and their work may have naturally fallen into someor all of the abovecategories, such definition was also encouragedby the requirementsof funding bodies.In the caseof many early black theatrecompanies funding could only be secured by doing defined 'black' work as is discussedwith the inception of
Talawa(outlined below). Additionally, in 1986the Arts Council of GreatBritain introducedan Ethnic Minority Arts Policy giving 4% of any subsidyoffered to a theatre companyto the developmentof work for black artistswithin the company.14 The fact that a percentageof the funding life spanof a theatrecompany was (and perhapsstill is), measuredby the company'semployment of black artistsmay be seento havegiven such black theatrepractitioners a 'political' dimensionthat they would not otherwisehave requestedfor themselves.In this light the presentwriter suggeststhat boundariesput in placeby the criteria of funding bodiescan be seento havedenied black theatre practitionersthe possibility of exploring creatively.
Black theatrepractitioners working in Britain may be seento facea further creative dilemmathat stemspurely from their colour. The dilemmais threefold. If the work hasa
black cultural stancethey are running the risk of marginalisingthemselves and this in turn
may affect the amountand type of funding that they receive.Marginalisation can be seen
to be particularly problematicwhere the startingpoint of the company'screative work is
within a genrethat is not fully celebratedon the British stageas in the caseof black
13 Ibid. History of Talawa Johnson 70 theatre.Secondly choosing to do black cultural work may also encouragethe companyto be held up as a flagship for the genreleaving no spacefor expansionwithin or, indeed, beyond the genre. This would also be detrimental to other black performance groups that would not be able to thrive if all mainstreamfocus was on one black company.Finally, if black theatrepractitioners do identical work to their white counterpartsthey may be seen as producingmore of the sameand will standlittle chanceof beingconsidered for funding.For the presentwriter it is important for able black performersto be seenin the widestpossible range of performancework if black performersare to be castmore for their talentthen their colour. Seeingblack performersworking only in designatedblack performancework would give the false impressionthat this is the only work that they can do.
The expectationsand desiresthat black theatrepractitioners have for their own work may includethose who wish to cover a full rangeof cultural work, to thosewho wish to concentrateon presentingwhat they perceiveto be uniquely theirs. Othersmay wish to crossbetween the two. Carlsonsuggests that regardlessof the wishesof black theatre practitioners,their work will be highlightedby contemporarytheatre because of what is different aboutthem. 's Theseperceived differences may also help excludethem from mainstreamtheatre. Despitehaving to work aroundthe kinds of restrictionsoutlined above,it is the presentwriter's belief that Talawa hascontinuously determined its own
14 ElizabethClarke, 'Black Theatrein England:A Perspective',in Banja: A MagazzineofBarbadian Life and Culture,No. 2 (1988), 60-64 (p.63). 15 Marvin Carlson,Performance: A Critical Introduction (London, Routledge,1986), pp. 144-164. History of Talawa Johnson 71 agendawithin what hasbeen on offer and hasconsequently been able both exploreand developwhilst securingfunding.
TalawaTheatre Company was set up in 1985.Talawa, whose name comes from the
Jamaicanword of WestAfrican origin 'Tallawah', meaninglittle but tough madehistory by becomingthe first professionalblack theatrecompany in Britain. The foundermembers of Talawaalong with Yvonne Brewsterwere Mona Hammond,Carmen Munroe and Inigo,
Espejel.
Talawa's inceptioncan be seento have comeabout due to the offer of culturally specific funding as Brewsterwas askedto direct a black theatreperformance as part of a seasonto celebratethe life and work of Trinidadian writer and activist CLR James.The production would be fundedas part of the GreaterLondon Council's (GLC) (RaceEquality Unit)
'Black ExperienceArts Programme'dedicated to enhancingthe profile of black work.
For the presentwriter, the impactof Talawa's first performanceresponding to the request of the funding body meantthat Talawa's work could not avoid becomingpolitical in the funding arena.Additionally, Brewsterwas awarethat the political subjectmatter of the chosenproduction (CLR James'sThe Black Jacobins)along with that of the overall showcasemeant that Talawa's initial work would be seenby the pressas essentiallyblack and political:
I don't seeanything wrong with having a political reason
for wantingto do somethingartistic, but what particularly 72 History of Talawa Johnson
pleasesme aboutthis production is that I beganby wanting
to revive it becauseI thought that the politics of CLR James
were so immensely important to black people in this country
today.Then I realisedthat not only are the politics correct,but
it is also a smashing play. 16
ReceivingGLC funds also openedthe company'seyes to the funding body's notion of the quality of work that it could expectfrom a non-whitetheatre company when Talawawere asked, 'What do you want with six weeksof rehearsals,black plays don't needmore than three.' 17 Brewsterwent aheadwith the productiondespite this challenge,because of the strengthof her belief that 'Theatrically speaking,England is the most receptiveplace in the world." 8
The fact that Brewstertook this opportunityto start a black theatrecompany and not
simply work on a particular black productionmay be seenas a sign of her desireto create
a forum whereblack theatrein Britain could begin to establishand define itself. The
companywould also be able to provide a spacefor black performanceartists to developin
as an adjunctto any other formal theatreeducational training and/orexperience they may
have.
16 Lyn Gardener, Interview with Yvonne Brewster, City Limits, 21-27 February 1986, p.75- 17Ibid. 18Ibid. 73 History of Talawa Johnson
As Talawahas continued to receivefunding for the pastfifteen yearsit may be suggested
that the companyhas steadilyincreased in recognition.After initial funding from the GLC,
Talawareceived continuous funding from The Arts Council of Englanduntil 1994.
WhenTalawa moved into its permanentbase at The CochraneTheatre the companyalso
receivedfunding from the LondonArts Board. Since 1994The LondonArts Board has
remainedTalawa's core revenuefunding body. As Talawa'swork and rangeof projects
hasevolved the companyhas received further funding from a wide body of organisations
from 1993to 2001.19Whilst Talawa's initial work may havebeen at leastpartly guidedby
fundingcriteria, the rangeof funding that the companyis now ableto attractsuggests that
it is recognisedas a reputablecompany as much as for being able to meeta wide rangeof
funding criteria.
The presentwriter believesthat if black theatrecompanies aim to keeptheir identity and
havea mediumto long ten-nlife spanon the fringe circuit (and possiblyin the
mainstream),they needto be clear abouttheir aims and shouldnot be seducedby funding
criteria. Talawa TheatreCompany has addressedthese issues since its inceptionand has
consequentlybeen Britain's longestrunning contemporaryblack British theatre.Although
Talawa'scoming into existencemay be seenas accidentalor be attributedto Brewster's
19 During this period Talawa has received funding from the following organisations: Paul Hamlyn Foundation, Baring Foundation, John Lewis Partnership, Stoll Moss Theatres, Lionel Rogosin, British Telecom, Contact Theatre, Ward Theatre Foundation, British Council, London Weekend Television, John Lyons, London Hispanic Foundation, Department for the Environment, Cilntec, Wates Foundation, Princes Trust, LAB Women Writers, Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, Esmee Fairbaim, The London Institute and The Festival Theatre. History of Talawa Johnson 74 identifying and seizingof an opportunitythe companydeveloped a missionstatement setting out the company's three main aims as:20
To useblack culture and experienceto further enrich British theatre.
To provide high quality productions that reflect the significant creative role that black
theatre plays within the national and international arena.
To enlarge theatre audiences from the black community.
Talawa's first aim would add a new dimensionto British theatreby presentingAfrican
and Caribbeancultures and societiesin performance.European classical and modern texts would also be exploredbringing to them relevant issuesof black African/Caribbean
and British life that may be ignoredby the wider mainstreamBritish theatrecompanies.
The secondaim was to move black theatreout of small churchhalls. Moving black
Theatreinto the middle/largescale arena could help to establisha senseof seriousness
aroundthe genrethat had hitherto not existed.Finally, prior to the conscious
developmentof black theatrein Britain, black peoplemay generallyhave seenBritish
theatreas largely irrelevantto them in termsof cultural representation.This may have
inspireda feeling that mainstreamBritish theatrewas not targetedat Africans, West
Indians,and their subsequentBritish-bom offspring. Additionally, the cost of theatre
tickets may havebeen regarded as an unnecessaryexpense and may have limited black
20Talawa's original policies are found in Talawa's company profile. See internet site: http: //www. talawa. htm Who is Talawa?: com/index. - Talawa's Profile and Mission Statement - 06/03/01 History of Talawa Johnson 75 attendanceat the British theatre.Talawa's third aim then was to createtheatre that would show black peoplethat British theatrewas not one dimensionalbut relevant,accessible and affordable.
Talawa's missioncan be signalledas part of the fabric that has madethe company's longevity possible on the British stage. In addition to this is the fact that Talawa is placed at the upperend of what the presentwriter seesas a black British theatrecontinuum. This statushas been achieved by the style of work that the companyhas chosento do. The presentwriter believesthat the work producedwithin the genreof contemporaryblack
British theatrecan be divided into two groups:
9 PopularTheatre.
o ClassicalTheatre.
Thesetwo forms are not uniqueto contemporaryblack British theatre.In Hill's
descriptionof two theatreforrns developingin Jamaicathis centuryhe refersto Folk
Theatreand Art Theatre.These correspond to the presentwriter's notion of the popular
and classicalforms in contemporaryblack British theatre:
The Folk Theatreenriches the Art Theatre,gives it validity and
meaning,while the Art Theatreseeks to interpret folk performance,
to give what is a communal,traditional form an individual and personal 76 History of Talawa Johnson
21 voice and vision.
One of the centraldistinguishing factors between the forms is seenin the oral languageof performance.Popular Theatre often uses'dialect' speechboth in Britain andthe
Caribbean.As Caribbeanlanguage forms have low internationalstatus their role in performancein the Caribbeanwas initially seento havea limited thoughvery specific function:
Yearsago, when West Indian playswere first written, dialects
were often usedin plays for comic purposes,the implication being
that dialect speakerswere illiterate and thereforenot deservingof
seriousattention. 22
In Britain suchspeech (that of the Afro-Caribbeanworking class)had no placeat all on
the establishedBritish stage.
Despitethe initial and, to a degree,continued low statusgiven to native Caribbeanspeech
in performance,Caribbean language in performancein the Caribbeanhas evolved to make
it accessibleacross the region.This hasbeen achieved through the standardisationof
native Caribbeanspeech for performance.For the presentwriter standardisationhas
consistedof making Caribbeanspeech in its spokenand written forms more akin to
'standardEnglish' speech.Omotoso points to the problemsof orthographyposed by
21Effol Hill, TheJamaican Stage, 1655-1900: Profile OfA Colonial Theatre(Amherst: University of MassachusettsPress, 1992), p. 280. Johnson 77 History of Talawa
Archibald standardisationby comparingextracts from work by Trinidad's RupertDouglas in 1967and 1972:
ELLY: No. Ah diden wan'ter opsethim onduly. He did get de four
yearshard labour, an' den day bring he out on anuddercharge, an' de
judge say is two moh years, an' he woulden let it run current. So
Emes' spirits was low.
And:
ISODORE:I hasme drain to dig, and me tree to prune,and me garden
to plant. That is the first thing I hasto do. Then I hasthis houseto fix up,
and a kitchen to build on, with shed,at the back of it. And all the furniture
doesneed to be fix. (pause)The placeall right for one man. But, rather,I 23 has me pride, and Elsie must haveonly the bestthere is.
Clearly the orthographyof the secondextract has beenstandardised thus enablingany
literateEnglish speakerto readand understandthe text. Only the most obvious differences
from the 'standardEnglish' usage,such as the third person'has', and 'me' usedas the
possessivepronoun 'my' indicatewhat the text should soundlike.
22Michael Gilkes, Couvade,as quotedby Omotoso,The Theatrical into Theatre,p. 148. 23Omotoso, The Theatricalinto Theatre,p. 151.Omotoso has taken the first extractfrom RupertDouglas Archibald's TheRose Slip (Trinidad and Tobago:U. W. I. Extra-Mural Department,Caribbean Plays, Full Historyof Talawa Johnson 78
For the black British theatre practitioners emerging from the 1980s the questions of orthography have not been the same as for their Caribbean predecessors.The black British companies either worked from established Caribbean scripts (scripts written in 'standard
English'), which can be regarded as a result of the standardisation process,or as in the
case of those working within the popular genre they entirely devised their work. One of
the most successful24companies working on the British stage in the popular genre
throughout the 1980s and 1990s is the Jamaican Oliver Samuels Company performing the
25 Boops plays.
In the Boopsplays the centraltheme is of a working classJamaican woman using a man
for her materialgain. He is her 'boops'. The work can be seenas light-hearteddiversion
with social commentthrown in for good measure.In addition to the work being available
to British audiencesthrough tours all of the showsare recordedonto video. The most
recentshow andvideo is the Big Yardplays dealingwith the struggleof life in a tenement
yard in Kingston(set in the early 1990s),which discussesthe inhabitants'dream of a
better life.26
Both the Boopsand Big Yard plays are comediesin which the characterslaugh at their
difficult life situation.Much of the comedyis also rooted in the languageof the
performance.The charactersuse the Jamaicanlanguage of the monolingualpatois speaker
Length,no. 4,1967), p.37, and the secondby the sameauthor is taken from Island Tide (Trinidad and Tobago:U. W. l. Extra- Mural Department,Caribbean Plays, Full Length,no. 6,1972), p.55. 24 Successhere is measuredby the company'ssell out tours. 25 During both the 1980sand 1990sthe Londonperformances have taken place at both the Lewisham Theatre andthe HackneyEmpire. Seeinternet site: http://www. hackneyempire. co. uk/html/about. htm -The HackneyEmpire - 06/03/01 History of Talawa Johnson 79 and laughat their 'misuse' of 'standardEnglish'. This is demonstratedthrough using words in the wrong contextand by the invention of new and generallylong wordsaimed at giving greater weight to the point that the character is making. This type of languageuse can be seento be a trademarkof the popular genre.
In contrastto Omotoso'sexample above, Oliver Samuelsand Companyhave not refined
their performancelanguage for black British audiencesand demonstrateuncompromising
overt languagebehaviour. This choiceof languagehas been beneficial in enablingthe
companyto be specific in targetingits British-basedJamaican-patois-speaking audience.
The British audiencefor this work can be divided into the following three groups:
Non-professionalCaribbean blacks who arrived and haveremained in Britain from the
1950s.
Descendantsof the above.
* New arrivals from the Caribbean.
The work can be seento be of particular interestto the abovegroups due to their
familiarity with both the style of language,and the issuesraised in the plays.
26See internet http://members. site: tripod.com/-bivvard/index. html, - Big Yard Videos starringOliver Samuels- 06/03/01 History of Talawa Johnson so
Whilst on the one handthis popular work gives British blacksa tasteof working classlife
in Jamaicait may also be seenas both an outlet and rebellion to mainstreamBritish theatre
andthe 'standard' languageof wider British society.In addition to subjectsfeatured in the
playsdescribed above much of the work revolvesaround sex-based farcical situations
showinglove trianglesand free attitudesto sex, no toleranceof issuessuch as
homosexuality, rejection of African heritage and jocular arguments on the relationship
betweenthe Caribbeanislands. In short a bigoted society.Despite negative images of lack
of education,class and economicstatus that the popular genrecarries with it, the work
meetsthe theatricaldemands of specific sectionsof the black British theatre-going
community.
Of all Britain's black theatrecompanies it is Talawathat can be seento have aimedat
meetingthe demandsof the black community on the widest social, intellectualand
linguistic scale.This hasmeant that Talawa hasbeen able to meetthe demandsof the
aboveaudience as well as that of an audienceseeking a greaterintellectual challenge.
Along with all of the groupsdefined aboveas the audiencefor the popular genre
Talawa'saudience also consistsof the following three groups:
9 Professionalblack Britons.27
* Professionalwhite Britons.
9 Black Britons underthirty. History of Talawa Johnson 81
Thoughmuch of Talawa'swork consistsof plays from the Caribbeanthe work is from establishedwriters who use Caribbeanspeech as a part of their work and not as its entirety. Talawa is also the only black British theatre company to work within the traditional canonof British theatre.This is exemplified by the company'sperformances of plays suchas Wilde's TheImportance of Being Earnest(I989), Forde's Ms Pity She's a Whore(I 995), and Shakespeare'sAnthony and Cleopatra (199 1), King Lear (1994) and
Othello (1999). 28
Whilst Talawa's work in the classicalgenre has consistedprincipally of Shakespeare plays,the genreencompasses the internationallycelebrated works of greatwriters that may be perfortnedby any theatrecompany wishing to reacha wide audience.Talawa's performingof the classicscan be seento give the messagethat work that can be understoodby everyoneover centuriesshould not, in Britain, be the performance preserveof Britain's white theatrecompanies. Similarly Talawahas not wantedto remain on the fringes of the British stagein termsof performancevenue, and madetheatre history by becomingthe first black theatrein Britain to be permanentlyhoused in the
West End.
27 The definition of 'professional' is in line with that describedin ChapterOne. 28 The datefollowing the play title refersto Talawa's performance. History of Talawa Johnson 82
PartThree - Talawa's Residencyat The Cochrane
1992saw a new phasein the company'sdevelopment. Discussions with The London
Institute and Central St. Martin's School of Art and Design led to Talawa's successful bid for developmentfunds both from The London Institute and the Arts Council.
Additionally, Talawa receiveda threeyear leaseto work at the newly namedand refurbishedCochrane theatre owned by The London Institute.29
The theatrespace designed by architectAbiodun Odedinawas light, airy, accessibleand aimedat creatinga theatricalenvironment that focusedon the whole theatreadventure.
The entiretyof this experiencelay in the understandingthat the theatricalouting is not limited to merelywatching a show.To this end Afro-Caribbeanimages were usedas part of the front of housedesign and highlightedthe cultural identity of the work that would take placeat The Cochrane.In a new high-profile homeTalawa would be ableto raise its statusand in so doing take the opportunityto be inclusive by attemptingto makethe theatreaccessible to all membersof the communitY.With this notion of theatrefor all in mind, the theatrewas fitted with lifts for easyaccess to the bars and offices, disabled lavatoriesand an inductionloop in the auditoriumthat had been technically upgraded with new lighting and sound.The refurbishmentcost a total of three hundredand fifty thousand pounds.
Talawa's theatricalaim during the residencyat The Cochranewas artistically specific with
a contractualremit to producean annualperformance programme of three/four
29 Foundbetween Holborn tube stationand CharingCross and EustonTrain stations,The Cochranewas ideally placedto attracta West End audience.Exact location: SouthamptonRow, LondonWCI B4 AP. History of Talawa Johnson 83 productionsthat would run for periodsof four to five weeks.During the residencyat The
CochraneTalawa produceda total of ten productionscovering the full rangeof genresthat the company has dedicated itself to. The work can be divided into the following genres:
o Three African plays.30
31 9 One English play.
9 Two American plays.32
e Four Caribbeanplays. 33
Suchwork had not, nor has sincebeen the stapleof WestEnd productions,and in this
regardTalawa can be seento have beenmeeting the needsof a specific communityas well
as widening the scopeof what West End theatrehad to offer.
Talawa's productionarchives and Brewster'sdiscussion of the company'stime at The
Cochranepoint to, along with the achievements,some of the difficult issuesthat Talawa
30-TheRoad Wole Soyinka.26 - February- 28 March 1992.Director -Yvonne Brewster. Mooi StreetMoves Paul Slabolepszy. - 6 September- 17 September1994. Director - Paul Slabolepszy- Resurrections Biyi Bandele-Thomas.28 September 29 October 1994.Director Yvonne Brewster. 31 - - King Lear - William Shakespeare.16 March 16 April 1994.Director Yvonne Brewster. 32The love - SpaceDemands - NtozakeShange. I October 31 October 1992.Director Yvonne Brewster. From The - MississippiDelta - Dr EndeshaIda Mae Holland. I April May 1993. Director Annie Castledine. -I 33Smile Orange Trevor - Rhone.28 April - 30 May 1992.Director Trevor Rhone. Arovak Gold CarmenTip] ing Ted Dwyer. - and 9 December1992 - 16 January1993. Director Yvonne Brewster. TheLion - Michael Abbensetts.30 September- 30 October1993. Director HoraceOve. Johnson 84 History of Talawa
34 dealtwith whilst in the West End. Thesedifficulties canbe divided into thosethat
stemmedfrom the mainstreamview of Talawa's performancework, and thosethat
stemmedfrom the relationshipbetween Talawa and the residentstaff at The Cochrane.
The presentwriter feelsthat it is importantto give brief examplesof the two kinds of
difficulties in relation to Talawa's first productionat The Cochraneas careful readingof
Talawa's productionarchives suggests that the sameproblems continued throughout
Talawa's residencyat The Cochrane.
The mediocrereviews that Talawa's first productionat The Cochrane,Wole Soyinka's
TheRoad received, reflect a view that suggeststo the presentwriter that the work was
eitherbadly perfon-ned,misunderstood, or offensive in someway to the reviewerswhich
encouragedtheir negativecommentary:
As promisedplease find enclosedcopies of the reviewsof TheRoad
not quite what we would havewished for but of no consequenceto
our commitmentto providing our audiencewith work that is representative
of the classicsof black culture ratherthan the diluted 'feel good'
offerings which prevail in the West End.35
All of the reviewsstate that Soyinka'splay is too difficult to understandand question
Brewster'schoice. The mainstreampress adds to this by being particularly scathing:
Maskerade- Sylvia Wynter.9 December1994 - 14 January1995. Director Yvonne Brewster. 34Interview with YvonneBrewster by David Johnson,Talawa offices London,21 February1998. 33Letter from Angela McSherry(Talawa Adminstrator) to RichardMoffatt (Lighting Designerfor The Road), 16 March 1992.See Talawa production archives for TheRoad- personnelfile. 85 History of Talawa Johnson
I Talawa haveto do better could makeno senseof the work ... will
if they are not to be challengedby other ethnic minority companies 36 with an equalor better claim to a roof over their heads.
Wardle'scomment does not appearto bejustified by any assessmentthat he offers of the performancebut rathercan be seento stemfrom a preconceivednotion that Talawa's work will be disappointing:
The CochraneTheatre, long lost to the generalpublic, reopened
last week, stunninglyredesigned by Abiodun Odedinaas a permanent 37 homeof Talawa Company- at which point my enthusiasmcools.
Again thereis no explanationfor this negativeimpression. Perhaps slightly lessnegative is
Armistead'sjudgement which ignoresthe acting and direction to point to the set designas,
' the bestfeature of Yvonne Brewster'sproduction. ' 38
Whilstthe press generally felt thatBrewster had not madea wisedecision in doingThe
Road,their poor impressionof Talawa's version can be partly understoodwithin the contextof their acceptancethat Talawawas attemptinga very difficult play. What is also
apparentis that the mainstreamoffered no supportfor Talawa,by omitting to highlight
individual performancesor aspectsof Brewster'sdirection that worked well.
