China's Position on Korean Unification and ROK-PRC Relations
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ECONOMICS__ Three Essays in Economics of Education And
Alma Mater Studiorum – Università di Bologna DOTTORATO DI RICERCA IN __ECONOMICS__ Ciclo __31__ Settore Concorsuale: _13/A1_________ Settore Scientifico Disciplinare:__SECS-P/01_____ Three Essays in Economics of Education and Economic History Presentata da: _Yu Bai Coordinatore Dottorato Supervisore __Prof. Marco Casari _Prof. Daniela Iorio Esame finale anno 2019 Three Essays in Economics of Education and Economic History Yu Bai Department of Economics, Universit`adegli Studi di Bologna Abstract This dissertation consists of three essays in Economics of Education and Economic History. The first essay “Disentangling the E↵ects of Education on Health: A Sibling-pair Analysis” examines the causal e↵ect of education on long-run physical health, us- ing survey data on matched siblings. By adopting a sibling-di↵erences strategy, we are able to obtain estimates that are not biased by unobserved genetic factors and family background which a↵ect both education and health. To address the poten- tial endogenous shocks that a↵ect siblings di↵erently within the family, we further employ an instrumental variable approach by exploiting a profound disturbance in the education system during the Cultural Revolution in China. In the first stage, we investigate the impact of cohort exposure to the disruption on individual completed years of education. The within-sibling estimates in the second stage suggest that an additional school year is found to be positively related to health status later in life (measured by better self-reported health, lower probability of feeling uncomfortable, getting chronic diseases, and being underweight or overweight). We also unravel the potential mechanisms by examining the potential roles of income and cognition in e↵ects of education on health. -
Detecting Digital Fingerprints: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan
Detecting Digital Fingerprints: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan By: A Joint Report from: Nick Monaco Institute for the Future’s Digital Intelligence Lab Melanie Smith Graphika Amy Studdart The International Republican Institute 08 / 2020 Acknowledgments The authors and organizations who produced this report are deeply grateful to our partners in Taiwan, who generously provided time and insights to help this project come to fruition. This report was only possible due to the incredible dedication of the civil society and academic community in Taiwan, which should inspire any democracy looking to protect itself from malign actors. Members of this community For their assistance in several include but are not limited to: aspects of this report the authors also thank: All Interview Subjects g0v.tw Projects Gary Schmitt 0archive Marina Gorbis Cofacts Nate Teblunthuis DoubleThink Lab Sylvie Liaw Taiwan FactCheck Center Sam Woolley The Reporter Katie Joseff Taiwan Foundation for Democracy Camille François Global Taiwan Institute Daniel Twining National Chengchi University Election Johanna Kao Study Center David Shullman Prospect Foundation Adam King Chris Olsen Hsieh Yauling The Dragon’s Digital Fingerprint: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan 2 Graphika is the network Institute for the Future’s The International Republican analysis firm that empowers (IFTF) Digital Intelligence Lab Institute (IRI) is one of the Fortune 500 companies, (DigIntel) is a social scientific world’s leading international Silicon Valley, human rights research entity conducting democracy development organizations, and universities work on the most pressing organizations. The nonpartisan, to navigate the cybersocial issues at the intersection of nongovernmental institute terrain. With rigorous and technology and society. -
Assessing Russia's Role in Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations
“Russia and Cross Strait Relations” SHAOHUA HU Associate Professor and Chair Department of Government and Politics Wagner College [email protected] Scholars have scrutinized the role of the United States and even Japan in cross-Strait relations, but have downplayed, if not ignored, the role of Russia.1 Given the extensive studies that have been carried out on Russia’s China policy, the lack of attention given to this subject is woeful and even puzzling. Such deficiency may be attributed to Moscow’s seemingly unequivocal pro-Beijing policy, Russia’s loss of superpower status, and the lack of close ties between Russia and Taiwan. Whatever the reasons, the deficiency should be addressed, because Russia is both a global and a regional power, and because the policy differences between Russia and all other major powers demand explanation. This article attempts a systematic study of the Russian factor in cross-Strait relations. What form has Russia’s Taiwan policy taken in different eras? How important is Russia to Beijing’s Taiwan policy? What options might Russia have in the event of a cross-Strait conflict? These are the questions I seek to answer. The Evolution of Russia’s Taiwan Policy A review of Russian foreign policy helps us understand the present and anticipate the future. Russian leaders have not created their foreign policy out of the blue, but rather formulated it under given geographical and historical circumstances. No matter how changeable and complex history is, we may still be able to identify some key historical patterns. That scholars find much continuity in Russian foreign policy makes it even more important to familiarize ourselves with the past. -
