Papers Presented at the Fourteenth Annual Symposium Cedar City, Utah UT ROCK T ' SEARCH ASSOCIATION
Volume XIV, Number 1, 1995
The Utah Rock Art Research Association Journal is a publication of papers presented at the annual symposiums held every year somewhere in Utah. The 1994 Utah Rock Art Research Association Symposium was held at in Cedar City, Utah on September, 1994.
President, Nal Morris
Vice president, Gerald Dean
Editors: Bonnie Morris Nina Bowen Carol Patterson Rudolph
Copyright @ 1995
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Recording Petroglyhs at the Little Black Mountain Site on the Arizona Strip Shirley Ann Craig and George W Craig
15 Horses and Rock Art Rachel C. Bush
19 Petroglyphs Favor the Aikens and Witherspoon Theory of Numic Expansion in the Greg Casin John S. Curtis
45 Non-Symbolic Petroglyph Pecks: Random Particles or Purposeful Statements Kjersti A. Cochran
53 Some Terrain Features Represented in Rock Art Clay Johnson
59 A Unique Expression of the Venus Star Symbol Among the Petroglyphs of the Lower Colorado River Boma Johnson
75 Some Solar Interactions at Grapevine Canyon John Fountain
85 The Yellow Women Prehistoric Kachina Mask Paintings of the Keres Carol Patterson Rudolph
97 The Occurrence of Hand Prints in the San Louis Rey Style, Southern California Steve Freers
108 Evidence from Pictographs that Prehistoric Fremont Indians Collected Animal Blood in Ceramic Jars Steven J Manning
117 The Buckhorn Restoration Project Reed Martin
SYMPOSI E EDT CATION TO Boma Johnson
The dedication of a Symposium and associated publication is reserved for those persons whose effort and dedication to the study and preservation of rock art. For the unselfish sharing of their time to our organization and considerable insight for and understanding the meaning of symbol from his rock art research. This year the choice is Boma Johnson.
Recording Petroglyphs at the -Lit 1ar Mountain at !. on the Arizonn. Strip
LT I
Shirley Ann Craig and George W. Craig
INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this report is to share the manner in which we have recorded the petroglyphs at the Little Black Mountain Rock Art Site. Our goal was to record each glyph in an individual and orderly format. We began by unpacking the panel and then unpacking the components of each glyph. What we have done was done as volunteers and amateurs which leaves room for errors or insufficient background for judgments. Our involvement with this project began in 1988 when we signed a volunteer agreement with the Bureau of Land Management under the direction of archaeologist Rick Malcomson. Rick served as our instructor for the Utah Archaeology Certification Course, advisor for our local chapter of the Utah Statewide Archaeology Society and our guide for this project.
NA L • CUL ' • L ENVIRONMENT OF THE AREA The site is located approximately eight miles southeast of St. George, Utah, in what is called the "Arizona Strip". Little Black Mountain is a singular monolith rising approximately 550 feet above the desert floor. It is a sandstone mesa topped by a lava flow, sitting alone, surrounded by sand, rocks, and mesquite bushes and enclosed by various mountain and mesa groups: to the east the Hurricane Cliffs rise 5400 feet; to the south the land rises to Seegmiller Mountain at 6020 feet; to the west a range of steeps topped out by Mokaac Mountain; to the north are varying lower hills rising to Pine Mountain at 10,324 feet. The desert floor around Little Black Mountain is 2,870 feet. To design a glyph for this site, I would use a solidly pecked out circle to represent the site itself enclosed by a heavily outlined rim (the encircling hills and mountains). The worked area between the two would represent the desert valley floor. See map (figure 1). The geography of the site may be a clue to its appeal to early man. Navajo Mountain in Utah, Shiprock in New Mexico, San Francisco Peaks in Arizona were, and are, especially significant sites to the Native Americans and these sites also have a highly visible, isolated monolithic formation. Since these factors are also evident at Little Black Mountain as well as the heavily patinated boulders scattered around the southerly and westerly base, they may have contributed to the appeal of the site for rock art recording by many cultures. The only evidences of habitation are several small rock shelters. No sign of any agricultural activity has been found. The nearest probable water source may have been Ft. Pearce Wash which is approximately three miles northeast, and in current times it has some water flow on a sporadic basis.
Utah Rock Art Volume XIV 1995
LITTLE BLACK MOUNTAIN PETROGLYPH SITE ON THE ARIZONA STRIP
LEGEND
Station 1 Prime Datum 1 Rock Art 0 Section Number
11
1?10 •8 5.•607.
2 1
4. 0 olo 60 90 120 METERS
Utah Rock Art Volume XIV 1995
FIGURE 1
Selected Recreational & Historical Sites Hc Arizona 0 Arizona-Sonora Desert Museum, N-8 Canyon de Chelly National Monument, E -12 0 Grand Canyon National Park, E-6 Land Area: 113,510 sq. mi. (6) N cE Population: 2,718,425 (20) A Lake Powell (Glen Canyon Nat').Rec. Area), C-8 London Bridge (Lake Havasu City), I-2 Dimensions: N-S 390 miles, E-W 335 miles Mi ighest Point: Humphreys Peak 12,633 ft., G-7 Oak Creek Canyon, G -7 arr Capital: Phoenix K-6 * Petrified Forest National Park, H -11 int Largest City: Phoenix, K-6 Saguaro National Monument, N -9 nu Index paw, 17U
1 , PACIFIC'S if. MOUNTAIN Panguitch 12 100 (Ti E ZONE!. TIME NE DIXIE Z• DIXIE NAT'L Escalante See map NAT'L. FOREST page 97 Newcastle c, FOR. s Caliente Hatch BRYCE. , tlf71 CEDAR BREAKS CANYON Tropic DIXIE NATIONAL 57 NAT'L MON. NAT'L PK Enterprise FOREST • Kanarraville Henrieville ,: Cannonvilie 0 \ New Harmony • CLO VER Central NETS. \,' See map Alamo 7,7-le • ...,,, page 9 8 ' Valley ,..1r 1 if , Vega „Ir..- 27 .. r Gunloc k ‘'.. 011 - 'i 7IO N ;.‘ .021 1/ Toquerville 1Y AT t C td Lee a PARK.. , 7OVNEL Ord Nine ""- fr 15 f La Verkin ■ . cSiaanra".... „5 • 0 pringdale --•"" 1,1‘ / 'ricane Rockville , s George 2T • nn 23 ,e0), „TT- ifT ••. _ _et Hddala na UTAH Glen Canyo k\ a -- — - ,..:.,..- -...-a._ - — - • ., _ c 19 - ColorColoradocy 55 Cane ,t Beds ' KAIBAB 2 INDIAN redo ma I Be ver Dam A Tr . l'i' occasin Rt to c I - --, At 5; .k.V° esquite A5i no 42 32 :A:fa, eilA , PLATEAU C-' 100 8 Littlefield y Cr meat, 1:::nlyboIC:9-:11::;:: ' 1 Ppl Sproiq ob F ::1 Pge c/ss, Jacob V 4 5. 0C, 3. '-' Nall. Mon. NA to Bodge • 93 'Z 8012onus it V 0Rt I TT1 i 24 VER4E 11 B' f FS Cl :Jacob CO 4' % \A Lake 1 House., 15. 2- Diamond Boor -2% Rock 1:',5- -2::,V. i Jc.ogisnOrcle S 6326 11 / KAIBAB - l NATIONAL ) - abka ley or 4 •E ve on , FlreStareA.- FOREST ,c2 !rural Alga • ,r; c2 , INI 64 ml T8020 t10 Demntr- A P've61MI 't A 58 ,s' ,... ,_..•, I ■C.)1 Cedar • 59 16 V 1.0,1a11 A The Dome , See map TAKE WAD 7866 It KAIRATI Page 6 f • I • 0'1 5 486 It ,, t ...30. 7 page 60 () NAT'L RTC. NAT'L F R it ., It ! 1- i i A..,r ,,,, ,et ' , / GRA:: CANYONON m, E,,,t, 7.i.... •._ ■ ,----,-- , /- .;ttlpfti :-.... . ..._ , NATIONAL .‘..1 ) -- o c OThNe ..-,,7,.., 0 : i HAVASUPAI ---'\ -1' PARK F'N'oirrntAPPIR8"°iam3f -r,, A' 1 .-.., , ,.,,,,.. , ,,, A47017. 200417! .....,.Huglif,7680:1 ";() . , get Cif as. ,P,--- \---7-,,'„,.. n . ,. ,...:. ' ''', cap786 e5eynal ) HididT0111 " i'eTpl IND,\IAftl'iS. --\'\'' \ '''''A 11`i•' 12 ' ,,....., 1c Hoover -4,0 m f , arina •,',) 4. ' , -• ..,,,... 7,... Grand -- ,-z-.,.._` /7--/-1. 74D11$61,8 ,, V 's! Pi ^e , ,-,:- 1 : ,,`? ,--. e D3 '-.."'""----; A .,, ( 11'.7. 19 ... 4A .... ;.., c-, Ca nyon ; A .-- -0 1 ea dV:1".4 -,...r k-, GRAN0 -, , -11 Desert View sad Pass MI Wilierr -- 71', ...._ Boulddr-sz 74 CANYON -L 2370 ft. Grand Canyon -,...... , , 15 A5 7 ,-,... LAKE MEAD Tusa a 84 co \ • .- ''S 1. ''';,_, P,A17, i.":„., ),. i, NAa oparki ' ---,--s-,.. 17 IA , !f NAT'L. REC. 11 . '') / t '' ...:...s.,': . 53' 3z, . KAIBAB 1- i 31 s •,. '1 1 .}3Veilal°,h . , ' _'_ AREA ,' c:;,, RESE: NATIONAL FOREST ..- •r ameroni 1, HUALAP - --•-• -, - ,, r.;- .{ 1 8 T., t',71; .' tt C) INDIAN 78 / t- RES. A TEAU t )
The site itself is a wonder that it has been a multicultural one used by man for several thousand years. The variety of glyph styles indicates diversity of cultures and the various degrees of repatination of the glyphs indicates a long time period of usage. Patination or "Desert Varnish is the dark coating appearing on rock surfaces in arid lands. Until recently, it was thought to be generated from an inorganic process, however current research has revealed that it is an organic process. The wind deposits clay dust and micro-organisms (bacteria) on the rocks. The bacteria then extract manganese (black) or iron (redish brown) oxides from the rock and clay to create a layer of rock varnish. Rock varnish forms very slowly, taking thousands of years to create the darkest coatings. Sophisticated and expensive laboratory techniques can determine the age of rock varnish. These techniques can also date the petroglyphs. Petroglyph dating is imprecise because there is a time-lag between the carving of a petroglyph and the formation of the rock varnish." (BLM Brochure 6/12/92). According to Christy Turner it takes 600 years for a good patch of lichen to develop; repatination takes 900 years to 1200 years to color to blue-black, purple-black takes even longer. Repatination then, is the process of grooves, lines, scratches etc. made by man gradually in the process of re-creation of the patination or desert varnish.
METE0rOLOGY The framework for this project has been current styles in literature and associated cultural affiliation. We approached the recording in line with what we had learned in our Utah Archaeological Certification Course in regard to stratigraphy and association; that is, the earliest glyphs would be superimposed by later ones, and the proximity of glyphs and natural features to each other. The first step was a massive research program of reading everything we could find on rock art and its recordation along with attending symposiums on the subject. Next we decided what areas each of us would be responsible for: George would do the graphics i.e. photographing and sketching as well as devising a computer encoding and coding sheets. Shirley would do the research and write-up. The project would consist of three phases: (1) Recordation; (2) Analyze the results; (3) Extrapolate our methods to other sites to see how well they might work. American Rock Art Research Association did a preliminary survey and limited recording in March 1986. We used the section grid they set up and also went by the numbers they assigned to the various boulders, but we numbered the glyphs differently to meet our needs for computer coding. We cross referenced all photographs to the numbers assigned them by ARARA. (See figure 2). Usually both of us sketch a panel. Later we compare our sketches, compare with ARARA notes, our photos, ARARA photos and when all is in agreement, the final write-up and final sketch is made. Sometimes it is necessary to return to the site to resolve any differences. We have also discovered the importance of viewing a panel at different times of the day as light and shadow can enhance, obscure, or even reveal a glyph or parts of it. For examples of a panel sketch see figures 3 and 5. For examples of a panel write-up see figures 4 and 6. Our goal was to record, as accurately as possible, the individual glyphs and panels to preserve a record of what is there. We did not engage in any interpretation of possible meanings. We leave that for another time.
4 Recording Petroglyphs at the Little Black Mountain Craig & Craig
Section 4 Rock 1 SW 240 0 See photographs numbered 59
Section 4 Rock 2 Generally SW 215° See photographs numbered 60 FIGURE 3 5 Utah Rock Art Volume XIV 1995
4-2 Site No. A:2;51 SECTION NO. 4 ROCK NO. 1
Virgin Anasazi Glyph No. 1 SW 240° Astronomical 5YR 7/3 Sunburst. No superimposition or lichen; medium to light repatination. It is outline pecked with hammerstone and chisel. This glyph consists of an outline pecked circle with nine radiating lines from the circumference; 20 cm top to bottom. See photographs numbered 59.
SECTION NO. 4 ROCK NO. 2 Archaic Glyph No. 1 SW 215° Zoomorph 5YR 3/3 Snake. No superimposition or lichen; dark repatination; made with hammerstone; placed at a diagonal slant and located above glyph no. 2. The head is just below the top rim of the rock, then a line comes straight down to a right angle curve to the right, then a left curve, another right. See photographs numbered 60.
Archaic Glyph No. 2 SW 215° Mirror Image 5YR 7/4 Botanical?? No superimposition or lichen; repatination is light due to the position of the glyph on the rock in an inverted bowl-shaped area; located under glyph no. 1. The lines are nicely pecked out with hammerstone an burin. There are eight pie-shaped wedges with mirror images on each side of the bisecting lines. These images have three curving arms,gradtiating from outer rim to smaller size at the hub. Put together, they look like a tree with the straight line from the hub representing the trunk--there would be four trees total. These are wedges meeting at a cenral hub without being connected around the rim. See photographs numbered 60.
Archaic Glyph No. 3 S 180° Geometric 5YR 3/1 Menorah. No superimposition; some lichen; dark repatination; located to the left of glyph no. 2; made with a hammerstone to create deep wide lines. Two parallel half circles, open end up; main stem bisects both half circles and extends upward to top of half circles creating five "branches". See photographs numbered 60.
Archaic Glyph No. 4 SW 215° Representational 5YR 3/1 Bolo. No superimposition or lichen; dark repatination; located to the left of glyph no. 2. Consists of six outline pecked circles, four up and two underneath connected by short lines; made with hammerstone and chisel. See photographs numbered 60.
Archaic' Glyph No. 5 S 180 ° Geometric 5YR 6/4 Eyeglasses. No .Superimposition or lichen; medium repatination; located to the top left of glyph no. 2. Two ovals touching each other at the top (looks like eyeglasses). The left oval is vertical and the right one is diagonally placed; outline pecked with hammerstone. See photographs numbered 60. ARARA missed this one. Compare with Great Basin Curvilinear.
Archaic* Glyph No. 6 S 100° Representational 5YR 6/4 Mask. No superimposition or lichen; light repatination but very old glyph; located below glyph no. 5. Wide lines made with hammerstone. Top and sides of head are a single line; top of head is flat and sides angle out in gentle diagonal. Left eye is round, right eye is square; mouth is a natural circular hole in the rock; two parallel vertical lines to left of left eye. A horizontal line begins on left side of head, bisects two parallel lines, passes under the "mouth" and tontines past right eye before curving downward and running parallel to head line. See photographs numbered 60.
FIGURE 4
6 Recording Petroglyphs at the Little Black Mountain H LI ; !SECTION • I (:)1a We'st r IL
i
I
ALI, OF iF-7:.SE; GIIRS F NAY n_ FOUND t\TUitiBETRED 17 _ _ 1
7 Utah Rock Art Volume XIV 1995
gwo/SC
Virgin Anasazi Glyph No. 5 SW 220° Calendrical 5YR 5/4 This is the first of three circles and dots which make up the set; located to the right of glyph no. 3 (U shape). No superimposition; no lichen, lightly repatinated. One complete circle in center outlined by pecking and enclosing eight dots. One-half outer circle at the bottom with twenty-one dots between it and surrounding the inner circle. There seems to be an alignment with the right top of the half-circle and an elongated line from its neighboring glyph No. 6 which seems to be pointing to glyph 5. Made with hammerstone and burin. See photographs numbered 47.
Virgin Anasazi Glyph No. 6 SW 220 0 Calendrical 5YR 5/4 This is the largest of the set of three glyphs (no. 5 and 7) and is located to the right of glyph 5. It is the most elaborate and situated higher than the other two. No superimposition or lichen; lightly repatinated. Three concentric circles, pecked outlines made with bammerstone and burin. Dots in the center circle number eleven which surround a somewhat larger center dot. The second circle has twenty-one dots; the outer circle has thirty- four dots. Around the outer rim are radiating dashes in. groups of two. There are twelve pairs; on the left side is an additional longer dash which seems to align with the end of the half-circle in glyph no. 5. Refer to photographs numbered 47.
Virgin Anasazi Glyph No. 7 SW 2200 Calendrical 5YR 5/4 This is the smallest cf the set, placed lowest of the three (glyphs 5,6,7). It is located to the left of glyph 6, under and between glyphs 5 and 6. A circle encloses a center dot. Surrounding the circle are fourteen dots. On the right side is a quarter circle out side the dots; made with hammerstone and burin. See photographs numbered 47.
Archaic Glyph No. 8 SW 220° Representational 5YR 2.5/1 Cairn/Trailmarker made with pecked lines and solidly pecked squares; made with hammerstone. No superimposition or lichen; heavily repatinated. There is a solidly pecked out rectangle with two solidly pecked squares stacked above each other. Extending from bottom line of the rectangle is a wavy line to the right; there are three curves and from the top of each curve are two short radiating lines; located above glyph no.l. See photographs numbered 47
Archaic Glyph No. 9 SW 2200 Zoomorph 5YR 3/2 An insect. No !Superimposition or lichen; heavily repatinated; located above glyph 8 (cairn). Solidly pecked oval body, round head; five incised feelers, rather long in proportion to the body; no legs. Nicely made with hammerstone and chisel. See photographs numbered 47.
Virgin Anasazi Glyph No. 10 SW 220° Anthropomorph 5YR 4/3 Beckoning Man. No superimposition or lichen but repatination is medium dark. Solidly pecked out figure with hammerstone and chisel. The left arm is raised and the right arm is curved downward; left leg is curved upward and right leg is curved downward. According to Martineau (1973: p.56) this symbol represents a figure beckoning with the upraised arm, meaning "come", and pointing to the ground with the other arm which means "here" or "come here". The head is round and the body is tubular. It is located to right of glyph 9 (insect) and above glyph 8 (cairn). The arm and leg lines are a "flowing" curve--no angles. See photographs 47.
Figure 6
8 Recording Petroglyphs at the Little Black Mountain Craig & Craig
An attempt to identify each glyph to a corresponding cultural style as defined by Schaafsma (1971, 1980); also by repatination of worked areas, per the Munsell color chart, were used as a means of sorting into categories. Sorting by style and patination may show the popularity of various subjects in the various cultural periods and when compared to each other it will be interesting to learn what predominates in these differing time periods. If there is a preponderance of one subject in various styles and if this same subject also is predominant in the various frames of repatination, it may mean a commonality of appeal as a site to the various peoples using it and also give some indication as to the kind of site it was: record of myths or religious instruction, ceremonial, astronomical, historical record, creation and remembrance designs, guides to water, game, campsites or trails, mnemonic representations, clan symbol record, or a newsy bulletin board. This will be an inference at best but yet a start for others to challenge and to at least give serious study. The styles of rock art evidenced at Little Black Mountain are Anasazi (both Cave Valley and Virgin), Fremont (Sevier A and Parowan), Great Basin Curvilinear and Great Basin Rectilinear, Western Archaic, possibly Paleo Indian, and historic. Recording was done by "unpacking the panel and then unpacking the glyph and the components that comprise it. This included: 1. Photographing each panel and in many cases individual glyphs. 2. Sketching each glyph and each panel to show placement and association. 3. Written description of individual glyphs to include: a. Compass orientation b. Association (superimposition, reworked, attached, touching, use of natural rock features such as holes, cracks, edge, lightning strike.) c. Subject d. Style e. Method of manufacture f. Tool used to manufacture g. Degree of repatination, using Munsell Color Chart h. Cross reference to slides and photographs
4. Creating a computer code and also encoding sheet to show: a. Internal consistency of styles b. Distinguish evidence of stylistic change through time within styles. (Could this information be used to begin chronology?) c. Relative chronology of styles as presented in literature and cultural affiliation--is this supported by the repatination and superimposition seriation? d. What may be implied by stylistic variation? e. Are there glyphs that cross stylistic lines? What do they transect? f. Evidence of calendric or astronomical meaning. What are the implications?
CONCLUSIONS
The petroglyphs at the Little Black Mountain Site are deteriorating due to natural causes.
9 Utah Rock Art Volume XIV 1995
We hope that if the time comes when they are too faint to see, or gone due to rock spall, or other causes, that the recording we have done will serve as a record of what once was there. The site is now fenced with nicely laid out paths and an informative display board. The guest log reflects people of many areas, both near and far, who are visiting and want to have the unique experience of seeing and walking amidst the various panels, to speculate about what is there and develop an awareness that other cultures were here and left their marks on stone for us to see. The assignment for the first phase was to "record and not interpret". We have done so but have reserved our own possible interpretations and some degree of understanding for another time. The second phase of our work with the petroglyphs at this incredible site will be to get all the information into a computer and then pull out various categories for an assortment of studies. Our thanks to Nal Morris, with an assist from Ken Ogden, for his locating place of solstitial and equinoctial sunrises and sunsets. Nal also sent along computations for astronomical functions as well as his in depth "Solar Motion For Rock Art Research". We appreciated his interest and sharing of his expertise. This information will be used for future work. Another big "thank you" to Rick Malcomson who guided us through all the process--his books, Munsell chart, comments, trips to the site, and energetic prod when we needed it. He is making a detailed research of the astronomical indications at the site and will report on his findings at a later time.