36 Irving Wardle,'Further scenesfrom the executionof culture', Independenton Sunday,8 March 1992, vil& Ibid. 38Clairc Armistead,'Twisty Road', Guardian,4 March 1992,p. 36. History of Talawa Johnson 86
The black productionthat 'prevailed' in the WestEnd at the time wasthe Cameron
Mackintosh/TheatreRoyal StratfordEast musical production of Five GuysNamed Mo at
The Lyric Theatre,Shaftesbury Avenue. Was Talawa expected to useits WestEnd venue to fall in line and producethe kind of musicalwork that black artistshad been allowed to do on the British stagesince the 1940s?Perhaps the mainstreamwas still not preparedto seeblack actorsin seriousroles in carefully craftedblack playsdiscussing aspects of
African life in what is an establishedwhite domain in Britain.
Additional correspondencesuggests that during the rehearsalperiod and the run that
Talawa'scompany members did not feel that they were being treatedreasonably by the establishedworkers at The Cochrane.In a letter to Ms Teerth Chungh(General Manager
of The CochraneTheatre), from Diane Wilmott (Talawa's companyStage Manager for 39 TheRoad), Ms Wilmott complainsof the abusivebehaviour of a cleanerto her company.
The suggestionis that The Cochranestaff had no respectfor Talawa's companymembers.
As Talawawas new to The Cochraneit was not clear wherethe hostility camefrom.
Talawa's archival recordsalso demonstratethat challengesmade to perceivedhostility
from establishedCochrane staff throughout the time at The Cochranewere never brought
to a conclusion.
The stayat The Cochranelasted for two and a half yearsending in January1995.
Although Talawa's residencyat The Cochranemade British theatrehistory, the experience
that held so much promisefor Talawa specificallyand black theatrepractitioners generally
had by the end of the processnot beenentirely positive. The period of threeyears for 87 History of Talawa Johnson which The Cochranehad beenleased was seen(from the outset),by Talawa'sArtistic
Director and the company'sBoard of Directorsas a formality. They imaginedthat the lease be 40This had in from the contents of a would automatically renewed. view come part letter from the Chairmanof the Arts Council:
Dear Ms Brewster,
I am delightedto welcomethe establishmentof TalawaTheatre at The
CochraneTheatre, London. This marksa major stepforward in the progress
of Black Theatrein this country.
The developmentof the companyhas beenconsistently supported by the
Arts Council. This year an increasedlevel of funding hasbeen given, which
includesa specialenhancement grant, in order to facilitate Talawa's move
into a permanenttheatre base.
myvery bestwishes go with the companyfor the future.
41 Lord Palumbo.
WhenTalawa's lease was not extendedand the companyhad no hometo go to the
negativeevents of the pasttwo and a half yearsmade the conclusionseem like an
42 inevitability that thoseat Talawa were powerlessto control. In spite of this, Artistic
39 Letter dated21/2/92 -See Talawa productionarchives for TheRoad -personnel f Ile. 40Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London,21 February1998 41 The letter was usedin Talawa's debut publicity campaignto mark their arrival at The Cochrane. 42 Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London,21 February1998. History of Talawa Johnson 88
Director Yvonne Brewsterregards the processof her longevityat The Cochraneas her biggestachievement:
it is almostan achievementto recognisewhen you are being
underminedand walk away. I think it's quite an achievementto walk
away as well, and I think that's importantalthough it was hell, because
it wasn't only me, it was a whole group,and to actuallytake a whole 43 group of peopleand keepthem togetherI think that was an achievement.
The presentwriter feels that Brewster'sattitude to discussingThe Cochranewithin the contextof this study shouldbe documented.Brewster's response was limited as her feeling remainsthat the problemsTalawa, encountered at The Cochranewere due to racism.Brewster did not wish to expandon this vieW.44 It would appearthat the issuehas remainedequally sensitivefor thoseat The London Institutewho might havebeen able to shedsome light on the decisionnot to renewTalawa's leaseas no representativehas been availableto discussTalawa's residency at The Cochranewith the presentwriter.
Whatis certainis thatTalawa met the artisticterms and conditions of its agreementwith
The LondonInstitute. In addition to the annualproductions at The Cochrane,Talawa was to deviseand follow an educationprogramme that aimedat servingthe wider community.
This programmeincluded collaboration with the theatredesign degree course at Central
St. Martin's (offering studentspractical set designexperience on Talawaproductions),
along with the settingup of a seriesof new projects.
43 Interviewwith Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa off icesLondon, 16 January1997. 44 Interviewwith Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa off ices London,21 February1998. History of Talawa Johnson 89
Education Projzrammes
The programmeswere designedto provide experiencefor thosewanting to become involved in the performing arts industry. The first programme was Talawa's collaboration with HackneyTheatre Education Focus that enabledTalawa, to providefive Hackney schoolsand a numberof communitygroups with theatrebased outreach programmes fundedby HackneyTask force.The programmehas beenrunning since 1992.
From 1992to 1996Talawa also developedthe Long Term Link, in conjunctionwith the
PaulHamlyn Foundation.The programmefocused on developingproductions for schools and colleges.Additionally Talawa hasprovided after-show discussions and workshopson its wide rangeof productions.This work hasbeen aimed at secondary,tertiary and higher educationoffering studentsthe opportunityto work with Talawa's professionaltheatre practitionersin a variety of areasincluding:
9 Characterand textual analysis.
* Exploring cultural nuanceswithin specific productions.
* Analysingthe historical and political issuesof the text.
* The useof body languagein the performancespace.
o Directing. History of Talawa Johnson 90
* Movementand Music.
9 Role play.
9 Rehearsaland performancetechniques.
e The transition from the pageto the stage.
A further developmentof Talawa's educationprogramme was the Black Women riters-)
Programmethat startedin 1992and givesthree Afro-Caribbean and/or Asian female writers eachyear the opportunityto work with professionalswithin a purely developmentalwriting process.The participantsare offered a tailor madeexperience designedaround their specific needs,in addition to the time and financial supportto developtheir craft. Practitionerswho haveworked with participantsinclude: Bryony
Lavery, Matthew Lloyd, Claire Luckham,Matthew Rooke,Elyse Dodgson,Don
Warrington,Carole Woddis, Deborah Yhip, Carl Miller and Myra Brenner. Sinceits
inceptionthe project hasprovided a platform for manyof the participantsto secure
openingsas writers, including:
* Readingsof their playsat the Edinburghfestival, Salisbury Playhouse, the OvalHouse
and Talawa studio (JoanHooley and Funmi Adewole).
* Workshopsof playsat the National TheatreStudio (Tanika Gupta's BandeMalaram). Historyof Talawa Johnson 91
* Commissions from theatre companies such as the Royal Court (Donna Daley).
9 Commissions from literary agents on the strength of plays developed through the
project (Kara Miller).
* Opportunities within TV writing (Millie Murray). 45
In 1995this project (which hasbeen funded since its inceptionby the LondonArts Board) becamepart of Talawa's core work. Sinceit startedsome thirty Afro-Caribbeanand Asian womenwriters havebenefited from the project. It is hopedthat the project will expandto allow similar opportunitiesfor Afro-Caribbeanand Asian male playwrights.
Shortly after Talawa left The Cochranethe companyintroduced a new initiative. This was the two-weekpilot summerschool in 1995.The summerschool was aimedat young
Londonersof Afro/Caribbeandescent from challengingbackgrounds and was supported by the JohnLyon's Charity. It was felt that the summerschool would be able to help developthe skills of Britain's next generationof black theatrepractitioners. The summer schoolhas run successfullyeach year sinceit began.The samestructure is appliedfor eachsummer school where participants are guided to devisean originalperformance piece overa four-weekperiod that deals with the issuesthey wish to explorein performance.
43See internet http://www. site: talawa.com/educational projects. htm - EducationProjects (Script DevelopmentProgramme) - 06/03/01 History of Talawa Johnson 92
The first summerschool was directedby Kully Thiari andTopher Campbell, whilst all subsequentsummer school projects have been directed by GretaMendez. In additionto the directorthe summerschool is run with the aid of black professionalsfrom the theatre
industrywho act as workshopfacilitators. Pastfacilitators have included:Steve Toussaint,
SyanBlake, Dennis Charles,Jacqui Chan, Keith Khan, WinsomePinnock, Nitin Chandra-
Ganatra,lndhu Rubasingharn,Biyi Bandele-Thornas,Paa C Quayeand Claudette
Williams. In 1998actress Cathy Tyson becamepatron of the summerschool.
In summer2000, Talawa's summerschool took place in Ilfracombe,Devon and was
Talawa'smost ambitioussummer school to date involving eight hundredyoung people
from all over Britain. The play, TheGame, was featuredwith performancesfrom both the
EnglishNational Operaand the National Theatre,and dealt with intergenerationalissues
affectingAfro-Caribbean life in Britain.46
Finally, Talawa's most recentnon-theatre based project is Blackgrounds.This is an oral
history video project that documentsthe achievementsof black theatrepractitioners on the
British stagefrom the 1940sto the 1960s. The projectwas launchedin 1997with the
collaborationof the Arts Council of Englandand the TheatreMuseum, Covent Garden.
This first phaseof the project culminatedin the productionof five video interviews
betweenthe presentwriter and Earl Cameron,Pearl Connor, Cy Grant,Barry Reckordand
AlaknandaSamarth. The videosthat are housedat the TheatreMuseum Covent Garden
provide researchersinto black theatrehistory in Britain with a catalogueof accountsof,
46See internet bttp://www. site: talawa.com/educationall2rojects. htm - EducationProjects (Summer School) -06/03/01 History of Talawa Johnson 93 the life of a black performerin Britain during this period. It is hopedthat the projectwill entera secondphase where the work of pioneeringblack performerswho worked on the
British stage between the 1950s and the 1970s will be documented.
Throughoutthe company'shistory Talawacan be seento haveendeavoured to create innovativework and new theatricaldirections for black theatrepractitioners. This can be seento havebeen achieved at leastin part by Talawa's resilienceto negativemainstream views, the company'sability to secureappropriate funding for its varying projects,and throughthe companydefining itself and adheringto its clear missionstatement. Having providedboth a historical context for Talawaand a history of the companythe following threechapters now focus on the theatricalperformance work of the group. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 94
CHAPTER FOUR
CARIBBEAN PLAYS
This chapter aims to demonstrate some of what Talawa,Theatre Company can be seento haveachieved through a discussionof the company'sperformances of contemporary
Caribbean plays. By analysing the productions the present writer hopes that the company's commitmentto its tripartite missionstatement will also be illustrated,in particular 1 Talawa'saim 'To useblack culture and experienceto further enrich British theatre.' In this chapterTalawa, can be seento achievethis by presentingits audiencewith theatrical
work that raisesissues that are directly relevantto contemporaryblack British society.
After an introductorynote the chapterfocuses on four of TalaNva'sperformances and
examinesa rangeof performanceand thematicissues within eachof them.The playsthat
are analysedare presentedin chronologicalorder of performance.The first one to be
discussedis Talawa's performanceof CLR James'sThe Black Jacobins.Analysis centres
on:
9 TheBlack Jacobinsas the show that launchedTalawa.
e The oral languageof the performance.
* Thenon-spoken performance vocabulary focusing on the themesof colonialismand Voodoo.
1 Seediscussion of Talawa's missionstatement in ChapterThree. Caribbean Plays Johnson 95
The secondplay for discussionis Talawa's performanceof Earl Lovelace'sThe Dragon
Can't Dance.The following areasare discussed:
* The oral languageof the performance.
The non-spoken performance vocabulary focusing on the use of music and calypso,
and the presentation of Carnival.
Thirdly, Talawa's performance of Michael Abbensetts's The Lion is analysed. The following areasare examined:
* The oral languageof the perfon-nance.
e Notions of black identity.
The last play to be discussedin this sectionis Talawa's performanceof Derek Walcott's
Beefno Chicken.The presentwriter examines:
* Yvonne Brewster'sapproach to languageuse and methodsof languagedirection as
seenduring the rehearsalprocess of the play. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 96
As seenin ChapterThree the rise of contemporaryblack theatrein Britain took place throughoutthe late 1970sand 1980swith the developmentof black theatrecompanies that chosenames and performancematerial that highlightedtheir Afro-Caribbeanheritage.
This emergencewas not accidentaland is seenby the presentwriter as a responseby black theatrepractitioners in Britain to the mainstreamBritish theatreestablishment that effectively excludedthem by the minimal roles that black performerswere often offered prior to this period.2
The new black companiesprovided a forum for black theatrepractitioners as they were
not as easilyemployed on the British stageas their white counterparts.In creatingtheir
own work black artistswould give themselvesthe opportunityto showtheir theatrical
ability, whilst doing work that was more culturally representativeof themselvesand their
varying communitiesboth in the Caribbeanand in Britain. The by-productof this
culturally specificwork can be seento havepartly resultedin the developmentof the
contemporaryCaribbean genre on the British stage.
Thecontemporary Caribbean genre was not newin itself but hadnot beenas actively
promotedon the contemporaryBritish stageas it was to be by black theatrecompanies
3 suchas Talawa. Talawa's continual performanceof suchwork can be seenas the
company'sattempt to createa black theatricalhistory for black theatrepractitioners in
Britain. Additionally, the companywas providing British audienceswith the work of
establishedCaribbean writers (or writers of Caribbeandescent), plays and stylesof
2 Interview with Earl Cameronby David Johnson,Cameron's London home, 26 May 1997. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 97
Caribbeanwriting that perhapsremained little known in Britain. Working within this genrealso enabledthe companyto usetheatre to demonstrateaspects of Afro-Caribbean cultural history to the British audience.Although this can be seenwith almostall of the playsthat Talawa hasperformed in this genre,the company's1986 performance of Dennis
Scot'sAn Echo in the Bone,and its 1994performance of Sylvia Wynter'sMaskerade neatly illustrate this point.
An Echo in the Bonewas Talawa's secondproduction performed at the Drill Hall, London between24 Juneand 19 July 1986.Scot's play set in Jamaicadeals with the nine nights tradition. As part of this tradition living friends and relativesof a recentlydeparted loved one watch over the deceased'sbody as it is believedthat this will protectits soul from evil during itsjourney into the after life. The newnessof Talawa'swork prompteda positive responsefrom sectionsof the black pressin Britain who welcomedseeing aspects of their cultural history displayedin a theatricalforum:
This play is a beautiful blend of history, folk tradition, superstition,
4 socialcommentary, Caribbean rhythms and Jamaican dialect.
Commentsfrom factionsof the mainstreamcan be seento havefocused on an alternate
view of what the play offered culturally:
3 The contemporaryCaribbean plays can be defined as works written by artists from the Caribbeanregion and later artistsof Caribbeandescent. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 98
After centuriesof blacking up it is somethingof a novelty to
ite. 5 watch black actorsplaying at being wh
Thejournalist is referringto the fact that the black actorsalso play white characters.For the presentwriter thejournalist's expression'playing at being white' may also suggestthat for her the actualact of blacksworking in theatre(despite the Caribbeannature of the play), was an attemptto mimic what may havebeen perceived in Britain as a historically
'white pursuit'. The fact that Brewstercontinued to work in this genrecan be seento have enabledTalawa's perfon-nersto developin this areaas well as continueto inforrn
audiencesboth black and white of black historical and cultural information.
This is seenin Talawa's eighth Caribbeanwork and eighteenthproduction in total, Sylvia
Wynter's musicalMaskerade, performed at The Cochranebetween 9 December1994 and
14 January1995. This Jamaicantale is the story of the JamaicanChristmas street parade
known as Jonkunnu.The productionenabled British audiencesto learn aboutthe
Jonkunnucelebrations (that had developedfrom slavetimes) with its Actor Boys and Set 6 GirlS. The play's overt useof Jamaicanpatois speechelicited commentsfrom sectionsof
the mainstreampress that suggestthe cultural subjectmatter had not beenfully
appreciatedas the languagecould not be fully understood:
4 Laurel B. Ince, 'An Echoin the Bone by DennisScott', CaribbeanTimes, 4 July 1986,p. 3 1. 5 JaneEdwardes, 'An echoin the Bone', TimeOut, 2-8 July 1986, 38. 6 p. Errol Hill, TheJamaican Stage 1655-1900: Profile of Colonial Theatre(Amherst: University of MassachusettsPress, 1992), pp. 229-253. Caribbean Plays Johnson 99
there is a certain intelligibility problemwith the Jamaican
dialect, but that ratherenhances the exotic charmof the piece.7
Murray's descriptionof the pieceas havingan 'exotic charm' points to a what may be seenas a narrow eurocentricperspective of an aspectof contemporaryBritish theatre performance.It is possiblethat Talawadid not view this work as eitherexotic or charmingbut ratheras culturally representativeof the majority of its performersand audience.
Talawa's performancehistory demonstratesthat the companymade a concertedeffort to move away from the stereotypicalwork of the black theatremovement of the late 1970s and early 1980s.In so doing the companycan be seento havecreated what may be regardedas a 'canon' of work within the contemporaryCaribbean genre having produced thirteencontemporary Caribbean plays to date. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 100
The Black Jacobins
In 1986Talawa Theatre Company was formed to revive CLR James'sThe Black
8 Jacobins. The productiontook placeat the RiversideStudios Hammersmith, between 21
Februaryand 15 March 1986.Talawa's last performancewas fifty yearsto the day after the first London performancein 1936.9This earlier productionwas seenwith scepticism:
the play is altogethertoo propagandist.Propaganda - in this
casethe causeof the negro races- is all very well in its properplace,
but it is not permissiblein a play which purportsto be substantially
true to history. The colouredraces have certainly beenpersecuted by
the whites, but the author's bias in their favour would appearto deny
the whites a shredof nobility of characteror honestyof purpose.In his
play the blacksare white and the whites are black.10
The responseto Talawa's later performancerevealed that times had movedon and that pocketsof the mainstreampress now saw a placefor black theatreon the British stage:
7 David Murray, 'CaribbeanCarnival', Financial Times,17 December1984, p. 16. a Cyril Lionel RobertJames was born on 4 January1901 in TunapunaTrinidad andcame to London in 1932. Early publicationsinclude his first book, TheLife of Captain Cipriani (1932).This f irst work became the 1933pamphlet entitled TheCasefor West-IndianSelf Government.This was followed by MintyAlley (1936 novel), ToussaintL'Ouverture, (1936 play), World Revolution(1937 political history),A History of Negro Revolt(1938 history), TheBlack Jacobins-(1938novel), and Breakinga Boundary(1963 writing on cricket). Jameswas also an active political activist. SeeCLR James: A Bibliographical Introduction (unpublished) by MargaretBusby (1985) -prepared for Talawa'sproduction. See Talawa production archivesfor TheBlack Jacobins- publicity file. Seeinternet site: http://www. stg. brown. edu/proiccts/hypertext/landow/post/poldiscourse/iames/iames3. html - CLR James:an Introduction 17/07/99 9 - In 1936Paul Robesonplayed James's Toussaint in ToussaintL'Ouverture (later re-titled, TheBlack Jacobins),at the WestminsterTheatre, London, 15 and 16 March. Caribbean Plays Johnson 101
But how marvellousto seea large scaleproject presentedby the I newly formed Talawa.company, but full of familiar facestackling
such important and pertinent historical issues."
James'smotivation for writing the play which documentsthe successful1791 slave revolt
in SanDomingue that led to the establishmentof an independentblack republic,
stemmedfrom his feeling that '.. thereweren't any plays that saidblack peoplehad
createdany distinct eventsof the time.' 12 Similarly, Brewsterwas motivatedto direct the
play due to her dissatisfactionwith what sheperceived to be the unacceptablelot of black
theatrein Britain. TheBlack Jacobinswould give her the opportunityto do a black
productionher way:
I'm not very impressedwith the black theatreover here.There's too
much grovelling, too much emphasison how marvellousit is that
blacksare actually at last being allowed to do their own thing in a
white man's country,too many introspectiveplays about racism:
13 too manyblacks laughing at the comic stereotypesof themselves.
This new productionallowed Talawa.to demonstrateJames's concern to a new generation
of black peoplein Britain whilst simultaneouslygiving contemporaryblack performersin
10 Anon, 'ToussaintL'Ouverture' (review of the performanceof TouissantL'Ouverture of 15 March 1936), Stage,19 March 1936,p. 9. " Michael Coveney,'The Black Jacobins/Riverside Studios, Financial Times,27 February1986, p. 27. 12 DarylI CumberDance, Conversations with ContemporaryWest Indian Writers(Leeds: Peepal Tree Books, 1992),p-l 8. Additionally, CumberDance describes the work as one of the most influential booksof the century', p. 14. 13 Tom Vaughan,'flaiti - the roots of rebellion, Morning Star, 17 February1986, p. 4. Caribbean Plays Johnson 102
Britain accessto the fringesof British theatre. Additionally, the productionwould challengeuninformed perceptions of black theatre,provide a fresh startof what could be made accessibleto black theatre practitioners in Britain and mark the beginning of Talawa
Theatre Company's performance career.
Oral Lanuaize
CLR James'stext is generallywritten in 'standardEnglish'. The occasionswhere the text indicatesa specific languagestyle are rare, (exceptfor songs,which are dealt with under non-spokenperformance vocabulary), and generallypoint to class,cultural and political differencesbetween characters. The languageof Talawa's video perfon-nance demonstratesa clear shift away from the text in its move away from non-'standard'British speech.
ThroughoutTalawa's perfon-nancethe hierarchyof languagesin SanDomingue is highlighted,showing French at the top (the languageof the rich white land-owningclass) andCreole and Pidgins beneath (the language of theblack land-workers). For the present writer a generalrule on language(reflecting the period) can be taken from Talawa's performance.This is thatthe darker the speakerthe lowerthe statusand the moreAfrican soundingthe language.14
14 This notion was exploredin Aphra Benn's,Oroonoko, or, the Royal Slave.A Tme Story (London: Will. Canning,1688) as illustrated in ChapterSix. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 103
in Whilst the useof pidgins were seento be (and may still be considered)debilitating
British society,15 through Talawa's performancecontemporary black British audiences may havefelt encouragedwitnessing a part of their history spokenin a form of their own languageon the British stage.Black theatregoersmay ordinarily feel excludedfrom mainstreamBritish theatrebecause the languagemost commonlyused for performance differs from theirs.
In the caseof Talawa's performanceof TheBlack Jacobinsthe interlocutorwould be correctto assessthat the languageof the pieceis aimedat thosewho speakand understand it: Caribbeanpeople and Britons of Afro-Caribbeanheritage. Whilst othersare not excludedthey may questionthe relevanceof suchperformance work to themselvesif they do not belongto or have an interestin thesegroups. These feelings can be seento mirror the experiencesof Caribbeanand black British peopleat mainstreamBritish theatre
performances.
