Fortition and Lenition Processes
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Phonetic and Phonological Systems Analysis (PPSA) User Notes For
Phonetic and Phonological Systems Analysis (PPSA) User Notes for English Systems Sally Bates* and Jocelynne Watson** *University of St Mark and St John **Queen Margaret University, Edinburgh “A fully comprehensive analysis is not required for every child. A systematic, principled analysis is, however, necessary in all cases since it forms an integral part of the clinical decision-making process.” Bates & Watson (2012, p 105) Sally Bates & Jocelynne Watson (Authors) QMU & UCP Marjon © Phonetic and Phonological Systems Analysis (PPSA) is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. Table of Contents Phonetic and Phonological Systems Analysis (PPSA) Introduction 3 PPSA Child 1 Completed PPSA 5 Using the PPSA (Page 1) Singleton Consonants and Word Structure 8 PI (Phonetic Inventory) 8 Target 8 Correct Realisation 10 Errored Realisation and Deletion 12 Other Errors 15 Using the PPSA (Page 2) Consonant Clusters 16 WI Clusters 17 WM Clusters 18 WF Clusters 19 Using the PPSA (Page 3) Vowels 20 Using the PPSA (Page 2) Error Pattern Summary 24 Child 1 Interpretation 25 Child 5 Data Sample 27 Child 5 Completed PPSA 29 Child 5 Interpretation 32 Advantages of the PPSA – why we like this approach 34 What the PPSA doesn’t do 35 References 37 Key points of the Creative Commons License operating with this PPSA Resource 37 N.B. We recommend that the reader has a blank copy of the 3 page PPSA to follow as they go through this guide. This is also available as a free download (PPSA Charting and Summary Form) under the same creative commons license conditions. -
The Phonetics-Phonology Interface in Romance Languages José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran
Surface sound and underlying structure : The phonetics-phonology interface in Romance languages José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran To cite this version: José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran. Surface sound and underlying structure : The phonetics- phonology interface in Romance languages. S. Fischer and C. Gabriel. Manual of grammatical interfaces in Romance, 10, Mouton de Gruyter, pp.23-40, 2016, Manuals of Romance Linguistics, 978-3-11-031186-0. hal-01226122 HAL Id: hal-01226122 https://hal-univ-paris.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01226122 Submitted on 24 Dec 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Manual of Grammatical Interfaces in Romance MRL 10 Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM Manuals of Romance Linguistics Manuels de linguistique romane Manuali di linguistica romanza Manuales de lingüística románica Edited by Günter Holtus and Fernando Sánchez Miret Volume 10 Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM Manual of Grammatical Interfaces in Romance Edited by Susann Fischer and Christoph Gabriel Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM ISBN 978-3-11-031178-5 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-031186-0 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-039483-2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. -
Phonological Processes
Phonological Processes Phonological processes are patterns of articulation that are developmentally appropriate in children learning to speak up until the ages listed below. PHONOLOGICAL PROCESS DESCRIPTION AGE ACQUIRED Initial Consonant Deletion Omitting first consonant (hat → at) Consonant Cluster Deletion Omitting both consonants of a consonant cluster (stop → op) 2 yrs. Reduplication Repeating syllables (water → wawa) Final Consonant Deletion Omitting a singleton consonant at the end of a word (nose → no) Unstressed Syllable Deletion Omitting a weak syllable (banana → nana) 3 yrs. Affrication Substituting an affricate for a nonaffricate (sheep → cheep) Stopping /f/ Substituting a stop for /f/ (fish → tish) Assimilation Changing a phoneme so it takes on a characteristic of another sound (bed → beb, yellow → lellow) 3 - 4 yrs. Velar Fronting Substituting a front sound for a back sound (cat → tat, gum → dum) Backing Substituting a back sound for a front sound (tap → cap) 4 - 5 yrs. Deaffrication Substituting an affricate with a continuant or stop (chip → sip) 4 yrs. Consonant Cluster Reduction (without /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (grape → gape) Depalatalization of Final Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the end of a word (dish → dit) 4 - 6 yrs. Stopping of /s/ Substituting a stop sound for /s/ (sap → tap) 3 ½ - 5 yrs. Depalatalization of Initial Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the beginning of a word (shy → ty) Consonant Cluster Reduction (with /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (step → tep) Alveolarization Substituting an alveolar for a nonalveolar sound (chew → too) 5 yrs. -
Lecture 5 Sound Change