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10 Recording Petroglyphs at the Little Black Mountain Craig & Craig
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Utah Rock Art Volume XIV 1995
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12 Recording Petroglyphs at the Little Black Mountain Craig & Craig
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Wright, Barton 1965 This Is A Hopi Kachina. The Museum of Northern Arizona, Flagstaff
13 14 He ant •164111.116. Eachel C. Bush
In the fall of 1988, my parents took our family to a symposium of the Utah Rock Art Research Association. In addition to the day of lectures, we were treated to a field trip down Nine Mile Canyon. This trip was my first contact with petroglyphs and pictographs. I must admit, being only eleven years old, I was a bit bewildered by the people of the organization. I had never been acquainted with anyone quite like them before. For instance, several members were known to arise before the sun to watch shadows move, and sometimes in the dead of winter. As far as I was (and am) concerned, it's not even decent to be up at that hour, and especially not when it is cold outside. Another thing I considered to be on the eccentric side was the fact they spoke a different language than I had ever heard before. That morning in Nine Mile, I over heard a man turn to another and say, "The anthropomorph entangled around the zoomorphic figure, both incorporate into the curvalinear serpentining, make exquisite combined reactors on the cross quarter equinox in April." His companion smiled, nodded, and returned with, "true, but the squigglemorph, when penetrated with a shaft, speaks with light on the September solstice." I turned to my mother and said, "Mom, What language are they speaking? I have never heard anything quite like that before." "Well," she said, "I believe it to be an exchange of ancient Glyphese, although, I could be wrong." "Wow!" my sisters and I said in astonished unison. "Do you think," my older sister began, "if we remained with this group for a while, I might learn to speak Glyphese fluently?" "It is possible," my father said. (For this first trip, my family remained in a tightly huddled mass, frightened to wander far outside of the pack.) That day we climbed to places higher than I preferred to go, saw things that, until this trip was mentioned, I did not know existed, and fought fiercely to comprehend the Glyphese that was flying from mouths all around me. Needless to say, we survived. We also survived the day of lectures which followed. I was not certain, however, as to how I felt about returning for more meetings and field trips. The information was interesting and the social aspect had promise, but what exactly were we getting into? I remained in the organization for several reasons. One: I enjoyed associating with the interesting adults. Two: there was a group of people my own age wherein the boys out numbered the girls. Three: I learned fascinating information from new exciting people and beautiful places. And, most persuasive of all, I was given absolutely no choice from my parents. The last reason I remained in this group is the same reason I am writing this essay. At that point in my young life, my one real passion was horses and the tangents thereof. The horse images I saw in Nine Mile that day and since the fall of 1988 have enchanted me. The beautiful forms, the delicate lines, the powerful images of the equestrians and their mounts, all have become my favorite petroglyphs. Even today, though my passion for horses has faded significantly, I am still captivated by the pictographs and petroglyphs of this elegant animal.
15 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
But in order to understand the importance of the artifacts, it is important to first explore the impact of the horse on the entire culture of the Native Americans. The petroglyphs portray the animals significance. A basic comprehension of the history of the horse in connection with this culture combined with a careful study of the images from the past is a good start toward understanding the animals contribution in the history of the American West. The advent of the horse changed the lifestyles of the Native Americans more than any other single event or object. The revolutionary alterations and their effects can be compared to steam and electricity to our society (Edwards 182-183). Before the horse, the Native Americans were hunters and gatherers. The primary object of their daily lives was to find food and secure their survival. Constant travel was necessary to ensure a diet, so one could only have as many belongings as could be carried by his dogs and his family (Capps 65-68). All of this changed when the Spaniards, becoming the first white men to enter what is now North America, introduced horses to the territory. At once, the Spanish realized the power of their monopoly, and were reluctant to allow the Native Americans to gain possession of horses. After a few years passed they began to view horses as a profitable industry and set up a trading market in Santa Fe early in the 1600's. Many tribes would travel large distances to buy and trade horses. As a result, their lifestyles dramatically altered. So much more was within a days ride that constant travel was no longer necessary (Edwards 245-258).
Figure 1, Petroglyph located near LaBarge, Wyoming The Comanch Indians once inhabited this area. This glyph may be a depiction of their equestrian skills.
The Comanche, a tribe remembered for its outstanding equestrianship, were among the
16 Horses in Rock Art Bush
most skilled horsemen in history (see Figure 1). Controlling the animal with their weight in order to maintain the ability to fight and hunt with their arms, a rider would hang on the horses side while shooting arrows under its neck. This way, they could use the horses body to shield them from an enemy, and still travel at a full gallop (Capps 251). Before the horse, the only domesticated animal was the dog. A dog, which could carry 50 lbs on its back, could pull 75 lbs with a travois and was able to cover five to six miles a day. The horse, on the other hand, could carry 200 lbs, pull 300 lbs on a travois, and cover between seven and ten miles in one day. As a result, the living quarters on the Native Americans became larger. They could have more possessions. The more horses one had, the larger the home and greater number of possessions one could own. The horse became an instant symbol of wealth and power to the Native Americans (Spencer et al. 32).
Figure 2, Before the horse, all hunting was done with crude hand weapons; flint knives, stone axes and fire hardened wooden spears. This petroglyph located near LaBarge, Wyoming, illustrates the importance of the horse.
Perhaps the most significant change resulting from the horse's introduction involved hunting (See Figure 2). Once horses were acquired, the tribes could follow the herds of deer or buffalo and always had food. They no longer had to be satisfied with young or sick animals. The horse gave them the power to kill and eat strong and healthy bison, and they could have a surplus of food (Capps 482-306). The major equestrian tribes were the Blackfoot, Sioux, Cheyenne, Arapaho, Kiowa, Comanche, Nez Perce, and the Ute. The Pueblo Indians had contact with the Spanish and were among the first to own horses, but they were farmers with permanent dwellings and little use for
17 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995 the horse besides trade. The Apache Indians were the first to use horses in raids, but they were pushed into the dry South West by 1750. It was too dry to support horses there, and the animals were used occasionally as a food source. The tribes of the Great Basin had the same problem. These desert Native Americans remained relatively unaffected by the horses influence (Capps 304). The horse, however, made ill welcomed changes to the Native American culture as well. By trading horses, the Native Americans were introduced to both liquor and the slave trade. The Utes, one of the first tribes to accept the equestrian life, were also one of the most avid in the slave trade. The Goshute and other tribes who did not accept the horse became objects of the Ute' s slave raids. With these few exceptions, The Native American culture was immensely and positively influenced by the introduction of the horse in nearly every detail. Though the equestrian period lasted little over a century, it was the largest period of growth for the majority of the tribes. It is easy to see why the horse was such a coveted possession to the people. The horse in Native American art continues to effect anthropologists and archaeologists positively. One of the only keys we have to study the American Indian's past are the pictographs and petroglyphs left on the walls of canyons and caves. Pictographs, which are images that are painted on the rock's surface, are made from organic materials and can be carbon dated. Petroglyphs, on the other hand, were carved into the stone. It is next to impossible to date them. Most archaeologists simply try to classify them by what other artifacts have been found in the area, such as shards of pottery. But whereas the other relics could have easily been left at another time, this is an inaccurate practice. (Rayl) If there is a horse somehow incorporated into the work, however, it is safe to assume it was not made before the Spanish came during the early seventeenth century. Furthermore, if we know what equestrian tribes inhabited that area, we might be able to decipher more about the artifact. There are few other clues in rock art that tell us as much (Schaafsma 15). By continuing to study the history of the Native American culture, it may become possible to understand the more about meanings of the beautiful images that were left behind. On the other hand, maybe through the study of the pictographs and petroglyphs we can learn more about the history of Native American culture.
My horse be swift in flight Even like a little bird; My horse be swift in flight Bear me now in safety Far from the enemy's arrows, And you shall be rewarded With Streamers and ribbons red. --Sioux warrior's song to his horse
18 Petroglyphs Favor the Aikens and Witherspoon Theory of Nu is Expansion in the Great PL in
John S. Curtis
INTRODUCTION
This paper is the work of a retired scientist who for many years has thought that archaeology was one of the noble sciences. He has viewed those who have the degree of Ph.D. in archaeology with awe, feeling that they were working in a field where, to be complete, one had to know everything and be the ultimate scientist. He felt that archaeology was a pure science very similar to astronomy where the only goal of the practitioners was to improve mankind's knowledge of the world around him. He was discussing a book published by a couple of very well known archaeologists with archaeologist friends. He complained that the book contained a very unscientific approach to the subject of the book when one of his friends turned to him and said:
"What makes you think that Ph.D. archaeologists are scientists?"
I was speechless. Yes, I am the retired scientist. I had no reply. As soon as I could, I went to the reference books I had at hand and found the following definitions of archaeology: archaeology The science which treats of antiquity. . . Universal Dictionary of the English Language, Twentieth Century Edition. Volume I. P.F. Collier & Sons. 1902.
ARCHAEOLOGY is at the same time a science and an art. It is our should be a scientifically ordered branch of knowledge professed by men of truly scientific training . . . The Encyclopaedia Britannica, Fourteenth Edition. Encyclopaedia Britannica Inc., 1937 archaeology 1. The study of past human life and activities, as shown by the study of relics, monuments, etc., of ancient peoples. 2. The materials of this science; . . . Webster's Collegiate Dictionary Fifth Edition. G. & C. Merriam Co. 1943 archaeology the study of antiquity; particularly the scientific investigation, study, and classificatikon of the history, use, and meaning of prehistoric antiquities of every kind; . . . Webster's New Twentieth Century Dictionary of the English Language, Unabridged. 1950.
19 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
archaeology 1. The scientific study of the people, customs, and life of ancient times. The World Book Dictionary Doubleday & Company, Inc. 1970
archaeology, also spelled ARCHEOLOGY, the branch of learning concerned with study of the material remains of man's past. The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc., Fifteenth Edition. 1988
archaeology the study of prehistory and of ancient periods of history, based upon the examination of their physical remains. The body of knowledge obtained from this. The New Lexicon Webster's Dictionary of the English Language, Lexicon Publications Inc., 1989.
I noted that all definitions up to and including the year 1970 referred to archaeology as a science so my presumption that Ph.D. archaeologists were scientists wasn't too bad. However, neither of the post 1970 definitions mention science in connection with archaeology. Archaeologists have apparently become artists instead of scientists. Having been schooled in the scientific method and understanding that complete objectivity is the goal of every scientist I am beginning to realize why archaeologists, and particularly petroglyphologists, are no longer considered to be scientists. Objectivity is absent in many of the professional publications I have studied. Because of my respect for the profession of archaeology and my fear of being considered an intrusive outsider, I have refrained from attempting to publish any of my findings until now. The careless science that I see in professional archaeological publications, however, gives me courage to proceed. Perhaps my naivete concerning archaeology will not be quite so noticeable as I had feared. I have spent fifteen years intensively studying the petroglyphs of southwestern Idaho and less intensively studying the petroglyphs of Utah, Nevada and elsewhere. The paper I present here is a partial result of these studies and is in two parts. The first part has a solid scientific footing and I feel the conclusions reached in that part are absolutely sound. In the second part some subjectivity creeps in. I am not prepared to defend against all corners the complete boundary of the pre-migration Shoshoni homeland that I offer. I do, however, offer support for the boundary chosen in several different ways in compensation for that shortcoming. The conclusions I reach in this paper are at odds with some of the current archaeological doctrine. They are the result of a new approach to some of the problems in archaeology that have been debated for nearly forty years. They have been reached by me as a result of my scientific study of petroglyphs in Idaho and a less scientific study of petroglyphs in Nevada and have been reached without aid, advice, or consultation with others. They are my sincerely held beliefs.
CURRENT THEORIES
The various theories of the Numic expansion are probably well understood by most readers but let me briefly explain to those who may not know, a very short abstract of the pertinent Numic expansion theories. The theories have been formulated to explain how the Indians who lived in the Great Basin and neighboring areas at the time of first contact with white
20 Petroglyphs favor the Theory of Numic Expansion Curtis men, got to be where they were and when they arrived there. Sidney Lamb (1958), a linguist, proposed a theory that attempted to answer those questions. Sidney M. Lamb studied the prehistory of the Numic people in the Great Basin. Through the use of linguistic theory he determined to his satisfaction the approximate time when each of the Numic subgroups split from the others and became a separate language and hence a separate culture. He feels that the Numic people began to break up and spread into the Great Basin about one thousand years ago and that the northern and eastern parts of the Great Basin were not occupied by Numic people until about five hundred years ago. In a cautionary move, he states that " . . . lexicostatistic figures must be considered yen, rough approximations, subject to such wide margins of error that they can be used only with very great caution . . ." (emphasis mine). With this warning, and, using broad brush strokes, his theory states that three great groups of Indians in the Great Basin, the Paiute, Shoshoni, and Ute started about one thousand years ago, marching in three great, diverging columns from an area near Death Valley. They proceeded from that point, and in a very short time occupied northeastern California, southeastern Oregon, southern Idaho, all of Nevada, all of Utah, and nearly all of Colorado, Wyoming, and Montana, and part of southern Alberta, Canada. (See figure 1.) This is a feat that would have made Napoleon proud and is so stupendous as to cause a conservative person to wonder if it really happened as described by Lamb. Most archaeologists seem to have reacted to the theory of Sidney Lamb much as the children of Hamlin did to the Pied Piper although a few dissenting voices have been heard. So, in addition to the theory of Lamb, I want to discuss the theory of Aikens and Witherspoon (1986), two of the dissenters. The two theories have points of agreement but on some points they have sharp differences. The principal difference between the theory of Aikens and Witherspoon and that of Lamb is that Aikens and Witherspoon propose a much larger original Numic homeland. They suggest that the Great Basin Numic homeland extended from about north-central Nevada southward into the Owens Valley region. They suggest that an expansion from that much larger area then occurred much as described by Lamb. Theories are guesses made by Figure I . Location of various language groups someone who is attempting to explain in the late 1800's. I. Monache; 2. Northern existing evidence on a particular subject. Paiute; 3. Panamint; 4. Northern Shoshone; 5. If all the evidence is adequately Kawiisu; 6. Ute-Chemehuevi. The shaded area explained by the theory, then confidence represents the current distribution--the crosshatched is developed in the theory and it is area the maximum extension. After Sutton.
21 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995 widely accepted. If all the evidence is not explained by the theory, which is the case here, then either the evidence must be discredited or the theory must be modified so that it agrees with the evidence. This process is the very heart of the scientific method. When two theories differ to the extent that the theory of Lamb and the theory of Aikens and Witherspoon do, some test should be able to discriminate between the two. I propose that a study of petroglyphs is a key to differentiating between the two disparate theories or perhaps introducing a new one.
PETROGLYPH EVIDENCE It should be recognized, when studying petroglyphs, that each culture has its own unique petroglyph style and that style is characteristic of the culture that made it and is just as distinctive as language or handwriting. To understand that there are a wide variety of styles, one has only to compare the Horseshoe Canyon style of pictographs, also called Barrier Canyon, (Figure 2) with the petroglyphs of the Shoshoni in southern Idaho (Figure 3). (The author follows the precedent of Mallory and Steward in calling all rock inscriptions petroglyphs unless specifically Figure 2. Horseshoe Canyon (Barrier referring to a painted inscription which he Canyon) pictographs located in Eastern Utah. then calls a pictograph.) While this is an extreme example, discernible differences exist even between such closely related groups as Paiute and Shoshoni. Styles are identifiable and styles match cultures. It is assumed here that the boundaries of a petroglyph style are also cultural boundaries. I have limited my objective study of petroglyphs to those which are in the southwestern corner of Idaho. My study area (See figure 4) covers that portion of southwestern Idaho west of Twin Falls and south of Weiser, an area of approximately 20,000 square miles. In this area I have Figure 3. A typical pre-migration located and recorded 85 petroglyph sites Shoshoni petroglyph in Southwestern Idaho. containing some 1200 panels. While I was This site also contains cupules and corner working in the study area, I discovered some worked ripples. 40 additional sites that have not yet been recorded. The details of my recording methods are contained in another paper (Curtis 1994) and my analysis is similar to that which was done by Baxter and Pettigrew (1985).
22 Petroglyphs favor the Theory of Numic Expansion
Figure 4. The study area, which is the southwestern corner of the State of Idaho, shows the regions in which most of the petroglyphs in southwestern Idaho are found. It is about fifty miles between each of the study areas except Little Blue Table which is a subdivision of the South Uplands study area.
All the data I have gathered has been placed into a computerized spreadsheet. The size of my data matrix of sites, elements, and other data is 150 columns by 1200 rows so it is impractical to present that material in this document. I can summarize my approach by saying that I have carefully defined all the elements that I have encountered and used in my analysis and illustrated most of them. Dots, circles and straight lines do not really require illustration. Careful definition is done to eliminate, or at least substantially reduce, subjectivity in the recording process. Recording petroglyphs is a lot like looking at clouds in the sky where some people see castles and elephants while others see sailing ships. It is my desire to make the definition of the elements sufficiently unambiguous so that any other petroglyphologist could go 23 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
to the sites I have recorded, record them using my list of elements, and get the same results that I have achieved. I think that I have accomplished that result.
ANALYZING PETROGLYPHS
I presented a paper (Curtis 1990) at the Great Basin Anthropological Conference of 1990 in which I attempted to demonstrate that the petroglyphs in the North Uplands region were different from those of the South Uplands and Snake River regions. I was confident that I had offered a satisfactory proof of my thesis, but my mentor, Dr. Thomas J. Green, then Idaho State Archaeologist, insisted that I had done it all wrong. He contended that the proper way to do it was to place all of my data in a computer and let the computer draw the cultural boundaries. One does not argue with one's mentor. This paper is a result of "doing it right." My analysis here consists of comparing the content of petroglyph sites in southwestern Idaho and placing sites containing similar petroglyphs together in a group. By determining the physical location of the groups so located and considering ethnographic records for the locations thus detet wined, cultural boundaries may be located. A site is a definable location containing one or more petroglyph panels. Usually petroglyph panels cluster together and each cluster is considered to be a site if it can be defined in such a way as to separate it from other sites. In my analysis, I chose to consider only those sites that had 10 or more panels, feeling that a certain minimum amount of data was necessary to make a good comparison. In some cases, I combined nearby sites with less than 10 panels each to make a combined site having enough panels. My mentor had suggested that I should be a "splitter" instead of a "lumper" when it came to defining sites. When I had completed my selections and combinations, I had 31 sites to compare. When I record petroglyphs my recording unit is the panel. Panels usually define themselves being one face of a boulder or one section of a cliff where the line dividing panels is obvious. Usually a panel can be recorded in one photograph but occasionally much larger ones are found. In my spreadsheet, the data from one panel is recorded in one line of the spreadsheet. To obtain the data for the sites, I combined the data from the panels that together fanned the sites. My comparisons here are based upon sites and not on panels. The largest site had 87 panels and the smallest has more than 10 panels. My data matrix for comparing sites is shown in Table I. The program I used to analyze this matrix was the cluster section in the statistical program Systat of Systat Inc. I entered my matrix of data into this program and gave the command to cluster. The result of the clustering is shown in Cluster 1 at the end of this paper. The sites are listed in a column on the left-hand side of the page. They are identified by a site number and a suffix that indicates the region in which they are located. They are rearranged by Systat and placed in an order such that the two sites adjacent to each other in the cluster diagram are more similar to each other than they are to other sites in the list. The degrees of their differences are indicated by the length of the horizontal line connecting them with other sites in the list. Similar sites are grouped together in clusters and, as with individual sites, the degree of difference between clusters is indicated by the length of the horizontal line connecting clusters. To locate significant clusters, the chart can be divided into two parts by a vertical line. If a vertical line is drawn through the single horizontal line at the right of the chart, the universe is divided into two groups: petroglyphs and everything else. If the line is moved to the left until it intersects two horizontal lines, it indicates that the world of petroglyphs is divided into two
24 Petroglyphs favor the Theory of Numic Expansion Curtis intersects two horizontal lines, it indicates that the world of petroglyphs is divided into two clusters: the Little Blue Table cluster and all other petroglyphs. Moving the vertical line to the left until it intersects five horizontal lines provides a significant division of clusters. It will be noted that four principal clusters are shown with one outlier, the Bruneau River site, (BRE-SU?). It is described by Erwin (1930) as follows:
Twelve miles from the town of Bruneau, on the west side of Bruneau River, near its junction with the Snake are two groups of petroglyphs on small boulders. They are in open country upon two knolls. The group to the East contains eighteen inscribed boulders, while three hundred yards due west, the second group contains fourteen. There is an absence of figures in the writing, except on three rocks, where human forms are found. The spoked wheel occurs once, dots within the circle several times, and dots are numerous, but the greater number of these marks are curvilinear.