All of Talawa's black charactersin the performanceuse a non-'standardEnglish' voice.
The black castmade up of a rangeof native WestIndians and black British performers
offers a rangeof authenticCaribbean and black British voices. Due to the linguistic mix,
Talawa inadvertentlypresents a rangeof languagethat may help to reinforcea senseof
black nationallinguistic identity for black British theatregoersas all of the languageused
is linked by its Afro-Caribbeantrademark.
13Viv Edwards,Language in a Black Community(Clevedon: Multilingual MattersLtd, 1986),p. 24, 'There is a long tradition of negativeattitudes towards non-standard speech and only in recenttimes haveattempts beenmade to explain different varieties in termsof social and historical development,rather than as a result of lazinessor stupidity.' CaribbeanPlays Johnson 104
This notion of the creationof a trademarkcan be seenin Ireland's Abbey Theatre's attemptsto creatework aimeda reflecting Irish identity. This processwhich beganin the late 1890s(at a time when Irish theatrewas dominatedby British cultural non-ns),and is 16 still developingto datewas principally donethrough the oral languageof performance.
Someof the aims and indeedproblems of the Abbey Theatrecan be comparedwith those of Talawa's developmentas both aimed to usetheatre to promotetheir culturesin a theatricalsetting that had beenstifled by English imperialism.
For the Abbey Theatrewhere Gaelic was initially consideredthe languagethat could be
usedproblems occurred including the fact that: Gaelic languagehad no formal history of
associationwith theatricalpresentation. There were no Gaelic plays,actors or audiences.
Therewas no traditional form of dramawritten in Gaelic.17 Theatre practitioners in Britain
of African or Caribbeandescent however, could accessthe documentedhistory of their
respectivetheatres although earlier Afro-Caribbeanwork had not alwaysbeen recognised
in Britain and black British born theatrepractitioners were not readily madeaware of this
aspectof their cultural history. Talawa's work in this genrecan be seento be enlightening
blackBritish audiencesof theiroral theatricalvoice. The use of a specificperformance
voice to heightenthe cultural identity of a performancecan be seenas a political
statement.Sartre points to the useof black languageforms as a markerof freedomfrom
repression:
16 JosephineLee, 'Linguistic Imperialism,The Early Abbey Theatre,and The Translationsof Brian Friel', in Imperialismand Theatre,Essays on World Theatre,Drama and Performance,ed. by J.Ellen Gainor (Londonand New York: Routledge,1995), pp. 164-18 1. 17Ibid., pp.165-166. Caribbean Plays Johnson 105
What then did you expectwhen you unboundthe gagthat had muted
thoseblack mouths? That they would chantyour praises?Did you
think that when thoseheads that our fathershad forcibly bowed
down to the groundwere raisedagain, you would find adoration
18 in their eyes?
Similarly, given the chanceto do its own work in its own way, Talawahas chosen not to usethe 'standardEnglish' of the text and mainstreamBritish theatrebut insteadexplore the soundof its own cultural voice. Talawa's chosenoral languagein TheBlack Jacobins
is discussedthrough an analysisof the centralcharacters Toussaint L'Ouverture, Maire-
Jeanne,Dessalines and MoTsein Talawa's archival video performance.
As ToussaintL'Ouverture, Norman Beatonprovides a consistentexample of linguistic
accommodationby adaptinghis character'slanguage to soundmore like his character's
Frenchmasters when he is speakingto them. Directed in this way this linguistic flexibility
is usedstrategically to point out how Toussaintuses language to achievehis political
ambitions.The factthat Beaton's Toussaint also demonstrates that he can use local speech
servesto highlight his conviction that whilst he wants SanDomingue to remaina French
colony,he and his fellow islandersare determined to maintaintheir own localidentity.
The messagemirrors Talawa's emergenceas a black theatrecompany that haschosen to
display its cultural roots by performingculturally specific themesin non-'standard
18 Jean Paul Sartre, Orphie Noir, preceding Ldopold Sddar Senghor's, Anthologie de La Nouvelle PoJsie Nýgre et Malgache (Paris: PressesUniversitaires de France, 1948), p. ix. The above translation is taken from, Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks (London: Pluto Press, 1986), p.29. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 106
English'. It may also be seenas pertinentto Talawa's black audience,who live in a society wheretheir home languagehas no real function outsideof their community.
Although Beaton'sToussaint has a Guyaneseaccent, his voice is easilydefinable as the
4standard'educated West Indian voice of the kind Cassidyattributes to the educated
English-speaking man anywhere, with his regional differences. 19 Beaton's Toussaint, presentsthe voice of the well to do black man whosepolitics are revealedin his voice. His voice is similar to that of thoseEuropeans who havetraditionally beenclassed as his oppressors.Although he doesnot want to be ruled by them, neither doeshe want to have "O completecontrol of his country, 'Francewill be elder brother,guide and mentor. His
inner desireto remain linked to them is demonstratedin his choiceto use speechthat
approximatesthat of the colonial rulers. For Tala%va'sblack audiencegenerally unused to
seeingCaribbean language forrns usedwith consistencyand in leadershiproles on the
British stagethis may serveto createa momentarysense of esteemfor an aspectof their
homelanguage, even if usedto emulateEurope.
MonaHammond's Marie-Jeanne is orally characterisedby her useof verbalrepertoire.
This term, as coinedby sociolinguistshas becomea featureof black British speech,
21 describedby thosewho use it as 'flexing'. In black British society 'flexing' refersto the
mixing of 'standard' British speechin combinationwith Afro-Caribbeanlanguage forms,
from one sentenceto the next. The script doesnot indicatethat the characteris
19 Frederic G. Cassidy, Jamaica Talk: Three Hundred Years of the English Language in Jamaica (London: Macmillan, 1961), p. 26. 20 Rehearsal script, p.389. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 107 linguistically dextrousas all of her text is in 'standardEnglish'. Talawa's performance highlightsthen, the subtletyand rangeof languageused by someblack Britons, and
Caribbean peoples in the UK. The character's verbal repertoire may be seento reflect the questionof languagechoice linked to identity as experiencedby black Britons, who 22 changetheir speechaccording to how they wish to be perceivedin a given environment.
This can also be seenthroughout the Caribbeanand is in part demonstratedby Talawa's performanceof Michael Abbensetts'splay TheLion, discussedlater in this chapter.
Edwards'sdiscussion of the motivation of languagechoice of black Britons points to speakerschoosing between 'standard English' and code switching within their patois
23 usage.
Hammond'slinguistic portrayalallows Talawato raise issuesof adaptabilityaround the
bilingual/culturalaspect of black British existence.Throughout the performance
Hammondmainly uses'standard English' speechfor her character.When she is emotional
shereverts to her native Caribbean,and in this caseJamaican language. This is seenwhen
21 61% of Talawa's audiencesurveyed indicated that they usemore than one speechform as a normal part of their oral communication. 22Sam Selvon, The Lonely Londoners(Essex: Longman Group Limited, 1995),p. 122.Harris in Sam Selvon'snovel providesa history to this usageof verbal repertoirethat hasbeen handed down to and developedby black Britons for their own needs. 23 Edwards,Language in a Black Community,pp. 1 16-117. 'Any discussionof the motivation for language choicein a British Black communitywill necessarilybe on two levels.The first level affectsthe marking of a situation as either "English" or "Patois". It shouldbe rememberedhowever, that the linguistic opposition we are consideringis not in fact a direct oppositionbetween English and Patois,since the Patoissituations most frequentlyinvolve code-switchingbehaviour between Patois and English.The secondlevel thus concernsthis code-switching behaviour.The mechanismswhich underlie switching are of central importancefor our understandingof the linguistic behaviourof British-born black people.' Languagechoice is dependenton how muchthe speakerwishes to be part of the social groupingof the interlocutor.This will result in either speechconvergence or speechdivergence. pI 17. 'Dependingon their perceptionsof the interactivesituation, they can either shift their speechstyle towards(speech convergence) or away from (speechdivergence) the speechstyle of their interlocutors.Speech convergence reduces the linguistic (and hencesocial) differencesbetween speakers and is motivatedby the desireto expressor receiveapproval. Similarly, speechdivergence serves to accentuatethese differences and can be usedto communicate disapproval.' CaribbeanPlays Johnson 108
Marie Jeanneis either angryor in a comedysituation. Notably, shealso revertsback to
'standardEnglish' when shewants to be taken seriously,thus indicatingthe low statusof native speechon the island and perhapsby extensionof Caribbeanspeech in Britain.
Hammond'sportrayal of Marie Jeanne'ssexual relationship with GeneralHddouville of the Frencharmy also highlights how their intimacy leadsto her useof verbal repertoire.
When sheaccuses him of wishing shewere a white womanher accentis Jamaican.
Perhapsshe has chosen to usethis voice as she is dealingwith a questionthat is pertinent to her race.In so doing she is pointing to her blacknessand moving away from the
whitenessshe perceives Hddouville wisheson her.
Hammondshows Marie-Jeanne not only moving physicallyand sexuallythrough the full
rangeof societybut also linguistically as shecommunicates comfortably with black and
white alike. Through Hammond'sportrayal Marie Jeanne'sspeech may be seento mirror
the verbal repertoireof membersof the black British audienceand wider communityas
sheuses her artistic licenseto adapther character'slinguistic codesstrategically according 24 to her desiredoutcome with eachinterlocutor. Hammond'smixed 'standardEnglish' and
Jamaicanspeech, coupled with Beaton's Guyaneseaccent, highlight the genericnature of
Caribbeanlanguage use by Talawa in this production:
24Helen Gilbert, and JoanneTompkins, Post-ColonialDrama. Theory,Practice and Politics (London/New York: RoutledgePress 1996), p. 177. 'Performativeaspects of speechsuch as tonality, diction, accent, inflection, and rhythm are clearly importanttools here(within the contextof using non-'standardEnglish' Caribbean Plays Johnson 109
The companychooses to usethe naturalvoices of its Caribbean
actorswhen the aim is to representthe Caribbeangenerally. In
order to make the voices comprehensible to most English speaking
listenersCaribbeanisms which would identify a speakerspecifically
to an island are avoided.25
This apparentflexible uniformity is appropriateto the developingrange of British
Caribbeanforms, and may havebeen chosen by Talawa for this productionin orderto includethe widest possibleCaribbean audience whilst remainingculturally specific.
Talawa'saim was and remains,to allow black performersto begin defining themselves linguistically, rather than, '... to find a spacewithin somethingelse, thus giving them less exposureand lesshistorical reference.' 26
In the archivalvideo performance,whilst the Caribbeanperformers use their nativevoice
the black British performersdisplay what Le Pagerefers to as linguistic behaviour.This is
seenin Trevor Laird's, and Brian Bovell's respectiveperformances of Dessalinesand
MoTse.Both performersworked to a specific oral remit:
I neededthe actorsto usetheir voicesto showthat they were
rebelliousbut to speakin a waythat the black audience could
forms in favour of 'standardEnglish') becausethey can be usedto establishsocial registers,showing that s/heis quite capableof using all mannerof linguistic codesbut choosescertain ones strategically'. 25 Interviewwith Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London,30 March 1999. 26 Interviewwith Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London, 16 January1997. Caribbean Plays Johnson 110
27 identify with.
The choice of language for these two central characters, although generally 'standard
English', becomesstrategically pidginised when the subjectis revolution.As the only characterswilling to standup to ToussaintL'Ouverture in their fight for SanDomingue's independence,Talawa's actorscan be seento be using non-'standard'language to highlight the characters' 'rebellious' streak.
Laird's Dessalines,sometimes aided by the suggestionof a pidginisedlanguage form,
(throughincomplete sentences and a lack of clear sentencestructure in the text), adoptsa
British African voice. Herethe presentwriter is referring to a black British performer adoptingan African accent.Laird can be seento havechosen a voice that revealsthe identity of the underdogin a societywhere he would be more acceptableif his speech were closerto the 'standard' form. This strategicchoice of voice may be regardedas a voluntaryact aimed at thosewho do not acceptits use,and as suchis a form of linguistic rebellion,described by Hodgeand Kressas an antilanguage.In this contextthe voice may be seento mirror oneof the usesof a blackBritish voice as a way of distancingoneself
from mainstreamBritish societyby using speechdivergence. Such speech behaviour may
be seenas the speaker'sattempt to regainpower in a societywhere s/he otherwise feels
powerless.
As Laird's Dessalinesdevelops professionally, his attemptsto hide his 'savage' pastare 28 shownin his questto develophis languageand education,and becomemore European.
27 Interviewwith Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London,30 March 1999. CaribbeanPlays Johnson
His language,though politically reflective of, is different from that of the black British community.Native black British speakers,though they can soundlike their white counterparts, can also choose to sound differently in what may be interpreted as a desire to asserttheir cultural identity. Laird's Dessalines,on the other hand,despite his concerted efforts, is unableto soundlike the Frenchwhen he decidesthat this is what he wantsto do.
This can be understoodby the fact that he was neitherborn, nor has lived in France.
Laird's portrayalof Dessalinesstresses how his character'sdesire to accommodate linguistically is a constanteffort. The more prosperoushe becomes,the lessAfrican he aims to sound.When facedwith the French,English and Americanarmy men Laird's
Dessalines'svoice is almostrobotic in his attemptsto control both his speechand accent.
Whenhe is later accusedof whipping slaveson his plantationhis controlledvoice can be seento representhis attemptsto learn the power-basedbehaviour he experiencedat the handsof the French.
Startingwith his oral languageLaird showsthroughout his performance,how Dessalines
hassystematically tried to eradicatethe mostobvious elements associated with his
blacknessin the hopethat this will makehim moreacceptable to thosehe aspires to be
like. Laird demonstratesthis neatlyat the endof theproduction by creatinga stilteddance
that appearsto symbolisethe mannerand languageof his character'scolonisers. The
apparentdifficultY with which he danceselicits laughterfrom Talawa's audience.Their
laughtermay be seento be at the attemptsof the black man 'acting' in a way that he
perceivesto be white in a setting that they would associatewith freer physicalmovement.
28 Rehearsal script, p.386. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 112
Additionally, James has written the character to appear to ultimately despise his physical
blackness.Whilst he cannotchange his skin colour he seeshaving a wife who is closeto
the white phenotype as desirable.29
Laird's presentationof Dessalines'slanguage use and associatedbehaviour, puts the issues
of classand languageinto a Caribbeancontext for the black British audiencewhose own
rangeof languageusage has not generallyfeatured on the British stage.Caribbean and
black British audiencemembers may seeaspects of their own languagebehaviour
reflectedin Talawa's performance.This in turn may openup the forum for further analysis
of their own speechchoices.
In contrastto Laird's Dessalines,who movesfrom antilanguagein rebellion to attempted
linguistic accommodationin 'prosperity', Bovell plays Moliseusing languagethat fits both
antilanguageand overt languageforms throughoutthe performance.As any linguistic
accommodationis temporary,it is possibleto deducethat Bovell wishesto demonstrate
that at no point doeshis characterreject antilanguageforms of speech.
Bovell AfficanisesMolise's speech, adding a hint of a Frenchaccent to an African, though
audibly London-basedvoice. Bovell's choice of languagecan be seento representthe ex-
slavesof SanDomingue as the voice of the oppressed.It is a voice that maintainsthe
character'scultural roots in Africa alongsidethe Europeaninfluence of France.For the
British audiencethe London voice helps define the actor as black British. His chosenvoice
29 Carl Stone,Class Race and Political Behaviourin Urban Jamaica (Kingston: Institute of Social and Economic Research,1973), p. 120. Stonepoints out how 'brown' (mixed race)people have enjoyed distinct CaribbeanPlays Johnson 113 carrieswith it then the dual culture of the characterand part of the native cultureof the
actor's reality. The exposureof this languagein an environmentwhere exposure has
remainedlimited is threefold; it liberatesit, revealsthe rebelliousnature compromising 00 languageis associatedwith, and alters 'the overwhelmingpower of English. Such
speechcan be seento mirror sectionsof the black British communitythat display
antilanguagebehaviour in what may be regardedas an attemptto asserttheir cultural
identity in a host culture.
With the French,English and American army men, Bovell's MoYseseems to haveslightly
accommodatedhis antilanguagespeech. Bovell's interpretationsuggests that wherehe
feelswhat he has adoptedas his character'snatural regionalspeech will not be usedto his
advantagehe takesthe option of accommodatinghis character'sspeech. Perhaps Bovell
allows his characterthis compromiseas he feels Molisewould want to be certainthat he
got his messageacross to thosewho do not sharehis politics. Equally it may be suggested
that Bovell's linguistic choicemay aim to show that he seeshis characteras wanting to
keephis antilanguagespeech sacred, and is not preparedto shareit with thosewho look
downon it.
Consistentwith Bovell's portrayalof his language,Molise's behaviour as written by James
is equally rebellious,resulting in his murderearly on in the play. The implication may be
seento be that for thosecolonials he has little in commonwith he is a threatthat must be
removed.By extension,within the context of Bovell's linguistic portrayalit is conceivable
social advantagesin all regionsthat haveexperienced African slavery. 30 Gilbert and Tompkins, Post-ColonialDraina, p. 177. Caribbean Plays Johnson 114 that a similar messageis being relayedto the black British audiencethat they should integrateinto Europeansociety at the expenseof losing their own culture and language,in orderto survive.For the presentwriter this can also be seenas a theatricalhistory lesson remindingthe black audienceof the struggleblack peoplehave enduredin assertingtheir cultural identity through speech.
Throughthe rangeof black languageforms demonstratedin TheBlack Jacobins,Talawa had invited British theatreto open its doorsto the voices of a communityof British people whosevoices were seldomheard on the British stage.This Afro-Caribbeansection of the
British Empire was working creativelyon a linguistic level, and becomingpart of an
institution that generallyhad remainedout of its graspfor centuries.This time, however,it was working from home.31
Non-spokenPerformance Vocabula
The non-spokenperformance vocabulary of Afro-Caribbeantheatre in Britain may be
characterisedin partby the inclusionof bothmusic and movement in performances.These
areashave also become regarded as a trademarkof Afro-Caribbeanand wider
multicultural performancework, 'Everyoneexpects black performancesto have singing
and dancing.' 32 Brewster, however remainsconcerned that the company'swork shouldnot
be regardedas generallymulticultural, believingthat 'Multicultural ism is an excusefor ad
31 Karen Mary Dahl, I PostcolonialBritish Theatre:Black Voices at the Center', in Imperialismand Theatre: Essayson World TheatreDrama and Performance,ed by J.Ellen Gainor (London andNew York: Routledge, 1995),pp. 38-53 (p. 39). 'The empireis striking back,and - althoughsome are reluctantto take the call - it's phoningfrom home.' 32 Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London,30 March 1999. CaribbeanPlays Johnson Its
33 hocism, I think cultural concerns have to be SpeCirC., In The Black Jacobins, Talawa's specificcultural concernsfor the productionare demonstratedin the non-spoken performance vocabulary. This can be seen through an analysis of the themes of colonialismand Voodoo in this production.
The themeof colonialism is expressedthroughout, in termsof non-spokenperformance vocabularythrough the company'suse of music in the production.The sufferingand ultimate rebellion causedby colonialism is expressed(as written by James)by the black populationthrough the recurrenceof the song,La Marsefflaise,expressing the black masses"opposition to colonial rule. The point of CLR Jamesusing La Marseillaise, (and
Talawaadapting it) is that it is originally a Frenchrevolutionary song (and hasbeen the
Frenchnational anthem for most of the period sincethe revolution of 1789).Its adoption and use by the slavesin St. Dominguemakes a bold statementof their claim that 'liberty' cannotbe limited to freeing white peoplefrom classoppression, but must also include freeing black peoplefrom oppressionbased on race.
Neither the script nor Talawa's performancestate the full lyrics of the song.Although the script stateswhere the songshould be sung 'To armsCitizens' are the only words given.
Talawachooses to usethe originalFrench phrase "Aux artnescitoyens". The factthat the
songis sungin Frenchin Talawa's performanceand that much of the black British
audiencemay not understandthe words seemsnot to be the central issue.They will
understandfrom the context of the performancethat the songis usedas a bondingdevice
within the ex-slavecommunity. This facility of listeningto the songcan be seenas Talawa
33 Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London, 16 January1997. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 116 giving historical information to its audience with the aid of music. This is an offering of an aspectof black history from a black perspectivewhich, '... allows black, and in particular, mixed race people, who often find themselves not wanted by either side, the chanceto resourcethemselves with heritagefacts. ' 34
La Marseillaisemoves from being a songof rebellion whilst the blacksare slaves,to a songof freedomonce they havebeen set free. In both casesthe songpoints to the oppressioncaused by colonialismas Talawa use it to filter throughthe productionat critical points prior to any action wherethe charactersare being incited to take up their weaponsand fight. The songcan also be seento demonstrateto the black British communityhow their ancestorsused music as a sourceof unification againstcolonial oppression.
For the presentwriter Talawa's prolongeduse of the songthroughout the productionis innovativeand appropriate.When Bovell's Molfseannounces the arrival of Monsieur
Bullet at the beginningof the production it is to the undercurrentof the song.Whilst things appearto be well, the songsung low symbolisesthat somethingis brewing in the fields.
Shortlyafter, it is announcedthat all blacksare free. By this time therendition of La
Marsefflaiseis loudand uncontrollable symbolising that the slavescan no longerbe controlledby their former masters.La Marseillaise can be seenas a musicalsignature to black rebellion in the SanDomingue of Talawa's perfonnance.
34 Interviewwith Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London,2 October1998. The term 'heritage facts' is usedto refer to information that gives black and mixed racepeople cultural and historical detailsof their ancestry.The term 'positive heritagefacts' is usedin ChapterFive to refer to informationthat enablesthe aforementionedgroups to havea senseof pride in their historical/culturalroots. Caribbean Plays Johnson 117
Talawareintroduces the themeat the end of the first act of the performancewhen Beaton's
Toussaintsends his constitutionto Keith Hazemore'sNapoleon. Throughout the scenethe
theme,(which is whistled in the background),is usedto point to the brewing angerthat is
felt by the black populationand the unrestthat may be causedif Hazemore'sNapoleon
doesnot agreeto the constitution. Talawa's additional introductionof the continuous
whistling in the distancealso createsthe menacingeffect of warriors on the fringesof a
battlefield waiting for ordersto attack.At this stageTalawa may be seento haveextended
the significanceof La Marseillaise as a rebellion songto the war anthemof the blacks.