An articulatory theory of sound change An articulatory theory of sound change Hypothesis: Most common initial motivation for sound change is the automation of production. Tokens reduced online, are perceived as reduced and represented in the exemplar cluster as reduced. Therefore we expect sound changes to reflect a decrease in gestural magnitude and an increase in gestural overlap. What are some ways to test the articulatory model? The theory makes predictions about what is a possible sound change. These predictions could be tested on a cross-linguistic database. Sound changes that take place in the languages of the world are very similar (Blevins 2004, Bateman 2000, Hajek 1997, Greenberg et al. 1978). We should consider both common and rare changes and try to explain both. Common and rare changes might have different characteristics. Among the properties we could look for are types of phonetic motivation, types of lexical diffusion, gradualness, conditioning environment and resulting segments. Common vs. rare sound change? We need a database that allows us to test hypotheses concerning what types of changes are common and what types are not. A database of sound changes? Most sound changes have occurred in undocumented periods so that we have no record of them. Even in cases with written records, the phonetic interpretation may be unclear. Only a small number of languages have historic records. So any sample of known sound changes would be biased towards those languages. A database of sound changes? Sound changes are known only for some languages of the world: Languages with written histories. Sound changes can be reconstructed by comparing related languages. -
An Analysis of I-Umlaut in Old English
An Analysis of I-Umlaut in Old English Meizi Piao (Seoul National University) Meizi Piao. 2012. An Analysis of I-Umlaut in Old English. SNU Working Papers in English Linguistics and Language X, XX-XX Lass (1994) calls the period from Proto-Germanic to historical Old English ‘The Age of Harmony’. Among the harmony processes in this period, i-umlaut has been considered as ‘one of the most far-reaching and important sound changes’ (Hogg 1992, Lass 1994) or as ‘one of the least controversial sound changes’ (Colman 2005). This paper tries to analyze i-umlaut in Old English within the framework of the Autosegmental theory and the Optimality theory, and explain how suffix i or j in the unstressed syllable cause the stem vowels in the stressed syllable to be fronted or raised. (Seoul National University) Keywords: I-umlaut, Old English, Autosegmental theory, vowel harmony Optimality theory 1. Introduction Old English is an early form of the English language that was spoken and written by the Anglo-Saxons and their descendants in the area now known as England between at least the mid-5th century to the mid-12th century. It is a West Germanic language closely related to Old Frisian. During the period of Old English, one of the most important phonological processes is umlaut, which especially affects vowels, and become the reason for the superficially irregular and unrelated Modern English phenomenon. I-Umlaut is the conditioned sound change that the vowel either moves directly forward in the mouth [u>y, o>e, A>&] or forward and up [A>&>e]. -
Chapter X Positional Factors in Lenition and Fortition
Chapter X Positional factors in Lenition and Fortition 1. Introduction This chapter sets out to identify the bearing that the linear position of a segment may have on its lenition or fortition.1 We take for granted the defi- nition of lenition that has been provided in chapter XXX (Szigetvári): Put- ting aside stress-related lenition (see chapter XXX de Lacy-Bye), the refer- ence to the position of a segment in the linear string is another way of identifying syllabic causality. Something is a lenition iff the effect ob- served is triggered by the specific syllabic status of the segment at hand. The melodic environment thus is irrelevant, and no melodic prime is trans- mitted between segments. Lenition thereby contrasts with the other family of processes that is found in phonology, i.e. adjacency effects. Adjacency may be defined physically (e.g. palatalisation of a consonant by a following vowel) or in more abstract terms (e.g. vowel harmony): in any event, as- similations will transmit a melodic prime from one segment to another, and only a melodically defined subset of items will qualify as a trigger. Posi- tional factors, on the other hand, are unheard of in assimilatory processes: there is no palatalisation that demands, say, "palatalise velars before front vowels, but only in word-initial position". Based on an empirical record that we have tried to make as cross- linguistically relevant as possible, the purpose of this chapter is to establish appropriate empirical generalisations. These are then designed to serve as the input to theories of lenition: here are the challenges, this is what any theory needs to be able to explain. -
Asymmetries and Generalizations in the Repair of Early French Minimally-Rising Syllable-Contact Clusters Francisco Antonio Montaño, Lehman College (CUNY)