This site is now under the waters of C. J. Strike reservoir and is unavailable for analysis. However, during the construction of C. J. Strike dam, Idaho Power Co. had 15 of the 32 boulders present removed and placed on display in a small park near the dam. No documentation of the site was done before the site was flooded and no records were kept. The selection of boulders does not appear to be representative of the site based upon the records of Erwin (1930). The clustering was done using data from the fifteen boulders or parts of boulders that were moved. The sample may not represent the site well so the result of the clustering must be used with caution. The result shows the Bruneau river site to be an outlier, which is not surprising. The top cluster on the chart is the Little Blue Table cluster. Little Blue Table is a rather unusual name that may require some explanation. Blue Creek is a tributary of the Owyhee River. Little Blue Creek is a tributary of Blue Creek. The headwaters of Little Blue Creek are on a mesa. The Spanish influence of the Southwest did not quite reach Owyhee county so in this part of Idaho mesas are called tables, the English translation of mesa. So the mesa on which Little Blue Creek heads is called Little Blue Table. It is a classic mesa that divides the watersheds of the Snake, Bruneau, and Owyhee Rivers. It is surrounded by lava cliffs on which are inscribed most of the Little Blue Table petroglyphs. The Little Blue Table cluster also contains the Pole Creek site (PCE-SU) that is also in the South Uplands about 30 miles from Little Blue Table and at about the same elevation. Thus it is not unreasonable that it be clustered with the Little Blue Table sites. One other South Uplands site clustered with the Snake River group and one was an outlier. These results agree nicely with statements made by Murphy and Murphy (1960 p. 321). "One informant said that Silver City, Idaho, was within the limits of Paiute territory; according to other informants, the Bruneau River Valley was definitely within the Shoshone migratory range. It seems evident that southwest Idaho was not much used by either the Paiute or Shoshone, and, while both groups entered the area on occasion, boundaries could hardly have been narrowly defined." The clustering chart gives no indication of two styles of petroglyphs on Little Blue Table. The next cluster down on the chart is the one containing the recent North Uplands sites. The term "recent" is used here as opposed to "old" with the date of the dividing line between the two being unknown. We know that "recent" includes all panels containing horses or guns or elements associated with them, so the dividing line between recent and old North Upland clusters is probably that dividing the Numic from the pre-Numic elements. Everything appears to be in good order in this cluster except for the inclusion of site C35-EL. This site is located
25 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995 about 30 miles from the boundary of the NU region in a northwesterly direction and across the Boise River from the NU region. It contained three shield figures which are one of the defining elements for the recent North Uplands cluster. The shield figures in C35-EL are clearly of a style that is different from those in the remainder of the North Uplands cluster, apparently older and more primitive. They were considered by me to be a predecessor of the shield figures in the more recent sites. They may have been enough different from the recent shield figures to have warranted definition as a different element but at the time they were recorded this seemed presumptuous. As an experiment, I deleted the three shield figures at site C35-EL from the master matrix and ran this matrix through the clustering program again. The result was that C35-EL was moved from the recent North Upland cluster down to the Snake River cluster just below. This seems to be a much more appropriate place for it. Below the recent North Uplands cluster is a small cluster containing all the Snake River sites with one South Uplands site, (DCE_SU), included. The Snake River valley, elevation 2500 feet, is a somewhat inhospitable location in the summer being very hot and dry. It is understandable that residents there might seek comfort in a higher elevation site. The Dry Creek site (DCE-SU) is on a spring-fed stream at an elevation of 5000 feet and it is reasonable that residents should travel from one location to the other depending upon the season. The two locations are about 45 miles apart. The bottom cluster is the old North Uplands cluster. It may not seem right that a site called the Little Horse site (LHE-NU) be included in an old cluster. It happens that all the sites in the North Uplands have been occupied for a long time and both old and recent petroglyphs appear at most, if not all, sites. An outstanding petroglyph showing a shield-bearing warrior astride a horse, with a total height of about three inches, is at this site, so it seemed quite appropriate to name the site the Little Horse site. Since it has been shown that this is an old site, the name does not seem quite so appropriate because the presence of horses was one of the criteria used to indicate a recent site. In marked contrast to the Little Blue Table results, the North Upland sites form two separate and distinct groups. This was surprising to me since, when I was recording the sites in the North Uplands, I had concluded that this was one of the most homogeneous groups in the study area. I had recognized that there were old petroglyphs and recent petroglyphs but had assumed that the different styles were just evidence of metamorphosis of style as time passed. In addition, most of the sites seemed to have both old petroglyphs and recent petroglyphs indicating to me a long and sustained occupation. Since my recording of the North Uplands sites took place over a period of years, I did not notice that, although nearly all the sites were mixed sites, some were predominately old and some were predominately recent. After seeing the results of the first clustering, I prepared data for the list of sixteen sites that were actually in the North Uplands region and submitted them to the Systat program for clustering. The results are shown in Cluster 2 and the division of sites is identical to that obtained with the original larger clustering. To better understand the reason for the results obtained, I prepared the infolination shown in Table 2. Here I separated the North Uplands sites into two separate groups as indicated by the clustering charts and listed the various elements and their numbers and their sums in each group. In examining the results of the summaries of element numbers in each group it is noted that 13 horses are listed in the new group (column 76) while only three horses were listed in the old group. Horses provide an excellent time marker for petroglyphs since they were introduced by the Spanish and did not arrive in Idaho until about 1700. Guns are another good time
26 Petroglyphs favor the Theory of Numic Expansion Curtis marker. In columns 90 through 95, 16 weapons are listed in the new group including two guns. In the old group there are only two weapons and they are rocks. The two rocks were held by shield figures which are frequently associated with horses and guns and hence should be considered as recent elements. The two rocks should thus not be considered to be old elements. So we should properly consider that recent petroglyph panels contain 18 weapons while the old group of panels contain none. Since horses and guns are relatively recent arrivals in Idaho, sites on which horses and guns appear must be recent sites. The absence of weapons in the old sites may indicate the peaceful nature of the unknown inhabitants and indicate that the Shoshoni had an easy time occupying their territory. Repatination of elements on the panels can also provide a clue as to the age of the panel. Dated panels have been found in the Mt. Bennett Hills area that are over 100 years old. No evidence of repatination is apparent on the glyphs of these panels. It stands to reason, therefore, that panels on which the glyphs show evidence of repatination must be in the order of 500 to 1000 years old. If significant repatination occurs they could be much older. Records were kept of the degree of repatination of elements on the panels. A scale from one to ten was adopted where one was barely detectable repatination and ten was repatination to a shiny blue-black color that was the maximum found in the area. Care was taken during recording to ensure that any coloration of the glyph was due to repatination and not because the glyph had not completely penetrated the preexisting patination. Thus the repatination was recorded only for glyphs that were inscribed in the rock deeply enough to penetrate completely through the existing patination. Repatination was not found on and not recorded for all panels. The new group contained 268 panels and the total of all the patination numbers recorded for that group was 138. The old group contained 180 panels and the total of all the patination numbers for that group was 250. Even without adjusting for the lesser number of panels, these numbers show that the old group was much more heavily repatinated, and hence older, than the new group. Shield figures, P-shield figures, and sectioned circles are frequently associated with each other and it is felt that these three elements represent the same concept, namely that of a warrior. P-shield figures and sectioned circles seem to be abbreviated or unfinished shield figures. Shield figures in the new sites outnumber shield figures in the old sites by 132 to an adjusted 39 (column 58) so shield figures are an almost certain marker of a recent site. P-shield figures in the new sites outnumber those in the old sites by 120 to an adjusted 39 (column 60). Sectioned circles in the new sites outnumber those in the old sites by 77 to an adjusted 22 (column 23). All of these facts indicate that we do indeed have a group of predominately old sites and another group of predominately recent sites and that Systat has grouped them appropriately. The circular-limb anthropomorphic figure (Figure 5) is the most numerous element in the North Uplands and is the dominant element in the old group. Similarly, the shield figure such as shown in Figure 6, is the second most numerous element in the North Uplands and is the dominant element in the new or recent group. An even better way to illustrate the differences between the two groups is, for each element, to subtract the number of elements in the new group from the number of elements in the old group and then display the results in descending order as has been done in Table 3. The important numbers are at the top and bottom of this list and all elements whose difference has an absolute value less than five have been deleted. These omitted cases are the ones where the numbers of elements were approximately the same in each group and hence were not important in distinguishing between groups. The elements at the top of the list are those which
27 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995 in distinguishing between groups. The elements at the top of the list are those which predominate in the old sites whereas the elements at the bottom of the list are those which predominate at the new sites. It is interesting to note that most of the elements at the top of the list are rectilinear elements while most of those at the bottom of the list are curvilinear. This is consistent with the fact that, of the panels with abstract elements in the new sites, 130 contained rectilinear elements while 143 contained curvilinear elements. In the old group, of the panels with abstract elements, 99 contained rectilinear elements while 79 contained curvilinear elements. The numbers in the preceding sentence are Figure 5. Typical Cicular Limb actual numbers and are not adjusted. The anthropomordphic figures from the North important fact is that in the sites labeled Uplands. "old", rectilinear elements outnumber curvilinear elements. In the sites labeled "new" curvilinear elements outnumber rectilinear elements. A complicating factor is present in the analysis just done. The boundary line between the Paiute territory and the Shoshone territory is a north-south line that divides Owyhee county into two approximately equal parts. Petroglyphs made by the two groups are discernibly different. So to do the tests that I have just done, one must stay either in the Shoshoni territory or the Paiute territory. Finding two cultures at the border of the Shoshoni and Paiute regions would cause confusion and negate the validity of the test. Consequently, I have chosen to stay strictly in the Shoshoni region for which I have much better data. Figure 6.. A typical North Uplands shield It is inevitable that questions will arise as to figure (right) and a P-Shield figure (left). the accuracy of this method of comparing petroglyph sites. As an indication of the accuracy, it should be noted that every Little Blue Table site appears in a single cluster. Every Snake River site appears in a single and separate cluster and that every North Uplands site appears in one of two clusters. No indication of the location of a site or of its age appears in the data given to the computer. Everything given the computer is included in the matrix shown in
28 Petroglyphs favor the Theory of Numic Expansion Curtis
Table 1. It seems remarkable that, given this data, the computer could divide the sites into clusters that so accurately group them according to their physical locations. The results obtained by clustering agree with and support the conclusions I reached in the paper I presented at the Twenty-second Great Basin Anthropological Conference in 1990. (Curtis 1990)
NUMIC EXPANSION
The theory of Aikens and Witherspoon (1986) suggests that the Numic people had a homeland that occupied a strip of land extending from the vicinity of Owens Valley up to north-central Nevada for many thousand years. A style of petroglyph exists near the Owens Valley that is similar to that which is found at Fallon, Nevada and in southern Idaho just west of the Bruneau River. While the presence of a single petroglyph style throughout this region may not constitute convincing proof of the accuracy of the theory of Aikens and Witherspoon, it does no damage to their theory. If a different petroglyph style were found in this region it would be convincing proof that their theory was wrong but such is not the case. Although I have not done a completely objective study of the Nevada petroglyphs yet, in fifteen years of a rather intensive study of petroglyphs I have gained a modicum of expertise in the comparison of petroglyph styles. I have attended many "show and tell" sessions on Nevada petroglyphs and have studied the literature including Heizer and Baumhoffs (1984) book with the unfortunate title Prehistoric Rock Art of Nevada and Eastern California that apparently introduced the lamentable term "Rock Art" to the lexicon of American anthropologists and archaeologists. (No true scientist should use the tei in "Rock Art" because petroglyphs were not considered to be art by their makers nor are they considered to be art by most present day Indians. Early investigators such as Mallery (1888) and Steward (1926) and Erwin (1930) did not use this misguided term and we should follow their precedent. Failure to do so is discourteous to Mallory, Steward and Erwin. It also is insulting to the present day Indians by belittling their ancestor's writings by calling them art. In addition any scientist starting a study of petroglyphs by calling them "Rock Art" has already decided what they are and has destroyed any credibility he or she might otherwise have had. The term is useful, however, in distinguishing between the work of a true scientist and that of a journalist, pseudo scientist, or dilettante.) Based upon my experience and what I have seen, it appears that there is a continuous band containing a single petroglyph style that extends from the Snake River in southern Idaho south through Owyhee County west of the Bruneau river, down through west-central Nevada to the vicinity of Owens Valley and from there over into the Nevada Test Site. This region is illustrated in Fig. 7. It was delineated by taking a map of Nevada, including southern Idaho and placing on that map a dot at the location of every site that appeared to be Shoshoni and a cross at the location of sites which appeared to be not Shoshoni. A smooth line was then drawn which included all the dots and excluded all the crosses. East of this region there is clearly a different petroglyph style. The region thus located includes much of pre-migration Shoshoni homeland. Paiutes are Numic but are not included in this region. The pre-migration Paiute homeland is west of the Shoshoni homeland and could be much larger. Let me detail a few of the reasons I call this region pre-migration and why I call it the area Aikens and Witherspoon propose as the Numic homeland. I call the region the Shoshoni and why I think it is approximately correct as drawn. That part of the region in question that is located in Idaho, was occupied by Shoshone Indians at the time of first contact with white men. 29 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
located in Idaho, was occupied by Shoshone Indians at the time of first contact with white men. (Murphy and Murphy 1960 p.321). They mention repeatedly the Bruneau River Shoshone. The
Figure 7. The pre-migration Shoshoni homreland as determined by petroglyph style.
computer analysis I have done indicates that this region has been occupied by just a single culture. The implication is that the Shoshoni have occupied the Bruneau River corridor for many years. 30 Petroglyphs favor the Theory of Numic Expansion Curtis
One of the elements found in the sites of the Bruneau River corridor is the cupule. The cupule is called by Heizer and Baumhoff (1984 p. 208-209) the pit part of the pit and groove style. They credit Baumhoff, Heizer, and Elsasser (1958) with naming the style but there they say that the style was named after inspection of a single site. This style clearly seems to be misnamed by them since, in most instances, there is not a groove associated with cupules where they occur. In addition, cupule seems to be a more descriptive name for the style than pit. The cupule is not exclusively Shoshoni but it is very rare in Idaho outside the Shoshoni area. In fact I have never seen it in southwestern Idaho other than in the Shoshoni area. Cupule boulders are found at the junction of the Bruneau and Snake rivers, at Little Blue Table in southern Owyhee county, at a site on Boulder Creek in Elko county just south of the Idaho border, and at the Grimes Point site near Fallon, Nevada, all of which lie in the region identified. Most of the cupules are old. The patination on most is as dark as on the surrounding boulder but recent unpatinated ones are found at Little Blue Table sites. Heizer and Baumhoff (1984 p.234) indicate that some may be as much as 5000 years old. In our modern vernacular a cupule boulder would be called a church. It is a sacred place where people congregate to make offerings to the spirits and to pray. A comparison has been made between the Paiute sites of western Idaho along the Snake River and the Shoshoni sites on Little Blue Table. The comparison was done by subtracting the elements in the Paiute sites from the elements in the Shoshoni sites element by element. The results of this operation are shown in Table 4. All differences having an absolute value of less than 5 have been omitted to save space. The 4 J.,AZ.A elements that characterize Paiute sites when compared with Shoshoni Figure 8. Cupule boulder from the junction of the sites are at the top of the page while those that characterize Shoshoni Bruneau River and the Snake River. sites when compared with Paiute sites are at the bottom of the page. In addition, the ratio of panels containing rectilinear elements to those containing curvilinear elements and the ratio of panels containing abstract elements to those containing representational elements have been computed for each region. It can be seen that large differences exist between the two groups based on these ratios. Elements found at sites within the Shoshoni region, which tend to differentiate them from Paiute sites, are the straight line, dots in lines, curved lines, meanders, serpentines, etc. Again, these elements are not exclusively Shoshoni but are found more frequently at Shoshoni sites than at Paiute sites. In addition to the evidence used to draw the boundary of the Shoshoni homeland, nine bits of mostly anecdotal evidence were discovered after the boundary was drawn. None of these bits of evidence are convincing proof of the accuracy of the boundary but when we find nine items, every one of which fits the boundary perfectly, they begin to weigh down on the side of
31 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995 truth. If we put aside the theory of Lamb, no other evidence conflicts with the regions I have drawn. It is likely that nothing short of doing the kind of research in Nevada that I have done in Idaho will quiet the disbelievers. But father time is weighing heavily on my shoulders and it is unlikely that I will do that work.
ANECDOTAL EVIDENCE
Sutton (1990) has collected legends and tales from various Great Basin peoples. In the Shoshoni tales, every place mentioned (Lida, Beowawee, and Owyhee, all in Nevada) except Saline Valley, California, are in the region designated herein as being Shoshoni. Saline Valley is near Death Valley and just outside the Shoshoni area. It is near the Coso style petroglyph area and may contain similar petroglyphs. The Coso petroglyphs are definitely not Shoshoni.
Bettenger and Baumhoff (1982) in a criticism of Goss state: "What he does not explain in particular is why the same Shoshoni language spoken at Tonopah, Nevada was also spoken on the Snake River, Idaho, while it differed substantially from the Mono Lake Paiute language only a few miles west of Tonopah." Perhaps if Goss, Bettenger, and Baumhoff were to examine the area I have identified as Shoshoni and accept it, their problem would be solved. Both Tonopah and part of the Snake River lie in the Shoshone territory I have identified and no obstacle prevented the Nevada Shoshoni from moving to the Snake River. The boundary of the Shoshoni territory lies between Tonopah and Mono Lake and a different group of Indians (probably Northern Paiute) occupied the Mono Lake region so it is reasonable that they should speak a different language.
In their extensive discussion of southern Idaho Indians, Murphy and Murphy (1960 p.321) state: "The Shoshone of the middle Snake River resemble the Nevada Shoshone in social, political, and economic characteristics more than does any other part of the Idaho population, and Steward lists them with the Western Shoshone for this reason. They had few horses and took no part in the buffalo hunting activities of their neighbors of the Fort Hall plains, and warfare was virtually nonexistant." The middle Snake River according to Murphy & Murphy extends from the mouth of the Bruneau River east to American Falls. This observation is quite well explained by looking at Figure 7 showing the pre-migration Shoshoni homeland. As the pluvial period in central Nevada ended and their territory was desiccated, the Shoshoni apparently migrated northward, passed through the Owyhee County funnel and emerged at the Snake River from which point they expanded to fill most of the Snake River basin.
Trimble (1989 p. 80) presented a map showing the floristic regions in the Great Basin that is shown in Figure 8 in part. When the pre-migration Shoshoni area is superimposed
32 Petroglyphs favor the Theory of Numic Expansion Curtis
GENTRAL GREAT • BASIN
Figure 6. Floristic regions in the Great Basin. After Trimble. upon this map (see Figure 9) an interesting coincidence is noticed. The south and west boundaries of the pre-migration Shoshoni area and the south and west boundaries of the Tonopah floristic section nearly coincide. It seems reasonable that a floristic boundary and a cultural boundary should coincide.
Other interesting observations can be made when the pre-migration Shoshoni area is superimposed upon a map showing the pluvial lakes in Nevada. (See Figure 10) As Nevada desiccated the Shoshoni were held in the driest area of Nevada.
33 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Figure 9. Floristic regions in the Great Basin with the Shoshoni homeland superimposed.
Figure 11 shows that part of the Great Basin in Nevada which is above five thousand feet. The high ground is shown in white, the lower elevations in black. Figure 12 shows the pre-migration Shoshoni homeland superimposed upon the previous map. It is clear that the Shoshoni occupied most of the high ground in western Nevada. One can look at Figure 11 and almost see the outline of the pre-migration Shoshoni homeland.
Figure 10. (Right) Map showing the pluvial lakes in Nevada with the Shoshoni homeland superimposed.
34 Petroglyphs favor the Theory of Numic Expansion Curtis If one is willing to speculate a bit, a plausible answer can be given to another puzzling question. The Bannock of eastern Idaho, who speak a language indistinguishable from that spoken by the Oregon Paiute (Murphy and Murphy 1960 p. 315), are isolated in a sea of Shoshoni-speaking Indians. They were at least 200 miles from the nearest group who spoke their language. The question is, "How did they become isolated?" We know that the Paiute have occupied the well-watered lacustrine environment of western Nevada, Northeastern California, and southeastern Oregon. We know that the Paiute moved to occupy southwestern Idaho. If we can now speculate that the Paiute movement into
Figure 11 (left) shows a map of the western Great Basin where the land which is higher than 5000 feet is shown is white. Figure 12 (right) shows the same map with the Shoshoni homeland superimposed on it. southwestern Idaho preceded the Shoshoni movement into south-central Idaho it is possible that the Paiute movement extended up the Snake River valley to eastern Idaho where the Bannocks are now found. Let us now suppose that further desiccation of Nevada or other factors drove large numbers of Shoshoni from their central Nevada homeland up through the Owyhee county funnel and onto the middle Snake River. They ived in such numbers that they cut off the eastern Idaho Paiute from the western Idaho Paiute. The eastern Idaho Paiute, now Bannock, would be isolated and the present situation would obtain.
The eastern boundary of the Shoshoni region was determined mostly by sites that were specifically not Shoshoni. One of these is the Hickison Summit site east of Austin on highway
35 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
50. This site is discussed at some length by Heizer and Baumhoff. (1975 pp. 38-40). The site is characterized by the fact that almost the only representational figures at the site are depictions of female genitalia. (Heizer and Baumhoff call them deer tracks. p.386) These elements are illustrated in Figures 13, 14, and 15. Zancanella and Amme (1988) report on a similar site farther east of this site at the north end of the White River drainage, In their words: "The most common element by far, however, is the recurrent representation of anthropomorphic stick _figures. In fact, they compose 99% of all representational forms, and approximately 70% of the total number of elements. One of the unique features of these stick _figures is that almost all appear to be possessed of male or female genitalia, with the latter represented most often. Some of the figures incorporate natural holes or vugs to represent this particular part of the anatomy." Illustrations from their paper are shown in Figure 16. There are two sites on the middle White River drainage north of Hiko that contain elements similar to those found at Honeymoon Hill. Female genitalia are not dominant at these sites as they are at the sites farther north. They have a strong resemblance to those sites farther south such as the ones at the Valle of Fire. However, there are numerous outstanding figures of female genitalia at these sites such as the one illustrated in Figure 17. These sites, while they cannot be considered the same as those further fi north, probably constitute border sites, being influenced by those both north and south. At the 24th Great Basin Anthropological Conference Ms. Alanah Woody (1994) presented a paper entitled Five Rock Art Sites in Elko County. These sites were mostly in eastern Elko County and two of them featured elements
Figure 13. Hickison summit panel Figure 14. Another Hickison Summit showing elements representing female panel showing elements representomg female genitalia. genitalia. After Heizer and Baumhoff
36 Petroglyphs favor the Theory of Numic Expansion Curtis representing female genitalia almost to the exclusion of all other representational elements. The information from these two sites permits the drawing of borders of another cultural region. Again, this was done by enclosing similar sites and excluding those which were not similar. fourteen sites are found within this boundary. This region is shown in Figure 18. It is the one in the northeast corner of Nevada. Following the lead of Zancanella and Amme (1988), I call this region the Honeymooners region. In this region, no sites have been seen which resemble the Shoshoni sites in any respect. All the sites except those on the middle White River are similar and have but a single theme. They clearly belong to a single culture.