As indicatedby the script La Marsefflaisebecomes the war anthemof the pastonce
Beaton'sToussaint is perceivedto be too weak and a rival, more militant and less
compromisingfaction emergesaround him. The new rebelsadopt the songof the man of
the people,David Haynes'sSamedi SMith. 35 Each time the songof rebellion goesagainst
the politics of the black leader,those who are caughtsinging it are condemnedto death.
Brewster'scast sing SamediSmith's songoff stagein French,whilst Laird's Dessalines
translatesit to Bob Philips's Christophe,and by extensionthe audience.Whilst this
bilingual performanceof the songis not entirely Talawa's invention as this approachis
suggestedin the script, it presentstwo sidesof black rebellion to the black British 37 audience,36 allowing them throughtheatre 'to re-examineand re-imagine'their history.
33 Rehearsalscript, p.407. 36 There is the rebellion of thosewho want completecontrol of their existence,in contrastto thosewho wish to remainlinked to their colonial history. 37A. Ruth Thompsett,'Re-imagining History: An Introductionto the Black TheatreConference Papers', in Black Theatrein Britain, 1, (1996), 1-7(p.6). Tompsettquotes I laze] Carey. Caribbean Plays Johnson 118
The Europeanside of colonialism is expressedin non-spokenperformance vocabulary throughregular interjections of classicalmusic throughoutthe perfon-nance.From the outset of the production Jean Hart's Madame Bullet's signature is Mozart sung in Italian.
The language of opera in the production can generally be seento further distance the white plantation owners from their black slaves. Brewster however, presentsthe snippets of
opera within an African dimension.
WhenHart's MadameBullet discussesand singsopera with Hammond'sMarie-Jeanne, at
the outsetof the productionwe are awareof the beatof African drummingin the
background.The beatacts as a reminderto the generalunrest and gives the feeling of
intrusion from the blacksthat live on the other side of the luxury of the plantationwalls.
After her initial appearanceHart's MadameBullet is scarcelyseen, and when she is there
is no themetune. Her signaturehas beenpassed on to her servantHammond's Marie-
Jeanneand is usedfor her throughoutthe rest of the productionto signal that she is of both
African and Europeandescent.
At the beginningof the productionHammond's Marie-Jeanne sings Mozart in perfect
unisonwith hermistress. Talawa's interpretation is thatshe has been taught, and learnt
from hermistress. Later, although she sings the sametune whilst sheprepares for the
arrivalof Ian Collier'sGeneral Hddouville, it hasbeen adapted. Hammond's Marie-Jeanne
hasdeveloped her own style. This time Hammond'sMarie-Jeanne, accompanied by her
servantJenny Jules's Celestine, (to whom we imagineshe has taught the song)sings with
a pronouncedCaribbean intonation and performsa calypsostyle dance.This non-spoken
performancevocabulary demonstrates how what once representedwhite colonialism is CaribbeanPlays Johnson 119 incorporated into black existence. The through line from Hart's white Madame Bullet, to
Hammond'smulatto Marie- Jeanne,to Jules's black Celestinecan be seento demonstrate a pathby which blacks were influencedby, and how they adaptedthe white cultureof their mastersto their own.
At eachstage of the performancethe music is adaptedto suit the cultural heritageof the performersand their characters.Hammond's Marie-Jeanne's renditions with Hart's
MadameBullet remain Italian whilst her own version,though also sungin Italian hasa
Caribbeanflavour. By the time we hearHammond's Marie-Jeanne and Jules'sCelestine's rendition,Jules's Celestine's influence has addedfurther African influences.Through what comesacross in the performanceas instinctive cultural adaptationsit appearsthat
Hammond'sMarie-Jeanne has claimed her own version of the piece,whilst sharing anotherwith Jules's Celestine.Talawa. can be seento haveused the music to highlight the differencebetween Hammond's Marie-Jeanne's mulatto cultural heritageand Jules's
Celestine'sAfrican roots. Both are drawn in musical contrastto their colonial rulers.
WhenHammond's Marie-Jeanne later singsthe song for Collier's GeneralHddouville her
Caribbeanintonation is accompaniedby the African dancingof her servantsin silhouette.
Brewster'sdirectional choiceseems to point to the mysteriousqualities that Collier's
GeneralHddouville is attractedto by his sexualrelationship with a non-whitewoman.
The further useof Hammond'sMarie-Jeanne's calypso style versionof her Mozart theme
when shewrites to inform Beaton'sToussaint that Collier's General1-16douville is his
enemy,provides an exampleof Talawa's useof cultural performanceadaptation. Such CaribbeanPlays Johnson 120
38 adaptation is akin to what Schechner refers to as 'culture of choice'. Brewster has taken the colonials' Mozart and dressedit for a modemblack British audience,enabling them to grasp the subtleties of cultural differences within the black community as written in
James'splay. The audiencecan then feel that the work has beendirected with them in mind. This is not often the experienceof Caribbeanand black Britons in the British theatre.
Like music,religion is usedas a markerto define a cultural community in the performance.For the black community in Talawa's performancethis is shownto be
Voodoo.
The presenceof Voodoo in TheBlack Jacobinsplays an importantrole in the presentation of Talawa'snon-spoken performance vocabulary. Staging the conceptand ritual of
Voodoo onceagain affords Talawa the possibility of presentingan aspectof black culture relevantto the black British communityas delivered from a black perspective.Olanyian explains,'Blacks acrossthe threecontinents studied are questingfor cultural identity not because blackbut because black dominated'39Talawa's be theyare theyare and . work can seento partly challengethis within the performancearena.
38 RichardSchechner, 'Intercultural ism and the Culture of Choice' in TheIntercultural PerformanceReader, ed. by PatricePavis (London/NewYork: Routledge,1996), pp. 41-50. The term is usedgenerally to permit performersto work within their preferredcultural forms, as opposedto being obliged to work within the historical theatrical forms of their specific cultural heritage. 39 TejumolaOlaniyan, Scars of Conquest,Masks of Resistance:The invention of Cultural Identities in African, African-American,and CaribbeanDrama (New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press1995), p. 140. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 121
The performancewould allow black Britons to gain an insight into an African cultural
ritual that in many black British communitiesis given little attention.The performanceof
the ritual, which featuresthe danceof Laird's Dessalinesand Jules'sCelestine moving
into a stateof possession,is introducedmusically by La Mareillaise. Talawa's inclusionof
the ritual in the form of a loosely choreographedperformance is in line with the
company's commitment to use cultural rituals and African performance forms in their
work. 40
The performanceof the ritual possessionunexplained but performedas a natural aspectof
the characters'lives gives it credence.Talawa's perfon-nanceimitates the stateof those
possessedas appearingto be drunk,41 but doesnot explain which god the charactersare
beingpossessed by. The visual imageof the eventmust suffice. Despitewhat may be seen
as Talawa's culturally didactic theatre,to offer unnaturalexplanation of the possession
ritual would detractfrom the power of the theatricalexperience. Audience members may
be inspiredto conducttheir own researchafter the performance.Such performance work
may be regardedas fundamentalto Talawa's ideal in aiming towardsthe developmentof a
distinctiveblack British performancevoice and work. 42 Parallels with Talawa'swork in
this areawere seen earlier in TheJamaican School of Drama'sCaribbean Lab. This was 3 set up to establishlocal performancetechniques, in the early eightieS!
40Talawa's earliestmission statementincluded, '11onouringthe commitmentto broadenthe framework of languageand performancebeyond the narrow confinesof the prevailing Eurocentricdebate. ' The statementwas developedby co-foundersof Talawain 1985.Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices, London, 13 June 1996.A similar commitmentis madein their later policy mission. Use of ritual is also seenin Talawa's later performanceof TheLion. In the expositionof Obeah,Cleansing and HeadKnock rituals are stagedalong with a discussionof African Cumfa dancing. 41 LaennecHurbon, VoodooThah and Fantasy(London: Thamesand Hudson,1995), p. I 10. 42 Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London,30 March 1999. 43See Chapter Two. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 122
Through The Black Jacohins, Talawa was presenting Voodoo rituals to its audience along with the range of black reactions to it. Voodoo was a way of life for the poor and a threat to the wealthy that were often embarrassedby it. 44 Laird's Dessalines,who is featured dancing in the possessionritual has become anti-Voodoo by the end of the play in line with his desireto acceptaspects of Europeanlife over indigenousones. Talawa's
presentationof the ritual coupledwith the questionof why someblacks may want to reject
their cultural heritagemay give the black British audiencefood for thoughton their own
situation.What is the cost of total assimilation?How muchchoice do they have?Equally
the play showshow importantVoodoo ritual is to muchof SanDomingue's population,
and by extensionmay encouragethe black British audiencemembers to evaluatetheir
level of cultural awareness.
Talawa's audienceis shownhow the black communityof the productionis resourcefulin
their suffering,creating their religious bond throughneed. Whilst Europeanthought
believedthat mixing Africans from different areaswould limit the possibilitiesof 45 communicationa whole new form of religious communicationdeveloped in Voodoo.
Suchwas the power of Voodoo that JeanPrice-Mars in his discussionof the politicisation
of Voodoo claims that were it not for Noodooist participationin the revolutionary
Haiti have become independent in 1804946 movement, would not an nation .
Witnessingthe strengthand the resourcefulnessof this aspectof black cultural history may
help to developa similar sourceof strengthin membersof the black British audiencein
44 Michel, S.Laguerre, Voodoo and Politics in Haiti (London: Macmillan PressLtd, 1989),pp. 19-20. 45See internet http://www4. site: nando.net/prof/caribe/oripins. html - Origins of Voodoo- 17/07/99 CaribbeanPlays Johnson 123 dealing with their lesser struggles in British society. Talawa's performance can be seen to be providing somenecessary links for its black audienceto developa deeper understandingof aspectsof its own community.Talawa's tacit messageis not only that black lives are worthy of performance,but worthy of such on the British stage,by people who are able to fully representthem and tell all aspectsof their story accurately.
The positive responseto Talawa's first production (as demonstratedby the audience attendanceand positive reviews)pointed to the possibility that therewas both spaceand an audiencefor, Afro-Caribbeantheatre on the British stage.Gordon praises Norman
Beaton's ToussaintL'Ouverture describingit dignified portrayalof as ,'.. a performance of moral weight' ý7 Coveney goes further stating that the production is the sort of show, '.
lendsdignity British black ASThe Black .. that and credibility to the theatremovement.
Jacobinsset Talawa on a unique creativepath that would becomecharacterised by the 49 company'sintention to makewhatever work they did their own.
Nine yearsafter the productionDahl's generalcomment on black British theatre,may be usedto describethe commitmentand energyof black theatrepractitioners. Her statement may be seento be as relevantto Talawa's debut,as it is to practitioners(many having workedwith Talawaalong theirjourney), working through the end of thenineties and into
thenew millennium:
46 Laguerre,Voodoo and Politics in Haiti, p. 101. 47 Giles Gordon,'11aiti's first revolutionaries',Observer, 2 March 1986,p. 23. 48 Michael Coveney,'The Black Jacobins/RiversideStudios, Financial Times,27 February1986, p. 27- 49 Interviewwith Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London,30 March 1999,'Whatever work we do, from Caribbeanto African to Shakespearewe try to makethe work our own.' CaribbeanPlays Johnson 124
Certainly a new generationof black British Theatreworkers are
alreadyon the field of play. Their tactical commandof theatre's
disciplines, and their diverse strategies are, I believe, producing
visions of culture and of the new Britain that - like their histories 50 - will not be contained,repressed or denied.
What had startedas a one-off commissionled to Talawa becomingan establishedblack theatrecompany. The BlackJacobins cameto mark the beginningof both Talawa's performancelife and the birth of a new black British theatricalvoice that can be seento haveboth changedthe face, and raisedthe profile of black theatrein Britain. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 125
The Drapon Can't Dance
Talawa's TheDragon Can't Dance (co-producedwith the TheatreRoyal StratfordEast), was performed between 29 June and 4 August of 1990 and was Talawa's fourth Caribbean play. Writer, Earl Lovelace produced the script from his original 1979 novel of the same
51 name.
TheDragon Can't Dancewas first performedduring Trinidad's Carnival in Port of Spain in 1986.The new play form faithfully presentedthe novel's centraltheme of the powerof
Carnival over the lives of the island's underprivilegedand in particularthat of the protagonistAldrick. 52 When Talawa emergedwith its version four yearslater Lovelace was concernedthat as the work is culturally specific the British productionmight only enjoy limited audiences.His concernswere perhapsvalid if it is acceptedthat plays written, directedand performedby black artists in London Fringetheatres may not seemto be relevantto the majority of the non-blacktheatre going public in London. fie did not
his be black '. Literature is literature It want work to seenasjust another play .. anywhere. is universal.It doesn'tcome with a tribal scar. 53Brewster, in agreementwith Lovelace, declaredher oppositionto any specific ethnic labelling of the work in an attemptto stop any suchnaming occurring:
50 Dahl, 'PostcolonialBritish Theatre:Black Voices at the Center', in Imperialism and Theatre,p. 53. 51 Earl Lovelacewas bom in Trinidad in 1935.See internet site: http://www. stg.brown. edu/12roiects/hypertext/landow/post/caribbean/lovelace/bio. html - Literatureof the Caribbean Brief Biographyof Earl Lovelace 17/07/99 52 -A - In his prefaceto the play script usedby Talawa Lovelaceexplains, 'The presentplay script of TheDragon Can't Dancehas emerged out of the novel, from which it was adapted,through stagereadings held in Trinidad in 1979,in New York's Black TheatreAlliance in 1980,in Barbadosat The CaribbeanFestival of Arts in 1981,in workshopat the Eugene01 Neil TheatreCentre, Connecticut in 1984,and finally, the play which ran in Port of Spainduring the Carnival 1986.' CaribbeanPlays Johnson 126
It is a very handylabel to come up, black theatre.What that
meansis that black peoplepresenting their arts,their culture,
their life, can be ghetto-ised.When in fact storieslike this are
for everyoneand speakto everyone.54
By presentingthe play Talawahad the opportunity to widen both pressand public perceptionof Trinidad and Carnival. It may havebeen assumed that as Brewsteris a
Caribbeandirector working on a Caribbeantext that shewas working within her own culture.The Trinidadian natureof the play however,meant she had chosento work outsideher native Jamaicanculture. Schechnerexplains:
There is probablymore consciousand freely chosenethnicity
aroundnow than therehas beenin the past.And it is possible
to haveethnicity without racism.That's the Utopian dream
anywayto havedifference which is chosenand which is
culture-specific,without it necessarilybeing hierarchicaland
55 authoritarian.
Brewster's,Trinidadian 'culture of choice', in the presentationof TheDragon
demonstrateda specifically chosenethnicity on her part. By choosingan ethnicity closeto
her own for performanceon the British stage,Brewster was perhapsmore likely to achieve
successin the perceivedaccuracy of the performance.It is doubtful however,that all, or
53 BiYi Bandele-Thomas,'Convcrsation Earl Lovelace', Voice,5 July 1990, 21. 54 with -11 p. Liz Gilbey, 'Dancing The Dragon', What's on in London,27 June 1990,p. 39. Caribbean Plays Johnson 127 evenany of theseconsiderations formed part of her processfor decidingto direct The
Dragon. What is more apparentfrom Talawa's rangeof Caribbeanperformance is
Brewster'sopenness to the theatricalexploration and celebrationof Caribbeanworks from acrossthe region.
Oral Lanpune
The following discussionof the oral languageof TheDragon examinesthe speechused in
Talawa's performanceas seenin the company'sarchival video of the production.
In order to establishthe extentto which Talawa madethe oral languageof the production
its own it should be notedthat Lovelace'snovel of the samename (1979) and his script
(1986) are in 'standardEnglish' flavouredwith Trinidadianisms. We see'it have' for
'there are' and 'it ain't reachyet' for 'it hasn't comeyet' and 'coulda' for 'could have',
alongwith wider Trinidadian tenninology.Lovelace's chosen language style actsboth as a
meansof bringing alive the community in questionand may also be interpretedas his
refusal '.. to submitto the dominanceof the imposedstandard language and to subscribe
to the 'reality', it sustains.%56
Generallythe languagedemonstrated in Talawa'sarchival video of theperformance is
overt languagebehaviour. This, and the company'sattempts to bring CaribbeanEnglish
speechto Britain in anestablished forum went against the earlytheories of language
consciousanti-colonialists who believedthat exposureto 'proper' English after
55 Schechner,'Interculturalism and the Culture of Choice' in The Intercultural PerformanceReader, P-50. 36 Gilbert and Tompkins,Post-Colonial Drama, p. 169. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 128 colonialism would eradicate Creole speech patterns.57 These thinkers were perhapsunable to see far enough ahead to imagine that once colonised peoples were given independence they may seek to revive their cultural identity through language, and may also wish to maintain it even if permanently living in the 'mother' country.
Additionally, as aspectsof culturesand languagescan be passeddown from one
generationto the next by living in an ethnic community(and without a consciouseffort
being madeto 'passon'), it could take generationsto eradicate'improper' Englishunless a
concertedeffort were madeto do so. As Trinidadian accentsare adoptedthroughout
Talawa's performance,it may be suggestedthat the companywas assertingits Caribbean
identity and attemptingto raisethe profile of Caribbeanisland speechon the British stage.
Suchperformance work could possibly leadto the oppositeof the aforementionedanti-
colonialist's thought on language.
The fact that approximatelyhalf of the castwere native Trinidadianshelped with overall
accentauthenticity as therewas linguistic accessto native Trinidadian speechfor the non- 58 Trinidadian performers. Thoughthey maintainedTrinidadian accentsthroughout,
absoluteaccuracy of their Trinidadian accentswas not Lovelace'sand perhapsby
extensionBrewster's primary concern:
Theactors in this productionof Dragonwill not haveTrinidadian
or Tobagonianorigins. They shouldnot let this trouble them too
37 1lubert Devonish,Language and Liberation. Creole LanguagePolitics in the Caribbean (London: Karia Press,1986), p. 88. Caribbean Plays Johnson 129
much. CalvaryHill, in the time in which work is set,would have
beenone of the areasin Port of Spainto which immigrantsfrom
the nearbyislands in the EasternCaribbean would havesettled as
they cameto seekopportunity in the bigger,more prosperousTrinidad,
and it would not have beensurprising to find a variety of islands'
dialectssprinkling The Hill, makingit, what I would like to signify,
Caribbean 59 a yard ...
This approachto languagesuits the varied black British performerand theatreaudience, reflectingboth the mixed languageof their communityand that of their parents.For
Brewsterthe languageformed part of a more importantwhole, 'We arenot just putting on
Trinidadianaccents and swanningaround. This is a seriousplay. 60
In line with the elementsof Bell's theory of languagestyle as audiencedesign, language use in Talawa's performanceof TheDragon Can't Dance can be seento havebeen influencedin part by the expectedaudience. This is firstly demonstratedby the fact that
Talawahad chosenwork that was linguistically appropriateto part of its targetaudience.
The Trinindadianvoice performedin variation by all of the characterswas easily recognisableby Trinidadian audiencemembers.
'a Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London, 16 January1997. 59Lovelace makesthe statementin Talawa's publicity programmeof the performance.See Talawa productionarchives for TheDragon Can't Dance- publicity file. 60Liz Gilbey, 'Dancing The Dragon', What's on in London,27 June 1990,p. 39. Caribbean Plays Johnson 130
Secondly,whilst the Trinidadian voice was culture specific it was (in the contextof
Talawa's performance)also generalin its wider representationof the Caribbean.This can
be seento have beenstrategic to benerit other Caribbeanand black British audience
members.It can be arguedthat what is linguistically appropriateto Talawa's audienceis
speechthat demonstratesa black cultural heritage.
Thirdly, the presentationof the diverselanguages of Calvary Hill may havebeen seen to
help authenticatethe voices of Talawa's black British audiencewhose speech may also
show signsof their multicultural existence.Where the black British performersmay not
havebeen able to reproducethe preciseCaribbean voice requiredan approximationmay
havebeen seen to be adequatebearing in mind the natureof the diverseCaribbean make
up of the inhabitantsof Calvary Hill. For black British performerswith limited accessto
native Caribbeanvoices, or who were unusedto perfon-ninga Caribbeanvoice the result
may haveseemed something of a stereotypewhich did not take into accountall of the
subtletiesof languageand culture. This can be seenin the voice that black Briton Cyril Nri
usedfor Aldrick. Whilst there is little to associatehis voice to Trinidad or the rest of the
Caribbeanhis black British voice was clear, and the black British audiencewould have
identifiedwith his speechwhere it wassimilar to their own.
Fourthly, it can be arguedthat the generalstage Trinindadian voice that was usedin the
productionwas designedto include the widest possibleEnglish speaking audience whilst
remainingculturally specific. Talawa may havewanted to attract its targetaudience but at
the sametime neededto attract the widest possibleaudience for economicreasons. Using CaribbeanPlays Johnson 131 identifiable Caribbeanvoices that were easily understoodmay also haveattracted audience membersfrom outsideof the targetculture. Whilst they may not havebeen able to understandevery nuance, their generalunderstanding should have kept their interest.
As in The Black Jacobins the performers' use of verbal repertoire can be seento be a featureof Talawa's production.In this casethe verbal repertoirerefers mostly to the black in British actors and their ability to producea convincing Caribbeanvoice. Geff Francis his portrayal of Fisheye provides a clear example of verbal repertoire. Francis later commonly recognisedfor his role in Channel4's 1990ssitcom Desmond'swhere he plays
Michael the Bank Manager,demonstrates an aspectof his Caribbeanlinguistic range as
Fisheye. His accurate movement from a working class Trinidadian voice to an upper working class London accentcan be seento attest to his black British bilingual/cultural
reality, and that of Talawa's black British audience.
His handling of both voices with ease can be seen to point to the possibility of a
completely bilingual/cultural existence. His language use in The Dragon is notably
working classCaribbean speech that is seenin greatercontrast to the middle classspeech
he uses in Desmond's.His use of verbal repertoire can be seento cross class as well as
culture. If Francis as a black Briton is able to absorb the central languageforms of his
mixed cultural existencethen it is possiblethat other black Britons do the same.In seeing
his performancethe Caribbean aspect of their verbal repertoire is given a momentary
spotlight in the theatrical forum. This may also encouragefurther use of varied speech
forms. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 132
Along with the range of oral behaviours in the performancethat may encouragean imitative responsefrom the audienceare non-spokenperformance vocabularies that both root the performancein aspectsof its cultural heritage and teach them to the British audience.
Non-spokenPerformance Vocabulajy
The following analysisof Talawa's useof non-spokenperformance vocabulary in The
Dragon is presentedin two parts; firstly there is an examinationof Talawa'suse of music and calypso,followed by a discussionof the presentationof Carnival in the production.