By Frank Muyard, Director, Taipei Office
Paper presented at the 2nd Conference of the European Association of Taiwan Studies, Ruhr-Universitaet Bochum, Germany, 1-2 April 2005 - Draft only. Please do not cite or quote without the express permission of the author - From a Two-Chinas situation to a Taiwanese nation in the making. Democracy, nationalism and the US factor in the transformation of Taiwan’s “national” identity Frank Muyard Director, Taipei Office, French Centre for Research on Contemporary China (CEFC) E-mail: [email protected] This paper aims to bring greater clarity to the questions of the current “national” opposition between Taiwan and China and to the building of Taiwan’s “national” identity. Usually the explanation rests on an opposition of Taiwanese and Chinese nationalisms and on an analysis of the emergence of a Taiwanese Nation based on cultural and ethnic identity and its subsequent rejection of Chineseness. The huge pro- Taiwan/anti-China rally organized last year for 2-28 and Chen Shui-bian following presidential re-election, or the DPP’s policy of desinicization are then given or denounced as proofs of the ethno-national divide defining nowadays the relation between China and Taiwan. However this explanation is unable to restitute the whole picture of the formation of the Taiwan’s new national identity that took place in the last 25 years. It also leads easily to oversimplifying and blurring of the meaning and of the nature of the political entities of Taiwan and China, two phenomena very counterproductive to the understanding of the current cross-strait situation but encouraged by most parties on both sides of the Taiwan strait for their political interest and needs of legitimacy. -
Classical Liberalism in China: Some History and Prospects
Discuss this article at Journaltalk: http://journaltalk.net/articles/5944 ECON JOURNAL WATCH 14(2) May 2017: 218–240 Classical Liberalism in China: Some History and Prospects Xingyuan Feng1, Weisen Li2, and Evan W. Osborne3 LINK TO ABSTRACT Classical liberal economic ideas such as respect for property, competition, freedom of contract, and the rule of law, along with the associated institutions, have played an important role in Western history as well as in other countries, especially from the eighteenth century (North et al. 2009; Hayek 1978). In China the rise of such legal and social institutions has been credited with the immense economic progress of the last four decades (Feng et al. 2015; Coase and Wang 2012). Although market institutions stretch back many centuries in China (von Glahn 2016), much of the twentieth century was marked by admiration and adop- tion of uncompromising communism, including Maoism. While other countries in that part of the world prospered after World War II based on free markets and the gradual institutionalization of the rule of law, China suffered three decades of both political and economic catastrophe after 1949. Much of the modern Chinese ‘economic miracle,’ i.e., rapid, stable, and continuing economic growth since the late 1970s, is also substantially traceable to the implementation of liberal reforms (Feng et al. 2015). The reforms instituted much of the structure of a functioning price system, a relatively stable currency, meaningful property rights, increased competition, increased enforcement of contract and liability law, and reasonably steady economic policy (cf. Eucken 1952). The gradual replacement of state- directed production and resource-allocation decisions with spontaneous-order 1. -
Media Warfare
Media Warfare Taiwan’s Battle for the Cognitive Domain Professor Kerry K. Gershaneck Taiwan Fellow (2020) Graduate Institute of East Asian Studies College of International Affairs National Chengchi University Taipei 116, Taiwan, Republic of China October 31, 2020 This report is the result of a Taiwan Fellowship generously provided to me by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Republic of China (Taiwan) Table of Contents Acknowledgements 3 Preface: Taiwan’s Media Warfare Battlefield 4 Chapter 1: Introduction to PRC Media Warfare 10 Chapter 2: Terms and Definitions 25 Chapter 3: Goals & Strategies, Ways & Means 44 Chapter 4: PRC Media Warfare Organization 55 Chapter 5: Social Media Warfare in the Cognitive Domain 69 Chapter 6: Historical Overview: The Civil War Through Xi Jinping 79 Chapter 7: Historical Overview: The Post-Democratization Era 99 Chapter 8: Assessment & Recommendations 118 Appendix A: Media Warfare in Support of PLA Combat Operations 130 Bibliography 135 Selected Abbreviations and Acronyms 146 2 Acknowledgements Many individuals and organizations assisted me in the research and writing of this book. I owe very sincere gratitude to those listed below as well as to those who have asked to remain anonymous and thus are not recognized herein. For their kind support while I was in Taiwan, I am deeply indebted to Foreign Minister of the Republic of China (Taiwan) Joseph Wu; Dr. I-Chung Lai, president of the Prospect Foundation; Major General Tsung-Chi “Max” Yu (ret.), former commandant of Fu Hsing Kang College at National Defense University; Ms. Joanne Ou, Director General of the Public Diplomacy Coordination Council and Spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Dr. -