WHICH THEORY?
Figure 15. Old woman picking up pine cones at Hickison Summit site.
If the theory of Lamb is correct what might we expect to find in the petroglyphic record in southern Idaho? Since southern Idaho is a considerable distance from the Numic homeland proposed by Lamb, it might be expected that the original residents of southern Idaho and the Numic people in the putative Lamb Numic homeland would have a different, and probably distinctive, petroglyph style. Thus, when the Indians of southern Idaho were overrun by the expanding Numic people, it would be expected that two different petroglyph styles would be found on nearly all rocks containing petroglyphs in southwestern Idaho. If Lamb were Figure 16. Typical figures from the correct, we would find in the two cultural regions in central and northeast Nevada, Honeymoon Hill site. After Zancanella and Amme. evidence of a dual occupancy in each of
37 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995 them. Any grand migration from the Death Valley region that covered all of Nevada and southern Idaho would surely leave evidence of the former occupants in addition to that of the occupying Numics. Heizer and Baumhoff, who have blindly adopted Lamb's theory, placed themselves in an almost untenable position by noting that in a given area there was but a single style of petroglyph. How can there be a single petroglyph style when, according to Lamb's theory, it is clear that the Numics overran the prehistoric occupants of Nevada? They solved their dilemma by assuming that the prehistoric inhabitants of Nevada quit making petroglyphs around A.D. 1500 and that the occupying Numic people did not make petroglyphs at all! How did they know where the Idaho and Oregon borders were so they could resume making petroglyphs as soon as they crossed them? If the theory of Aikens and Witherspoon were correct and if my modification of the size of the Numic homeland proposed by them is correct, one would find a single style of petroglyph in Idaho south of the Snake River because the Figure 17. A petroglyph from the middle Numic people had lived there for a long White River site. time. Evidence of a dual occupancy north of the Snake River would be found where the original inhabitants had been displaced by the expanding Numic people. In Nevada, the story is a bit confused. Aikens and Witherspoon did not precisely define the location of their proposed Numic homeland so the result of their being correct cannot be stated with precision. Regardless, their Numic homeland in Nevada and southern Idaho would have a single style of petroglyph if they were correct and Idaho north of the Snake River would have two styles.
CONCLUSIONS
No evidence has been found to indicate that, in the eastern part of the South Uplands in Idaho, one culture has replaced another. Insufficient data has been gathered in the remainder of the South Uplands on which to base any conclusions regarding the replacement of one culture by 38 Petroglyphs favor the Theory of Numic Expansion Curtis another, but nothing has been seen there which would indicate that such a replacement has
DEA! ALL A a 011-"A8 ON N
Figure 18. Nevada, showing the Shoshoni homeland on the left and the Honeymooners homeland on the right. occurred. It is highly unlikely that the Numic people could occupy the South Uplands, replacing an original tenant, without leaving evidence in the Little Blue Table area. The rugged Owyhee river canyon protects the western South Uplands from invasion from the South and West. This canyon is not impassable but it certainly is a formidable obstacle to anyone trying to cross it. A colt idor having a width of perhaps 30 miles exists between the Owyhee river canyon and the even more rugged Bruneau river canyon. Little Blue Table is a prominent feature within this corridor. The Little Blue Table data indicates that a tight group of homogeneous sites exits
39 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995 there. On the other hand, North of the Snake River in the North Uplands, there is strong evidence of a dual occupation. Thus, if we can postulate that the Numic homeland extended slightly farther north than that proposed by Aikens and Witherspoon, the theory of Aikens and Witherspoon fits the data very well. In Nevada we have two large areas, the Shoshoni and the Honeymooners, where only a single style of petroglyph is found. If we can dispense with the curious logic of Heizer and Baumhoff and agree that the Numic people did make petroglyphs in Idaho, Oregon, and Nevada, there is but one conclusion. The theories of Lamb and those who follow him are wrong. It appears that there may have been a Numic expansion but it took place from a vastly larger homeland than that envisioned by Lamb. Although the description of the Numic homeland by Aikens and Witherspoon was rather tentative, I conclude that the expansion took place from a vastly larger homeland than even they envisioned. However, if it is necessary to choose between the theory of Sidney Lamb and that of Aikens and Witherspoon based upon the petroglyphic evidence in southern Idaho and northeastern Nevada, Aikens and Witherspoon win hands down.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
I thank Dr. Thomas J. Green, former Idaho State Archaeologist and his crew at the Idaho State Historical Society, for their wisdom, guidance, assistance, and encouragement without which this paper would not have been written.
40 Petroglyphs favor the Theory of Numic Expansion Curtis
REFERENCES CITED
Aikens, C. Melvin and Younger T. Witherspoon 1986. Great Basin Numic Prehistory: Linguistics, Archaeology and Environment. In: Anthropology of the Desert West: Essays in Honor of Jesse D. Jennings, Carol J. Condie and Don D. Fowler eds. pp. 9-20. University of Utah Anthropological Papers No. 110.
Baxter, Paul W. and Richard M. Pettigrew 1985 Archaeological Investigations on the East Shore of Lake Abert, Lake County, Oregon, Volume 1. University of Oregon Anthropological Papers No. 32.
Bettenger, Robert L. and Martin A. Baumhoff 1982 The Numic Spread: Great Basin Cultures in Competition American Antiquity Vol. 47 No. 3. p.490
Curtis, John S. 1994 A Method for Recording Idaho Petroglyphs Paper presented at the 1994 Sumposium of the Utah Rock Art Research Association. In publication. Manuscript in possession of the author. 1990 A Determination of Cultural Boundaries by An Analysis of Petroglyph Style. Paper presented at the Twenty-second Great Basin Anthropological Conference.
Erwin, Richard P. 1930 Indian Rock Writing in Idaho Eleventh Biennial Report of the Idaho Historical Society. Boise, Idaho
Heizer, Robert F. and Martin A. Baumhoff 1984 Prehistoric Rock Art of Nevada and Eastern California University of California Press, Cal Paperback Edition Berkeley, Los Angeles, London.
Lamb, Sidney M. 1958 Linguistic Prehistory in the Great Basin. International Journal of American Linguistics. Vol. 24, 95-100
Mallery, Garrick 1888-'89 Picture Writing of the American Indians. Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 1888-'89
41 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Murphy. Robert F. and Yolanda Murphy 1960 Shoshone-Bannock Subsistence and Society Anthropological Records Vol. 16, No.7. University of California Press. Berkeley and Los Angeles.
Steward, Julian H. 1929 Petroglyphs of California and Adjoining States University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol.. 24.
Sutton, Mark Q. 1990 The Numic Expansion in Great Basin Oral Tradition Paper presented at the 1990 Great Basin Anthropological Conference, Reno
Trimble, Stephen 1989 The Sagebrush Ocean The University of Nevada Press, Reno and Las Vegas.
Woody, Alanah 1994 Five Rock Art Sites in Elko County Paper presented at the 24th Great Basin Anthropological Conference.
Zancanella, John and Brian Amme 1988 Honeymoon Hill: Evidence for Prehistoric Continuity in Eastern Nevada. Paper presented at the 21st Great Basin Anthropological Conference in Park City, Utah.
42 Pe roglyphs favor the Theory of Numic Expansion Curtis
Cluster 1
DISTANCE METRIC IS EUCLID DISTANCE MIMIM V lANCE KETFIOD TREE DIAGRAM DISTANCES 0.600 O.2 C5 E-LeT
C60R-LBT
A -LBT T
LrE-LBT
PCE-SU
LE-LBT
CS3R-LBT
E52E-NU
C3 SE- EL
NU
C22E-HU
-MU
E51AE-NU
B5 IC R-K0
C32R-ND
DCE-SU
NAPE-SR wit-sR
C10E-SR
E66R- SR
C7 1E
C4OR
C:31111-17
C44E-NU
LEE-M1
C311 -NU
C 47 R-NU
C33" -"U
-SU?
43 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Cluster 2
DISTANCE METRIC IS EUCLIDEAN DISTANCE WARD MINIMUM VARIANCE METHOD TREE DIAGRAM DISTANCES 0..000 0.100 C33E-NU C47E-NU C31E-NU LHE-NU C44E-NU C39E-NU C40E-NU C71E-NU C32E-NU E51C-NU ES1A -NU IWE -NU C22E-NU FRE-NU C3SE-NU E5 2E-NU (---‘ Non- 1111C _yph Pec Ranc P _fal. State ents
Kjersti A. Cochran
Petroglyph markings of Native American Indian cultures are currently being studied intensively as to their symbolic meanings. It is now generally considered that these petroglyphs are purposeful symbolic cultural statements. Also, the particular "symbolic" or "pictorial" glyphs are being seen as only part of the total "message"/information content. A more holistic approach is evolving wherein the interaction of the glyphs with their immediate and surrounding rock surfaces as well as immediate and distant environs is being taken into account. Temporal interactions are now a consideration with measurements of daily, equinoxal, solstice, and lunar cycles and their interactions with the glyphs via shadows and points of light. Even cracks in the wall and apparently random "scratches" are being given serious study. Introduction
The purpose of this paper is not to talk about the "symbolic" petroglyph pecks or scratches found on this Truckee River site, Appendix A by Alvin McLane describes the various panels which were photographed separately by the author of this article with the help of Dr. Erik Ritter and Patricia Ritter. The glyphs and scratches were recorded with color 24 mm slides. These slides were projected on clear translucent mylar sheets and copied by hand with black ink onto the mylar sheeting, from which paper copies were made for this article. In the process of copying the information from the slides to the mylar, the author noted that many of the peck marks found on the basalt panels appeared to be numerous and random. These marks are never mentioned in reports even though they tend to be abundant and are obviously man-made. Recording the Pecks
The question that is being raised here is as follows: What if these supposedly random peck marks contain important cultural information that we are not currently aware of at this point in the history of petroglyphic research? Some preliminary speculations re these random (?), and sometimes isolated peck marks, are presented as follows:
These pecks are excellent indicators that the other more "symbolic" looking peck configurations or scratches are indeed man-made. Looking for these neighboring random pecks is a useful tool if the "symbolic" pecks, scratches are very indeterminant in origin.
2. These "extra"/random pecks might be indicators of individual signature. An anonymous individual on a vision quest might have "said" with a mark that he
45 Utah Rock Art Volume XIV 1995
was there but did not wish to initiate a symbolic power glyph or even add on to existing symbolic power glyphs. Three pecks, three individuals.
3. They could be prayer markings or ceremony markings recording the fact that a prayer or elaborate ceremony had been held on the site.
4. It could be the signature of the artisans who worked on the "symbolic"/"power" glyphs.
5. These might be temporal indicators such as days of fasting or meditation or rites in one visit or position of the stars at that particular time of year.
Can we really afford to overlook such obviously man-made data in our recording efforts on site or in transferring data observed or photographed by hand on to mylar/paper, etc. for written reports of the over-all panel? It is a large amount of data that we are ignoring. The ethnographic data on what the "symbolic" glyphs represent may be available and even accurate/useful. But the process of the logistics of the creation of these petroglyphic statements is more ambiguous. Individual etiquette and group processes while actually at the rocks is not really that well known for prehistoric times. Summary
In archaeology, all "cultural" material is noted even down to fire cracked rocks, burnt pine nut seeds, fresh water shell fragments, rock debutage, minute flake fragments, etc., all contain important information of a cultural nature. Can petroglyph researchers afford to do less than this? The "random", possibly "non-symbolic" petroglyph peck marks may not be random and may have important cultural information to which we, as yet, do not have access. Perhaps it is time to re-evaluate our recording strategies in relationship to what we have determined to be meaningless marks. Meaning is generally determined by thorough analysis and comprehensive recordation. If part of the data is left unrecorded and unmentioned, than how can thorough analysis take place? Research is comparative. All man-make marks should be included as data somewhere on a site recording report. Determination of significance ( or lack there of) is not possible if the data base is incomplete.
Examples Follow:
46
Non-Symbolic Petroglyph Pecks Cochran
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47 Utah Rock Art Volume XIV 1995
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48 Non-Symbolic Petroglyph Pecks Cochran
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49 Utah Rock Art Volume XIV 1995
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50 Non-Symbolic Petroglyph Pecks Cochran
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51 Appendix A - Alvin McLane
Elev. 1220 m (4364 ft.)
The Archer Site is on a several meter-long basalt cliff facing SE toward the Truckee Rivr, 427 m (1400ft.) away. The western portion of this cliff has been removed during construction of the old Central Pacific RR - the bed lies at the base of the cliff. The petroglyphs are on the lower half of the recessed portion of a 5 m (16ft) high and 18 m (58 ft) wide section of the cliff. It does not appear that the removed portion of the cliff took away any of the petroglyphs. The display consists of six main panels of about 60 separate elements. Beginning from the west with (1), this group consists of rakes, zigzags dropping from a horizontal line and grouped ovals. Distinct vertical scratched lines are on the zigzag pattern. (2) contains vertical and horizontal zigzags. Panel (3) is a stylized archer. Area (4) is a human stick figure and upward pointed arrow. We may assume that these are relatively modern based on the fresh- looking pecked scars and being larger than nearby stick figures. Below this modern petrography is a genuine 4- pronged rake. Panel (5) contains an asterisk, two vertical rows of human stick figures and a stick figure with a double circle. A patinated horizontal zigzag is superimposed over the stylized human forms. By degree of patination the zigzag is oldest, the asterisk is next, with the stick figures youngest. (6) is the most eastern panel and is significant for its vertical row of three mountain sheep climbing upward, a phallus archer, two other human figures (one quite stylized), two rakes, a pecked left hand and other curvilinear designs. Some scratches at the site may be modern. The letter M has been chiseled on the rock twice, and also the initials OVA. This site was shown to me by my brother Donald McLane on January 20, 1985. It was previously recorded by a University of California crew and noted by Elizabeth Budy in 1979. The site is relatively well known by local residents. Priority rights reserved by Alvin McLane
References Budy, Elizabeth 1979 Cultural Resources Survey of the Proposed Reno-Sparks Sewage Effluent Study, University of Nevada , Reno (pg.37-39) Pendleton, Lorann S.A., Alvin R. McLane, David H. Thomas 1982 Cultural Resource Overview, Carson City District, West Central Nevada, Bureau of Land Management, Reno, Nevada. McGuire, Kelly R, 1989 Incised Stones, Appendix D, Prehistory of the Sacramento River Canyon, Shasta County, California, Basgall and Hildebrantdt, Appendix Editors, University of California, Davis. (ppD-1 to D-44) McLane, Alvin 1994 Appendix A. (personal communication) Desert Research Institute, University of Nevada, Reno. Ritter, Eric W. 1994 Scratched Rock Art Complexes in the Desert West: Symbols for Socio-Religious Communication, New Light on Old Art, Recent Advances in Hunter-Gatherer Rock Art Research, Whitley and Loendorf, Editors, University of California, Los Angeles (pp.51-66) Whitley, David S. and Ronald Dorn 1993 Chronometrics and Rock Art in the Great Basin: Implications for Interpretation and Style. (under review, American Antiquity) (pp 1-34) Whitley, David S. 1994 By the Hunter, For the Gatherer: Art, Social Relations and Subsistence Change in the Prehistoric Great Basin. (in Press) World Archaeology
52 n (eta e entil Rock Art
Clay Johnson
Abstract: The idea that some rock art panels include "maps" of local terrain is normally difficult to test. First, a person from a far different time and culture than ours might have a far different way of abstracting three dimensional terrain features into a two dimensional format. Second, it is difficult to demonstrate direct associations between our inferred "map" and terrain features or other archaeological features.
Interactive rock art relates directly to the position of the sun at specific times of year (key dates). Interactions on a given key date stress panel elements important at that date. Archaeoastronomic "observatories" use the sun's position and path relative to a prominent terrain feature. The terrain feature appears against the sun to any observer as a two dimensional silhouette. The sun daily traverses an east-west arc inclined to the south. Thus, representation of a prominent terrain feature silhouette, in conjunction with representation of the sun's path property oriented to that silhouette, accompanied by interactions stressing that silhouette on the correct key date, would strongly support the hypothesis that a specific panel element is intended to be a "map" of specific terrain feature.
Introduction Does some rock art include "maps" of surrounding terrain features? If so, how can we recognize them as maps? How might someone of another culture depict three dimensional terrain in a two dimensional format? To investigate these questions, we might try to identify two dimensional rock art "maps" of essentially tow dimensional terrain, such as a river course or a horizon. The principal requirement is some way to link features of any supposed map unambiguously to terrain features. First, let us review some features of maps, and of rock art.
Maps A map symbolically portrays a terrain to those who share the symbols used. Maps are generally drawn in two dimensions, with the third dimension implied by various subterfuges (contour lines on a topographic map). Maps generally have certain features. These include: (a) instructions (legends) explaining how to use the symbols, (b) some way to identify when the map is useful (a date, for instance), (c) reference points on the terrain (a section marker or cairn), (d) some durable physical factor by which to orient the map to the terrain (magnetic North). There may also be physical evidence from an independent source linking a spot on the map to a spot on the terrain (longitude and latitude, a Global Positioning System).
Rock Art There is growing archaeological evidence that some rock art is of Interactive design, and that some rock art serves as a horizon observatory. Both panel designs utilize the position of the sun at specific times of year (Key Dates), but they are conceptual opposites: Interactive panels are designed to be looked at. An interaction identifies when (which Key Date) an element or element group is important, and the patterning of shadow templates with elements gives additional information about each symbol: a legend of sorts. Being immovable, rock art is already oriented and serves as a reference point on the terrain. Horizon observatories are a place from which to look outward toward the horizon. They also are already oriented, and establish a reference point. They indicate another reference point
53 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
somewhere on the horizon, appearing against the sun as a two dimensional silhouette. The position of the sun's arcing path relative to the terrain is an independent physical factor that may be useful to link rock art to the terrain. Therefore, to test the idea a rock art element "maps" a given terrain feature (and examine how such a map might vary from ours), the ideal situation would be an Interactive rock art panel that includes a "map" of a horizon features and is also a horizon observatory. Since we wish to examine in what ways rock art symbols match our perception of terrain shapes, we begin by inference from shape alone that a panel element represents a specific horizon observatory on the same Key Date, it has the features necessary to support or refute the inference. We can compare the element shape and situation with the two dimensional silhouette, using (a) the Interactive patterns as a legend to explain the symbols, (b) the Interactive date to tell us when to use the map, (c) panel position as a reference point, and (d) the relationship of panel and unambiguous terrain features to orient the "map" to the terrain. The distinctive arcing path and position of the sun relative to the terrain may offer additional evidence if portrayed on the panel. If the inference is valid, we can expect to find that : (1) the panel and its situation emphasize both the terrain feature and the map of the terrain feature, (2) an Interaction accurately suggests the relationship between the supposed map and the sun, (3) the sun's path and position (if portrayed on the panel) is accurate, and (4) horizon observations match the inferred relationship between sun and horizon features. Given a sufficient panel sample, we may identify conventions in rock art "maps" comparable to our conventions for map making. The five panels selected share the requisite features in varying degree.
Club Creek Main A: Panel 3 1. The panel faces a roughly trapezium shaped cap on a sandstone monolith. The largest anthropomorph on the panel faces the horizon feature and is directly associated with the "map" element. The map element is a trapezium, reversed (high point to observer right, opposite of the horizon feature). Pecking details emphasize a small notch present on top of the horizon feature.
2. Winter Solstice (WS) morning interaction involves a streak of sunlight passing down through the top of the trapezium element.
3. The streak of light is slanted normal to the sun's arc, were the sun to set behind the horizon feature on WS
4. On WS the sun sets behind the horizon feature for 5 1/2 foot tall observer standing in a crack in front of the large anthropomorph.
Cliff Creek A: Panel 2b 1. The panel faces a distant horizon with a distinctive double hill, flat topped to the left and rounded to the right. An otherwise isolated anthropomorph on the panel faces the horizon feature and points with one raised arm to the "map" element. The map element (reversed) closely
54 Some Terrain Features Johnson resembles the top and sides of the flat topped hill on the horizon. A possible explanation for these reversals lies in the fact that the map elements are Interactive. Interactive rock art elements are often adjusted or distorted in some way to fit a shadow template.
2. A WS morning interaction involves shadow retreating downward, defining the map element as it bisects the right hand concentric circle elements below the "map".
3. The relationship of the circles to the map element is as the relationship between the sun and the horizon features, were the sun to rise along the left slope of the horizon feature on WS.
4. On WS the sun rises along the slope of the horizon feature for an observer on a flat rock inferred to be an observation point, located between the panel and the horizon feature.
McKee Spring: Panel 2 1. The panel faces WNW. The largest anthropomorph on the panel "looks" West toward a sloping horizon, and is connected to a sloping, normally depicted "map" element on the West, which in turn connects to a large circular "shield" below.
2. An active event at Equinox mid day is not yet categorized.
3. Relationship between map element and shield suggests the appearance, were the sun to set along the sloping horizon feature at Equinox.
4. On Equinox the sun sets along the sloping horizon feature for an observer standing in front of the large anthropomorph on the panel.
Hogback: Panel 3 1. The panel faces West toward a small ridge with a shallow, cup-shaped notch on top near the pint. On close inspection, the edge of this notch is broken in a way suggesting it may have been "improved" by human agency. On the panel, an otherwise isolated anthropomorph faces the horizon feature and is associated with a pecked arc "map" suggesting the horizon feature. This differs from necklace depiction (thicker and squared at the ends) and crescent moon depiction (thicker in the center and pointed on the ends).