Talawa's performancehelps to inform its audienceof how calypsoforms an integral part
of the Trinidadian institution of Carnival. For the presentwriter the performancealso
providesthe forum for stereotypicalimages around Carnival to be challengedwhilst
entertainingthe audience.Although Talawacannot claim to be the first theatre
practitionersto useCaribbean music and Calypsoin particular in performancework in
Britain, the rangeof Calypsostyles and music usedin the productionmake the work
innovative.61 This is partlyachieved through the originalcalypsos and music written
specifically for the production.
At theoutset the audience are ushered into theauditorium to the soundof live steelpans to
preparethem for what may be seenas a British-Caribbeantheatrical experience. The
61 As seenin ChapterTwo, Cy grant had usedhis Calypsoskills on the BBC's Tonight show from 1957- 1960. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 133
the highlights '. Jinks 'percussive soundof steel pans the genres . with the cultures' of Africa 62 This is followed by interludes .. nine calypso-stylesongs and variousmusical that recur throughout the performance.
Talawauses its openingnumber All A WeIs One (songone) to setthe lively Carnival tone of the piece.The songalso demonstratesthe power that calypsohas in bringing the racially and economicallydivided areasof Trinidadian societybriefly togetheras everyone seemsto have a part to play in Carnival. This coming togethersimultaneously points to the stark reality of a generallysocially divided Trinidad and by extension,the notion that this may also be the casefor the rest of the Caribbean.This division and coming together mockedin the satirical title of the songmay be recognisedby the British audience,whose own annualNotting Hill Carnival enjoysthe mixing of both British and internationalraces and all classesof peoplefor two dayseach year. 63
Tro Me Out A She Yard and Sylvia Ain't Have No Man (songstwo and three),show calypsobeing usedin Talawa's productionto expressa rangeof everydaysituations and
emotions.From feelingsof unrequitedlove (as expressedby OscarJames's Philo in Tro
Me OutA SheYard), to the importanceof gettingthe right costumefor Carnival(in
James'sPhilo's Sylvia Ain't HaveNo Man). Forthe presentwriter Talawa'sproduction
showscalypso as a Trinidadian life force in much the sameway that Talawa's black
Britishaudience may recognise music as a fundamentalaspect of their lives.
62 Gilbert and Tompkins,Post-Colonial Drania, p.85. Caribbean Plays Johnson 134
Although we understandthat Laura Beckford's Sylvia has no costumeand that James's
Philo hasbeen rejected the pleasantsound of eachcalypso may bring hopeto their it. situationsand in this respectmay be seento havea positive effect on thosewho listen to
This is seenin the more popularcalypso sound used for DanceDragon (songfour) as sungby SusanAderin's Yvonne. The lively paceof Talawa's compositiondetracts from her messagethat society'sdown troddenshould rebel.The samesong reappears as song nine to end the showwith a calypsopulse.
Additionally Talawauses varying stylesof calypsoto enhancethe messagewithin a song.
This is well expressedin ComeOut In TheRoad Warrior (songfive) which actsas a musicalindicator to the rebellious 'badjohns'. The calYpsosound though recognisable is accompaniedby a clear African drum bass.The heavydrumming can be seento represent both Africa and the rebelliousstreak of both Francis'sFisheye and Nri's Aldrick, indicatingtheir feeling for their African roots and their move away from what they perceiveto be the europeanisationof Carnival and by extensioncalypso.
Nri's Aldrick is given a secondmusical interpretation with Man Alone (songsix). Talawa
usesthe song as the character's anthem and like songstwo andthree above does not
strictlyfit thepopular calypso genre. It is slowwith steelpans and a guitaraccompaniment
and is usedto expressthe non-rebellious,solitary and despairingside of his character.
63Darnell Cadette,'Camival's Bumpy', Voice,24 August 1990,p. 31, 'People from all parts of the communitywho might not otherwisebe associatedare drawn togetherfor Carnival.' Caribbean Plays Johnson 135
James'sPhilo's Hooligans in Port ofSpain (songseven) is usedby Talawaas the character'ssong of attack.This musicalattack is respondedto by both Francis'sFisheye andNri's Aldrick who inter-cutthe songwith their own messageof James'sPhilo being a sell out.64 In an appropriatesemi-reprise Nri's Aldrick singsMan Alone to the samebeat as HooligansIn Port OfSpain. This is immediatelyfollowed by the angryCome Out In
TheRoad Warrior. The combinationof the three songseach with its own moodcarried by a calypsobeat again stresses the flexibility of the calypsogenre. This rangeof music highlightsthe versatility of the steelpan that may be regardedwith low musicalstatus in
Britain as it is not an establishedwestern orchestral or band instrument.
At the beginningof the secondact Talawauses more generalcalypso music to createthe atmosphereof the Carnival.The steelpans are relied upon hereto createthe feeling of both excitementand fill the theatricalspace with the movementand celebrationof
Carnival.Talawa may seemto be usingthe music to counterthe lack of actors,to bring the life of Carnival to the stage.Stone comments, 'No novel, however,can conveythe pulsatingforce of Carnival with the immediacyof theatre.965
In the secondhalf of acttwo Talawauses music to depictthe everydaylife of thoseon
CalvaryHill andwhat has happened to themsince Nri's Aldrick andFrancis's Fisheye havebeen in prison.A slowcalypso is usedto highlightthe tranquil atmosphere of the Hill five yearson. As the pansplay we watchthe inhabitantsof the hill go abouttheir new
64 Rehearsalscript, p.34. 65 Judy S. J. Stone,Theatre: Studies in WestIndian Literature (London: Macmillan Caribbean,1994), p. 86. Caribbean Plays Johnson 136 daily routine. Both the oral and musicalperformance of Talawa's productionbring out
Lovelace'soriginal musicalstyle:
is The music of The Dragon - calypso, rapso, road march, parang-
fully integrated with the drama, making Lovelace's adapted novel,
rather than Moon, or any other precursors from the Calabash Folk
Theatre, the first authentic yard musical.-)66
Talawapresents the penultimatesong WeBelieve In Miracles (songeight) in a cappella.
This is doubly effective as it momentarilybreaks away from the expectedmusical style.
The songtaking the form of a gospelchurch song is accompaniedby handclaps and later
drumming.The rendition is usedto explain why the police did not stop the rebellious
rampageand of what happenedin court beforeNri's Aldrick and Francis'sFisheye were
sentto jail. This musicalstyle impressesupon the audiencethe notion that the essential
spirit of Carnival and the music of multiple steelpans is long gone.Now they haveonly
their voices.
In additionto a cappellainstrumental music in theperformance also moves away from
predominantcalypso style. Often such music is slowsteel pans that help to createan
appropriateatmosphere for an intimate scenebetween two characters.The following
examplesserve to highlightwhere music is usedto enhancethe intimacyof the scene:
WhenTrevor Marshall-Ward'sMr Guy tells Beckford's Sylvia shecan have any dressshe
wants for Carnival (p.9a). When Beckford's Sylvia goesto seeNri's Aldrick for the first CaribbeanPlays Johnson 137 time (p. 10). When Aderin's Yvonne tells Francis's Fisheye that she can no longer be with him (p. 17). When Dhirendra's Pariag tries to make friends with Nri's Aldrick by offering
how him cigarettes (p. 20). When Shelley King's Dolly and Dhirendra's Pariag discuss they were ignored at Christmas (p. 2 I a), and when James's Philo tells Jacqui Chan's 67 Cleothilda how he's being treated like a hero (p. 39).
Talawa movesthe musicaldirection effectively away from calypsowhen Dhirendra's
Pariagtells King's Dolly that he wishesthey could haveall got on betterwith eachother.
The move is to Indian music and highlights their cultural identity that hasbeen musically
ignoredthroughout the performance,mirroring the way the coupleare treated generally by
their neighbours.The music is briefly usedto point to their most intimatethoughts and
feelingsthat separatethem from their Creoleneighbours. Earlier when the coupledescribe
how they were ignoredat Christmasthe music accompanyingthe sceneremains
appropriatelycalypso. The music remindsus that they are celebratingChristmas because
they are with ChristianCreole people and they want to be accepted.
Additionally Talawacan be seento usemusic insteadof straightforwarddialogue. This is
seenin Chan's Cleothilda.Her distressat Dhirendra'sPariag acquiring a bike is shownin
the regimentedmarching reggae chant, 'Something new happeningin town, the crazy
68 Indian coming down., Strategicallythe heavybeat is drawn in contrastto the calypso
shehas sungand dancedto earlier. tier angerexpressed through an African beatcan be
seenas Talawa's theatricaldevice to point to the charactertaking sidesin the community
66 Ibid., p.85. 67Page numbers refer to the rehearsalscript. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 138 as she wishes to disassociate from the Indian. Her chant demonstratesthat at this point she now wantsto be regardedas more similar to the non-raciallymixed black peoplein her community.
Similarly, Talawauses music later to add to the tensionthat Chan's Cleothildawishes to causeonce she has lost her Carnival spirit. Her solitary complaint aboutdog messin the streetsis accompaniedby the stark rattling of spoonson bottlesand bongodrumming. The hollownessof the spoonson the bottlescan be seento echothe emptinessshe feels for thosearound her and the emptinessthat she feels exists in the communityonce Carnival is over. This is in contrastto her earlier rendition of the Christianhymns, Rock ofAges and
Forty Nights. Talawa can be seento haveused the hymnsto occupyan emptinesswithin the characterprior to the Carnival celebrations.In the aftermathof Carnival and beforeshe can return to her hymn singing,there is only a void. There is no music to fill it resultingin her life being miserable.
ThroughTalawa's presentationof calypsoand music we learn aboutthe soundand range of the genre.Additionally the productiondemonstrates aspects of the history and importanceof the institutionof Carnival.For the presentwriter the historicalaspects of
Carnivalshould be broughtto the contemporarymulticultural British stageso Carnivalis not presentedin a vacuumor as a new theatrical form that hasnot changed.
Whilst Carnival may now appearto be a black controlled eventthis was not alwaysthe case.Prior to the abolition of slaveryin Trinidad in 1834the 'upper classcommunity'
68 Rehearsalscript, p.22a. Caribbean Plays Johnson 139 consistedof the white landownersthat mimickedthe songsand dancesof their slaves during Carnival. Many camefrom the Frenchsettler elite. 69 The perioddirectly after emancipationsaw the participationof former slavesand the poor. This causedwhites to 70 pull out of Carnival now regardingit as a 'disorderly amusementfor the lower classes.
Oncethere was no white involvementthere was also little moneyto spendon Carnival
celebrations.
For the black populacewho spentmuch of the year looking forward to Carnival post-
emancipationlack of funds did not act as a barrier but may ratherbe seento havepushed
their resourcefulnessto the limit. The major sign of this was seenmuch later in the 1940S
with the invention of the steel pan from oil drumsdiscarded on the island by American
military bases.71 The instrumentwas createdout of necessityand consequentlycarried
with it part of the history of the underprivilegedwho were forcedto work within the little
that they had and not dwell on a more comfortableway of life which seemedto be the
preserveof the white populace.The necessityof its creationcan be seenas what Savory
refersto as a strategyfor survival.72
69Gilbert andTompkins, Post-Colonial Drama, p.79. 70 Olaniyan,Scars of Conquest,p. 15. 71 WinstonNormans, 'Celebration in Diversity', Carnival 89, August 1989,p. 8. 72Elaine Savory, 'Stategies for Survival: Anti-Imperialist Theatrical Formsin the AnglophoneCaribbean', in Imperialismand Theatre:Essays on World Theatre,Drama and Performance,ed. by J.El len Gainor (London/NewYork: Routledge1995), pp243-252 (p. 245), '. in the contextof the Caribbean,(the strategy) drawson the "little tradition" or suppressedinheritance and is expressedin a modewhich both releasesthe self-definingenergy of reconnectionwith a pastancestry denied by colonialism and carvesout a spacein a given contextof repression.' Savorycontinues more specifically, 'Such strategieshave tended to develop first in oneterritory. Calypso,for example,first turned into a highly organisedart form in Trinidad. It originatedas a songof resistanceon the plantationamong the slaves,and behind this is probablyan ancestry in satirical African orature.' Caribbean Plays Johnson 140
As Carnival had takenon a new significancewith mostly black participantsthe emergence of the steelpans and the bandsplaying them becamean importantaspect of life in
Trinidad. For some,Carnival may havebecome the only importantevent in their lives.
ThroughTalawa's productionthe presentwriter examinesthis notion throughthe portrayal of Francis'sFisheye and an explorationof his physicalviolence in relationto the Carnival theme,and commentson Nri's Aldrick and his internal intellectualisationof life inspired by his preparationsfor Carnival.
ThroughGeff Francis'sportrayal of FisheyeCarnival is given the opportunityto takeon a new significancefor the British audienceby showinghow it impactson thosewho view it as a centralaspect of their lives. Becomingpart of a steelband legitimisesFrancis's character'sexistence both in his own eyesand thoseof his new community. Francis's performancedemonstrates how Carnival is usedto allow a man weakenedby society(as his professionaland financial status is low), to showhis physicalstrength and hold on to part of what he perceivesto be his manhood. Belongingto the bandand playing the badjohnmeans he can be part of an underprivilegedwhole, look out fromthe gutter,and empowerhimself by physicallyintimidating those in his communitywho arewilling to conform.By makinghis presencefclt andmetaphorically shouting loud he is ableto add meaningto his existenceand attest to Wiley'snotion that 'Most blackpeople can't afford
, 73 to be quiet. Francis'sperformance suggests emotional and psychologicaldeath would bethe resultof his characterremaining silent.
73 Ralph Wiley, ; VhyBlack People TendTo Shout: Cold Facts and IY?Y Vieivsfrom a Black Alan's JvOrld (New York: Penguin 1992),p. 2. Caribbean Plays Johnson 141
For the presentwriter Talawa's presentationof the themecan be seento be pertinentto its audience.The suffering that he demonstratesbehind his machostance may be seento be mirrored by thosemembers of the black British audienceand their parentswho can draw parallelswith what they may perceiveto be their weak position as outsidersin British society.Many of thosewho migratedfrom the Caribbeanto Britain between1948 and the
1960swere forced into positionsof weaknessby the strongarm of British societycausing them to feel frustrated.74 In the casesof the many men who found they were unableto supporttheir families in the ways that they had anticipatedbefore their arrival in Britain 75 their frustrationsometimes expressed violently often led to a relationshipbreakdown.
For thoselater bom herewhere their situation mirrored that of their parentsthis may also have led to frustration.
Francis'sportrayal of Fisheyeis of a manwho is only able to feel contentwhen he can control his environment.Francis demonstrates that Fisheyeis only able to do this through
unpredictableviolence. Whilst his violent characteris written in the script Francisuses his
physical sizeto dominatethose around him. Talawa can be seenhere to be highlighting
his physicalstrength in contrastto the reality of his weak position in society. This is an
imagethat may be familiar to black male membersof Talawa's audience.Francis shows
how his characterneeds to asserthimself to thosehe can, as he is unableto accessthe
authoritiesthat havecaused his situation.The angerhe demonstratesat James'sPhilo's
successleads him to slap James'sPhilo's lady friend. His violence is aimedat humiliating
74 Selvon,The Lonely Londoners,p. 73. Selvonpoints to how most blacksaff iving at the time becamepart of the working classcommunity in Britain. 7'5 Elyse Dodgson, Motherland: WestIndian Womento Britain in the 1950's(London: I leinemann EducationalBooks Ltd, 1984),p. 43. Caribbean Plays Johnson 142
James'sPhilo by taking away someof the addedmanhood he has achievedby winning the calypsocrown. The manhoodthat James'sPhilo has gainedby compromisinghis approachto his areaof Carnival is mirrored by the loss of manhoodthat France'sFisheye experiencesthrough his unwillingnessto do the same.Francis's performance shows how his characteris further weakenedand his entire existencethreatened by the interventionof the sponsorsoffering to fund the band,and excludeFisheye from fighting:
It was only in 1950swhen this sponsorshipand the
destabilisation of Carnival began:a steel band might do
somethingreally important like all wear cleanT-shirts.
Now they were taking to a uniform provided by a
sponsoringcompany and conforming.Carnival became
glamourisedand pretty.
For a whole yeara communitywould sustaintheir dragonman: he
was their communityarts worker, if you like, a microcosmof society
and culture. Sponsorshipundermined this. 76
ThroughFrancis's Fisheye and the effectsof steelband sponsorshipon him, Talawa's audienceare madeaware of both the new politics of Carnival that emergeddue to the availability of financial backingand how the poor Trinidadian blacks lost control over their Carnival.Neither Talawa nor its audiencecould havebeen aware at the time that
Britain's Notting Hill Carnival would experiencea similar fate in 1998.When sponsorship CaribbeanPlays Johnson 143 fell through and Carnival organisers contemplated the possibility of cancelling the event
RichardBranson's Virgin Atlantic providedfunds for the event:
Quite a timely move on Mr Branson'spart as thereare a series
of scheduledVirgin Atlantic flights to the Caribbeanthis year!
Well, businessis business.77
Talawa's performanceshows how while businessmay be the focal point of Carnival for
the sponsors,for thosewho createit Carnival is an essentialpart of their existence.For
Francis'sFisheye being in the band madehim somebody,throwing him out to suit the
sponsorsmakes him nobodyonce more.78
In contrastto Francis'sFisheye who is beatenby the sponsors,some Carnival organisers
in Britain feel the London event needssponsorship and maintainthe eventcan benefit
from involvementfrom the wider community.79 The differencein feeling can be seento
mark a changein attitudeto Carnival betweenblack Britons and their parentsas they have
not had the sameexperience of Carnival. Talawa's performanceonce again may serveto
instruct the black British community.
76 Gilbey, 'Dancing The Dragon, What's on in London,27 June 1990,p. 39. 77 Cadette,'Carnival's Bumpy', Voice,24 August 1990,p. 3 1. 78j udy S.J. Stone,Theatre: Studies in WestIndian Literature, p.86. 79Anon, 'Carnival: Nottinghill Carnival is more popularthan ever. But has its true spirit beenlost for good?', Journal, 28 August 1998,p. 20. Clare Holder, Chief Executiveof the Notting Hill Carnival Trust 'People Carnival has become states, who saythat too commercialare missingthe point. .. we needmoney to later, 6. it is time looking Carnival ' survive', and .. that peoplestop at as solely their own property. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 144
Talawa'saudience witness the effectsof both Fisheye'sunstructured rebellion and his ultimatedecision to toe society's line. Both in rebellion and oncehe hascompromised his 80 situationremains the same.He is poor, powerlessand black. In contrastTalawa's presentationof Carnival throughNri's Aldrick, showshow this charactercan be seento 81 representthe articulatevoice of the people.
ThroughNri's Aldrick, Talawa's audienceis introducedto the internal and psychological
effectsof Carnival on thosefor whom it forms an integralpart of their existence.For him
this is a yearlongprocess that beginsthe momentthe last Carnival is over. He turns his
attentionto himself and looks at his innermostemotions, demonstrating the Carnival
tradition of 'self reflective criticism.' 82
Nri's portrayalof Aldrick highlights how the making of his dragoncostume encourages
him to focus on himself. Nri's portrayalopens up the psychologicaldepth of the Carnival
processthat is seldomreflected in the reporting of British Carnival.As he sews,his
conviction is that he cannotsettle with anyoneuntil things are put right on the island.This
political commitmentis didactic and a new experiencefor manyblack Britons who have
not had to start battlesof raceand poverty from scratch,always having someform of
goElaine Savory,'Strategies for Survival: Anti-Imperialist TheatricalForms in the AnglophoneCaribbean', in Imperialism and 7heatre,p. 244, The following commentrefers to rebellion againstimperialism from linguistic '. few intense slaverebellion to rebellion . with a exceptions,the most signsof rebellion were, and often still are,concentrated in the poorestmembers of society,who were (and still often are), darkestin skin colour and closestto African identity both physically and culturally! 81Ibid., p.252, 'In Caribbeanplays, the leastarticulate folk are likely to be the most elite and often white, whereasthe most verbally dextrousare most likely thosewho camefrom the poorestand most African- centredmasses. This is not only a political perception,but a reflection of the way in which Caribbeanpeople haveseen language utilized by folk culture on the one hand and a restrictivecolonial bureaucracyon the other.' 82Gilbert and Tompkins,Post-Colonial Drama, p.95. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 145
83 foundation set for them by their more politically active ancestors. The superficial aspects of Carnival are challenged then as Nri's Aldrick continues to make his costume, and
Talawa's audience come to appreciate the sincerity of his claim 'This is my whole life
here.' 84
Aldrick's chosenmasquerade (repeated each year) as performedby Nri, is symbolically
85 that of the dragon. Like the costumehe wearsthose like Nri's Aldrick who are
concernedabout the political rebellion that Carnival has representedare becoming equally
86 extinct. The constantdragon masquerade symbolises Nri's Aldrick's rebellion and his
fight againstwhat he seesgoing on aroundhim. Eachday is basedon addingto his new
dragoncostume. With eachaddition he cementsthe minor aspectsof his life from the
previousyear to createthe greaterpicture of his presentexistence. As with James'sPhilo
and his calypsosand Francis'sFisheye with his fighting in the band,Nri's Aldrick's
dragonis both his life and manhood.
Onceincarcerated Nri's characterrealises the full extent of the hopelessnessof his
people'ssituation. It is this understandingand acceptanceof it that distinguisheshim from 87 his neighbourswho remainsatisfied with whatCarnival offers them. Oncehe recognises
93Paul Gilroy, Small Acts: Thoughtson the Politics ofBlack Cultures (London/NewYork: Serpent'sTail, 1993),p. 230. 84Rehearsal script, p. 12a. '3 Judy S.J. Stone,Theatre: Studies in WestIndian Literature, p.85, 'The Dragonis one of Trinidad's old- time individual Carnival masqueradesthat today,with the developmentof the professionallydesigned &prettymas' costumebands several thousand members strong, has been driven to the edgeof extinction.' 86Gilbert andTompkins, Post-Colonial Drama, p.79, 'Carnival becamethe vehicle for rebellion against colonial authority. For poor urbanblacks in particular,Carnival represented more than a licensedinversion of acceptednorms; it embodiedan ongoingstruggle against inequity and oppression.The spirit of protest was evidentnot only in the traditional calypsolyrics and variousmasquerades which satirisedsociety, but in disorderlybehaviour in during 1881 1884Carnivals. ' 87also a patternof that culminated riots the and Ibid., p.96. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 146 that he hasmoved on spiritually, psychologicallyand emotionallyNri's Aldrick can no longerdance the danceof the dragonas he now views this type of rebellion as both misunderstoodand fruitless:
why the dragoncouldn't dance,why he couldn't perform,you
know, you couldn't carry on that one-dimensionalalmost rebellion
all the time. And I supposea questionthat man hasto face,I mean
even beyondCarnival is, 'Can one continueto rebel all the time in a
certaindimension? "'
Finally, Aldrick's commentcan be seento be pertinentto Britain's Notting Hill Carnival
today.Whilst somesupport sponsorship others feel that the spirit of Carnival is being
takenaway because it is ultimately leavingthe original spirit in a stateof permanent
disrepair.89 For the present writer Talawa's performance encouragesits audience to
developa greaterunderstanding of the entire CaribbeanCarnival process.This could
impacton the further positive developmentof the portrayaland partakingof Carnival in
Britain in the long term.