Asymmetries and generalizations in the repair of early French minimally-rising syllable-contact clusters Francisco Antonio Montaño, Lehman College (CUNY) The Gallo-Romance (GR) (5th-10th c.) reflexes of Late Latin syncope (Pope 1952; Dumas 1993; Hartkemeyer 2000) provide a unique perspective into the interaction of sonority and phonotactic markedness constraints with faithfulness constraints within the phonology. With the deletion of a pre-tonic or post-tonic short vowel in GR syncopated forms, the preservation, modification, and loss of stranded consonants and neighboring segments occurring in unique clustering permutations reveal a range of repairs on resulting syllable-contact clusters (SCCs). While falling-sonority (manica > manche 'sleeve') and sufficiently-rising obstruent-liquid clusters (tabula > table 'table') unsurprisingly resyllabify without issue into either licit hetero- (SCC) or tautosyllabic (onset) clusters, preserving all consonantal material in the syncopated output, minimally-rising clusters whose final segment is a sonorant undergo diverse repairs to escape eventual total loss, attested only for SCCs containing obstruent codas via gemination then degemination, in avoidance of obstruent-obstruent SCCs (radi[ts]ina > ra[ts]ine 'root', debita > dette > dete 'debt'). Minimally-rising clusters (obstruent-nasal, sibilant-liquid, nasal-liquid), unharmonic both as heterosyllabic clusters due to rising sonority and as onset clusters due to an excessively shallow rise in sonority, undergo a range of phonological repairs including assibilation (platanu > pla[ð]ne > plasne 'plane tree'), rhotacization (ordine > ordre 'order'), and stop epenthesis (cisera > cisdre 'cider'; cumulum > comble 'peak'; camera > chambre 'room'; molere > moldre 'grind.INF' but cf. /rl/ without epenthesis, e.g. merula > merle 'blackbird', evidencing its falling sonority), in order to conform to licensing requirements within the syllable and phonological word (Montaño 2017). -
Developments of the Lateral in Occitan Dialects and Their Romance and Cross-Linguistic Context Daniela Müller
Developments of the lateral in occitan dialects and their romance and cross-linguistic context Daniela Müller To cite this version: Daniela Müller. Developments of the lateral in occitan dialects and their romance and cross- linguistic context. Linguistics. Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2011. English. NNT : 2011TOU20122. tel-00674530 HAL Id: tel-00674530 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00674530 Submitted on 27 Feb 2012 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. en vue de l’obtention du DOCTORATDEL’UNIVERSITÉDETOULOUSE délivré par l’université de toulouse 2 - le mirail discipline: sciences du langage zur erlangung der doktorwürde DERNEUPHILOLOGISCHENFAKULTÄT DERRUPRECHT-KARLS-UNIVERSITÄTHEIDELBERG présentée et soutenue par vorgelegt von DANIELAMÜLLER DEVELOPMENTS OF THE LATERAL IN OCCITAN DIALECTS ANDTHEIRROMANCEANDCROSS-LINGUISTICCONTEXT JURY Jonathan Harrington (Professor, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München) Francesc Xavier Lamuela (Catedràtic, Universitat de Girona) Jean-Léonard Léonard (Maître de conférences HDR, Paris -
The State of California Vowels
Background Methods The CVS: (1) the lowering of the front lax vowels Cory Holland University of California, Davis Data Collection: Because the goal of this study was to collect data from as wide a (2) the fronting of TRAP before nasals Shifting or Shifted? The state of California vowels geographical distribution as possible, data were collected using several recruitment methods: (1) (3) the fronting of GOOSE and FOOT and the centralization of GOAT in person from a diverse pool of undergraduate and graduate students and department staff at (4) the merger of back vowels before /l/ the university (2) by email from academic, professional and social networks. Those participants (5) the merger of LOT and THOUGHT and the backing of the resulting vowel not contacted in person were instructed to record the reading passage in their home in .wav (6) fronting of STRUT format, if possible, and to make the recording in a place with minimal background noise, and F2 (Hz) F2 (Hz) 2400 2200 2000 1800 1600 1400 1200 1000 800 600 2200 2100 2000 1900 1800 1700 1600 1500 1400 1300 1200 1100 read the passage with natural feeling speed and intonation. (1) Front lax vowel lowering: Reports are somewhat mixed, but recent reports have KIT and DRESS 300 350 1. Retracting of front lax vowels 3. Fronting of back vowels 4. Merger of back vowels before /l/ Reading Passages: A total of 6872 tokens from “The Boy who cried wolf” (Deterding, 2006) lowering, when not pre-/n/ to the point that KIT is even in height with FACE. -
Fronting of Southern British English High-Back Vowels in Articulation and Acoustics