2. This panel has not been investigated for interactions.
3. There is no depiction of the sun associated with the "map".
4. On Equinox, the sun sets into the horizon feature for an observer standing approximately two meters North of the panel. This panel is on a large sandstone block resting on a shale and clay hillside rising to the North. It is possible this block may have been transported downhill some distance by natural forces since the rock art was placed.
55 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Club Creek Main C: Panel 21 1. This panel faces NW toward a long, even, slightly sloping horizon of Weber sandstone with one small peak near the middle. Beyond this horizon, a more distant horizon peaks at the same point. The anthropomorph on the panel faces the horizon feature, holding to his right a circular pecked shape. This circular shape is bisected by the "map": a natural rock feature that resembles (reversed) the horizon feature. Since both the horizon feature and the "map" are natural, this reversal was not within the control of the panel designer.
2. No interactive data has yet been acquired for this panel.
3. The relationship between the circular object and the "map" suggests the sun will set directly behind the horizon feature for an observer in front of the panel. The direction from the panel to the horizon feature suggests this event occurs at Summer Solstice (SS).
4. SS sunset has not yet been documented from this position. I predict the sun will set behind the horizon feature at SS.
Conclusions This investigation supports the inference that the elements discussed above were intentionally designed as "maps" of the horizon features indicated. For the panels discussed here, the primary purpose of the map seems to be a demonstration of the sunrise or sunset position. Key Dates used are : WS (2), Equinox (2), Summer Solstice (probably 1.) These panels depict horizon shapes in a readily recognizable fashion. Figure 1 shows tracings (from projected slides) of horizon silhouettes as seen from the panel, paired with tracings (from projected slides) of "map" elements. Horizon silhouette and map elements are shown the same size for easier comparison. The horizon silhouette is reversed for Club Creek Main A Panel 3, Cliff Creek A Panel 2b, and for Club Creek Main C Panel 21 as noted, for better comparison to the map element. Horizon silhouettes are above the map elements. Similarities of treatment between these panels (at four separate sites) suggests certain conventions were employed. An anthropomorph is associated with the "map" element. The anthropomorph (and normally the panel) "look" at the area mapped. Horizons are represented normally unless there is a reason to reverse the element. Only the critical area or details of the horizon are mapped. The path or position of the sun (where shown) is correctly oriented in relation to the map element. Horizon shapes are slightly abstracted in depiction, rather than exact. Elements depicting the horizon, anthropomorphs, and the sun are not to any scale. This study suggests that prehistoric rock artists in NE Utah saw horizon shapes much as we do today. They depicted these shapes about the way you or I might when including a distinctive terrain feature on a simple map for a friend. Given their purpose and including their Interactive nature, these maps are as sophisticated as maps made by many world cultures at 1000 BP. Further study of horizon silhouette maps will enable us to better understand symbolic portrayal of two dimensional terrain. We may then be able to identify more complex maps, or conventions for portrayal of three dimensional landscapes.
56
Some Terrain Features Johnson
( gqv ( eve•Sexl)
Cub Creek Main A: Panel 3 Cliff Creek A: Panel 2b
McKee Spring: Panel 2 Hogback: Panel 3
( e.,‘-t)
Cub Creek Main C: 21
Figure 1. Horizon Silhouette (top) versus Element Shape
57 58 a Johnson
Over the years, researchers with a serious interest in the potential of so-called "rock art" (e.g., petroglyphs and pictographs) to contained actual prehistoric communications (as opposed to simple "doodling" on the other end of the spectrum) have long recognized that many very similar images or symbols are found over a wide geographic area. A suggestion is often made that a particular symbol which has been used over a wide area may hold the same meaning or intention in all areas of it's use. The same is true for symbols which endure through time with only slight change. It is dangerous, however, to assume that the original meaning or intent of such a symbol has remained unchanged. Only quality unbiased research can somewhat relieve the problem of symbol intention or meaning in time and space. In much of the New World over the years, researchers have come to recognize a particular symbol which has been variously called the "outlined," "boxed," or "enclosed" cross which most commonly has this appearance: However, it can have a number of varieties of expressions (see Figure 1). This symbol is very common in southern and western Arizona, and in southern California, and is found in parts of much of the western hemisphere (Figure 2.). The author has noted that few other symbols appear to have such a wide distribution in both area and time. As such, it was believed that possibly this symbol could be traced to the general area and time of it's original meaning. A number of years ago the author spent a special day with the world-famous Hopi elder and teacher, Mr. Thomas Banyacya, at Sears Point petroglyph site on the Gila River in southern Arizona. That day was exceptional for the author because he learned clearly for the first time that petroglyphs are indeed a medium of communication by ancient people. Mr Banyacya located many petroglyphs symbols of which he was fully aware of their origin and meaning. Many symbols were identified as ancient Hopi clan symbols. According to Mr. Banyacya, one of the four ancient migration routes of the Anasazi/Hopi people came from the Four Corners area and down the Colorado River, then east up the Gila River, and finally back to the north via the Verde River Valley to their first "modern Hopi" villages today known as Oraibi. Mr. Banyacya became very excited when we located the ancient clan symbol for his own family clan, which is "corn born of water. The glyph does illustrate well a somewhat stylized ear of corn emerging out of water. However, the author's most vivid learning experience was at a very large panel of petroglyphs at the Sears Point site which Mr. Banyacya called a picture story about the original creation. In addition to many symbols which Mr. Banyacya discussed in much detail, each relating as part of the Hopi creation account, he pointed to an outlined cross symbol in the far upper right corner of the panel and identified it as the Morning Star Venus (Figure 3). Then he explained, as we viewed the panel
59 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
toward the eastern sky, how the Venus Star was in the appropriate place on the panel to represent the actual sky position of the real star, Venus. Finally, he noted that Venus symbolically represented the rising of the Hopi Creator into eastern sky (Banyacya, Personal Communication, 1982). The Hopi people today expect the return of the sky god back to the earth from the eastern sky in the not too distant future. They call him Pahana, the returning white brother (Kaiser 1991:60-76, and Boissiere 1990:67-92). (See also Figure 4 for a similar panel from Atlatl Rock, Nevada.) Over many years of research by the author concerning the personage of the Native American creator (who is known variously as Kukulcan to the Maya, Quetzalcoatl to the Aztec, Viracocha to the Inca, and Kumastamho to the Quechan, to name only a few), it is now clear that to the natives of America, the rising of the Morning Star of Venus is symbolic of the rising of the creator from death to rebirth. The very same relationship exists between the Morning Venus and each of the multi- named Native American creator persons. Mesoamerica researchers have been successful in identifying several Venus Star symbols which were used by the Maya, Toltec, and Aztec cultures to identify the Creator (Sejourne 1976:65-74, 89-96; Spindel 1975:93; Aventi 1979:274-285). One of the symbols used by these cultures to identify the rebirth of the creator Quetzalcoatl is an outlined cross. We learn from Agustin Villagra, a specialist in pre-Columbia art in Mexico, that the Aztec creation god after being on earth, became an astral or sky god who" "Occurs in the Mexican iconographic system in both anthropomorphic and serpent form, and he is also symbolized by the Morning Star, often in the form of an outlined cross" (Villagra 1954:80). (See Figure 2; C- F) Upon learning that the Aztec version of the outlined cross is similar to those in the southwest, the author wondered if that symbol had indeed retained it's basic image and meaning through time from southern Mexico to the southwestern United States. This question was posed at the symposium of the National Pictographic Society in Vernal, Utah, in 1990. At that symposium were Mary and Alex Patterson, avid researchers on the distribution and meaning of Native American symbols. Mary and Alex took on the task to learn if the Venus Star symbol had connections between Mesoamerica and the southwest. Their research concluded that indeed there is good reason to believe that a connection can be made in both time and geographic area (Patterson 1991). A powerful confirmation of this proposed connection comes from the Native Americans of Arizona, who have no question about the meaning of the outlined cross in the southwest. To them it is the symbol of the rebirth of the creator. The above discussion represents only the first half of the question of the outlined cross - Venus Star - Quetzalcoatl - rebirth connection. The second half of the discussion emerges at the author noted that within the lower Colorado River region a number of double Venus Stars are present at petroglyph sites, and occasionally together with the regular Venus Stars at some sites (Figure 5 and 6). The questions are posed: What does the double star mean" Does it have a connection with the regular Venus Star, etc.? The author and the Patterson sought input from other researchers and Native Americans. And indeed, information was forthcoming. Many researchers sent the author photographs and locations, but none of them knew much about the meaning of the double Venus Star. The author did learn that the double Venus Star (sometimes called the twin Venus Star) is found or known in several areas of northern Mexico and the American southwest. The twin Venus Star motif has survived among both the Hopi and Navaho people - the Navaho often
60 Venus Star Symbol Johnson using the twin stars as a central design on many of their rugs. However, it was again the research of Alex and Mary Patterson who later were able to demonstrate the connection between the single and double star symbols of the southwest with those found in Mexico. At a site known as El Tecomate in Sinaloa, Mexico, as originally reported by Ortiz de Zarate in 1976, the Pattersons found good evidence that both figures are related to the creator Quetzalcoatl. Ortiz states that : The most interesting type (of cross) is found in El Tecomate and at the foot of the Mjada de Arriba (in the State of Sinaloa, Mexico), for without doubt they seem to be the same type of crosses that are in Tula, Hidalgo and other places (in Mexico) represent Quetzalcoatl, under the aspect of the "Morning Star" or "Venus. " To add further weight to what has been shown about the aforementioned god, in one of the petroglyphs from El Tecomate (upper left, top row, Figure 7), the god would seem for certain to be speaking, because of the commas which are exiting from the image (an indication of speech in the Codices of ancient Mexico). (Patterson 1992:76 after Oritz de Zarate 1976:61-62, 117.) The El Tecomate, Mexico, site is part of our answer. At this site we see examples of both the single and double Venus Stars which are almost identical to those we see along the Colorado and Gila Rivers (see Figure 7). The major addition from the El Tecomate site is the use of a speech scroll which extends from the outlined cross in the upper left side of Figure 2. This speech scroll helps us identify the Venus Star as a person who speaks. The Venus Star figure found at the great Aztec Temple city complex of Teotihuacan is known to represent Quetzalcoatl, and has four speech scrolls preceding from it (see Figure 8, from Sejourne 1976:90). The El Tecomate and Teotihuacan illustrations leave little doubt that the Venus images of the Colorado River region are connected with those of Mexico. The regular and double Venus Star symbols are found all the way down into South America (Figure 9). Perhaps the most enlightening information about the double or twin Venus Star was learned while visiting with some members of the local Quechan tribe about the nature of the double cross. The answer emerged - the double star was indeed a Venus Star. In fact, a double Venus Star (Figures 5 and 6). The lower part represents the evening aspect to Venus as it sinks below the western horizon. The western aspect of Venus represents the dearth of the creator Kumastamho as he goes "into the underground." The upper part represents the return of Venus after being "underground" for 8 days. The beauty of the rising Morning or Dawn star represents the rising of the creator from his death in the underworld to the newness of life - a rebirth or resurrection of the creator. What the Quechan shared wit the author is exactly what the Mayan have said about Venus and Kukulcan/Quetzalcoatl for a very long time (Aveni 1979:274-285; Hadingham 1984:226-270) (see Figures 10 and 11 for various examples.) It is not an accident that the same themes about the creator exist in ancient Mexico and in the ancient southwest. Kukulcan of the Maya, Quetzalcoatl of the Aztec, Pahana of the Hopi, and Kumastamho of the Quechan and Mohave people are all the same individual.
61
Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
s,1
Figure 1 (A) Various styles of outlined crosses known in the Americas.
Figure 1 (B) A high Priest painted in a mural in at Bonampak, southern Mexico, dating around A.D. 800-850, is wearing an outlined cross on his waist (second from left to right) (Leonard 1967:111)
62 Venus Star Symbol Johnson
C
CZ1 l Qc
D F
3
H
Figure 1 Continued. Square-ended outlined corsses; (C) Ceiba Island, Nicaragua; (D) Valley of Mexico; (E) Mitla, Oaxaca, Mexico; (F) Spiro Mound, Oklahoma. Various other styles; (G) Archaeoastronomical "sundagger" and cross at Petrified Forest, Arizona; (H) Mound culture style, southeastern United States; (I) Modem survival of outlined cross among
63 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995 the Huichol cutlure of the Sierra Modres, central Mexico (Mallory 1889:730, Hamilton 1981:261, Funderburke & Foreman 1957, Berrin 1978:66).
B A
D C
F E
Figure 2, Various symbols from ancient Mexico which represent Venus, the Morning Star of the Eastern Sky. Venus in Mayan, Toltec, and Aztec cultures symbolized the rebirth of Quetzalcoatl, The Feathered Serpent God of Creation. Sources of various glyphs: (A) Dresden Codex (Spinden 1975:93); (B) Palenque Ruin, Yucatan: (C) (Waters 1975:180): (D) (Schele andMiller 1986:318); (E) (Seler 1963:191); (F) (Miller 1977:113-114).
64 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Figure 3. The creation story panel at the Sears Point Site, Lower Gila River, Arizona. Note the Venus Star figure in the upper right corner of the panel.
66 Venus Star Symbol Johnson
Figure 4. A typical use of the outlined cross as part of a large panel context. This panel is part of the Atlatl Rock Site, Valley of Fire, Nevada (after Schaafsma 1971:122).
67 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Figure 5. Three petroglyph panels at the North Kofa Site (Kofa Game Range, Arizona) with varieties of the single and double Venus Stars. Note the similarity to the outlined cross figures from South America and the Caribbean (Figure 7).
68 Venus Star Symbol Johnson
Figure 6. A double Venus Star symbol associated with a Path of Life symbol and descending serpent enroute to the hole in the ground where it disappears into the underground, as also symbolized by the lower of the two cross symbols. Later in the legend the serpent will re-emerge, then ascend into the sky via a hole in the sky. Located at the Dripping Springs Site south of Quartzsite, Arisona.
69 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Figure 7. Examples of the single and double Venus Star symbol of Quetzalcoatl from El Tecomate, Sinaloa, Mexico. (Patterson 1992:76, after Ortiz de Zarate 1976:61-62, 117).
Figure 8. This face, symbolizing the Fifth Sun or Quetzalcoatl, alternates with the sign of Venus (right) to frame a door in one of the palaces at the huge Aztec temple complex at Teotihuacan (Sejoume 1976:90)
70 Venus Star Symbol Johnson
A
B
Figure 9. The oulined cross is commonly found through much of the South American Cordillera and the Caribbean Antilles. Note the oulined cross on the shoulder and cheek of a carved stone Puma from the Chavin culture of pre-Spanish Peru. This symbol is also a Venus symbol in that country. (A).( Subelaar 1968:107-108, after Patterson 1991:) (B) (Mason 1957:37)
71 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Figure 10. Examples of the outlined cross on Mimbres pottery from New Mexico. The square ended double Venus Star is somewhat unique. Several single Venus Stars of this style are found at the Eagletail Mountains petroglyph site in western Arizona (Patters on1991: 24) .
Figure 11. An interesting type of outlined cross found in Valcamonica, Italy. At present, the author does not know the meaning of this symbol to the prehistoric Italians
72 Venus Star Symbol Johnson
B L ,graphy
Aveni, Anthony F. 1979 "Venus and the Maya, "American Scientist, Vol. 67, pp. 274-285
Banyacya, Thomas 1982 Personal Communication.
Berrin, Kathleen (ed.) 1978 Art of the Huichol Indians, Harry N. Abrams, Inc. New York.
Boissiere, Robert 1990 The Return of Pahana: A Hopi Myth, Bear & Company, Santa Fe.
Cachora, Judy. 1991 Personal Communication with a member of the Quechan Tribe, Yuma, Arizona
Dubelaar, C.N. 1986 South American and Caribbean Petroglyphs, Foris Publishers, New Jersey
Foreman, M.D.F. and E.L. Fundaburk 1957 Sun Circles and Human Hands, Laverne, Alabama.
Hadingham, Evan 1984 Early Man and the Cosmos, University of Oklahoma Press, Oklahoma.
Hamilton, Henry W. 1951/1981 "The Spiro Mound," The Missouri Archaeologist, Vol. 14.
Kaiser, Rudolf. 1991 The Voice of the Great Spirit: Prophecies of the Hopi Indians, Shambhala Press, Boston.
Leonard, Jonathan N 1967 Ancient America, Time-Life Books, Inc., New York.
Mallery, Garrick, 1889/1972 Picture-Writing of the American Indian, V ols, I & II, Dover Publications.
Mason, J.Alden. 1957 The Ancient Civilizations of Peru, Penguin Books.
Miller, Arthur. 1977 "The Maya and the Sea: Trade and Cult at Tancah and Tulum, Quintana Roo, Mexico," The Sea in the Pre- Columbian World, Elizabeth Benson (ed.) Dumbarton Oaks Research Library, Washington, D.C.
Ortiz de Zarate, Gonsalo 1976 Petroglifos de Sinaloa, Fomento Cultural Banamex, Mexico, D.F.
Patterson, Alex and Mary, 1991 The Outlined Cross: A Preliminary Report, Unpublished Report, Greenwich, Conn.
73 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Patterson, Alex 1992 Rock Art Symbols of the Greater Southwest, Johnson Books, Boulder, Colorado.
Schaafsma, Polly 1971 The Rock Art of Utah, Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology 65, Cambridge, Mass.
Schele, Linda, and Mary Ellen Miller 1986 The Blood of Kings: Dynasty and Ritual in Mayan Art, Georg Brazillier, Inc., New York.
Seler, Eduard. 1963 Codex Borgia - Commentarios at Codex Borgia, Fondo de Cultura Economica, Mexico City.
Sejourne, Laurette. 1976 Burining Water: Thought and Religion in Ancient Mexico, Shambhala Press, Berkeley.
Snodgrass, O.T. 1975 Realistic Art and Times of the Mimbres Indians, Published by the Author, El Paso, Texas.
Spinden, Herbert J. 1975 A Study of Mayan Art: It's Subject Matter and Historical Development, Dover Publications, Inc., New York.
Villagra, Agustin. 1954 Las Pinturas de Tetitla, Atetelo e Ixtapantongo, Artes de Mexico, Mexico City.
74
So e o1a ":ateractions at Gra-7-.71r Canyon, Nevac:._ •
John Fountain
Introduction
Near the southern tip of Nevada, about ten miles northwest of Laughlin, lies Spirit Moun- tain, Avikwaame, the highest peak in the Newberry Range. Mohave legend identifies it as the first land to rise from the primordial ocean that once covered the earth. At the southeastern foot of the mountain, Grapevine Canyon is the terminus of the ancient Xam Kwatcan Trail which begins near Yuma, Arizona and roughly parallels the Colorado River. The trail was used for annual pilgrimages to the foot of the sacred mountain in remembrance of the Creator's bringing The People from the mountain to this world (Heizer and Baumhoff, 1975). Along this trail are numerous rock art sites, some with important solar interactions (White, 1994), and many large desert pavement geoglyphs (Johnson, 1985), some of which were apparently used to reenact their creation story. They include imagery seen in the rock art of Grapevine Canyon. Other cairn and stone assemblage geoglyph sites we have investigated (in preparation) near this trail show relationships to Grapevine Canyon. We believe that the rock art of Grapevine Canyon must be viewed in the context of these constructs. A large granite porphyry breached dike forms the entrance to the canyon, and these walls contain the rock art. Above the entrance lies a permanent spring which exhibits unusual variability, uncorrelated with rainfall and not fully explicable by solid earth tides (Fink, 1994). Given the importance of water in this arid region, this enigmatic quality of the site likely contributed to the reverence given the area. An eclectic assembly of glyph types suggests visitation from, or at least contact with, a broad geographical region. Abstract and geometrical forms dominate the petroglyph imagery; rectilinear imagery is abundant. Great time depth is suggested by the variation in patina. Stewart, 1929 reports excavation of the terrace surrounding the petroglyphs, revealing their extending to a depth of at least 20 feet. Reworking of the glyphs is often seen, and superimposition is not uncommon. The freshness of some glyphs suggest very recent execution or refreshment. Casual inspection suggest a difference in the frequency of glyph types on the north and south sides of the canyon. Only one small pictograph was noted near the canyon entrance. In spite of, or perhaps because of, heavy visitation, the site is remarkably free of molestation. Exfoliation is the primary cause of glyph destruction. Excavation of a nearby rock shelter yielded few artifacts; ethnographic and ceramic evidence suggest occupation from A.D. 900-1150, Maxon, 1970. Further archaeological investiga- tions of the area are in progress. (Fox, 1995).
Observations
We visited the site at or near vernal equinox, the solstices, and the winter cross-quarter day (defined here as the mean day number of autumnal equinox and winter solstice) looking for possible solar interactions. While recognizing that other seasonal reckonings could have been used, the astronomically defined dates and times of these seasonal days are given in Table 1..
75 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Table 1 Winter Solstice December 21, 1993 13 h MST
Vernal Equinox March 20, 1994 13 h MST Summer Solstice June 21, 1994 08 h MST Winter Cross-quarter Day November 06, 1994 21 h MST
North of the wash, a rock enclosure provides many apertures which allow sunlight to play across several abstract and zoomorphic glyphs pecked into a large flat rock inclined toward the east. Figs. 1 and 2 show some aspects of the winter solstice interaction. Sunlight moved across the abstract glyphs, joined another shaft of light and moved backward across a dendritic figure resembling a corn plant.
Figure 1 Early morning light on December 20, 1993 moved across abstract glyphs in a rock enclosure. Underlying, heavily repatinated glyphs suggested imagery of a different character. memini
Figure 2 Later December 20 the light is joined by light from the upper horned zoomorph (Fig.3). Later the light moved downward enveloping a glyph suggestive of a corn plant.