88 Daryll CumberDance, Conversations with ContemporaryWest Indian Writers,p. 156.Taken from interviewwith Earl Lovelace. 89Nigel Carter,'Multi-cultural or multi-commercial?', CaribbeanTimes incorporating African Times, 15 September1992, p. 30, (quoting Mike Philips), 'The commercialconcessions, the sponsorshipand the frameworkof commercialorganisation will increaseand new moneywill bring in new forms of control. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 147
The Lion
TheLion by Guyana'sMichael Abbensettswas Talawa's seventhCaribbean play and fourteenthproduction in total. The productionmarked two importantfirsts for the company;it was Talawa's first commissionedplay in its West End home,performed at
The Cochranebetween 30 Septemberand 23 October 1993,and was the company'sfirst play to be takenabroad. 90 The following analysisof the productionexamines the oral languageof Talawa's performanceand notions of black identity as raisedthrough
Talawa's production.
Oral Language
The presentwriter's analysisof languageuse in Talawa's productionis divided into two main areas.Firstly, the oral languageof Talawa's performanceis exploredthrough a discussionof middle classCaribbean and middle classblack British speech. Here some
interpretationof Englishmanners and ideasof sophisticationare also examinedas an
integralpart of what is presentedas British English adoptedby Caribbeanspeakers. This
is followed by an analysisof the working classCaribbean speech as performedby a black
British actor. Damouretteand Pichon's idea that 'every dialect is a way of thinking' is
demonstratedin this sectionas we seehow threeEnglish language forms mark 91 fundamentaldifferences in peoplewho haveboth a history and culture in common.
But the bigger it lessthe Carnival belong Caribbeans As it becomes getsthe will to the ... matureand more varied,along the lines of a Europeanfestival, the Caribbeanswho now governits conductand direction will be obliged to shareor evenlose their dominance.' 90 In November1993 the British cast did a ten-dayrun of the show at the Ward Theatre,Kingston, Jamaica. Caribbean Plays Johnson 148
The script of The Lion is written in 'standard English', pepperedwith Caribbeanismsas seen in both productions discussedabove. One of the language forms featured in the performance is presented in the publicity programme with a quote from the production, 92 'Yuh seatof governmentis dis sofabed'. This could leadprogramme readers to imagine that the Caribbeanlanguage of the performancewould be that of the monolingualpatois speaker.Whilst this speechis usedin the performanceit takessecond place to the varying forms of black middle classspeech perfon-ned. Talawa can be seenthen to be usingthe monolingualpatois form to attract a sectionof its targetaudience.
The principal Caribbeanlanguage of Talawa's productionis the generalvoice of the
Caribbeanblack uppermiddle classas presentedby the protagonistsStefan Kalipha's
RamseyJames and Madge Sinclair's Isabella.93 This black middle classspeech in both
the Caribbeanand Britain, and the presentationof the lives of its speakerson stage
demonstratesMamet's belief that, 'As the societychanges the theaterChanges. '94
ThroughTalawa's performanceits audienceis pointedto the fact that post-emancipation
black culture hasdeveloped its own middle classboth in Englandand the Caribbean.Due
to their colonial history the black classsystem is akin to that of Englandwhere social
hierarchymay be demonstratedby languageuse and accent.
91Fanon, Black Skin, WhileMasks, p. 25. 92Rehearsal script, Act 2, p.34. 93The languagethat they useis essentially'standard English' with a Caribbeanaccent and someregional differences.In Cassidy's,Jamaica Talk, p.2, a descriptionis offered of this kind of speechin the contextof Jamaica,'At one end is the type of JamaicaTalk that aims toward the London 'standard'or educatedmodel, and, in manyJamaicans' usage, reaches it extremelywell - certainly as well as the speechof many a Britisher living outsidethe 'home counties' aroundLondon. ' 94 David Mamet, Writing in Restaurants,(New York: Viking, PenguinInc., 1986),p. 19. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 149
The importanceand recognitionof the rangeand hierarchyof Caribbeanlanguage as presentedin Talawa's productionis relevantto the presentblack British audienceas they experiencethis aspectof the legacyof colonial rule in modemBritain. Wherepreviously in colonial history black skin servedas a barrier to upwardmobility, Talawa's performanceof TheLion showshow whilst lighter skin colour is advantageous,black skin neednot be the hindranceit oncewas providedthat the black speaker'slanguage demonstratesan 'acceptable'level of education.This is seenin Sinclair's Isabella.In the treatmentfor the stageplay, Abbensettsdescribes Isabella's language, 'She hastwo ways of speaking:she can soundvery English, and then suddenly,break into a bit of a
Caribbeandialect. '95
Embarrassmentabout Caribbean black working classlanguage and mannersin Englandis presentedby Selvon in TheLonely Londoners.Selvon's sectionon the characterHarris describeshow he is black and imitatesall that he regardsas English. He wearsa bowler
96 hat and carriesan umbrellawith a briefcaseand The Timesunder his arm. He hasused
languageto climb socially and is put on edgeby his fellow countrymenwhom he feels do
not speakor act in an appropriatelyEnglish manneraround his white friends.
This needthat someAfro-Caribbean people newly arrived in Britain throughoutthe 1950s
had to demonstratethe ability to use 'standardEnglish' can be seento havebecome
unnecessarywith ensuinggenerations. This is seenin all of the aforementionedblack
British theatrecompanies that emergedthroughout the late 1970suntil the mid eighties
93 The treatment for the stage play is found in Talawa's production archives files for The Lion - general file. 96 Selvon, The Lonely Londoners, pp. 110- 122. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 150 who usedAfro-Caribbean speech forms as their major modeof expression.This is also seenin the wealth of African and CaribbeanEnglish languageproductions that Talawahas produced since its inception.
The linguistic prejudicesonce levelled at blacksby whites in the Caribbeanhave become the preserveof the middle classblack Caribbeancommunity who in imitating their ex- colonial mastersmock black working classuneducated speech. They seethis speechas inferior to their own linguistically recognisedWest Indian Standardspeech (WIS). This is seenin Talawa's performancewhen Isabellacorrects Hendrick's language:
Hendricks: Come 'n get it!
Isabella: Hendricks,you're in Britain now. Here they say
66coffeeis served.07
Her correctionserves to enlightenhim whilst pointing to her elevatedstatus. David De
Camp in his discussionof the caseof Jamaica,gives a clear indication of the social status
of Sinclair's character'stype of speechin relation to other 'standardEnglish' forms. The
personswho headthe continuumare Jamaicanswho speakthe most highly respected
varietiesof JamaicanEnglish. They recognisethat this is not the sameas 'standard
English'. Expatriateswho speakpublic school 'standardEnglish' do not evenenter on the
continuumas all expatriatespeech is outsideit. 98
97 Rehearsal script, p.3. 98 David De Camp, 'Social and Geographical Factors in Jamaican Dialects', in Creole Language Studies 11, ed. R. B. Le Page (London/New York: Macmillan, 1961), pp.61-84 (p. 83). CaribbeanPlays Johnson 151
Kalipha's Ramseyalso useseducated middle classspeech. His statedclaim for this is basedon his British education.This highlights the importantfact to the British audience that not all thosewho camefrom the West Indies arrived in Tilbury Dock on the
Windrushin 1948.99The adoptionof middle classspeech adapted by blacksto suit their
Caribbeanenvironment was a markerof upward mobility in both the pre- and post- 100 independenceCaribbean, and becamethe norm for the islands' rich and powerful.
Thosein power like Kalipha's Ramseyseem however, not to havebeen fully awareof the cultural consequencessurrounding their linguistic choices.Opting to imitate the language and mannersof the old colonial rulers would serveto keeptheir societydivided as it had beenunder colonial rule.
Talawa's performanceshows how the useof Caribbeanblack middle classspeech is accompaniedby a display of colonial manners.The studentsof Kalipha's Ramsey's generationnot only leamt British English but also how to 'act' English in a bid to distinguishthemselves further from their Caribbeancounterparts and demonstratetheir
privilege. Kalipha's Ramseyrefers to his bodyguardas 'boy', and expresseshis desireto
accommodateboth linguistically and socially when he instructshim, 'Next time insteadof "01 makingme coffee,make me sometea. This is England;they drink tea here. It is the
aggressivemanner in which Kalipha makesthe statement,rather than the words
99Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa offices London, 16 March 1999,'People here like to think that all black peoplecame here on the Windrushto look for work.' 100Errol Miller, 'EducationalDevelopment in IndependentJamaica', in Jamaicain Independence:Essays On TheEarly Years,ed. by Rex Nettleford (London/Kingston:Heinemann Caribbean, 1989), pp. 205 -227 (p.207), 'Mastery of the Anglo-culture,particularly masteryof the Englishlanguage, became the most importantcriterion of upwardmobility througheducation. ' 10' Rehearsalscript, pA CaribbeanPlays Johnson 152 themselvesthat point to his interpretationof the characterand the notion that having colonial mannersallows his characterto be rude to thosewho work for him.
It is through Colette Brown's Sonia and Danny Kwasi Sapani's Gideon that Talawa's audienceexperience the theatrical voice of black Briton's middle class. Within the context of the play they are the black British community who are drawn in linguistic contrast to the other characterswho representtwo opposite levels of the Caribbean class system.The languagethey use is representative of black middle class Britain and is identical to white middle class speech. For the present writer their use of general middle class English speechis beneficial to Talawa's wider representation of itself, as it both expands and demonstratesthe verbal repertoire of the company whilst unveiling a second level of overt
languagebehaviour. This overt language behaviour, like the Caribbean middle class
speechis uncommon to the contemporary black British stage.
For the presentwriter, this speechremains generally unexplored in black British Theatre
for two main reasons;firstly, its similarity to 'standardEnglish' may causeblacks using it
to be seenas moving away from the aspectsof poverty and strugglethat may be associated
with black identity. Suchpoverty may be mistakenlytaken to be representativeof black
culture.102 Secondly as, manyblacks in Britain do not belongto this groupthe languageis
not representativeof them.
102Rex Nettleford, 'Cultural Action in Independence',in Jamaica in Independence:Essays On TheEarly Years,ed. by Rex Nettleford (London/Kingston:Heinemann Caribbean, 1989), 291-328 (p. 326), 'Tom Mboya,a former Kenyanleader, once told the world that Africa's poverty (expressedin recycledmotor-tyre sandalsand semi-nudity) should not be taken for its culture. Cleanlinessas a mark of personalhygiene is not a bourgeoisindulgence as some'revolutionary' youthswould haveus believe.' CaribbeanPlays Johnson 153
Both Sapani's Gideon and Brown's Sonia are bom into middle class families due to their fathers'political professions,though neither had beenraised with them.As for their motherslittle is known. Additionally, both charactersare middle classby their own profession as both are teachers. There is however, nothing in Talawa's performance of their languagethat reflectstheir full cultural heritage.
For Brown's Soniathis is easily explainedas we know that shehas been raised by an
Englishmother and we are never shownany long term direct contactthat shehas had with the Caribbean.For Sapani'sGideon the caseis quite different. His mother,who hasraised him as a single parentis from St. Judes.If he hasbeen at all influencedby his mother's speechhis Caribbeanlinguistic knowledgecould feasiblybe wider than is demonstrated by his languageuse in the play. It could be arguedthat it would not be unimaginablethat like Sinclair's Isabella,Sapani's Gideon may occasionallyuse some form of the Caribbean expressionhe hasheard all his life from his mother.This would reflect his bicultural life.
Equally given the passionatenature of his situation and the fact that he is surroundedby
Caribbeanpeople from the sameisland as his parentswe could be given to expectthe occasionalCaribbean word. The fact that this doesnot happencan be seenas a markerof
Talawa's aim to highlight his entire 'Englishness'and the differencethat he seesbetween
himself and the Caribbeancharacters. By extensionthis may also representthe chosen
linguistic and cultural differencesbetween Caribbean nationals living in Englandand their
blackBritish counterpartswho moveaway from orally expressinga Caribbeanidentity.
WhenSapani's Gideon tells Kalipha's Ramseythat he is proud of being a black Briton, his Caribbean Plays Johnson 154 linguistic tone reflectsthis. He usesthe languageof wherehe feels he belongsand providesfood for thought for Talawa's black British audience.
The languageof Sapani and Brown's charactersas seen in Talawa's production may be deemedto haveno placeon any black languagecontinuum as it is indistinguishablefrom that of their white counterparts.There are however,many black British professionalswho
usethis speech.They are after all British. Despitethis, when this voice is presentedin the
black British performancearena it can be usedto highlight the speaker'sapparent loss of
cultural identity ratherthan point to an expressionof part of one's mixed cultural rootsand
life experience.
This notion of black middle classspeech portraying the useras having a cultural identity
problemis seenin Geff Francis'sportrayal of Michael in Channel4's Desmond's,as
discussedearlier. Mainstreamtelevision programminghad presentedthe phenomenonof
black uppermiddle classspeech as identical to its British counterpartand moving away
from its cultural roots in the 1970sin ITV's comedyseries Rising Damp (September1974-
May 1978).The seriesstarred Trinidadian-bom Don Warringtonin the role of Philip the
African Princestudent Doctor who shareda flat with his white friend, affectionately
referredto as 'the layabout', played by Richard Beckonsale.Warrington's character
becamewidely known as 'the posh black man', indicatingwhat may be regardedas a
perceivedincompatibility of his speechto his skincolour.
In Talawa's productionof TheLion it is the working classCaribbean speech of David
Webber'sHendricks that may be seenas the commonway of speakingfor blacks.It is CaribbeanPlays Johnson 155 distinctiveby its differencesfrom 'standardEnglish' speechand its tonal similaritiesto
WestAfrican speech.
Once again Talawa,can be seento be demonstrating the verbal repertoire of the black communitywith this choiceof voice. This time howeverthe linguistic dexterity is heightenedas David Webberis British and is using this voice in performance.This third linguistic form, as is seenthrough Talawa's work, hasbeen shown where the text requires the depictionof a black working classenvironment. For Talawa,the voice hastended towardsJamaican working classspeech. This is partly due to the writers' Jamaican
nationality,or in the caseof non-Jamaicanwriters, the decisionto demonstratea Jamaican
situationusing Jamaicanspeech as is demonstratedby Walcott.103
Fromthe context of the productionwe know that Webber'sHendricks has spent much of
his life on the CaribbeanIsland of St. Jude.His voice shouldthen reflect his linguistic
history. Given that the island is a fictitious one there is no exactmodel for the actor to
follow. He must draw his own conclusionsbased on his experienceof Caribbeanspeech
and adaptit for performanceon the British stage.104
Theresult, as seen in Talawa'sarchival video, may be seen as a recognisablestage version
of working classmonolingual Jamaican patois speech.His chosenvoice is definedenough
for it to beculturally and socially identifiable whilst demonstratinga clarity that makesit
10' This speechis usedin the following Talawa Caribbeanproductions to depict the black working class:An EchoIn TheBone (Dennis Scott),0 Babylon(Derek Walcott), Smile Orange(Trevor Rhone),Maskerade, (§ylvia Wynter). 1`4 Interviewwith Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa off ices London, 16 March 1999,'David was familiar with the voice becauseof his Jamaicanbackground. ' CaribbeanPlays Johnson 156
it comprehensibleto non-patoisspeakers. As the characteris from St.Jude and not Jamaica would seemthat Webber'schosen voice is acceptableas he demonstratesthe Caribbean classdifference. It is an exaggeratedand affectedspeech style.
In this light his languageis akin to what De Camprefers to as QuashieTalk. This is the lowest form of languageon the Jamaicancontinuum and is usedgenerally by comedians.105 This is fitting for Webber'scharacter that by the natureof his uneducated speechis given comic status.In being directedto play dominoeswith himself Webber's
Hendrickssimultaneously plays two characters.He movesfrom one seatto the other to identify a characterchange. For the presentwriter it is difficult for the audienceto disassociatehis actionsfrom what we are given to be his appropriatespeech. We understandthat his actionsare at best childlike and at worst ridiculous. Either way Talawa
can be seento usethe languageform to stressthe comedy,low intellect and low statusof
the character.
ThroughTalawa's productionthe black British audienceare given a picture of Caribbean
languagehierarchy which directly relatesto them. Many of them will be as culturally
familiar with the working classspeech of Webber'sHendricks as the middle classspeech
of the other characters.106 The useof Jamaicanspeech may encouragethose less concerned
with detail to assumeincorrectly, that all Caribbeanpeople come from Jamaicaor that this
103De Camp,'Social and GeographicalFactors in JamaicanDialects'. in CreoleLanguage Studies 11, p. 83. 106Peter Fryer, Staying Power. TheHistory of Black Peoplein Britain (London: Pluto Press,1984), p. 373. Britain saw Caribbeanpeople arriving from the West Indies in largernumbers from 1948.The largest groupsarrived between1953 and 1958.1954=24,000,1956 = 26,000,1957=22,000,1958 = 16,000. It is thesepeople and their offspring who haveformed the greaterpart of Britain's modemblack communityand broughta new dimensionto Britain's working class. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 157 voice may serveas the generalexample of working classCaribbean speech in
107 performance.
Through Talawa's performance, additional clues are given as to how Webber's
Hendricks'smonolingual patois speech coupled with his personaltaste and mannersplace him at the bottom end of St. Jude'shierarchical society. Talawa's audiencemayjudge whetherthe linguistic and social characteristicsdisplayed would also placeWebber's
Hendricks,or peoplelike him at the bottom of British society.Drawn as the polar opposite to his employerhis musicaltaste leans towards ragga and reggae(as opposedto Kalipha's
Ramsey'slove of opera),and throughoutthe productionhe is the only characterwho regularlyuses expletives despite their absencein the script. The suggestionis that this is in keepingwith his monolingualpatois speechand that he is not capableof demonstrating the samekind of linguistic 'sophistication' as his employer.His languageuse can also be
seenas a factor in legitimising how he is treated,and seemsto expectto be treated
negativelyby thosewho are in a higher social group. Someforty-eight yearsago a form of
Creolewas describedas 'Inferiority madehalf articulate.' 108From Webber'sportrayal of
Hendricksand his treatmentin TheLion it would seemthat this opinion hasnot been
entirely disassociatedfrom Caribbeanmonolingual patois basedlanguage forms used
eitherin the WestIndies or in Britain.
107Sel TheLonely londoners, 28, ' English believe from von, p. ... the people that everybodywho come the West Indiescome from Jamaica.' log J. EdwardChamberlin, Come Back To Me My Language:Poetry and the WestIndies (Chicago: University of Illinois Press,1993), p. 82. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 158
The linguistic diversity demonstratedby Talawa's performancesuggests, in agreement with Nettleford, that there is room and a given acceptedplace for morethan one form of languagewithin the scopeof Caribbean,British and Afro-Caribbeanbased communities.109 The introductionof upper middle classCaribbean language, black British middle classprofessional language, and working classCaribbean speech to the black
British stageis threefold.Audiences are invited to acknowledgethe three forms andthe classbased language/culture system within Caribbeansociety. These divisions may seem to be overlookedin Britain in preferenceto putting manyblack peopleinto a singularand identicalgeneric black group. Secondly,the three forms can work together.Finally, there is a clear hierarchythat onceagain places the voice of the monolingualpatois speaker at the bottom of the pile.
In additionto what Talawa's performancecan be seento presentto its audience linguistically, for the presentwriter a numberof themesspecific to Talawa's performance are pertinentor linked to black British life and are discussedbelow.
109Nettleford, 'Cultural Action in Independence',in Jamaicain Independence:Essays On TheEarly Years, p.292, 'The useof StandardEnglish for official and formal discourseis not incompatible,after all, with the commonusage of a tonguecreated by the Jamaicanpeople over 300 yearsfor their own useand to describe their own reality.' CaribbeanPlays Johnson 159
Notions of Black Identity
The performanceof issuessurrounding race and working classlife arenot new to the contemporaryBritish stage.This was seenparticularly after the emergenceof Delaney's
A Tasteof Honey in 1958,110and the popularity of the earlier working classhero Jimmy
Porterin Osborne'sLook Back in Anger in 1956.111This work however,was not from a black perspective.Throughout the 1970swhen Caribbeanwriters living in Britain focused on their own working classlife and racial issuesthat they were encounteringas a result of beingblack peoplein Britain they were taking responsibility for their own representation 112 into their own hands.This can be seenin the work of TrinidadianMustafa Matura.
Additionally, Caribbeannovelists and playwrightshad beenwriting aboutAfro-Caribbean existencefor decadesboth in and outsideof Britain.
The following examinessome of the questionsthat Talawa's productionof TheLion can
be seento raisearound notions of black British identity, differencesbetween black Britons
and Caribbeanson issuesof masculinity,and how the Caribbeanworking classcharacter
Hendricksas portrayedby Webberadapts to life in Britain.
For the presentwriter, 'confusion' aroundBlack British identity often stemsfrom the
rangeof views that appearto exist on what it is. Gilroy quotesEnoch Powell, 'The West
Indian doesnot by being born in Englandbecome an Englishman.In law he becomesa
110 ShelaghDelaney, A TasteofHoney (London: Methuen,1959). The play was first performedat the TheatreRoyal Stratford,London, May 1958. 111 JohnOsborne, Look BackIn Anger (London: Faber,1957). The play was first performedat the Royal Court Theatre,London, May 1956. 112Mustafa Matura, Six Plays: As Time GoesBy, Play Mas, Independence,Welcome Home Jacko, Nice, Meetings(London: Methuen,1992). Caribbean Plays Johnson 160
113 United Kingdom citizen by birth; in fact he is a West Indian or an Asian still% Dahl is points to how being black and British has cometo mean,'anyone in Britain who not white', 114thus clouding specificity of identity. So for Powell, Sapani'sGideon and
Brown's Soniaare West Indianswhilst for othersthey are black Britons. The task of self- definition for black Britons is mademore difficult by clear definitions of identity from their parents'islands that appearto excludethem. Nettleford describesDawes's definition of a Jamaican:
A Jamaicanis anyonewhite, black or mixed who grew up in
Jamaicaand tracesJamaican ancestry back to the period of the ' 15 institution of slaveryin Jamaica.