From Divergence to Convergence: Re-Evaluating the History Behind China’S Economic Boom
Working Papers No. 158/12 From Divergence to Convergence: Re-evaluating the History Behind China’s Economic Boom Loren Brandt, Debin Ma, Thomas G. Rawski © Loren Brandt, Debin Ma, and Thomas G. Rawski January 2012 Department of Economic History London School of Economics Houghton Street London, WC2A 2AE Tel: +44 (0) 20 7955 7860 Fax: +44 (0) 20 7955 7730 2 From Divergence to Convergence: Re-evaluating the History Behind China’s Economic Boom1 By Loren Brandt, Debin Ma, and Thomas G. Rawski2 Abstract China’s long-term economic dynamics pose a formidable challenge to economic historians. The Qing Empire (1644-1911), the world’s largest national economy prior to the 19th century, experienced a tripling of population during the 17th and 18th centuries with no signs of diminishing per capita income. In some regions, the standard of living may have matched levels recorded in advanced regions of Western Europe. However, with the Industrial Revolution a vast gap emerged between newly rich industrial nations and China’s lagging economy. Only with an unprecedented growth spurt beginning in the late 1970s has the gap separating China from the global leaders been substantially diminished, and China regained its former standing among the world’s largest economies. This essay develops an integrated framework for understanding this entire history, including both the long period of divergence and the more recent convergent trend. The analysis sets out to explain how deeply embedded political and economic institutions that had contributed to a long process of extensive growth subsequently prevented China from capturing the benefits associated with new technologies and information arising from the Industrial Revolution. -
Legal Aspects of Mutual Non-Denial and the Relations Across the Taiwan Straits Chun-I Chen
Maryland Journal of International Law Volume 27 | Issue 1 Article 10 Legal Aspects of Mutual Non-Denial and the Relations Across the Taiwan Straits Chun-i Chen Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mjil Part of the International Law Commons, and the Law of the Sea Commons Recommended Citation Chun-i Chen, Legal Aspects of Mutual Non-Denial and the Relations Across the Taiwan Straits, 27 Md. J. Int'l L. 111 (2012). Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mjil/vol27/iss1/10 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maryland Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Chun-I chen macro 5/22/2012 10:12 AM ARTICLE Legal Aspects of Mutual Non-Denial and the Relations Across the Taiwan Straits † CHUN-I CHEN INTRODUCTION On May 30, 2011, President Ma Ying-joeu of the Republic of China (Taiwan) attended the opening ceremony of the 2011 International Law Association (ILA) Asia-Pacific Regional Conference held in Taipei, Taiwan. In his welcome address, President Ma advocated the concept of “mutual non-denial” as an effective approach to handle complex and sensitive cross-strait relations.1 Why did he say that? Observers generally agreed that Dr. Ma Ying-jeou’s inauguration as president of the Republic of China in May 2008 signified a significant change in the Taiwan’s Mainland China policy. 2 Since then, seven meetings of Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) in Taiwan and the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) in mainland China have been held and have produced 16 agreements. -
The Taiwan Issue in the Context of New Sino-U
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES THE TAIWAN ISSUE IN THE CONTEXT OF NEW SINO – U.S. STRATEGIC COOPERATION Dr. Yuan Peng 2003-2004 China Visiting Fellow Summer 2004 The Brookings Institution 1775 MASSACHUSETTS AVENUE, NW WASHINGTON, DC 20036-2188 TEL: 202-797-6000 FAX: 202-797-6004 WWW.BROOKINGS.EDU Since Chen Shui-bian won his Presidential reelection bid in March 2004 by fostering and promoting a “Taiwan identity” and “de-sinification,” the Taiwan issue has once again become a hot topic for the region and the world. Thus, dealing with this potentially explosive issue on a bilateral basis becomes the most pressing concern between China and the United States. For China, which believes that Chen is determined to achieve or at least advance his goal of formal Taiwan independence, deterring Taiwan from de jure independence and simultaneously framing a new Taiwan policy has become one of the two top policy priorities, the other being preventing its economy from over-heating. For the United States, the Taiwan issue has recently become one of its most significant national security issues, just behind post-war reconstruction in Iraq and just as urgent as the North Korean nuclear crisis. Without proper management of the Taiwan issue, not only could the American counter-terrorism strategy possibly be damaged, but other hotspots worldwide could become explosive as well, forcing the United States to face constant crises at the cost of its national power. The Taiwan issue has also become a key indicator for future Sino-U.S. relations: will the current strategic cooperation last and lead to a second normalization? Or will a New Cold War or even military conflict take place? The outcome will depend on whether the two countries can correct existing misperceptions and achieve new strategic understanding on the radically changing Taiwan issue. -