76 Some Solar Interactions at Grapevine, Nevada Fountain
Later a new spot of light formed on a grid and moved downward to engulf the body of a zoomorph, along the forelimbs, exiting at the foot onto the body of a richly horned animal, and enveloping the antlers before exiting the glyph, Figs. 3 and 4.
Figure 3. Recorded on December 19, a spot of light appeared in the upper left portion of a grid glyph. Expanding and moving downward, it covered and assumed the shape of the zoomorph.
11111,41 Figure 4. Moving downward through the forelegs onto the body of the large- horned zoomorph on December 19, sunlight exited by way of the forward end of the antlers.
77 Some Solar Interactions at Grapevine Canyon, Nevada Fountain
Horns being a ubiquitous symbol of renewal (Gimbutas, 1989) and the life force sometimes being represented exiting the body by way of the extremities (Seely, 1993), such imagery is suggestive of the cyclic patterns in nature, highlighted at a time when the sunrise azimuth reverses its southward motion. It is interesting to note that these glyphs are superimposed over heavily patinated glyphs of an entirely different character. Using techniques discussed later, we are attempting to better discern the glyph forms and reconstruct the nature of the sunlight interactions with them. In the same enclosure at vernal equinox, a west facing panel underwent the interaction shown in Figs. 5 and 6. The first image is suggestive of the many interactions described by Warner, 1992 as "seeing with light." We are reliably informed that on some equinoxes, the point of the triangle of sunlight passes directly through the center of the star (asterisk) glyph in Fig. 6. (Owing to Kepler's Second Law and the nonintegral number of rotations of the earth in a year, interactions will differ on successive equinoxes. See Hoskinson, 1985).
Figure 5,6. Near the entrance of the rock enclourse, a west-facing petroplyph group received a distinctive wedge of light on March 20, 1994. The circumstances are so sensitive that slightly different interactions have been observed at successive equinoxes.
78 Some Solar Interactions at Grapevine, Nevada Fountain
South of the wash lying in a crevice, is a bighorn sheep glyph. Morning vernal equinox sunlight moved across the glyph, west to east, with the acute, forward part passing through the neck of the sheep and later moving back along the rear foot and through a small circle. Figs. 7 and 8.
Figure 7. South of the wash, morning sunlight moved eastward through a chain of circles to the neck of a zoomorph on March 21.
Figure 8. March 21. Avoiding the head of the animal, light filled the body and receded eastward, also missing the complex glyph in the upper right.
79 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Nearby, at equinox the point of a triangle of light passed through the very center of an infinity sign simultaneously bisecting a star (asterisk) glyph, see Fig. 9. At summer solstice the minor interaction of the shadow of a small knob in Fig. 10 took place.
Figure 9. A triangle of light pointed to the center of an infinity-sign glyph on March 21.
In Figure 10, a small protrusion on a nearby rock casted a rounded shadow over the left lobe of the infinity sign glyph in Figure 9, on June 21. Figure 10. In Fig. 11, near the winter cross-quarter day, the solar interaction with this glyph was observed. The triangle of sunlight pointing eastward (left) moved across the sun symbol, degenerating into a line tangent to the lower limb of the circle. Having three distinctive interactions with the same glyph-group at important times of the year strongly suggests these to be intentional seasonal markers. A nearby meander with two circles on it also underwent an equinox interaction, though because of the albedo of the rock in the vicinity of the sunlight, pictures do not accurately represent the circumstances.
Figure 11. On November 11, 1994, light entered near the top of the sun symbol adjacent to the infinity sign in Figs. 9, 10. It expanded to engulf the sun circle and disappeared tangent to the lower left of the circle.
80 Some Solar Interactions at Grapevine Canyon, Nevada Fountain
On a north facing wall of the rock enclosure north of the wash, a circle with a descending meander received two distinctive interactions at summer solstice. In the morning, a triangle of sunlight moved across the circle, becoming tangent to the ends of the meander as it moved across the rock. In the afternoon, a nearly symmetrical interaction took place with the dark shadow. See Figs. 12 and 13. This natural coincidence of light and shadow at summer solstice no doubt guided the form and placement of the glyph.
Figure 12. An arrow of morning light made contact with a north- facing circle on June 21. It moved across the circle in a fashion similar to the interaction in Fig.11. The light then moved downward across the vertical meander, subtending its full extent.
Figure 13. Mid-afternoon sunlight moved across the glyph on June 22. Careful comparison with Fig. 12 reveals the afternoon shadow mimics the morning light interaction with the glyph.
81 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Figures 14 and 15 record the summer solstice sunlight corresponding to the winter solstice light pattern seen in Figs. 3 and 4. Notice that in summer the spot of light appeared lower in the grid and moved to the foot rather than to the antlers. It faded away entirely upon the foot.
Figure 14. Light on June 21 took a somewhat different path across the glyphs than that of Figs. 3, 4. Appearing lower on the grid, it moves across the shoulders of the upper zoomorph and down its legs.
Figure 15. June 21. Moving across only the lower portion of the lower animal, the light disappeared precisely at the foot.
82 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Comments on the Images and Image Processing
Most of the images were recorded on videotape with a VHS camcorder and transferred to image files with a video-capture card on a modest personal computer. Except as noted, image manipulation was restricted to contrast and brightness adjustment and insertion and enhancement of text. The near winter cross-quarter day observations were quite faint because of the increasingly oblique sun angle at the glyph, so the following image processing was done on the images in Fig 11. Following the method of Moore, 1994 the hue components of the chrominance channels were separated into discrete images. This effectively isolated the colored sunlight from the essentially monochromatic albedo variations of the glyph. In order to see the sunlight and the glyph, we averaged these images with corresponding greyscale images, resulting in improved visibility of the sunlight relative to the glyph. In an attempt to improve visibility of heavily repatinated glyphs, we found isolating the saturation component of the image and applying appropriate histogram equalization and palette selection to be useful, as seen in the greyscale rendition in Fig. 16. Because of the variety of illumination, surface color, and texture encountered in rock art imaging, any given technique will have limited applicability. We encourage experimentation with a variety of image processing methods to improve the visibility of rock art when appropriate. Such techniques offer the attractive advantage of objectivity; however, the researcher bears the responsibility of fully explaining the methods used and insuring that the powerful techniques available do not produce misleading results.
Conclusions
Grapevine Canyon was an important spiritual focus spanning many centuries. Recognizing the fundamental importance that the motion of the sun held to mankind, ancient Native Americans represented significant points along the sun's path with petroglyphs positioned to interact distinctively with sunlight at corresponding times. Interaction with particular symbols and animal body parts suggests that the play of light may have intimated glyph form and placement. This rock art may well have been produced to depict significant seasonal stories in celebration of the (all too rare) reliably predicable cycles in Figure 16. A video image of a heavily repatinated nature. petroglyph (above) is processed to substantially improve glyph visibility (below).
83 Some Solar Interactions at Grapevine Canyon, Nevada Fountain
References
Fink, James. 1994 hydroGEOPHYSICS, Tucson. Personal communication
Fox, Gregory L. 1995 Newberry Mountains Archeological Inventory 1993-1994: A Section 110 Planning Survey and Site Assessment, Lake Mead National Recreation Area, Clark County, Nevada, Western Archeological Conservation Center, NPS, Tucson.(in preparation)
Gimbutas, Marija Alseikaite. 1989 The Language of the Goddess. Harper & Row, San Francisco.
Heizer, Robert F., and Martin Baumhoff 1975 Prehistoric Rock Art of Nevada and Eastern California. University of California Press, Berkeley.
Hoskinson, Tom 1985 Watching the Equinox Sun. In Rock Art Papers vol. 2, Ken Hedges, ed., pp. 143-152, Museum of Man, San Diego.
Johnson, Boma 1985 Earth Figures of the Lower Colorado and Gila River Deserts: A Functional Analysis. The Arizona Archaeologist, No. 20, Arizona Archaeological Society.
Maxon, James C. 1970 Grapevine Canyon. Report on file at the National Park Service, Western Archeological and Conservation Center, Tucson.
Moore, Terry D. 1994 Computer Enhancement of Rock Art Images. Paper presented at Rock Art '94 meeting, San Diego.
Seely, Richard 1993 Personal communication
Steward, Julian 1929 Petroglyphs of California and Adjacent States, University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology. vol 24, pp.148-150
Warner, Jesse 1992 Sun Mystery and Places of Power; Solar Observations and Symbolism at the Head of Sinbad. In Utah Rock Art vol. XII, Frankie Harris, ed., pp.27-62, Utah Rock Art Research Association.
White, William. 1995 Casting Shadows, A Lizard's Tail and Prehistoric Time Reckoning: A Calendrical Petroglyph on the Lower Colorado River. In Statistical Research Technical Series, No. 51, ed. Joseph A. Ezzo, Chapter 6, pp. 69-80. Tucson.
84 '':"LLOW WOMEN" P ' HISTORIC
7.1t. • SK P ►I/ J 7GS C F I- -1 3
Carol Patterson Rudolph
The Kachina cult has been a cultural marker for the migrations of the Pueblo people. The word "Katsina" is thought to be of Keres origin, (Malotki, 1978:203 and 1992:50-51) and the cult itself developed by the Keres and acquired by the Hopi and Tanoan pueblos. This paper hopes to show evidence that the oldest Katsina masks/cult originated in the San Juan Basin area with the Keres during Pueblo II, TIT period around 800A.D. These Anasazi people eventually abandoned the San Juan Basin and resettled to the south along the Rio Grande, and Rio Puerco river. They are the Keres pueblos of Cochiti, Santa Domingo, Santa Ana, San Felipe, Sia, Acoma and Laguna. With their migrations from the north, they brought not only the Katsina cult, but the myths of these deities that they still revere today. The following is a comparison between the Katsina masks of the historic pueblos and those depicted in a series of prehistoric paintings found in Canyonlands of the San Juan Basin. The Katsina cult was gradually assimilated by the Hopi at a later time, sometime after the 1400's. In order to understand the context behind these paintings, one must examine the culture and myths associated with the Katsina dances and rituals. These mask paintings are obviously female and the following myths involving females makes it clear of their Keresan authorship. There are no comparable myths and female deities in the Hopi traditions. The Zuni myths and mask paintings represent Corn Maidens, with multicolored faces and corn ear stands. Those found in Canyonlands will be examined in another paper.
Keres Mythology The Keres origin myth has been recorded by several ethnographers during the past century. It is fundamental to the religious beliefs of the Keresan pueblos located along the Rio Grande River. This myth was recorded by Father Noel Dumarest in 1894, versions of it are retold at Zia Pueblo (Stevenson 1894), San Felipe and Acoma (White 1932; Stirling 1942) and Laguna (Gunn 1917; Boas and Parsons 1928). At Acoma, in the beginning Spider Woman' sang the two sisters into being, and then taught them the rituals to use to sing everything else into being. They were in the interior of the earth, and they emerge from an opening in the north and eventually migrated southward. Stirling writes: "Spirit, Tsichtinako (Spider Woman) gave them (the sisters) two baskets of seeds and little images of different animals that were to be in the world, with instructions to plant seeds of trees to climb up to the light. Tsichtinako told them to face East. "Your right side will be South. Your left side will be North. Your backs to the West. Your Father lives in Yunami, Four skies above. The girl on the right, latiku was named "bringer to life." It took a long time to find a
1 Boas (1928) the spirit creator = Ts'its'tc'i.'na.k'o, "Thought Woman"; Gunn (1917) Sitchtchenako, "Creator of All"; Stevenson (1894) Sia, Sus'sis tinnako "Creator of all" a Spider; White, Santa Ana, Tsi'ty osti- nako
85 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
name for the other, but they noticed her basket had more things so they named her Nautsiti, "more of everything in the basket". (This is the only translation of these names thus far reported.) These two women are sisters." (Stirling, 1942:3)
At Cochiti this myth is told and the sisters called Uretsete and Naotsete. There is a series of petroglyphs dating around 1400 A.D. that depicts these sisters and Spider Woman. They are located at the La Cienega site east of Cochiti Pueblo. See figure ( 1 ) In the myth, the sisters challenge each other to contests to win the right to populate the land to the south. Uretsete, mother of Indian people eventually wins, and Naotsete, mother of all alien people is killed. Uretsete decides to retire to her home below the ground. But before she leaves, she creates a corn fetish, with the help and advice of Spider Woman, to represent her in a physical form. The corn fetish is made with a head, a heart, a body, feathers, and a perfect ear of corn as described here by White and Stevenson. See Figure ( 2 ) Stevenson (1894: 40) describes the corn fetish: " The Iariko or ya'ya (mother) is an ear of corn which may be any color but must be symmetrically perfect, and not a grain must be missing. Eagle and parrot plumes are placed in pyramidal form around the corn. In order that the center feathers may be sufficiently long they are each attached to a very delicate splint. The base of this pyramid is formed of splints woven together with native cotton cord and ornamented at the top with shells and precious beads. A pad of native cotton is attached to the lower end of the corn. When the Iariko is complete there is no evidence of the corn... The Iariko is Sia's supreme idol." Leslie White (1962:307-309), in a later documentation of Sia Pueblo, writes, "Iariko (or Iatiku) is 'the Mother of all the Indians' in Keresan mythology (Utstsiti, in our Sia myth is equated with Iariko). This fetish consists of a decorated ear of corn... The ear of corn used must be perfect, with straight rows and fully kerneled to the tip. Feathers of the wren, especially, but also magpie, roadrunner, turkey, duck or mocking bird are glued to the ear with honey of the bumblebee. The pith of the cob is removed from the butt end about half way to the tip. Into this cavity the ' heart' is inserted. This may be either a small round black stone called Dyatca'aicti or a bit of quartz crystal (witcatsi)... Then a number of narrow strips of bamboo are cut in lengths of the corn ear. Each is wrapped with cotton string, and at the top end a fluffy eagle feather, taken from beneath the tail, is tied. These slats are then placed longitudinally alongside the ear of corn. They are securely held with a wooden hoop at the top and bottom of the ear. Then parrot tail feathers are inserted in the top of the fetish, inside the circle of eagle feathers. The fetish has a ' face' on one side of the tip end. At the back of the 'head' two long parrot feathers are inserted. A necklace of turquoise, obsidian, and beads is placed around Iariko's 'neck'. larikos are placed upright upon the altars during ceremonies, always facing the door." (figure 3) The petroglyph emphasizes the fetish's head, neck, body, and appendages as a partly human, partly corn-and-feather object. At Cochiti this fetish is called an Iariko, or YaYa, mother. At Acoma is called a Honani, "Corn Mother". Tyler (1964:117-118) gives a description of these deities and their names as they differ from pueblo to pueblo. The first being the Indian Mother, and the second being the Alien Mother. Cochiti, (Dumarest) - Uretsete and Naotsete Zia, (Stevenson) - Ut'set and Now'utset Santa Ana, (White) - Utctsitye and Nausity Acoma, (White) - Iatiku, and Nau'tsitic
86 The Yellow Women, Katsina Masks Patterson-Rudloph
The Yellow Women "Before Ut'set left this world she selected six Sia women, sending one to the north, one to the west, one to the south, one to the east, one to the zenith, and one to the nadir, to make their homes at these points for all time to come, that they might be near the cloud rulers of the cardinal points and intercede for the people of Ha'arts; and Ut'set enjoined her people to remember to ask these women, in times of need, to appeal to the cloud people for them." (Stevenson. The Sin BAE 11 - 1889-90 pg. 41) She sends Yellow Woman to the North, Blue Woman to the East, Red Woman to the South and White Woman to the East, Pale Yellow Woman to the Zenith and Black Woman to the nadir. She tells the people that in a time of need, they should ask for help from these women to intercede with the Cloud People and ask them to bring rain. At Zia Pueblo they sing this song: Hen' -na-ti he' -ash O' -shats Ta'-wac Mo'-kaitc ko'hi Tu-o'-pi White floating clouds like Sun Moon Cougar Bear Badger clouds. the plains
Ka'kan Ti-a'-mi Mai-tu-bu Ma'-a-se-we Uyuuyewe Sa'-mai-hai-a Wolf Eagle Shrew Elder Twin Younger Twin Warrior of the North
Shi-no-hai-a Yu'-ma-hai-a Ah ' wa-hai-a Pe' ah-hai-a Sa ' ra-hai-a warrior of warrior of the warrior of the warrior of the warrior of the west south east zenith nadir
Wai-ti-chan-ne ai-wan-na-tuon-ni Shi'wan-na-wa-tu-un hi-an-ye medicine water bowl cloud bowl ceremonial water vase I make a a road of meal Hi' -ah-ar-ra hi' -a-mo-ni Hi-shi-ko-ya-sas-pa sho'-pok-ti-a-ma the ancient road the ancient road white shell bead woman whirlwind who lives where the sun descends Sus' sis-tin-na-ko ya'-ya' ko'-chi-na-ko Mer'-ri-na-ko Kur'-kan-ni-na-ko Creative Thinking Woman Mother Yellow Woman of Blue Woman of Red Woman of the Spider Woman North West South Ka' -shi-na-ko Quis-ser-ri-na-ko Mu-nai-nako White Woman of Slightly Yellow Woman Dark Woman of East Zenith Nadir
A Rain Song of the Quertranna Chaian free translation: "White floating clouds. Clouds like the plains come and water the earth. Sun embrace the earth that she may be fruitful. Moon, lion of the north, bear or the west, badger of the south, wolf of the east, eagle of the heavens, shrew of the earth, elder war hero, younger war hero, warriors of the six mountains of the world, intercede with the cloud people for us, that they may water the earth. Medicine bowl, cloud bowl, and water vase give us your hearts, that the earth may be watered. I make the ancient road of meal, that my song may pass straight over it - the ancient road. White shell bead woman who lives where the sun goes down, mother whirlwind, Creative thinking woman, Sus' sistinnako; Ya'ya, mother; Yellow Woman of the north; Blue Woman of the west; Red Woman of the south; White Woman of the east; slightly yellow woman of the zenith, and Dark woman of the
87 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
nadir, I ask your intercession with the Cloud people." At Zia, the katsina masks that depict the Yellow Women are shown here. The face is yellow, the hair and eyes are black and the beard is black. There are feathers in the beard. (Figure 4, Stevenson, Sia, BAE 11,plateXXXI) At San Felipe, the Ko' tcininako mask is described by White "is yellow in the face with black hair and black eyes and a black line across the bottom of the face. There is no mouth, a red amole beard with turkey feathers hanging down, soft white downy eagle feathers and roadrunner feathers on top of her head. The beard represents rain coming down from under the cloud. The yellow in the face represents corn pollen, and brings rain, perhaps in accordance with the familiar Pueblo Indian principle of like producing like - corn pollen through rain, and so in turn causing rain." ( ITE: The Pueblo of San Felipe - Leslie White Memoirs, AM Anthro Assoc. No. 38) (Figure 5) At Laguna the Female Katsina dancer, Kuchinninaku (Figure 6) (Parsons, Notes on Laguna) At Acoma (figure 7, White, Notes on Acoma). Stirling has illustrated the Keres Fire Society altar showing the pantheon of deities that include Iatiku, Corn Mother, the Yellow Women, and the Twins. (Figure 8) (Stirling, 1942) A description of the colors and names of the deities follows: Fire Society altar (Stirling 120) The frame (green), ichini, is the house of everything on the altar; On the right end, Masewi (face yellow; hair black; three feathers white; body brown and black; diagonal twisted rope white); On left end, Oyoyew (face blue, otherwise coloring same as Masewi); The arc (buff) is the Milky Way; Over it the middle figure is latiku (yellow face, 3-lobed tan headdress, feathers white); On each side Kuishanako, Blue women (blue faces; forehead white with curved black stripe; headdresses, green triangle in stepped black design topped with white feather); The next two are Kuganinako, Red women (red faces; headdress, orange triangle surmounted by green ball; black petals on either side suggest fleur-de-lis; feathers, white); The two end ones (tall) are Kochininako, Yellow women (faces tan, body and headdress green, feather white). (These women are the mothers of the first-born girls, clan mothers, the first to be born after Iatiku.) The feathers (white, black-tipped) from the horizontal bar represent rain; under the Clouds (white, rims red fringed with black, feathers white) the lines and the suspended feathers (white, black-tipped) also represent rain; At each end, lightning (red); the five corn fetishes at the bottom are honani (latiku) in front, the medicine bowl (white with tan design' inside white with yellow border); On each side, left paws of bears (black) and stone points (gray, brown) used for killing; in front, stone fetishes (black, gray, brown) of Bear, Lion, Wolf, etc.
Songs for the rain to the Rain Women have been recorded at Cochiti. This song refers to the ancient myth of Sun Youth and the Yellow Women. Cochiti - SONG PRAYER: Life, take it, Sun-Youth, Grow, that I may, and all clothes, and beads is what I ask food, fruits, children that they may grow is what I ask, I, Yellow-Woman myself, sage clan, one only life is what I ask. (literal) Free translation: Sun Youth take it (cornmeal) that I and my children may flourish and have clothes, beads, food, fruits, that I, Yellow Woman, tseiatsa of the Sage clan, may have life, that is what I ask.
The mask of Sun Youth from Acoma is reproduced in Figure 9. Oshyach Paiyatiuma, Sun Youth has parrot feathers, three squash blossoms, a median line that represents the trail over which Sun
88 The Yellow Women, Katsina Masks Patterson-Rudloph goes. The blue represents the sky and the striped quarters are for the rainbow around the Sun. He wears eagle-feather earings, and there are buckskin thongs to fasten a spruce-twig collar. (Stirling: 1942:118) Sun Youth is associated with the Yellow Women in the Corn grinding songs and the Rain making ceremonies to grow the corn. The prayers for sun and clouds to bring nourishment to the earth include the Yellow Women to bring the rain for the corn so as to sustain the life of the people.