In the productionthe charactersoffer little explanationas to how they feel abouttheir
black British status.As it is not opposedor objectedto in their performance,and as
Sapani'sGideon uses the term to describehimself it is safeto assumethat he at leastis
comfortablewith this definition. His cultural roots are however,entirely Caribbean.For
Brown's Soniawho is half white and perceivedin British societyas black, we understand
that for British societythe entirety of her blacknessis basedon her father's skin colour
and that his British nationality is ignored.Brown's portrayalof Soniashows that her
characteris clear about,and acceptsthe definition that wider societyhas given her. For
113Dahl, 'PostcolonialBritish Theatre:Black Voices at the Center', in Imperialism and Theatre:Essays on World TheatreDrama Performance, 52. 114 and p. Ibid., p.41. 115 Neville Dawes,address to Lions Club MontegoBay, 2 May, 1974, as quotedby RexNettleford, CaribbeanCultural Identity: The CaseofJamaica, An Essayin Cultural Dynamics(Jamaica: Institute of Jamaica,1978), p. 4. Caribbean Plays Johnson 161
Talawa'saudience it is notablethat her Britishnessappears to comeentirely from her white cultural roots.
It would seemthat neither Sapani'sGideon nor Brown's Soniaview their Caribbean cultural roots as helping to attribute underdogstatus to them in British society.Their
Caribbeanside is the part of their heritagethat they havenot lived. This may mirror the experienceof Talawa's black British audiencewho may havehad no direct physical contactwith the Caribbeanand may makethe charactersparticularly pertinentto them. In
Talawa'sperformance the characters'quest for their Caribbeanheritage is shownin their love/haterelationship with the Caribbeanbased on their relationshipswith specific
Caribbeanindividuals.
ThroughSapani's portrayal of GideonTalawa's audienceare madeaware that his apparent rejectionof the Caribbeanis basedon the political exampleshe has seenfrom the
Presidentfor life and the fact that the Presidentkilled his father. Whenhe tells Kalipha's
Ramsey,'It's no wonder someof us don't really want to be West Indian anymore',his
statementis twofold. ' 16He personallydoes not want to be like Ramseybecause of his
political hypocrisyand tyrannical rule. This may also point to a notion that other black
Britons are rejectingtheir Caribbeanroots in favour of British ones.As this rejectioncan
not be on the basisof characterslike Ramseyalone, Talawa's performancecan be seento
beginto encourageits audienceto questionthe rangeof reasonswhy someblack Britons
are choosingto move away from their cultural roots. Having beenpresented with the
issue,the black British audiencemembers are able to draw their own conclusions. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 162
Talawa'speformance then can be regardedas showing,in contrastto the belief that cultural heritageis fixed, that cultural heritagecan change,and is likely to do so with living. bicultural people.117 Bicultural existencecan be seento be an advantageousway of
At bestbicultural existenceallows the individual to take for herlhimselfwhat s/he considersto be the most appropriatecultural forms for her/hispresent existence. At worst it may result in a needto catchup on the heritagefacts of the lessdominant culture. This in itself is not a problembut can becomeone when thosewho are beingdepended upon to fill in the cultural gapsare not preparedto do so.
This is highlighted in Talawa's performancethrough Brown's portrayalof Sonia.Once shehas her father with her sheneeds to questionhim abouther Caribbeanrelatives. for Abbensetts'splay and Talawa's performanceof it point then to the black Briton's need self-discoverythrough her cultural line. For the presentwriter the performancepoints to two main reasonswhy Kalipha's Ramseydoes not recogniseor understandhis daughter's needto equip herselfwith facts about her heritage.Firstly, he can only think about
himself, secondly,he would rather forget the experienceshe had with his family because
they only hold bad memoriesfor him. For the black Briton representedby Soniathis
messageis mixed. Sheis meantto recognisethat her cultural heritageis important,yet
acceptexclusion from certaincrucial aspectsof it. For the black British audiencethis
aspectof Talawa's performanceposes a rangeof questions;should black Britons accept
lessinformation abouttheir culture in order not to upsetthe personwho holds the
116 Rehearsalscript, p.32. 117Julie StonePeters, 'Intercultural Performance,Theatre Anthropology, and the Imperialist Critique, Identities,Inheritances, and the Neo-Orthodoxies, in Imperialism and Theatre:Essays on World Theatre, Drama and Performance,ed. by J.Ellen Gainor, (London: Routledge,1995), pp. 199-213. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 163 informationthey need?Is therean effect of being shownthat the culture of one parentis being lessvalued than that of the other? Or that the culture of the host country is more be valuedthan that of the black Briton's Afro-Caribbeanheritage? Should black Britons contentwith holding on to their Britishnessand let go of their Afro-Caribbeanheritage?
Although Talawa's performancedoes not directly ask thesequestions or attemptto answer them,the presentwriter arguesthat the choiceof material for perfon-nancehelps to present theseissues to the black British community.
WhenKalipha's Ramseytells Sapani'sGideon that, 'To me you're a black Briton, but to the British who the blastedhell are YOU?,118 he is playing on his notion of the black
Briton's perceivedlack of identity. He possibly seesSapani's Gideon as black British for threereasons; firstly his skin colour is black, secondlyhe is British by law, and thirdly
Kalipha's Ramseyrefuses to seehim as Caribbeanas this would makehim more like him.
His rhetoricalquestion is telling Sapani'sGideon that he has no real identity. The accusationprovides further food for thought for Talawa's black British audience.If this is
a realistic questionfrom the older Caribbeangeneration, then where are black Britons to
call home?
ThroughTalawa's performanceSapani's portrayal of Gideon's acceptanceof his
Britishnessappears to be in a bid to escapethe bad that has happenedto his family in the
Caribbean.If this is his motivation for choosingone cultural identity aboveanother his
choicecan be seenas having lessdo with cultural heritageand more to do with bad
personalexperience. Again the questioncan be posedto Talawa's black British audience CaribbeanPlays Johnson 164 on where they stand as people with at least two cultures. Has Britain and the designation of black Briton becomeacceptable to thosewho haveadopted the term beentaken on becauseof negativeviews, images,stories and experiencesof the Caribbean?
It is on issuesof perceivedmasculinity that a further cultural distanceis shownbetween the black British and Caribbeancharacters in Talawa's productionof TheLion.
Throughout,notions of masculinityare presentedin two forms. There is the masculinityof the Caribbeanupper middle classand working classman, drawn in contrastto the masculinityof the black British man.The differencesare stark with no grey areasand often adhereto fixed stereotypes.The conflict and contradictionsboth form part of the continuedidentity questionfor black Britons that ultimately haveto chosewhere they best f, t.
Kalipha's Ramseyis unableto seeSapani's Gideon as a real man becauseof his profession.He regardshis teachingof cookeryand his linguistic aptitudeas having
strippedhim of his masculinity.Ramsey's notion of masculinity is dependentupon being
able to rule as many other men as possible.His machocomments are perhapsbest
understoodhowever, in the contextof his presentsituation.
He is exiled abroadwhere he is strippedof power and hencean aspectof his masculinity.
His insultsto Sapani'sGideon stem from his frustrationand recognition of the factthat
Sapani'sGideon is in manyways in a strongerand thereforein Kalipha's Ramsey'smind
a more masculineposition. Sapani'sGideon is in Kalipha's Ramsey'seyes on his home
118Rehearsal script, Act 1, p.33. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 165 soil, he is still masterof what he does,he hasmore control over Brown's Soniathan
Kalipha's Ramseyhas, and despitehis physicalattack on Sapani'sGideon, the latter is younger and stronger.
Along with the perceivedpower that is attachedto the Caribbeannotion of profession(as seen in Talawa's performance) is the connection of sexual prowess with masculinity.
Webber'sHendricks as the basestof the three men openlydiscusses his sexualexploits.
As he hasno other acceptedpower he measuresthe mark of his masculinityby the quantityof exploits he has.Both Webber'sHendricks and Kalipha's Ramseyare described by Brown's Soniaas dinosaursin regardto their 'outdated' apparentlyCaribbean attitude to women. Once again, Sapani's Gideon is shown in contrast to the Caribbean men.
The presentationof Sapani'sGideon as a 'standard'modem black British middle class
man is in itself rare by virtue of the fact that his background,educational attainment and
middle classlifestyle are not commonto the majority of black British men. He is part of a
small minority within a minority. Talawa's black male audiencehas the opportunityto see
what they have in commonwith him and possiblywork out where they fit, if at all, on the
vast masculinitycontinuum between Webber's Hendricks, Sapani's Gideon and Kalipha's
Ramsey.This is not to suggestthat every black man seeinganother perform in the theatre
shouldnecessarily aim to identify with either the actor or the character.There may
however,be a caseto suggestthat asblack men are not generallyrepresented by
mainstreamBritish theatre when they see a characterthat others may regard as
representativeof them,they may look for both differencesand similarities in a bid to
decidewhether the representationis fair. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 166
Whilst Webber'sHendricks's motivations surrounding his masculinityare sexual,and
Kalipha's Ramsey'sare political, initially thoseof Sapani'sGideon's appearto be couchedin his needfor revenge.He hasbecome romantically involved with Brown's
Soniain order to get to her father.As his central focus is with Ramseyand his presentsex life is a by-productof his decisionto deal with him it canappear that sex for Sapani's
Gideonis not a centralfocus. This could then suggestthat he doesnot relatehis sex life to his masculinity.Additionally, whilst the other male charactersadvertise their sex lives
Sapani'sGideon keeps his private life low key. The fact that he is the only black British male characterin the productionand that he is drawn in contrastto the WestIndian men suggeststhat his attitudesand approachesdiffer to the other menprecisely because he is
British. How much of his behaviouris attributableto the fact that he is a new black British
manand how much to his concentrationon bringing his situationwith Kalipha's Ramsey
to a conclusionis debatable.It can be statedhowever, that Talawa's performance
illustratesthat the men are presentedas demonstratingcultural differenceswithin aspects
of two closely linked cultures.
It shouldalso be notedthat throughDavid Webber'sperformance of Hendricksit is made
clearthat it is not just the black British charactersthat are affectedby questions
surroundingtheir black identity by being in Englandbut also the Caribbeanones.
Webber'sportrayal of Hendricks'sbehaviour and ability to adaptis reminiscentof
Gilroy's claimthat modernism began with slaveryas it wasAfrican slaves who first hadto
copewith, and find their way round the problemsof modemsociety. ' 19
"9 Paul Gilroy, TheBlack Atlantic: Modernity and the Double Consciousness(London/New York: Vcrso, 1993). CaribbeanPlays Johnson 167
As Webber'sHendricks starts to experiencenew things and is making a consciouseffort to adaptto, and makethe most of his new environment,he takesup both betting andwine 120 drinking, 'I'm in Englan' now. I'm not so crassan' crudeanymore. I'm changin'.' He appearsto associatehis new activities as having a certainamount of 'class'. Whetherthis is becauseof his perceptionof the natureof the activities or simply becausethey are activities that he considersto be particularly English is not madeclear. Either way he is acquiringan 'Englishness'that he feels takesaway someof his Caribbean'roughness'.
For the presentwriter the suggestiongiven to Talawa's audiencethrough this character may be that the possibility of freedomto men of all classesis readily availablein modern
Britain. This doesnot howeverdescribe the reality of many black peoplein Britain.
For Talawa's audienceWebber's Hendricks may representthe kinds of experiencesthey arc more familiar with of the working classCaribbean man making his way in England.
Webber'sperformance demonstrates that it is the characterwith the leastin termsof
materialresources or connectionsthat is able to take advantageof the situationthat he
finds himself in. He is able to adaptto British life without compromisinghis Caribbean
identity in muchthe sameway that the Caribbeanarrivals to Britain did from the 1950s
onwards.
Finally, Talawa's performanceof TheLion and its demonstrationof someof the issues
surroundingblack British and Caribbeanlanguage and identity in Britain supportJulie
StonePeters's theory of one of theatre'suses:
120Rehearsal script, Act 2, p.26. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 16S
Theatrehas a specialplace in history becauseit offers an
aestheticizedbrand of performance,of the ways things happen
on the political stage or the stage of war, in the courts and on
121 the streets.
For the presentwriter the performancecan be seento havebeen making a clear attemptto provide its audiencewith challengingheritage infortnation and ideasthat encourageits audienceto questionitself and its placeboth in British societyand the Caribbean.This type of work should be a welcomedimension to the genreof black British theatre.A possibleoff shootto the thoughtsit inspiresmay materialisein further theatrical productionsthat take the aboveand new debatesa stepfurther with later generationsof black British theatrepractitioners. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 169
Beef no Chicken
The Beefno Chickenwas Talawa's twenty-secondproduction and tenth Caribbeanwork. I companyperformed the play at the Tricycle TheatreKilburn from 18 December1996 to
February1997. Prior to the openingof the play Brewsterhad anticipatedthat performing the play at the Tricycle meantthat audiencenumbers could be higher than for shows performedin lesspopular venues. This in turn could give greaterexposure to both Talawa 122 and Derek Walcott, one of the Caribbean'sleading literary figures.
Work on the play startedin June 1996when the company'sproduction of Medeain the
Mirror was running at the new ShawTheatre in Brixton. Brewsterhad strategicallychosen to do this play at thisjuncture as she felt an obligation to remind British theatre-goersof the fact that talentedCaribbean playwrights exist and becausethe companyhad dedicated 123 the earlier part of the yearto new and unknownwriting.
The following analysisof the play centreson the presentwriter's examinationof the
approachto languageuse and direction of languageduring the rehearsalprocess of Beefno
Chicken.Following the entire four-weekrehearsal process as PerformanceResearcher, the
presentwriter was able to documenthow the languageof the text was dealt with and how
the actors'performance of the chosenoral voicedeveloped during rehearsals.
121Julie StonePeters, 'Intercultural Performance,Theatre Anthropology, and the Imperialist Critique, Identities,Inheritances, and the Neo-Orthodoxies',in Imperialism and Theatre:Essays on World Theatre, Drama and Performance,p. 200. 122Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,St. Gabriel's ParishHouse London, Talawa for Beefno Chicken,20 November 1996. rehearsals123 ]bid. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 170
From previous analysis of the company's video and live performances the present writer was ableto draw the following conclusionson the company'slanguage work:
* Talawa is providing a training ground for black actors to experience working with
Caribbeantext and languageby putting on Caribbeanproductions.
e The aboveis also being providedfor white performers.
e Talawa'sbest linguistic work in this genreis achievedwhen a significantproportion of
the castis madeup of native Caribbeanlanguage speakers.
The rangeof Caribbeanlinguistic work is wide along with the consistentchallenge of
developinglinguistic accuracy.
Lack of linguistic accuracymay stem from a rehearsalperiod often limited to four
weeks.
Initially the aboveled the presentwriter to believe that the linguistic processand result of
Beefno Chickenwould not be markedlydifferent to Talawa's previousperformances in
this genre,where linguistic accuracyseemed dependent on both the numberof native
Caribbeanspeakers and the linguistic dexterity of the black British performers.The
processthat Artistic Director Yvonne Brewsterarranged for her castduring rehearsalsfor
Beef no Chickenhowever, can be seento have had a central focus on developinglinguistic Caribbean Plays Johnson 171 accuracythat was not the casefor previousproductions. For the presentwriter this could meanthat the languageof the productionwould be more accuratethan for earlier performances.Brewster's linguistic focus can be divided into threesections:
* Brewster'sinitial approach.
e The work of GretaMendez as choreographer.
* The impactof ClaudetteWilliams as voice coach.
Brewster'slanguage work can be symbolisedby what may be seenas her keentext based
approach.Like the majority of the Caribbeantexts the languageof Beef no Chickenis
generally'standard English' with Caribbeanisms.In this casethe Caribbeanismsare from
Trinidad as is the flavour of the text wherethe play is set. Brewster'sapproach may be
seenas being in keepingwith a generalold school attitude towardslanguage. She was
raisedwith the idea that Jamaicansshould speakas clearly (with their own accent)as
possible,as did the two Jamaicans,Dwight Wiley and Dick Pixley whom sheheralds as
speakingperfect English on the BBC's overseasradio servicein the 1950s.She describes
the aim of her languagework with Talawa as a needto get all of the voices of the text in harmony like a symphony,'You're not going to listen to a whole symphonywith 124 bassoons.'
124Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa off ices London,9 March 1997. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 172
Brewsterworks towardsher linguistic goal on a practical level in two ways; firstly, as statedearlier by providing voice training herselfwhere the requiredvoice is a Jamaican one, and secondly by tapping into the natural voices of the performers to find an appropriate voice for their characters.125 Where appropriate both of the above may be used.For Beef no Chickenit was Brewster'sexpertise in the latter which was employed.
It becameapparent to the presentwriter from the outsetof Brewster'swork on Beefno
Chicken,that her processcould not be clearly defined and put into equalstages. Her first readingsof the text overlappedwith her initial stageof directing and casting.As sheread shecut and blockedthe play as well as castthe roles with actorsthat shealready knew. In the presentwriter's view auditionstook the form of a discussionto assessthe actor's availability and interestas opposedto discoveringtheir ability to play the role. Whilst
Brewsterwas able to selecther performersfrom peoplethat shealready knew and in most
caseshad alreadyworked with on previousTalawa productions,the presentwriter
questionedwhether this processcreated a situationthat excludednew black actors:
All of theseestablished faces were new black actorsat one point,
and someof them not too long ago. I like to give work to peoplethat
I knowwill work well togetherbut at the sametime takea risk on a
new face in almost every production.126
125 Ibid. 126 Ibid. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 173
Oncewith her chosencast for Beefno Chickenthe start of Brewster'slinguistic process can be seento havebeen to encourageher actorsto feel comfortablewith the work they were aboutto embarkupon. For the presentwriter this was achievedby her relaxed questioningof the performerson their generalunderstanding of their characters.The actorswere not told that Brewsterhad the specific aim of enteringinto a discussionon the 127 performers'views of the languageof the charactersthey would be playing. Instead discussionmeandered until actressSandra Bee raisedthe issueof how shewould be able
develop different forms Trinidadian 128The then to two of speech. actress'squestion was usedto encourageall of the performersto accessthe knowledgethat they alreadyhave of how they imaginetheir characterto speak.Obvious and straightforwardquestions were asked:Do you know anybodythat speakslike your character?Where do they comefrom?
What social classdo they belongto? What is specific abouttheir speechpatterns?
As all of the performerswere either native Caribbeanspeakers or British born blacksof
Afro-Caribbeandescent all had the memoryof a voice which they felt linked to their presentcharacter. For the presentwriter what materialisedwas the perfon-ners'notion of what was requiredfor the characterin terms of personalitythat was then later linked to a
voice.All hadlinked their characterswith similarvoices to the Caribbeanislands of their
parents.These were from Grenada,Jamaica, St. Vincent and Trinidad. The one black
British performerof African descent,Freddy Annobil-Dodoo also linked his characters'
129 voiceswith thoseof the Caribbean.
127 Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,Talawa rehearsalsfor Beefno Chicken, 18 November1996. 128 The voicesthat SandraBee was requiredto produceare discussedbelow. 129Freddy Annobil-Dodoo's work is discussedbelow. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 174
Once all of the performers had a voice that they could use as a base for their characterthey were askedto attemptthat voice. Despitetheir performancebackground the majority of the black British performerswere hesitantalthough they were being requiredto produce
(in mostcases) the voice of their parentsthat they had heardthroughout their lives. For the presentwriter this hesitancypointed to a lack of specific linguistic confidencethat may
havebeen inspired in the performersthrough living in an environmentwhere their home
'dialect' speechwas regardedwith lesserstatus than the languageof wider British society.
For the presentwriter the initial voices producedcan be describedas follows:
9 The native Trinidadian speakersin the cast seemedto assumecaricatures of the
requiredvoice.
The native Guyaneseperformer used his own voice pepperedwith his knowledgeof
Trinidadianisms.
The black British performersof Grenadianparents worked from this baseas to the
untrainedear the difference in the speechof thetwo islandsis not vast.
* The black British speakersof Jamaicanparentage tended to approximatea Jamaican
sound. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 175
Brewster In addition to the difficulty of having to establish a harmonious voice cast-wide
felt pointed to Walcott's nuances and language gameswhich she would provide an added 130 challenge to the performance of the piece.
In nurturingthe resultsBrewster built the confidenceof thoseBritish-born performers attemptinga Caribbeanvoice in public for performancefor the first time. For the present writer this can be seenas more than putting on a voice for a performanceas the British- born performerscan be seento be reassertinga part of their cultural heritagethat they may
havefelt hasnever been given a public forum. It is possiblethat in order to producesuch a
voice the speakermay haveto surmountpsychological obstacles developed by beingtold 131 not to speaklike their parentsduring their childhood. In this regardthe black British
performerscan be describedas reacquiringa lost or unexploredpart of their voice and
culturethrough their work with Talawa.
The initial linguistic developmentof eachcharacter can be seento haveemerged through
gentlecoaxing by Brewster,and allowing the performersto developas manyvoices as
possiblebefore deciding on the one that they felt was most appropriatefor their character.
By the time the text was introducedeach performer had begunto developa voice that they
were comfortablewith for their character.Where difficulties resultedwere where
particularcast members were requiredto producemultiple voices as in the caseof Sandra
Beeand FreddyAnnobil-Dodoo, playing three distinct roles. Both performersworked
130Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,St. Gabriel's ParishHouse London, Talawa rehearsalsfor Beefno Chicken,20 November 1996. 131Interview with SamAdams by David Johnson,St. Gabriel's Parish HouseLondon, Talawa rehearsalsfor Beefno Chicken,26 November1996. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 176
32 through Brewster's process for each character until each had its own distinct voice-'
Brewster seemedinitially to coax the performers into working with a voice that resembled the stereotype of the required character. This exaggeratedform was used to examine the down mouth movements neededto create the voice. They could then be watered to make the charactera personrather than a symbol.
The potential difficulty at this stagelay in the fact that Brewsterwas attemptingto teach her performershow to develop(in most cases)a rangeof Trinidadian voicesthough she was not a native speaker.For the presentwriter it seemedthat Brewsterwas relying heavily on her belief that if performersare comfortablewith their work and feel that they if havereal input into the developmentof their characternatural speechwill follow even fact they are not given a native voice to copy. Additionally, Brewsterwas awareof the that
performerslearn voices through differing techniquesand did not expectthe entire castto 133 perfectthe requiredaccent at the beginningof the rehearsalperiod.
For the presentwriter it was noticeablethat Brewsterworked meticulouslyto her
schedule.If she felt it was time for the text to be introducedand a performerwas still
finding his/hervoice shecontinued with her plan of action arguingthat this new and vital 134 stagegave the performera secondopportunity to get to grips with the requiredvoice.
132Bee's work in this productionis discussedbelow. 133Interview with YvonneBrewster by David Johnson,St. Gabriel's ParishHouse London, Talawa for Beef Chicken,20 November 1996. rehearsals134 no Ibid. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 177
Although eachof the performershad worked for at leasta day on developingtheir form characters'voice and all exceptFreddy Annobil-Dodoo had heardif not spokena of
Caribbeanspeech throughout their lives, readingthe text posednew languageproblems.