Mapping China's Global Future
MAPPING CHINA’S GLOBAL FUTURE GLOBAL MAPPING CHINA’S Axel Berkofsky China’s future role on the global stage hinges upon a mixture Professor at the University of strengths and weaknesses. Beijing’s meteoric rise in MAPPING CHINA’S of Pavia and Co-Head economic terms has been coupled with increasing military of Asia Centre at ISPI. expenditures and a more assertive foreign policy stance. Founded in 1934, ISPI is an independent think tank But the country is also facing a potential backlash, GLOBAL FUTURE Giulia Sciorati committed to the study of Research Assistant exemplified by protests in Hong Kong. Playing Ball or Rocking the Boat? international political and at the ISPI Asia Centre, This Report sets out to explore some of the key aspects of economic dynamics. for the China Programme China’s regional and global foreign policy. It analyses the edited by Axel Berkofsky and Giulia Sciorati It is the only Italian Institute supported by Pirelli. core tenets that motivate and shape China’s preferences, – and one of the very few in ideals, and actions, and explores how they interact with its introduction by Paolo Magri Europe – to combine research partners, allies, and rivals. activities with a significant commitment to training, events, and global risk analysis for companies and institutions. ISPI favours an interdisciplinary and policy-oriented approach made possible by a research team of over 50 analysts and an international network of 70 universities, think tanks, and research centres. In the ranking issued by the University of Pennsylvania, ISPI placed first worldwide as the “Think Tank to Watch in 2019”. -
The Party Speaks for You: Foreign Interference and the Chinese Communist Party’S United Front System What’S the Problem?
The party speaks for you Foreign interference and the Chinese Communist Party’s united front system Alex Joske Policy brief Report No. 32/2020 About the author Alex Joske is an Analyst working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Peter Mattis, John Garnaut, Lin Li, Jichang Lulu, Clive Hamilton, Robert Suettinger, Danielle Cave, Michael Shoebridge, Peter Jennings, Fergus Hanson, Fergus Ryan, Matt Schrader and Gerry Groot for their feedback and insights. In particular, Peter Mattis helped formulate the concept for this paper and I benefited enormously from related discussions with him. I would also like to thank Nathan Ruser for creating the map in Figure 4. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands provided ASPI with AUD80,000 of funding, which was used towards this report. What is ASPI? The Australian Strategic Policy Institute was formed in 2001 as an independent, non‑partisan think tank. Its core aim is to provide the Australian Government with fresh ideas on Australia’s defence, security and strategic policy choices. ASPI is responsible for informing the public on a range of strategic issues, generating new thinking for government and harnessing strategic thinking internationally. ASPI International Cyber Policy Centre ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre (ICPC) is a leading voice in global debates on cyber and emerging technologies and their impact on broader strategic policy. The ICPC informs public debate and supports sound public policy by producing original empirical research, bringing together researchers with diverse expertise, often working together in teams. To develop capability in Australia and our region, the ICPC has a capacity building team that conducts workshops, training programs and large‑scale exercises both in Australia and overseas for both the public and private sectors. -
The Taiwan Issue
THE TAIWAN ISSUE Nikhil Khanna INTRODUCTION On January 30th 1995, Jiang Zemin, the president of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC), put his stamp on Beijing‟s Taiwan policy. In a speech to welcome in the lunar New Year, he quoted the words of the „National Father‟ of China, Dr Sun Yat-sen: Unification is the wish of the whole body of Chinese citizens. If there is unification then the whole people will be fortunate; if there is no unification then there will be suffering.1 Taiwan is an island of twenty-one million people that lies some 100 miles off the Chinese coast and has only be ruled by a mainland Chinese government for four years this century. It possesses all the characteristics of a state and plays an important role in the world economy. Despite this, the government in Beijing claims that Taiwan is a part of China, and is prepared to go to war if any major international actor recognizes the island as a state To make matters more confusing, although the government in Taipei claims that the island is a part of the Chinese „nation‟, it is not clear whether it claims that the island is a separate state or not. When one attempts to unravel the relationship between Taiwan and China, it is perhaps tempting to accept the conclusion that if Taiwan were a person, it would be in the hands of a psychiatrist. Perhaps the nearest it is possible to submitting a state to psychoanalysis is to look at its history. When looking at Taiwan‟s history, concentrating on its relationship with the mainland, one notices how the attitudes towards Taiwan changed dramatically in 1949, when Mao Zedong proclaimed the People‟s Republic of China (PRC), and Taiwan was not included.