5 Faces site ald 4 Faces site in Canyon Lands, Utah The archaeological record of Canyonlands shows a multicultural occupation from the Archaic Hunter through the Pueblo III period. Within the Needles District of Canyon Lands, are some unique sites that Noxon and Marcus (1985) refer as the Faces Motif. They include it as the Canyonlands Anasazi Style associated with the late Pueblo II-III occupation (approximately A.D. 1000-1050 to 1300). (See Chart on Time Periods) There are over a dozen of these sites, but a few in particular that are of special interest in this study. The first group under discussion are two sites with similar characteristics. Five Faces site and Four Faces site. These characteristics distinguish them both culturally and symbolically from other sites in the Canyonlands area.
Description of visual elements 5 Faces in Davis Canyon (figure 10) The faces seen here in the alcove seem very placid as they look outward. They are obviously female figures, distinguished by their hair buns and ornamental necklaces and lockets at their throats. The hair buns resemble an archaic hair style of wrapping the hair around a thin piece of wood and tieing it with colored cord or string. The hair buns lie upon the shoulder. The bangs are straight across the forehead. There is no nose or mouth, only triangle or rectangle eyes. A dark line encircles the chin area. From there a cascade of dots in rows or semi circles fall from the chin area. All that is painted are the outlines of the faces, the ornaments, hair ties, chin and throat elements and body decor. The face area has been abraded or smoothed before the image was put on. The face area is not painted. There are four female figures, two on either side of a male figure in the center. He is distinguished by his diagonal quiver strap for his quiver of arrows and the absence of hair buns. He wears only ear plugs.
Four Faces Site in Salt Creek (figure 11) A second site in Canyonlands National Park is the 4 Faces site that shares these characteristics. These figures have round faces, the square hair bundles, abbreviated chin ornamentations with a necklace and "locket" at their throat. They have very short torsos of striped lines and two have patterned belts, one with lightening descending from it. All have flat topped heads with an arch but the 4th has zigzag lines. Light blue paint has been used to silhouette hand prints around several of the figures. Four Faces is similar in that the face area has been smoothened before it was outlined. There is a characteristic dark line under the chin, and dots. Rain and lightening symbols are shown. (Noxon and Marcus 1985) Sun Youth is not portrayed. The dominating features of both of these sites are the decorated beards that hang from the chin area marked by a dark line, and the use of rain, lightening and cloud symbols. These themes are specific to the Keresan Yellow Women, who are called upon to bring rain to grow the corn. They communicate
89 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
to the Shiwanna, the cloud people, and sometimes are represented in the dances as assistants to the Shiwanna. The katsina masks that were recorded by early ethnographers show a striking resemblance to these faces. In order to understand the use and the meaning of the katsina masks, a brief account of the accompanying mythology is given here.
Abstract of the Keresan "Yellow Women" Myth: Keresan mythology includes many stories of Yellow Woman and her sisters, Blue Woman, Red Woman and White Woman, collectively called "Yellow Women." One such story relates how these maidens were adverse to marrying and refuse each suitor. This angers Sun Youth who vows to punish the maidens with the help of his mother. He comes down to the earth with a butterfly inside his flute and releases it to fly into the maiden's house. They desire to capture it to copy the beautiful wing designs for their baskets. They chase it around the house, taking of articles of clothing to use to catch it. They chase after it outside, running out over the hills, throwing everything else they had on after it, until eventually they get tired and thirsty. They meet Sun Youth, discuised as an old man and ask him where they can find some water. He directs them to a spring where he has put a sleeping potient in the water. They drink and fall asleep under a tree. Sun Youth summons all the young men around to witness what he has done and explaines that he is going to punish the Yellow Women for refusing to marry. When they awake, Sun Youth takes them to his home where his mother makes them grind corn in a room full of stinging ants and wasps. Spider Woman gives them medicine to rub on their bodies to protect them. They grind all of the corn, with the help of Spider Woman. When Sun Youth returns the next evening, he is impressed and agrees to return them to their homes, with the condition that they will marry and have children. He takes them home on the rainbow. The Yellow Women become the first Clan Mothers. They are known as the female katsinas or the Mythical Women.
Conclusion The characteristics found in the paintings of 5 Faces and 4 Faces are specific to the Keres Katsinas and ceremonies that call upon the "Yellow Women", or Ko' tcininalco to bring rain to grow the corn. They communicate to the Shiwanna, the cloud people, and sometimes are represented in the dances as assistants to the Shiwanna, (Cloud people). These paintings depict "rain" symbols and are distinctly different from the "Kastina Mana" Corn maidens of the Hopi. or the Corn Maidens of the Zuni. Nor is there a mythology that describes these women in any other tribal tradition. The ancient myth of the Yellow Women and Sun Youth illustrates the balance with the nourishment of the sun and the rain brought by the Yellow Women. Without both of their participation and cooperation, the crops would fail and the people would suffer. The myth reestablishes this balance and the people pray to both the sun and the Yellow Women to continue to bring prosperity to the people. The masks portrayed in the canyons of Utah represent a response perhaps to the drought that caused eventual abandonment in the 1200's. The simple masks with symbolic rain clouds, rain beards, and triangle slit eyes were still used in historic times. The eyes, nose and mouth features of the Mexican masks and of the Jornada style are very different. This author believes the influence on the Katsina cult from the south to the Rio Grande Pueblos came around 1400-1600s. But the Katsina Cult originated with the Keres in the San Juan Basin much earlier.
90
The Yellow Women, Katsina Masks Patterson-Rudloph
Figure 1, The Origin Myth depicted at La Cienega, featuring Uretsete, (the small one) and Naotsete, (the larger one), both daughters of Spider Woman.
Figure 2, The Iariko panel also found at La Cienega, featuring Uretsete creating the corn fetish out of a perfect ear of corn, (corn plant) and attatching feathers. Spider woman is by her side giving her instructions. The terrace symbol below them both is the home underground that Uretsete returns to. The line coming down from the top to the "head" of the Iariko, and down to the terrace symbol represents the line of communication between the people and Uretsete in her home below, through the "Corn Mother" fetish.
Figure 3, is the actual Iariko from Zia Pueblo, reproduced by Stevens in 1889.
91 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Fis e 4, is a Ko'tcininako (Yellow Woman) mask from Zia recorded by Stevens in 1890.
4, Ko'tcininako Mask, Zia
Figure 5, is a Ko'tcininako (Yellow Woman) mask from San Felipe drawn by White in 1932.
5, Ko'tcininako, San Felipe
Figure 6, is a Ko'tcininako mask from Zia, drawn by White in 1962.
•
e. atifie *et. e. ir#* Ilké 7, K'o tcininak'o, Acoma
Figure 7 is a K'otcininak'o mask from Acoma drawn by White in 1929.
92
The Yellow Women, Katsina Masks Patterson-Rudloph
Figure 8, is the Fire Altar of Acoma, drawn by Stirling in 1942.The frame (green), ichini, is the house of everything on the altar; on right end, Maswei (face yellow; hair black; three feathers, white: body brown and black; diagonal twisted rope white);on left end, Oyoyew (face blue, otherwise coloring same as Masewi): the arc is the Milky Way; over it the middle figure is Iatiku with yellow face: on each side are Blue women; the next two are Red women; the two end ones are the Yellow women.THe feathers from the horisontal bar represent rain; under the Clouds the lines and the suspended feathers also represent rain; at each end, lightning, and five corn fetishes are at the bottom, (Honani) In front is a medicine bowl.and each side left paws of bears, stone points used for killing and in front, stone fetishes of Bear, Lion, Wolf, etc.
Figure 9, is the mask of Oshach Paiyatiuma, Sun Youth drawn by Stirling in 1942. It has parrot feathers; three squash blossoms; median line is the trail over which the Sun goes; blue for sky; striped quarters of the rainbow around the Sun; eagle-feather earrings; buckskin thongs are to fasten a spruce-twig collar.
figure 9, Sun Youth, Acoma 93 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Figure 10, Four Faces from Salt Creek in Canyonlands National Park. It is Pueblo 11411 and dates around 800 -1100 A.D. The rain symbols of lightning and clouds are shown on the far right figure. All have rain beards.
Figure 11, Five Faces, Davis Canyon, Canyonlands National Park It is Pueblo II-III and dates from 800-1100 A.D. Pictured here are more detailed Mythical Women, with a male figure in the center that represents Sun Youth. The Yellow Women, Katsina Masks Patterson-Rudloph
BIBLIOG PHY
Adams, Charles E. 1991. The Origin and Development of the Pueblo Katsina Cult. Tucson: Untiversity of Arizona Press.
Allen, Paula Gunn. 1986. The Sacred Hoop. Boston: Beacon Press.
Benedict, Ruth. 1981 (1931). Tales of the Cochiti Indians. Albuquerque:University of New Mexico Press.
Boas, Franz. 1928. Keresan Text. New York: American Ethnological Society Publications, Vol. VIII, Part 1,
Bunzel, Ruth L. 1932. "Zuni Origin Myths." and "Zuni Katchinas" Washington: Bureau of American Ethnography, Forty-seven Annual Report, 1926-30.
Cole, Sally J. 1992. Katsina Iconography in Homol'ovi Rock Art, Central Little Colorado River Valley, Arizona. Arizona Archaeological Society No. 25. Phoenix. 1990. Legacy on Stone, Rock Art of the Colorado Plateau and Four Corners Region. Boulder: Johnson Books.
Cordell, Linda. 1984. Prehistory of the Southwest. School of American Research. Orlando: Academic Press.
Cordell, Linda S. and George J. Gumerman.1989. Dynamics of Southwest Prehistory. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Cushing, F. 1979. Zuni, Selected Writings of Frank Hamiltion Cushing.Lincoln:University of Nebraska Press. 1988. The Mythic World of the Zuni. ed and illustrated by Barton Wright. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Dumarest, Father Noel. 1919. "Notes on Cochiti, New Mexico," American Anthropology Association Memoirs, 6 (3): 137-236. Translated by Elsie Clews Parsons. Landcaster.
Ferguson, T.J and E. Richard Hart. 1985. A Zuni Atlas.Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Gumerman, George J. 1992. A View From Black Mesa, The Changing Face of Archaeology. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Gunn, John 1917 Schat-Chen: History, Traditions, and Narratives of the Queres Indiams of Acoma and Laguna. Albuquerque: Albright and Anderson.
Jennings, Jesse D. 1978. "Prehistory of Utah and the Easter Great Basin." University of Utah Anthropological Papers No. 98. Salt Lake City: University of Utah.
Manning, Steven J. 1990. "Barrier Canyon Style Pictographs of the Colorado Plateau." Utah Archaeology, Vol. 3 No. 1, Salt lake City: Utah Statewide Archaeological Society.
Madsen, David B. 1989. Exploring the Fremont. Utah Museum of Natural History, University of Utah.
Malotki, Ekkehart 1991. Language as a Key to Cultural Understanding: New Interpretations of Central Hopi Concepts. Baessler - Archiv, Neue Folge, XXXIX:43-75 1978 Hopitutuwutsi. Hopi Tales. A Bilingual Collection of Hopi Indian Stories. Flagstaff: Museum of Northern Arizona Press.
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Martineau, L. 1973. The Rocks Begin to Speak, Las Vegas: K.C. Publications.
Martineau, La Van, B.K. Swartz and Charles Houch, 1981. "The use of Indian gesture language for the interpretation of North American petroglypbs: a trial analysis." The occassional papers of the American Committee To Advance the Study of Petroglyphs and Pictographs Vol. 1
Ortiz, A. 1972. New Perspectives on the Pueblos. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Parsons, E. 1926. "Tewa Tales," American Folk-Lore Society Memoirs, 19. New York: 1939 Pueblo Religion, Vol. 1 and 2, University of Chicago.
Patterson, Carol. 1988. "Uretsete and Naotsete genesis myth from Cochiti Pueblo." Artifact Vol. 26 (1):1-23 El Paso: El Paso Archaeological Society. 1991 Petroglyphs and Myths of the Rio Grande. Albuquerque:Avanyu Publications. 1990."Water Jar Boy," American Indian Culture and Research Journal. vol 14 (1) Los Angeles: UCLA Press.
Purley, Anthony. 1974. "Keres Pueblo Concepts of Deity." American Indian Culture and Research Journal. 1 (1) 29-32 LA:UCLA
Schaafsma, P. 1980. Indian Rock Art of the Southwest. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. 1994 The Prehistoric Kachina Cult and Its Origins as Suggested by Southwestern Rock Art, in Kachinas in the Pueblo World,Albuquerque: University of New Mexico. 1971. "The Rock Art of Utah," Papers of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Vo. 65. Harvard University Press.
Smith, Watson.1990. When is a Kiva. ed. Raymond H. Thompson. Tuscon: University of Arizona Press.
Stevenson, Martha Coxe. 1984, "The Sia," Bureau of American Ethnology Eleventh Annual Report. 1889-90. Washington. 1901-02. "The Zuni Indians." Bureau of American Ethnology 23rd Annual Report.
Stirling, Mathew. 1942. "The Origin Myth of Acoma," Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 135.
Titiev, Mischa. 1944, 1992. Old Oraibi, A Study of the Hopi Indians of Third Mesa. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Tyler, Hamilton A.1964 Pueblo Gods and Myths, University of Oklahoma Press
Widdison, Jerold G. ed. 1991. The Anasazi, Why did they leave? Where did they go? A panel discussion with James Judge, David Breternitz, Linda Cordell, Geroge Gumerman, Leigh Jenkins, Edmund Ladd, and William Lipe. Albuquerque: Southwest Natural And Cultural Heritage Association.
White, Leslie A. 1932, "The Acoma Indians " Bureau of American Ethnology, Forty-Seventh Annual Report, 1929-30, Washington 1962 "The Pueblo of Sia, New Mexico," Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 184, Washington. 1932 "The Pueblo of San Felipe." American Anthropological Association Memoirs 38
Wright, Barton. 1985. Kachinas of the Zuni. Flagstaff: Northland Press.
Young, Jane.1985. "Images of Power and Power of Images," Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 98:3-48 1988 Signs From the Ancestors, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press
96 The Occurrence of Hand Prints in the San Luis Rey Style - Southern California
Steve Freers
The Native American rock art and prehistoric material culture remnants of coastal southern California are generally less lavish in comparison with that found on the Colorado Plateau. Depending on where one places the geographical dividing line for southern California, the notable exception to this statement lies in the region occupied by the Chumash culture. Placing the visual impact aside, the rock art of California's most southern coastal-inland region is no less significant. In fact, much of what we know today of the rock art tradition in terms of early recorded evidence, fragmented as it may be, has come from the work of ethnographers who studied the native groups of this region around the turn of the century (e.g., DuBois, 1908; Sparkman, 1908; and Waterman, 1910). A significant portion of the pictographic rock art may be linked to the toloache (Datura meteloides) religious cult which is thought to have spread through this area about two hundred years ago. Following an extensive recording effort within part of this region (Smith and Freers, 1994), several relationships and features emerged which may augment current assumptions on local rock art "style." The purpose of this paper will be to examine the occurrence of a rock art motif found in southern California, the ubiquitous hand print, and serve as a preliminary report for a more in-depth look at the current style definitions for this region. Southern California rock art has two principal divisions: that executed by groups of the coastal-inland region (e.g., Luisefio) and the desert inhabitants (e.g., Chemhuevi). The focus of this discussion will be on one of the three distinct styles of rock art created by the coastal-inland groups, the San Luis Rey Style. These rock art styles have been designated in accordance with the type site nomenclature format utilized in general archaeology. The La Rumorosa Style is the most southern style geographically, extending into Baja California, and is generally associated with the Kumeyaay culture (Hedges, 1990a:81). It is principally distinguished by the prevalence of anthropomorphs, lizards, sunbursts and abstract forms executed in several colors. The second style is referred to as Rancho Bernardo and constitutes both pictograph and petroglyph forms characterized by large geometric or maze-like patterns (Hedges, 1990a:81). The third style is referred to as the San Luis Rey Style and is defined as follows by Hedges (1990a:81):
...geometric rectilinear design elements in red, including diamonds, zigzags, chevrons, straight lines, and dot patterns, often in vertical series frequently bordered at top and/or bottom; rare representational and curvilinear elements (True, 1954). Generally associated with late prehistoric and historic Luiserio populations, with extensions into neighboring territories. The type site is the major locus of the style, on the San Luis Rey River, San Diego County.
97 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
The basis of the San Luis Rey Style comes from observations performed by Delbert True (1954) in his formative investigations of the pictographs located in the San Luis Rey River drainage. His observations, largely incorporated into the current accepted style definition, resulted from an inventory of 15 pictograph locales. These sites were designated as belonging to the Luiserio culture. Later, True (1974:98) utilized the presence of pictographs as evidence supporting a late period of occupation (A.D. 1500-1870) at Luise() village sites. It must be emphasized that this style is not limited exclusively to the Luiserio culture. Several of the coastal-inland groups' ceremonial practices, including pictograph painting, were functionally similar. There are pictograph panels located in regions ascribed to other cultures in contact with the Luiserio which are definitively San Luis Rey Style (Figure 1). General agreement exists that the majority of pictographs meeting the current San Luis Rey Style criteria either represent a protohistoric/historic manifestation of the toloache religious cult ceremonies for adolescent initiation (Minor, 1973), or may be deserving of interpretation within a shamanistic framework (Hedges, 1992; Freers, 1995). Following our survey of western Riverside County pictograph locales (Smith and Freers, 1994), one significant element that was found to be omitted from the formal San Luis Rey Style description was the hand print. Since our study area is significantly north of any known La Rumorosa Style sites, only the Rancho Bernardo and San Luis Rey Styles currently apply to this sample. Part of the reason for the San Luis Rey Style omission of the hand print may be that, although its occurrence in this region has been long known and published, they are found in conjunction with several sites with element arrays which resist convenient classification into the remaining two classifications. This makes compiling meaningful statistics for the hand print as it relates to "style" difficult. However, it is probable that these "outlier" pictographs were executed by the same group or groups and reflect either a transformation of an existing ritual pictograph tradition or a product of a different practice such as shamanism. Therefore, efforts to accommodate research such as this will likely prompt a revision of the current style designations to account for these outlier sites. Currently, the presence of the hand print at best is defined as rare in the formal San Luis Rey Style description. This may be an accurate observation if one limited their observations to the San Luis Rey River Drainage. Interestingly, although True (1954:72) reports that hand prints appear on several sites, he does not publish their frequency. Our recent sampling of 64 western Riverside County sites with pictograph panels in both the classic San Luis Rey Style and those with otherwise related characteristics, north of the type sites (Figure 2), revealed a significant presence of the hand print motif. The occurrence frequency breaks down as follows: 26% of the sites had hand prints, representing 23 % of the panels. The frequency may drop as low as 18% for the same sample, depending how one defines those panels which reflect both San Luis Rey and Rancho Bernardo Style characteristics. Several sites within the region have panels clearly dominated by this element (e.g, Ca-Riv-714: Figure 3).
98 The Occurence of Hand Prints Freers
Figure 1.. CA-Riv-16 is located in the San Jacino Mountains, a region widely accepted as Mountain Cahuilla territory. Note how well the San Luis Rey Style defmition describes this pictograph panel. Gaps in the design pattern are areas of exfoliation and weathering of the red pigments.
I will present a selection of panels from these sites which clearly contain elements definitive for the current San Luis Rey Style in conjunction with hand prints. In all cases, the hand prints appear to be contemporaneous with the other elements. At some multipanel sites (e.g., Ca-Riv- 289: Figure 4) one panel many have a preponderance of hand print motifs while associated San Luis Rey Style panels have few or none present. There are also occurrences of panels where the hand print, executed in red or white, constitutes the sole element array (Figure 5). Interestingly, the formal San Luis Rey Style definition refers only to rare representational elements, but a more detailed non-published version (1990b:1) does list the hand print in the representational category. Now, it is debatable whether the unmodified hand print is actually a representational element or not. My view is that if the pictograph maker actually used their hand to form the image, positive or negative, then it may be useful to consider such a hand print as its own category, rather than as a representational element. Essentially, a hand print is a hand print.
99 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
San Bernardino Twentynine Palms • • L Ontario • Riverside oshua Tree ational Park
9 9 • Palm Springs o470. 4-
I Mission - San Juan
n Luis Rey ye Sites a Mission San Luis Rey Mesa Grande • Escondido • Desert State Rancho Bernardo Park
San Diego
CALIF La Rumorosa = Type Site Location CALIF Tijuana BAIA CA
Figure 2. Map of southern California highlighting both the area sampled by True (1954) which establisi ed the type sites for the San Luis Rey Style (Hedges, 1990:81) and the region used in data collection for this report.
The Occurence of Hand Prints Freers
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102 The Occurence of Hand Prints Freers
Although it may have a myriad of connotations and may be applied in many physical and cultural contexts, therefore representing something, it is still the rare physical recording of an individual. I believe that a separate category for the hand print has significant relevance to southwestern California rock art in that much of the ethnographic evidence of pictograph painting suggests that ceremonial-religious constraints came into play in terms of which images were created. These ceremonial constraints varied somewhat in terms of rigidity between groups for the girls' adolescent initiation (Strong 1929:299), but the predominate ritual theme in pictograph depictions reoccurred frequently enough to formulate the present San Luis Rey Style description. The ethnographic accounts of pictograph painting do not specifically include the practice of placing hand prints, but these motifs do occur in conjunction with classic examples of the style. Conversely, the hand print motif is found on some panels which do not conform well into any of the accepted style designations . It may be reasonable to assume that pictograph panels created from shamanistic activity would reflect significantly higher image and placement variability. Therefore, careful study of the geographical distribution of elements such as the hand print, their context within the pictograph panel element array, and relationship to known settlement patterns may reveal aspects of ceremonial differentiation between groups or regions, and perhaps suggest a shamanistic versus adolescent ceremony interpretive frawork. From a general interpretive perspective, universal themes emerge with hand print application (e.g., Schaafsma 1980:119), such as supplication, transference, communication or leaving one's mark as in a signature. These intrinsic interpretations need to be further investigated to see how such themes conflict or conform to the southern California rock art tradition as known. The principal type of hand print noted in the area is the direct positive print. Nearly all are executed on some form of granitic rock, the surface texture of which varies greatly. Weather exposure and surface decomposition has obliterated to varying degrees the images. All that remains of many of the hand prints is a fragmented residual stain on the rock. Care is needed to avoid misinterpreting the design. I have recorded several panels where earlier Figure 5. Faint white hand prints comprise the only recording efforts have missed the presence of elements on this panel at a site near Perris, Calif. They are hand prints, and I have occasionally found in association with another panel with San Luis Rey elements. myself guilty of the same oversight. The level
103
Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
tip
6 1 • •
Figure 6. CA-Riv-1024 panel A. This is a partial view of a much larger panel to highlight the hand prints. The even and linear placement of these hand prints is conceptually coherent with the orientation of rectangular elements on the remainder of this panel (Smith & Freers, 1994:53).