Whatwas apparentfrom the initial readingswas the fact that the performerswere unaccustomedto readingspeech with Caribbeanismsand consequentlyread hesitantly.
Brewsterappeared to be awareof the difficulties that the castwould encounteron initially working throughthe text and appeasedthis by explaining difficulties as they occurred.For the presentwriter this highlightedTalawa's role in preparingperformers to work with the
languageof Caribbeanplays at the most basic level. At this early stagein the rehearsal
processBrewster appeared to the presentwriter as more of a schoolteacher than the
Artistic Director of a theatrecompany. This was broughtout further as Brewsterwas
requiredto questionthe perfon-nerson the meaningof partsof the text. By questioningher
performersshe appeared to be making surethat they were able to readthe cluesin the
script that would help elicit the kind of performancethat sherequired of them.The
performersshowed themselves able to fully understandall aspectsof the script oncefully
analysedwith Brewster.
For the presentwriter this realisationmade him questionhow the presentperformers
would havecoped in a lessnurturing professionaltheatrical environment. Would this lack
of familiarity with readinga specific type of languagehave beentreated with the same
sensitivityto the performeras Brewsterhad shown?A perfortnerat the National Theatre
or the Royal ShakespeareCompany who stutteredon Shakespearewould possiblynot CaribbeanPlays Johnson 178 havebeen treated to similar patience.It must be expectedhowever, that handling
Caribbeanlanguage for non-nativespeakers and native speakersthat are unaccustomedto seeingthe language in written form will present some initial difficulties at least.
Importantly,what occurredhighlighted the needfor black performersto be given a forum suchas that provided by Talawato developtheir craft in this particular genre.Brewster's textual approachprovides a necessaryform of training to a new generationof black British performerswho are possiblyat leastone generationremoved from native Caribbean speechand who perhapshave had no contactwith Caribbeanliterature.
Although Brewsterwas able to introduceher performersto ways of finding an appropriate
voice for their charactersshe was awarethat for this particular productionshe would also
needthe practical help of native Trinidadians.This help camefirstly in the form of
choreographerGreta Mendez.
On 19November 1996choreographer Greta Mendez ran a workshopaimed at helpingthe
castdevelop their characters'voice. Mendez'sphilosophy developing specific speechfor
performancewas identicalto that of Brewsteralthough executed differently. The ideawas
that if, throughmovement (for Brewster,knowing your character),the characterbecomes
a living being for the performerand the performeris able to give the charactera life
outsidethe text, a naturalvoice for the charactershould follow.
Mendezgave the performersthe initial task of improvising waking up and taking a walk in
their local area.The work highlighted that thosewho alreadyhad the correctoral voice for CaribbeanPlays Johnson 179 their characterwere able to easily developappropriate movement and life outsidethe text.
Thosewho were aiming to learnthe voice for the first time only generallyproduced movementthat highlightedthe closenessor otherwiseof their voice to what was needed.
This was exemplified in the efforts of FreddyAnnobil-Dodoo playing the Limer. There appearedto be a direct correlationbetween the rigidity of movementthat the actor displayedin role and the lack of confidenceand fluency he expressedorally. Annobil-
Dodoo's speechwas perhapsimpaired by the fact that of all the performershe had least experienceof the voice he was requiredto produce.Brewster had pointedout to the presentwriter:
Somedo it immediatelybecause they can,othersjust pick it up
when they hear it aroundthem. Most really get going when
I know they get to grips with the script ... meanwhen they their lines Freddy do it 135 ... will with the voice coach.
Even with this confidenceAnnobil-Dodoo would be put through the sameprocess as his
fellow actors.For the presentwriter the processhad its benefitseven if it did not produce
'perfect' Trinidadian speechfrom all of the performersbecause they were learningmore
abouthow they felt presentingtheir characters.
Mendez'snext stepwas to allow the charactersto improvise in varying situationsthat they
could believablyfind themselvesin outsidethe text. Much of the rehearsalcentred around
a gameof dominoesbeing played by all of the male characterswhilst the female CaribbeanPlays Johnson ISO charactersflitted in and out. The end result was onceagain that thosewho had already had graspedtheir voice ran with it whilst otherscontinued to struggle.Mendez anticipated that not all of the performerswould producethe voice that they requiredthrough the above two exercisesand prepareda third route. Shesupplied a rangeof audiocassetteswith
Trinidadianmusic and lecturesso that perfon-nerswould be able to simply listen andthen attemptto copy. Importantly,this methodwas not aimedat producingimmediate results but more as a way of continuingto developthe Trinidadian voice outsideof rehearsals.
It would seemthat Brewsterwas awareof the difficulty that someof her performerswould havein developingthe appropriatevoice for this productionand offered her casta further
opportunityto obtain the correctvoice. This was donethrough the work of voice coach
ClaudetteWilliams.
For the presentwriter 27 November 1996was a linguistic turning point in the production
of Beefno Chickenmarking the first day of two voice coachingworkshops run by
ClaudetteWilliams. The detailedand practical voice work sessionwas new to manyof the
performers,dealing intenselywith the shapeof the mouth and the positioning of the
tongue.Williams offered what appearedto be straightforwardpractical advice suggesting
that the performersaim to keeptheir tonguesforward and lips tight as if smiling. Speaking
from this position would give the performera point of reference.Becoming more
confidentthe performer would be laterable to producethe samesounds with lessstress on
tighteninglips and positioning of the tongue,thus finding his/herown Trinidadian voice.
135 Ibid. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 181
This was one of a few times that the performers had been given a specific method to work ' 36 with andone that they did not haveto find from within themselves.
In additionto this the performerswere given voice exercisesthat focusedon producinga powerful sound.This was achievedby restricting the speechof the performerby covering the performersmouth which when unrestrictedwould be much more clear as although
therewas no restrictionthe performeracted as if there were one. The final practicaladvice
that they were given was that they should practicetheir lines using the methodsthat they
had beenshown.
The following day thosecast members who had alreadydemonstrated an ability to usethe
Trinidadianvoice continuedto do so. Thosewho had previouslyhad more difficulty were
now usingWilliams's techniquesand were approximatinga Trinidadianvoice. The main
examplehere was Annobil-Dodoo who in accordancewith Brewster'searlier prediction
was now producingan accurateTrinidadian sound.The positive resultswere twofold
bringinga higher degreeof linguistic accuracyto the cast generally,and also enablingthe
physicaldimensions of the characterto comethrough, thus pointing to the close link
betweenlanguage and identity. For the presentwriter voice coachingproved that the
performerswere on the whole able to get the correct soundwith the right training.
Although all of the performershad voice coachingthe presentwriter believesthat the cast
can be divided into three main groups:The first group consistsof native speakers.The
main character(Otto Hogan)was playedby Trinidadian ShangoBaku. Linguistically,
136The presentwriter attendedthe rehearsalperiod from 18 November- 17 December1996. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 182
Shangowas able to producethe appropriatevoice with easeas well as provide coachingto otherperformers. Jim Findlay playing Mongroo and Deaconis also Trinidadian and again was ableto provide voice coachingfor castmembers. The secondgroup madeup of one actoris of thosewith non-TrinidadianCaribbean accents that did not attempta Trinidadian sound.This is seenwith Guyaneseactor Ram John Holder playing the role of Franco.The final group is madeup of the black British performerswho had to developtheir own
Trinidadianvoice. For the presentwriter it is this last group that would appearto havehad the biggestlinguistic task in developingtheir stagevoice for the perfon-nance.Of this last
groupthe performancesof Geff Francis,Sam Adams, FreddyAnnobil-Dodoo, Sandra
Bee,Faith Tingle and DannyJohn Julesare discussedbelow.
Having seenGeff Francisperforming a convincingTrinidadian voice in Talawa's The
Dragon Can't Dancethe presentwriter was not surprisedby Francis'sequally accurate
portrayalof both the Mayor, and the newsreporter Cedric Heart in Beefno Chicken. If the
resultof Francis'swork did not comeabout from four weeksof rehearsalson the show
underdiscussion then for the presentwriter a valuable questionto ask is how it is that this
black British performerhas developedsuch an accuratesense of Caribbeanlanguage for
performance?
Looking at Francis'sGrenadian family backgroundperhaps helps to explain his ability in
this area.The Trinidadian voice then was somethingthat he was able to do and something
that he knew he had alreadydone successfullywith Talawa. Although the Trinidadian and
Grenadianaccents are different the similarities are greatand Franciswas able to adapthis CaribbeanPlays Johnson 183
Caribbeanvoice to the piece.This is not to be taken for grantedas not all black British- born performersare able to reproducethe voice of their parents.
For the presentwriter Francisstill benefitedfrom the voice work doneduring rehearsalsas he was able to take his linguistic ability to a new level. Wherethose who had difficulty with the voice were aiming to get it soundinggenerally correct Franciswas ableto perfect
his Trinidadianaccent. It would appearthat Franciswas at a distinct advantagebecause of
the similarity of his homevoice with the one requiredfor performance.This was not the
only voice however,that Francishad to adopt for the performance.
In his role as Cedric Heart he useda convincing Americanaccent. For the presentwriter
Francisproduced both voices equally well althoughno training was provided for the
Americanvoice. Francis'slinguistic performancesseem to have comemostly from his
own talent ratherthan speciflictraining provided. For the presentwriter there aretwo main
reasonsthat may explain why no voice training was provided for the Americanaccent
requiredin this performance.Firstly, Talawa working within a budgetwere unableto
provide voice training in two areasand opted for the Trinidadian voice coachingas it is
the major voice of the piece. Secondly,due to the manyAmerican influencesthat now
form a naturalpart of British contemporaryculture, in particular music and Television, it
may havebeen felt that performershave enoughaccess to American speechto be able to
reproduceit without formal training. Either way the companyis taking a risk on the
quality of the end result if no direct training is offered. Similarly successfulin playing a
role requiringTrinidadian and American accentswas SamAdams. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 184
This black British performerwas familiar with the Caribbeansounds of the Eastern
Caribbeanbeing of Vincentianparentage. Producing an approximationof the voice was a revelationto her that shehad maintainedpart of her linguistic cultural heritagewithout
realising it. For Sam Adams (trained at Rose Bruford), as with many black British
performersworking with Talawa for the first time, all previousperformance work had
beenin 'standard'or regionalEnglish. This new theatrical/linguistic dimensionthen was
alsocoupled with a personalrediscovery of a linguistic and cultural identity for
performancethat would also expandher possiblerange of work.
The successof her Caribbeanvoice in Beef no Chickenalso bondedher with her black
communityon a linguistic level shehad until then neverexperienced, 'This performance
gave my friends and family an opportunity to see me in a new light. '137Whilst this may be
said for any performerin any productionthe 'new light' referredto herewas one that was
fully culturally and linguistically representativeof her. The performer'swork in this case
workedon three positive levels:
e To entertainthe audience.
e To give the audiencea momentof Caribbeanlanguage and culture.
9 To reawakenher own Caribbeanvoice and cultural identity.
137 Interviewwith SamAdams by David Johnson,Talawa offices London, 12 June 1997. 185 CaribbeanPlays Johnson
SamAdams in the samerole was easily able to producean American voice. This was for achievedwith no coaching.Like Geff Francis,Adams producedtwo contrastingvoices the performancethough how much of her linguistic successcan be attributedto voice coachingis difficult to assessas like Francisshe was starting from a lifetime's aural experienceof a similar voice. What the voice coachingand the experienceof the show certainlyallowed her to do was practiceboth voices in a professionaltheatre environment thus increasingher experiencein this area.
in FreddyAnnobil-Dodoo, playing the partsof the Limer and the secondBandit, worked
threemain voices.That of the Trinidadian lower registeras the Limer, a New York street A speechfor a rap as the Limer, and the monolingualJamaican patois form as the bandit.
black British performerFreddy Annobil-Dodoo is of Ghanaianparentage. In presenting
threetypes of black languageit was in his rendition of the New York rap voice that Freddy
Annobil-Dodooachieved most accuracy.His performancealong with that of SamAdams
and Geff Francisdraws light to the easewith which many black British performers
reproducean Americanvoice in performance.
The presentwriter questionswhether it is due to American languagehaving higher status
than any Caribbeanform that makesit easierfor non-nativespeakers to reproduceit. As
there is no stigmaattached performers can feel free to imitate. With SamAdams and Geff
Francistheir Caribbeanvoice is producedfrom a cultural and linguistic pride increasing
their desirefor accuracy.138 For FreddyAnnobil-Dodoo this is not the caseas his
138Interview with SamAdams and Geff Francisby David Johnson,St. Gabriel's ParishHouse London, Talawarehearsals for Beefno Chicken,26 November 1996. 186 CaribbeanPlays Johnson
Caribbeanpoint of referenceis limited in comparisonto the other performers.
Consequentlyhis Caribbeanvoices are deliveredwith more difficulty. This performer's
situationmay be comparedto that of the white performersin Talawa's performanceof
Arawak Gold (1992-3).139 Although therewill possibly be greaterexpectancy of his
linguistic accuracyin performinga 'black' voice however,because he is black.
With the two Caribbeanlanguage forms FreddyAnnobil-Dodoo achievesan equaldegree form of accuracy.Although voice coachingwas receivedfor the Trinidadian only, the
performermanages to developa recognisableJamaican voice. Onceagain the questionof
languageand its importanceto identity is raised.The young black man identifies strongly
with black British youth culture and language,'which is more Jamaicanin style than any 140 down other Caribbeanlanguage form. He alreadythen is partly versedin a watered
versionof the voice neededfor the bandit in this performance.His everydaylinguistic 141 experiencesreflect the developingCaribbean voice of the black British community.
SandraBee, anotherblack British perfon-ner,(required in this productionto usethree
voices) linguistically demonstratedhow the black British performermay useall of her/his
experiencesto developa rangeof voices for performance.For the characterof Surnintra
the voice was a lower middle classTrinidadian Indian speech.This speechhas clear Indian
inflectionswithin its Caribbeanvoice. For Mitzi the voice was an educatedmiddle class
139Talawa's performance of A raivak Gold was performedat The Cochranebetween 10 December1992 and 16 January1993. See appendix 11 for further details. 140Interview with FreddyAnnobil-Dodoo by David Johnson,St. Gabriel's ParishHouse London, Talawa rehearsalsfor Beefno Chicken,26 November 1996.See S. Jones's,Black Culture, White Youth: TheReggac Traditionfrom JA to UK (London: Macmillan, 1988),and Ben Rampton's,Crossing: Languageand Ethnicity amongAdolescents (London: Longman,1995) 187 CaribbeanPlays Johnson
Finally, for the Bandit the general Caribbean voice with Trinidadian overtones. the part of by Freddy Annobil- voice was the monolingual Jamaican patois male voice as attempted Bee does three Dodoo also playing a bandit. Brewster comments on Bee's efforts, 'Sandra does brilliantly. ' 142 accents.Indian Trini, upper Trini and lower Jamaican, and she them all
Do we simply accept that Sandra Bee is talented at doing accents whilst other performers may not be? Or have her voices developed from languagetraining?
becauseSandra The monolingualJamaican patois form may wrongly be taken for granted
Bee's backgroundis Jamaican.Her skill at this voice could be linked to the fact that appearingin the BBC black sitcom, Brothers and Sisters,at the time, shewas already had working actively using a form of the Jamaicanvoice. It is more likely that she her receivedno coachingwith this voice. Perhapsa pride in her origins had enabled to
breakdown any barriersregarding negative feeling abouther Caribbeanlanguage status. in her For the presentwriter it is possiblethat as Bee uses'standard English' and patois
daily speechthat adoptinga further languageform would prove easierfor her than a
monolingualspeaker of any languageas she is familiar with the conceptof language
change.143 The fact that sheneeded to use other forms of Caribbeanlanguage which she
did not regardas having lower statusmay have enabledher to concentrateentirely on the 144 languageand her task of getting it right. Additionally, Bee playing the part of the Indian
Sumintra,with no attemptto makeher more Asian-looking revealsthe depthto which she
141Interview with FreddyAnnobil-Dodoo by David Johnson,St. Gabriel's ParishHouse London, Talawa rehearsalsfor Beefno Chicken,26 November 1996. 142Interview with Yvonne Brewsterby David Johnson,St. Gabriel's ParishHouse London, Talawa rehearsalsfor Beefno Chicken,20 November 1996. 143Interview with SandraBee by David Johnson,St. Gabriel's ParishHouse London, Talawa rehearsalsfor Beefno Chicken,28 November1996. 144 Ibid. Caribbean Plays Johnson 188 wasable to producethe correctsound for her character. The fact that the performeris clearlyof Afro-Caribbeanorigin doesnot upsetthe audience'sunderstanding of the Asian origin of the charactershe is playing as her identity is madeclear both by her Indian accent and her sari. For the present writer, additional stereotypical Asian symbols would havemade the actressseem like shewas presentinga caricatureand would haveallowed her to rely almost entirely on her physical appearance. The way she is presented allows for a subtletythat encouragesBee to revealher character'sidentity from the inside (voice) out (movement).
The presentwriter wishesto note that not all of the black British perfon-nersachieved the
samedegree of linguistic successalthough this did not detractfrom solid performancesin
otherareas. This can be seenwith both Faith Tingle playing EuphonyHogan and Danny
John-Julesplaying Cardiff Joewhose linguistic accuracywavered from line to line.
Perhapstheir lack of accuracywas shieldedby the fact that they playeda marriedcouple
andtheir style of speechcomplemented each other. This however,should not be an
acceptableway of arguingaround the fact that where black British performersare
producinginaccurate language work that more training needsto be given or perhapsin
moreserious circumstances a different performershould be found for the part.
Althoughvoice is seldommentioned when the presscommend Talawa's performancesit
is invariablythe performerswho achievethe highestdegree of linguistic accuracywho are
notedwhen the critics haveenjoyed a productionover all. The following review extracts CaribbcanPlays Johnson 189 of Beef no Chicken show how somejournalists approach the language issues of Caribbean performancework by expressinga rangeof language-linkedviews:
I'm looking, I'm listening, but frankly I'm having difficulty following.
This is, of course,partly becauseI am a honky and cannotkeep up
with the patter. However, you do tune in after a while and the language
in which the locals squabbleand get saucyis a delightful combination 145 of lyricism and comic inventiveness,lilting but deliveredat a fair lick.
The critic choosesto refer to herselfwith the terminology popularisedby whites for
themselvesin Britain as anti-white in the 1970sTV sitcom, Love ThyNeighbour. The
presentwriter suggeststhat whites having coinedthe phrasethemselves found it
acceptable.It is doubtful however,that a black personwatching a white productionthat
they did not understandwould equatetheir lack of understandingit with being a 'Sambo'
(the term usedby whites for blacks in the sameTV sitcom). This may stem from the fact
that neitherword usedin the contextof the TV sitcom was inventedby blacks. Both
'Honkey' and 'Sambo' can be seento haveAfrican-American roots as Major explains:
Honkey: a white person;(Southern use, originally); an ice-creambar. 146
Sambo:any black Americanwho acceptsmeekly his or her oppression;
from " Little Black Sambo," a story with stereotypesthat servethe purpose
147 of false propaganda.
145 Kate Bassett,'A complicatedmenu with plenty of spice', Daily Telegraph,15 January1997, p. 15. 190 CaribbeanPlays Johnson
the The presentwriter suggeststhat the fact the writer of the article doesnot understand Caribbean 6patter'is not becauseshe is white but becauseshe has little experienceof the languageused in the production.
individual A secondreview byjournalist FrancisJames commits itself to highlighting linguistic efforts that for the presentwriter appearto standout becauseof their accuracy:
Everyone'swork is if the highestcalibre. But having saidthat, two
peopleare worthy of specialmention - ShangoBaku who plays the
put upon centralcharacter Otto, and Geff Francis,who is outstanding
in his two roles as a smoothas silk TV anchorman, and the rotund
mayor longing for corruption,rape and other heinouscrimes to bring 148 his small town into the twenty first century.
Finally, JohnThaxter's review of the production in TheStage, again without mentioning
languagework, hails the performancesof thosewho are most linguistically adept:
Quite outstandingis roly-poly, lightsomeSandra Bee, with delicious
cameosand as an operaticshort-order cook in an Indian sari, a
rnafia-stylegangster in Ray-Bansand the council's pinkly
fashionablesecretary reading back her shorthandnotes in mincing
146Clarence Major, Black Slang: A Dictionary ofAfro-American Talk (London: Routledgeand KeganPaul, 1971), 67. 147 p. lbid.,p. 100. 14'Francis James, 'A tour de farce by top classgroup', Kilburn Times,9 January097, p. 17. CaribbeanPlays Johnson 191
ladylike tones.
Equally remarkableis Geff Francisdoubling as a suave,redheaded 149 television newscaster and as the pot-bellied mayor.
For the presentwriter Talawa's work demonstratesthat the languageof black British
theatreis both diverseand developing.Whilst new generationsfind their own English and
othervoices they shouldnot acceptpoor linguistic imitations as a satisfactory
representationof their historical or presentvoice. The talent that exists in the black theatre
communitymust continue its work and now begin to concentrateon specific areasso that
black British performersreach a stagewhere their work is constantlyand accurately
representativeof the areaof black life they are presenting.Throughout history black
peoplehave had to be linguistically dextrous,this dexterity now needsto be transferredto
the black British stage.Language range is a centralpart of complex and changingblack
identity.
The four productionsdiscussed above point to the work that Talawa TheatreCompany can
be seento have achievedin developingits own voice through culturally specific, oral and
non-spokenperformance vocabulary as well as illustrating the company'scommitment to
its missionstatement.
The plays,though discussedin two main areasmay not have beenintended by the director
to haveso much in commonand the similarities and patternsmay havemade themselves CaribbeanPlays Johnson 192 clearto the presentwriter oncethe criteria for analysiswere established.Can what has beendiscussed above really be consideredto be Talawa's own voice, or is it a voice that hasbeen given to the company'swork in hindsight as the work hastaken on its own life?
Howeverthe abovequestions are answeredit would seemthat from the company's archival videos,Talawa's work in the contemporaryCaribbean genre is in its early developmentalstages and is perhapsworking towardsestablishing a rangeof Afro-
Caribbeanoral voicesand cultural performancestyles. If Talawa continuesto remainat
the heartof black theatrein Britain, performancestyles particular to the companyand by
extensionits Afro-Caribbean(and now British Afro-Caribbeanheritage), will become
more easily and significantly identifiable as well as more commonlyaccepted as a valued
aspectof British theatre.
149 JohnThaxter, 'A meatyand happyrevival', Stage,9 January1997, p. 12.