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Institut National Des Langues Et Civilisations Orientales La Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales École doctorale N°265 Langues, littératures et sociétés du monde ASIEs-CEC THÈSE présentée par Jérémie Chambeiron soutenue le 5 mars 2015 pour obtenir le grade de Docteur de l’INALCO Discipline : Sciences politiques et relations internationales La cour constitutionnelle à Taïwan face aux différends institutionnels : le rôle des Grands Juges du Yuan judiciaire durant la présidence de Chen Shui-bian (2000-2008) Thèse dirigée par : Mme Xiaohong Xiao-Planes , Professeur des Universités, INALCO Rapporteurs : M. Pasquale Pasquino , Directeur de recherche, CNRS, Distinguished Professor in Law and Politics, New- York University M. Chwen-wen Chen , Professeur, National Taiwan University Membres du jury : Mme Xiaohong Xiao-Planes , Professeur des Universités, INALCO M. Pasquale Pasquino , Directeur de recherche, CNRS, Distinguished Professor in Law and Politics, New- York University M. Chwen-wen Chen , Professeur, National Taiwan University Mme Françoise Mengin, Directrice de recherche, Sciences Po M. Jacques Chevallier, Professeur émérite, Université Paris II Panthéon-Assas Remerciements Mes premiers remerciements vont à Mme Xiao-Planes, ma directrice de recherche, pour son soutien durant ces quatre et quelque années, ainsi qu'à l'équipe ASIEs-CEC ; Mme Mengin et M. Corcuff pour leurs précieux conseils ; M. Chwen-Wen Chen pour son aide et sa disponibilité. Mes remerciements à toutes les personnes à Taïwan qui ont bien voulu accepter de me rencontrer : M. Chie-Cheng Wang, assistant parlementaire, M. Cheng-Wen Tsai, ancien ministre, M. Shin-Min Chen, Grand Juge du Yuan judiciaire, M. Yeong-Chin Su, Grand Juge et vice-président du Yuan judiciaire, M. Giin-Tarng Wang, professeur à NTU et Mme Wen-Chen Chang, professeur à NTU. Merci également à Mme Ferhat-Dana pour m'avoir mis en contact avec ses anciens étudiants. Mes camarades : Ho-chun Chi et Sun-cheng Lee, pour l'aide qu'ils m'ont apportée lors de la préparation et durant mon séjour à Taïwan ; Yoann Goudin et l'AFET ; les doctorants de l'équipe ASIEs-CEC pour les nombreuses discussions que nous avons pu avoir. Enfin, les encouragements de mes amis, de David et Raphaël, futurs sinologues ; merci à mes trois amies Taïwanaises Sabrina Chen Shu-ching, Estelle Yang Yu-chin et Yu-hsuan Huang, qui ont pris le temps de m'aider pour le chinois ; l'aide de mes proches et de ma famille ; mes parents, sans qui cette thèse n'aurait pu être ni commencée ni terminée, et ma fille Albane ; une pensée pour ceux qui sont partis : Mauricette, Noël, Bruno, Claude et Robert. 2 Résumé Le 18 mars 2000, Chen Shui-bian, représentant le Parti Démocrate-Progressiste ( Minjindang ) succédait à Lee Teng-hui, appartenant au Parti Nationaliste ( Kuomintang ), premier président élu au suffrage universel à Taïwan. L'accession de Chen Shui-bian à la présidence de la République de Chine, nom officiel de Taïwan, marquait la première alternance politique de l'histoire au niveau national. Sur le plan institutionnel, la démocratisation à Taïwan s'est accompagnée à partir de 1991 d'un ensemble de textes additionnels à la Constitution de la République de Chine datant de 1947 qui ont transformé les relations entre les différents pouvoirs et assuré une base légale à la transition démocratique. Cependant, le Yuan législatif (le parlement taïwanais) a connu à partir des années 2000, et jusqu'au terme du second mandat de Chen Shui-bian en 2008, de nombreux blocages, résultant du fait que le KMT et ses alliés du camp pan-bleu aient réussi à conserver à toutes les élections législatives le contrôle du parlement. Le point de départ de notre thèse est de comprendre comment ces blocages sont advenus, et la manière dont les différentes branches du gouvernement et du parlement ont négocié en vue de les résoudre. A ce titre, nous nous intéressons en particulier au rôle de la cour constitutionnelle taïwanaise dans la résolution de ces différends institutionnels, les Grands Juges du Yuan judiciaire ( Sifa yuan Dafaguan ). Nous nous demandons si ces derniers ont été un recours dont les différentes branches se sont servies pour résoudre ces différends ou bien sont-ils restés en retrait, préférant ne pas s'impliquer dans les problèmes politiques ? L'analyse des décisions rendues par les Grands Juges nous permettra de répondre à ces questions. La dimension comparative apporte un nouvel éclairage sur le rôle des Grands Juges durant la période. Quatre cours ont été retenues, en France, en l'Allemagne, aux Etats-unis et au Japon, disposant toutes de pouvoirs différents. Les Grands Juges ont été pensés dans la Constitution de 1947 selon le modèle américain, mais en réalité se rapprochent de celui élaboré par le juriste autrichien Hans Kelsen (1881-1973). Notre