Figure 7. CA-Riv-1024 panel B. Cupules are also found at this location.
Figure 8. CA-Riv-1025, above, is located within 200 meters of CA-Riv-1024 panel B. Each panel has similar geometric design patterns which are uncom- mon to the San Luis Rey Style, and may in fact better reflect the Rancho Bernardo description. 104 The Occurence of Hand Prints Freers
of deterioration is unfortunate because it has rendered it nearly impossible to obtain a large data base of anthropometric measures of hand print dimensions. Comparisons within and between sites would be interesting. Significantly, measurements of hand size could be statistically manipulated with a reasonable degree of confidence to differentiate whether more than one individual participated in creating a panel. This type of information may not be immediately obvious in certain cases and would help augment our understanding of ceremonial pictograph practices as described by early ethnographers. The are several regional examples of variability in the execution the hand prints. Placement of the hand print is often without obvious pattern, at least to our contemporary eye. An exception would be found at CA-Riv-1024 (Figure 6), where the placement is evenly spaced and linear. Notice also that three of the prints have long downward streaked extensions of the palm aspect. On an associated panel on the same isolated boulder (Figure 7), and on an adjacent boulder in close proximity (CA-Riv-1025: Figure 8), hand prints are placed less organized but in conjunction with similarly styled geometric forms. At CA-Riv-289 (Figure 3), many of the hand prints occur as paired sets organized vertically. There are a few occurrences where there is streaking or swirling within the palm or finger portion of the hand print, demonstrating modification after the initial impression. Many examples of these augmented hand prints occur in the southwest, such as in the Captain Jack Shelter in southern Nevada (Monteleone, 1993). Regionally, an example of this type of hand print may be seen on the famous and much published main panel at Ca-Riv- 114 (McCarthy, 1991). A far lesser known panel at Ca-Riv-202 (Figure 9), though much more deteriorated, appears to contain a few hand prints executed in this manner. The hand print remains one of the most interesting and overtly personal expressions of Native American rock art that we have the privilege to witness today. Viewing the range of hand print panel possibilities, from a spectacular array of hundreds to the secluded solitary image, can leave one with a lasting impression. A humanistic connection is made, however scant or powerful from these experiences that at least intellectually validates, yes there was a person here! Invariably, it is almost impossible not to compare the images' size with one's own hand. For coastal-inland southern California, such comparisons often reveal a diminutive hand print, likely that of a young girl's participation in her group's version of the near universal rite of passage from childhood to maturity. Still other Figure 9. Some of these deteriorated hand prints at examples may be found where the hand print is CA-Riv-202 appear to have been augmented after adult sized and located on pictograph panels placement (which is unfortunately easier to visualize created quite unlike the current style in situ than from this illustration). definitions. Perhaps these panels are the
105 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
work of a shaman, a different group or ritual activity. In the ongoing search for meaning, style and ritual significance, the hand print may be as personal as it is enigmatic.
Conclusion
Coalescing the previous work of many individuals, in conjunction with an extensive field survey, will be required to bring the entire coastal-inland region into clearer view to develop a satisfactory database of accurate panel illustrations and site information. It is likely that a comprehensive analysis will support a modification of the San Luis Rey Style to include the hand print and perhaps suggest creation of other subset categories for the style. The occurrence frequency of the hand print from my present sample fluctuates between 18-26%, depending on how one sets up the parameters. I believe that the stated frequency here represents the high water mark for at least two reasons: The inclusion Figure 10. CA-Riv-414: Note the presence of a single of additional sites in San Diego County will hand print centralized within a panel containing classic San likely have less hand print motifs; and, there Luis Rey Style motifs. This panel is located on a phallic appears to be a particularly high density of rock in close association with a ceremonial rock slide covered with cupules which leads into a relatively spacious sites with this motif in the San Jacinto River cave shelter - known locally as the "Girls' Fertility Slide." drainage - perhaps a subset category itself. More research will be required to make some definitive statements regarding the hand print relative to the current style designations. However, the hand print should be considered a common element within this region; and, as has been presented in some of the panel examples, at times a dominate one.
106 The Occurence of Hand Prints Freers References
DuBois, Constance G. 1908 The Religion of the Luisetio Indians of Southern California. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 8(3):69-186. Freers, Steven M. 1995 "A Shamanistic Pictograph Site in Northern San Diego County." Ken Hedges,ed., Rock Art Papers, Volume 12 (in press). Hedges, Ken 1990a "Petroglyphs in Menifee Valley." Ken Hedges, ed., Rock Art Papers, Volume 7,:75-82. San Diego Museum of Man Papers 26. Hedges, Ken 1990b Rock Art Styles in Southern California. Manuscript in the author's possession. Hedges, Ken 1992 "Shamanistic Aspects of California Rock Art." Lowell John Bean, ed.,California Indian Shamanism, pp. 67-88. Menlo Park, California: Ballena Press. McCarthy, Daniel F. 1991 "Documentation of Two Painted Superimposed Rock Art Styles at CA-Riv-114, Motte-Rimrock Reserve, Western Riverside County, California." Ken Hedges, ed., Rock Art Papers, Volume 8,:75-80. San Diego Museum of Man Papers 27. Minor, Rick 1973 "Known Origins of Rock Paintings of Southwestern California." Pacific Coast Archaeological Society Quarterly 9(4):29-36. Monteleone, Sue Ann 1993 Paintings of the Eleana Range and Vicinity, Southern Nevada. Ken Hedges,ed., Rock Art Papers, Vol. 10,:37-47. San Diego Museum of Man Papers 29. Rafter, John 1983 "Mockingbird Canyon's Milky Way." In: Ken Hedges, ed., Rock Art Papers, Volume 1,:75-80. San Diego Museum of Man Papers 16. Schaafsma, Polly 1980 Indian Rock Art of the Southwest. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Smith, Gerald A. and Steven M. Freers 1994 Fading Images: Indian Pictographs of Western Riverside County. Riverside: Riverside Museum Press. Sparkman, Philip Stedman 1908 "The Culture of the Luisefto Indians " University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 8(4):187-234. True, Delbert L. 1954 "Pictographs of the San Luis Rey Basin," California. American Antiquity 20(1):68- 72. True, Delbert L., C.W. Meighan and Harvey Crew 1974 Archaeological Investigations at Molpa, San Diego County, California. Berkeley: University of California Press. Waterman, Thomas J. 1910 "The Religious Practices of the Dieguerio Indians " University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 8(6):271-358.
107
Evidence from Pictographs that the Prehistoric Fremont Indians Collected Animal Blood in Ceramic Jars
Steven J. Manning
Introduction
While hiking in Dinosaur National Monument in October of 1989, I discovered an interesting and perhaps unique panel of pictographs. The purpose of this paper is to describe this panel and to discuss a behavioral aspect of the local prehistoric Native Americans that is presumably illustrated in the panel.
Environment
The panel is located in Dinosaur National Monument, which is in Uintah County in northeastern Utah. It is in a pinion-juniper vegetation zone at an elevation of about 5,500 feet. The panel is in a small side canyon of a narrow deep canyon that drains into the Green River. What drew my attention to the area where the panel is located was a section of ash-stained soil along the trail where I was hiking. The ash stain suggested the existence of a past fire or a prehistoric midden. Upon investigating, I found lithics, a few Uintah Grayware ceramics and some similarly sized stones scattered throughout the ashy area. These artifacts indicate evidence of a prehistoric Fremont habitation or campsite. The similarly sized stones suggest that a structure may have been present at the site. The ashy area is cut on the north by a small wash that drains from rock outcrops above. Because of the presence of this archaeological site, I investigated these rock outcrops to see if the people who had lived in this location had placed any images on these rocks. I was rewarded in my efforts by the discovery of a small panel of polychrome pictographs.
The pictographs are at the back of a small north-facing rockshelter that is on a high narrow ledge, see Figure 1. To reach the rockshelter a person must walk on a narrow sloping ledge and step across a gap that is a frightening distance above the ground. The rockshelter is just high enough to stand in comfortably. The panel is on a small vertical surface near the top of the rockshelter, see Figure 2. Beneath the panel the depth of the rockshelter increases to form a small but deep recess. There is also a small opening or tunnel to the right of the rockshelter that provides access to the rest of the ledge beyond.
109 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
TiourP 1. Lor•ail
Figure 2. Interior of Rockshelter. The Panel is at the top of the Photograph.
110 Animal Blood in Ceramic Jars Manning
Description of Panel
At first, I was uncertain what was portrayed by the images. The effects of weathering made a quick analysis difficult. Water seeping over the panel has resulted in the deterioration of the images. The lower part of the panel has been lost, apparently due to exfoliation caused by internal moisture and softening of the sandstone, see Figure 3. Also, wind-borne sand may have abraded the lower elements of the panel because of their greater degree of exposure.
My initial impression of the images was that they were mostly abstract. There were several black rectangular areas throughout the panel. Several mountain sheep with long arcing horns were unmistakable. These images were also painted with black pigment. There were several crosshatch designs in red (two of these were outlined in black) and there were two lanceolate red streaks. I did not have enough time to study the panel thoroughly because others were waiting for me. I took a few pictures, crawled through the arch to look further along the ledge and finding nothing, I left.
Because I was unable to determine what all the images represented, I decided to return to study the panel and to make a sketch of it. In October of the following year I returned to the site and while I was sketching it, I began to understand what the images portrayed. Thus, as I have said several times, to "see" what is in a panel a person needs to spend more than just a few minutes looking at it. There is no better way to learn what is in a panel than
Figure 3. Detail of Panel.
111 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995 to make a sketch of it. Sketching forces a person to take the necessary time and effort to see all of the details - and to remain there long enough to remember them!
Interpretation
The black figures along the top of the panel all appear to represent mountain sheep, see Figure 4. (Note: figure 4 is a representation of the central portion of the panel.) Four of the mountain sheep are quite unmistakable; the rest appear only as faint rectangular shadows. Most likely there were once 11 animals (mountain sheep) in the panel. Beneath several of the mountain sheep are streaks painted with red pigmerg. Positioned below the red marks are four or five black roundish shapes. These black images are similar to the profiles of open mouth ceramic jars found in Utah (Madsen 1977) and appear to illustrate them. What could be represented by the red crosshatching and streaks of red between the mountain sheep and the ceramic jars? The thought occurred to me, while sketching the panel, that these red images represent blood. The image on the far left in Figure 4 appears to represent blood within a container, as does the smaller image near the far right. The large ceramic jar on the left appears to have carrying straps attached to it, or placed around it. I propose then, that this panel illustrates the collection of animal blood, specifically mountain sheep blood, into ceramic jars.
This idea should not be too surprising because aboriginal people all over the world have utilized animal blood in a variety of ways. Not only have just primitive people used animal
Figure 4. Sketch of the Central Portion of the Panel.
112 Animal Blood in Ceramic Jars Manning blood, it is used today in a variety of commercial processes. The quantity of blood being collected, as suggested by the number of mountain sheep and the ceramic jars in the panel, and by the location of the panel (see discussion below), suggests that the blood was used for food. However, the possibility that it, or some of it at least, may also have been collected for ritual use should not be discounted.
The creation of this particular panel in this specific location may have been determined by the shape and orientation of the rockshelter. It would have presented a suitable place for the temporary storage of animal blood. The rockshelter faces north and, as previously mentioned, there is a small deep recess at the back of the rockshelter. The interior of the recess is likely the coolest place in the area, especially in the summer, thus increasing the storage life of a perishable commodity. Also, the ledge could easily be blocked to eliminate animal entry. Additionally, the site is just above the bottom of the occasionally cliff-walled canyon, which would force mountain sheep to travel in or near the bottom in these areas, making them relatively easy prey. The rockshelter is located in one of these cliff-walled areas. (The forcing of mountain sheep into the bottom of the canyon in this area was illustrated to us when we suddenly came upon three mountain sheep in the bottom of the canyon a few days later. We walked around a sharp corner and found them standing only about 40 feet away.) Animal blood, then, could be stored in the convenient rockshelter without carrying it a great distance from the kill site. The panel may have been placed on the back wall of the rockshelter to indicate what was stored in the rockshelter or, as has been suggested for other panels, as part of a hunting ritual (Heizer and Baumhoff 1962), in this instance directly associated with animal blood.
Cultural Affiliation and Dating
Information contained within the panel could be used to provide a date for completion of the panel and further information on cultural affiliation. Ceramics of a particular shape, for example, may be associated with a particular culture. Correlating the jar forms illustrated in the panel with actual jars could determine what culture or group of people created the panel, and also determine the time when the panel was created.
Of course, accurately matching the pictographs to existing ceramic jars is dependent upon the skill and accuracy of the artist correctly rendering the profiles of the jars he or she used. Regardless, there are not enough profiles of narrowly dated Fremont ceramics that have been published in the literature to provide a corresponding narrow period for the creation of the panel. Madsen 1977, for example, does not illustrate a single open mouth jar of the Uintah Grayware type. Despite this limitation, the images appear to correlate roughly with Fremont ceramics (for example see: Breternitz 1968, Madsen 1977, Madsen 1986).
There is little question that the panel was constructed when ceramics were being used, and thus dates from that period. The possibility that the ceramics date from the Ute-Shoshone period can probably be eliminated, because the jars illustrated in the panel do not correspond to Ute-Shoshone jar forms. Uintah Grayware ceramics, which were found
113 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
below the site, were used in the period from about AD 700 to 1350 (Madsen 1977), so the panel likely dates from this broad period.
It should be noted that the painted images of the ceramic jars are also similar to those found in Anasazi areas to the south (Breternitz, Rohn and Morris 1974, Colton 1952-58, Lister and Lister 1978, Peckham 1990). This is not surprising considering the many similarities in pictographs and petroglyphs between the Southwest and the Uintah Basin that have occurred over a long period of time (Manning 1991, 1992). For example, red handprints, a characteristic feature of the Basketmaker Anasazi are found a short distance from the panel. These parallels suggest that much of the ceramic technology utilized by the Fremont came from the Anasazi.
In the Anasazi area ceramic jar forms developed an ever increasingly everted rim as the culture progressed from the Basketmaker to Pueblo IV period. If that same progression occurred in the Uintah Fremont area, the panel would have been constructed earlier in the Fremont ceramic period rather than later, since the jar forms illustrated in the panel do not have an everted rim. This suggests that the panel was created closer to 900 AD than to 1200 AD.
Repainting
The panel appears to have been repainted in several episodes, as suggested by superimposition and variations in pigment intensity. There are streaks of red that appear to have been placed over the top of other mountain sheep. Above these red streaks there are very faint black rectangular areas, which could only be assumed to be mountain sheep because of the adjacent, similar appearing, newer images. The mountain sheep above the red pigment show variations in color intensity, as if they were painted (or retouched) at different times, yet the red pigment has about the same color intensity. This also suggests that the black pigment may not have been as long lasting as the red pigment, so the panel may have been repainted several times as the black pigment faded. If the black pigment was charcoal, it would not last as long as red mineral paint.
Another possibility to explain the differential intensity of the images is that the fainter images were "erased" to make way for other images, perhaps for a larger, more complex, perhaps more descriptive panel. Perhaps the panel was also modified as part of a hunting ritual. It thus should be noted that Figure 2, which illustrates the images that were visible currently, is not likely an accurate representation of the panel as it existed at any one time
The forms of the mountain sheep also provide some important information. Over the years I have heard several people state that they believe that rectangular-bodied mountain sheep, with long curving horns that nearly touch the back of the animal, date to the archaic period. This panel clearly disputes that conclusion.
One final comment: the panel is located in a place that is not readily visible from the bottom of the canyon where the trails exist. Thus it seems that the panel was not something that was to be viewed by anyone passing through the canyon.
114 Animal Blood in Ceramic Jars Manning
Conclusion
I believe that this panel represents the first recorded instance of animal blood being collected in ceramic jars. Since techniques are currently available that may determine the presence of blood, and the organism from which it came, archaeologists should consider testing the interior of ceramic jars for blood residue. The presence of mountain sheep blood would provide evidence that the interpretation of this panel is correct, and provide additional information on the distribution over time and space for the collection of blood in ceramic jars in prehistoric times.
When images of red cross hatching or lanceolate red streaks appear in other panels (and perhaps in other contexts), consideration should be given to the idea that they may represent blood.
115 Utah Rock Art Research Volume XIV 1995
Bibliography
Breternitz, David A. 1968 Archaeological Excavations in Dinosaur National Monument, Colorado-Utah, 1964- 1965. University of Colorado Studies, Series in Anthropology No. 17. Boulder.
Breternitz, David A., Arthur H. Rohn and Elizabeth A. Morris 1974 Prehistoric Ceramics of the Mesa Verde Region. Museum of Northern Arizona Ceramic Series No. 5. Northern Arizona Society of Science and Art, Inc. Flagstaff.
Colton, Harold S. 1952-58 Pottery Types of the Southwest. Museum of Northern Arizona Ceramic Series. Northern Arizona Society of Science and Art, Inc. Flagstaff.
Heizer, Robert F., and Martin A. Baumhoff 1962 Prehistoric Rock Art of Nevada and Eastern California. University of California Press, Berkeley.
Lister, Robert H., and Florence C. Lister 1978 Anasazi Pottery: Ten Centuries of Prehistoric Ceramic Art in the Four Corners Country of the Southwestern United States. Maxwell Museum of Anthropology and the University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Madsen, David B. 1986 Prehistoric Ceramics. In Handbook of North American Indians, Great Basin, Volume 11. Smithsonian Institution, U.S. Government printing Office, Washington, D.C.
Madsen, Rex E. 1977 Prehistoric Ceramics of the Fremont. Ceramic Series No. 6, Museum of Northern Arizona, Flagstaff.
Manning, Steven J. 1991 Parallels Between Uintah Basin and San Juan Basketmaker Rock Art. Paper presented at the Eleventh Annual Symposium of the Utah Rock Art Research Association, Green River, Utah. 1992 Colorado-Green River: Prehistoric Pathway. Canyon Legacy, Number 16, pp. 12-19.
Peckham, Stewart 1990 From this Earth; The Ancient Art of Pueblo Pottery. Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of Indian Arts and Culture. Museum of New Mexico Press, Santa Fe.
116 The Buckhorn Restoration Project
Reed Martin
The Buckhorn Wash in Emery County contains one of the most important panels of Barrier Canyon Style Rock Art in the United States. It is recognized on both the National and State Historic registers. However, it is located adjacent to a heavily traveled road in a recreational area and has been badly marred with graffiti and bullet holes. The Emery county Centennial Commission has proposed a program to preserve and conserve the rock art at the site. The project would entail removing the graffiti from the panels, installing protective fencing interpretative signs, upgrading roads and the parking lot at the site.
Educating the public regarding the importance of the rock art panel and its conservation and preservation are primary objectives of the plan. The committee and the Emery County Museum Board have agreed to create two exhibits detailing the conservation work being done on the panel, one to be a permanent display at the museum of the San Rafael in Castledale, the other to be travailing exhibit loaned to local schools and museums throughout out the country, at their request. The exhibits will be accompanied by a video record of the conservation project still photos and a brochure.
The following two pages contain a copy of an informative brochure discussing the project.
117
thockho Wash Restoratiovi Project Emery County Utah Centennial Commission P. O. Box 1207 Castle Dale Ut 84513
'i3OJECT OBJECTIVES
1. REMOVE ALL NAMES AND GRAFFITI AND REPAIR VANDALISM 2. LANDSCAPING AND SITE INTERPRETATION 3. HAVE AN EDUCATION PROGRAM 4. DEVELOP A SITE MAINTENANCE PLAN 5. PROJECT SCHEDULE
1. REMOVE ALL NAMES AND GRAFFITI AND REPAIR VANDALISM A. Hire a professional Art Conservator to do the work B. Complete a photographic documentation of the site C. Conduct testing and research at the site and in the lab D. Constance S. Silver has been selected to do the work 2. LANDSCAPING AND SITE INTERPRETATION A. Develop an overall landscape plan for the site B. Upgrade a 900 ft. section of road in front of the panel Treat with enzyme for dust control C. Relocate the parking area D. Provide graveled walkways and benches E. Replace the old fence with a new type F. Install an information kiosk and new interpretative signs 3. EDUCATION PROGRAM A. Have a permanent display in the Museum of the San Rafael with a mural of the site, art work, video and directions to the site B. Have an exhibit at County and State Fairs C. Develop an information brochure on rock art interpretation and protection D. Take a program to local schools yearly E. Conduct tours of the site SITE MAINTENANCE A. Organize community groups to clean the site several times a year B. Ask BLM and local sheriff to patrol the area C. Obtain help from Rock Art Society to man the site on holiday weekends D. Provide a fund to cover future replacement and repairs 5. PROJECT SCHEDULE A. Road and Parking Area Construction April 18 to June 1 B. Removal of Graffiti by Conservator May 19 to June 20 C. Landscaping and Site Interpretation July 1 to Sept. 15 D. Project Completion Date and Dedication Sept. 23, 1995
Projected Cost of Entire Project $110,000. ca
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