The University of Manchester Research Fronting of Southern British English high-back vowels in articulation and acoustics DOI: 10.1121/1.4991010 Document Version Accepted author manuscript Link to publication record in Manchester Research Explorer Citation for published version (APA): Strycharczuk, P., & Scobbie, J. (2017). Fronting of Southern British English high-back vowels in articulation and acoustics. The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 142(1), 322-331. https://doi.org/10.1121/1.4991010 Published in: The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on Manchester Research Explorer is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Proof version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Explorer are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Takedown policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please refer to the University of Manchester’s Takedown Procedures [http://man.ac.uk/04Y6Bo] or contact [email protected] providing relevant details, so we can investigate your claim. Download date:23. Sep. 2021 Fronting of Southern British English high-back vowels in articulation and acoustics Patrycja Strycharczuk1and James M. Scobbie2 1 Linguistics and English Language, University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester, M13 9PL, United Kingdom e-mail: [email protected] 2 Clinical Audiology, Speech and Language (CASL) Research Centre, Queen Margaret Uni- versity, Musselburgh, EH21 6UU, United Kingdom Acknowledgments: We wish to thank the speakers for participating in our study, Steve Cowen for assistance with the recordings, and Alan Wrench for help with the ultrasound system. -
UC Berkeley Dissertations, Department of Linguistics
UC Berkeley Dissertations, Department of Linguistics Title Sound Change in San Francisco English Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6qz10226 Author Moonwomon, Birch Publication Date 1991 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Sound Change in San Francisco English By Birch Moonwomon B A (Sonoma State University) 1981 M.A. (Sonoma State University) 1983 M.A. (University of California) 1986 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial satisfaction of die requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in LINGUISTICS in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA at BERKELEY Approved: iviaitaiaiii .Tf^rv^.. ............. YA?/?/ . PfNJkp- • ... ih y j. V.... |'JxJIa UAaU»- fLh'UaU, 2 ■i/ I*)?I Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 Sound Change in San Francisco English by Birch Moonwomon Abstract This is a sociolinguisdc study of sound change in progress in San Francisco White English. Both phonemic and subphonemic recategorizations have taken place in the phonology in the last 50 years. The dissertation repeats on observations of variation in the speech of 14 working class and middle class San Franciscan women, ranging in age from 22 to 74. Vowel movements involving /ae/, /a/, and h i (treated as principal variables (x), (xN), (a), (ar), (o), (ol), and (or)) are traced through apparent time. /x/ before nasal consonants, treated as the variable (xN), is becoming increasingly tense. The development of complementarity between /x/ in this environment and /x/ elsewhere is reflected in the gradual separation of (xN) from (x) in vowel space over time. There is also sound change for low, nonperipheral (x); (xS), that is, /x/ before fricatives, is centralizing. -
Contrast and Post-Velar Fronting in Russian*
[To appear in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory] Contrast and Post-Velar Fronting in Russian* Jaye Padgett - University of California, Santa Cruz There is a well-known rule of Russian whereby /i/ is said to be realized as [Y] after non-palatalized consonants. Somewhat less well-known is another allophonic rule of Russian whereby only [i], and not [Y], can follow velars within a morphological word. This latter rule came about due to a sound change in East Slavic called post- velar fronting here: kY > kji (and similarly for the other velars). This paper examines this sound change in depth, and argues that it can be adequately explained only by appeal to the functional notions of perceptual distinctiveness of contrast and neutralization avoidance. Further, these notions crucially require a systemic approach to phonology, in which the wellformedness of any form must be evaluated with reference to the larger system of contrasts it enters into. These notions are formalized in a modified version of Dispersion Theory (Flemming 1995a), a systemic theory that incorporates these functional notions into Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993). 1. Introduction It is well known that Russian consonants contrast in palatalization. Also well known are certain allophonic rules connected to this palatalization contrast. One such rule requires that the phoneme /i/ be realized as high central unrounded [Y] after non-palatalized consonants, and [i] elsewhere, e.g., bjitj 'to beat' from /bjitj/ versus bYtj 'to be' from /bitj/. Another concerns velar consonants, which are more limited in their ability to contrast in palatalization: within words, velars can be followed only by [i] and not by [Y], e.g., xjitrYj 'clever' from /xitrij/, cf.