étude montre qu'il n'y a pas à strictement parler de mimétisme juridique ; les Grands Juges se caractérisent par leur singularité en termes d'activisme et de retenue juridique, bien que des rapprochements avec les autres cours soient possibles sur ces points. Les Grands Juges ont eu pour constante l'affirmation de leur indépendance en tant que cour constitutionnelle. Plutôt que de trancher les litiges, ils ont préféré les recours aux solutions négociées entre les acteurs, donnant un cadre aux institutions pour résoudre les conflits. En matière de libertés fondamentales et de droits de l'Homme, les Grands Juges ont statué en faveur de la garantie ou de l'extension des droits déjà inscrits dans la Constitution de 1947. Les Grands Juges apparaissent dans la position d'un protecteur des droits, plutôt que dans celle d'un organe de résolution des différends institutionnels. 3 Cette institution agit ainsi dans la continuité de son rôle historique dans la transition démocratique. Mots-clés : Taïwan, Constitution, réforme constitutionnelle, cour constitutionnelle, Grands Juges du Yuan judiciaire, contrôle de constitutionnalité, Chen Shui-bian, gouvernement minoritaire, différends institutionnels Abstract On March 18th, 2000, Chen Shui-bian, representing the Democratic-Progressive Party (Minjindang ), succeeded Lee Teng-hui, member of the Nationalist Party ( Kuomintang ) and first Taiwan president elected by popular vote. The momentous rise of Chen Shui-bian to the presidency of the Republic of China, the country's official name, constituted the first political change in the country's history. Starting in 1991, Taiwan's democratisation was followed institutionally by several additions to the Republic of China’s 1947 Constitution, a series of texts which shifted the balance between the powers in place and provided a legal basis for the democratic transition. However, starting in 2000, and until the end of Chen Shui-bian's second term in 2008, a number of political standoffs occurred in the Legislative Yuan (Taiwan's parliament), as a result of the KMT and its allies of the so-called pan-blue camp securing control of the parliament's majority in every legislative election. Our thesis aims to understand how these deadlocks happened, and the way in which each branch of the government negotiated to find agreements. We particularly focus on the role played by the Great Justices of the Judicial Yuan ( Sifayuan Dafaguan ), Taiwan's constitutional court, in the resolution of these conflicts. Were the Great Justices called upon by the different branches of the government to end the stalemates, or did they stay away from political matters? The analysis of the Great Justices' decisions and interpretations will help answer these questions, while a comparative approach will cast new light on the role played by the Great Justices at that time. For that purpose, four constitutional courts will be studied, in France, Germany, the United States and Japan, each one of them holding different sets of powers. In the 1947 Constitution, the Great Justices of Taiwan were tailored on the example of the US Supreme Court, but are actually closer to the model elaborated by the Austrian legal scholar Hans Kelsen (1881-1973). Our study shows that, strictly speaking, there is no legal imitation: the Great Justices are singular in terms of both their judicial activism and restraint, even though parallels can be drawn with the other courts. The Great Justices have consistently asserted their independence as a constitutional court. Instead of deciding in favour of one party or another, they have privileged procedural solutions, providing thus an 4 institutional framework for conflict resolution. In matters of civic liberties and human rights, the Great Justices have ruled in favour of protecting and extending the rights already enshrined in the 1947 Constitution. The Great Justices therefore appear more as defenders of rights, i.e. ombudsmen, rather than as a constitutional mechanism to work disputes out. This institution thus acts in keeping with its historical role during the democratic transition. Keywords: Taiwan, Constitution, constitutional revision, constitutional court, Great Justices of the Judicial Yuan, judicial review, Chen Shui-bian, minority government, political deadlocks 5 Remarques sur la transcription et la datation La transcription suit deux règles distinctes. Les noms propres sont transcrits selon le système Wade- Giles, plus fréquemment utilisé à Taïwan, ou selon leurs variantes lorsque celles-ci existent. La transcription la plus répandue sera systématiquement préférée. Ex: Shih Ming-teh. Les autres expressions en chinois sont transcrites selon le système pinyin . Ex: République de Chine ( Zhonghua minguo ). Un index en fin de volume donne la correspondance
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