NOTE TO USERS
Page(s) not included in the original manuscript are unavailable from the author or university. The manuscript was microfilmed as received.
12
This is reproduction is the best copy available
UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY
Co-Production To Promote Creativity In The Chinese Variety Show Industry:
From The Global To The Local
by
Siqi Li
A THESIS
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS
FACULTY OF COMMUNICATIONS AND CULTURE
CALGARY, ALBERTA
SEPTEMBER, 2007
© Siqi Li 2007
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to explore the implementation of co-production to promote creativity in the Chinese variety show industry, and the social impacts on this link. The finding indicates that the use of international co-production strategies results in hybridization, which promotes creativity and constantly pushes the development of the
Chinese variety show industry. The application of domestic co-production stimulates the commercial operation in the production and distribution of Chinese variety shows; in turn, the integration of commercial operations into domestic co-production promotes creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. Intrusive state power over the Chinese variety show industry and current market mechanisms applied to the industry are the major obstacles that negatively impact on co-production and the promotion of creativity strategies.
-ii- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Acknowledgements
This project would not have been possible without the support of many people. I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Bart Beaty, who provided guidance and support. I also express my gratitude for my friends Astrid Jacobson and Jian Jiao, who revised and commented on this research paper. And finally, I would like to thank my mother, who endured this long process with me, always offering support and love.
-iii- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Table of Contents
Approval Page...... i Abstract...... ii Acknowledgements...... iii Table Of Contents...... iv List Of Tables ...... vi List Of Figures ...... vii
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Introduction...... 1 1.2 Research Questions...... 3 1.3 Research Context ...... 3 1.4 Research Theoretical Framework ...... 5 1.5 Research Scope...... 6 1.6 Significance Of The Study...... 7 1.7 Outline Of Chapters...... 8
CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 13 2.1 Introduction...... 13 2.2 The Evolution Of The Concept Of Creativity In Western Society...... 14 2.3 Creation/Creativity Research In Chinese Television Industries...... 19 2.4 Cooperative Production (Co-Production) In Western Literatures ...... 24 2.5 Economic And Cultural Approaches To Chinese Perspective Of Co-Production...28 2.6 Co-Production To Promote Creativity: A Strategy For The Chinese Variety Show Industy ...... 31 2.7 Summary...... 33
Chapter 3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...... 34 3.1 Introduction: Constructing The Theoretical Framework...... 34 3.2 Critiques Of Cultural Economics...... 35 3.3 An Institutional Analysis Of The Political Economy Of Communication ...... 36 3.3.1. Commodification...... 38 3.3.2. Spatialization ...... 39 3.4 Cultural Globalization...... 43 3.4.1. Cultural Globalization In The Global...... 43 3.4.2. Cultural Globalization In The Local...... 47 3.5 Summary...... 51
Chapter 4. CASE STUDY ...... 54 4.1 Introduction...... 54 4.2 The Historical Transformation Of The Chinese Television Institutes...... 55 4.2.1. The Underdevelopment Of Chinese Television: From The 1950s To The Mid 1970s ...... 55
-iv- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
4.2.2. Decentralization, Commercialization, And Technological Progress: The Growth Of Chinese Television: From The Late 1970s To The 1990s...... 56 4.2.3. The Development Of The Chinese Television Entertainment Business: Balance The Foreign And Domestic Forces ...... 59 4.2.4. Television Program Co-Production: One Way Towards Globalization...... 61 4.2.5. CCTV ...... 64 4.2.6. Hunan Television (Hunan TV)...... 67 4.3 The Development Of Chinese Variety Shows: A Typical Case Of The Competition Between CCTV And Hunan TV...... 69 4.4 Super Voice Girls Vs. Dream China ...... 74 4.4.1. Hunan Satellite TV And Its Super Voice Girls ...... 75 4.4.2. CCTV Economic Channel And Its Dream China ...... 78 4.5 Summary...... 82
CHAPTER 5. ANALYSIS...... 83 5.1 Introduction...... 83 5.2 Defining Creativity ...... 84 5.3 Defining Co-Production...... 87 5.4 International Co-Production To Promote Creativity Through Cultural Technique Transfer ...... 89 5.4.1. Forms Of Cultural Technique Transfer In The Chinese Variety Show Industry ...... 90 5.4.2. Hybridization: The Core To Industrial Creativity...... 94 5.4.3. The Influences Of The Chinese State And Television Institutes ...... 96 5.5 Historical Transformation To Creativity In The Chinese Variety Show Industry 100 5.6 Domestic Co-Production To Promote Institutional Creativity ...... 108 5.6.1. Differences Between Super Voice Girls And Dream China...... 109 5.6.2. Institutional Creativity: Integrating Commercial Operations To Domestic Co-Production Strategies ...... 110 5.7 Factors Determining Co-Production And Creativity Of The Television Institutes...... 113 5.8 Summary...... 117
Chapter 6. CONCLUSION ...... 119 6.1 Summary Of The Major Findings...... 119 6.2 Recommendations For The Major Actors Involved In Co-Production To Promote Creativity Strategies In The Chinese Variety Show Industry ...... 121 6.3 Implications Of This Thesis...... 123 6.4 Conclusions...... 125
REFERENCES ...... 126
-v- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
List of Tables
Table 4.1. Basic Statistic of TV Broadcasting in China: 1981-1997...... 57
Table 4.2. Regulations on Chinese Television Co-Production...... 63
Table 4.3. Recent Reforms in CCTV...... 66
Table 4.4. The Sharing of Variety Shows in all Chinese Television Programs from 2000 to 2005 ...... 72
Table 4.5. Super Voice Girls: 2004 ~ 2006 ...... 78
Table 4.6. Dream China: 2004 ~ 2006 ...... 80
-vi- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
List of Figures
Figure 5.1. Creativity in the Chineses Variety Show Industry ...... 86
Figure 5.2. Forms of Co-Production...... 88
Figure 5.3. Cultural Technique Transfers Through Co-Production...... 99
-vii-
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 INTRODUCTION
About twenty years ago, watching arts variety shows (e.g. Variety Kaleidoscope) on Saturday evenings used to be the most common entertainment for ordinary Chinese families. Ten years later, game shows (e.g. Citadel of Happiness) with a happiness theme have refreshed Chinese variety show programming. A large number of celebrities have been invited to play games with ordinary people in the show. Thus, the shows have attracted large Chinese youth audiences. Quiz shows (e.g. Lucky 52) have extended family involvement and audience participation. The majority of the audience, who are watching the show at home, can also win big prizes through telephone participation. The appearance of reality shows (e.g. Super Voice Girls and Dream China) has recently brought another “happy whirlwind” for Chinese variety shows. To maximize ordinary people’s participation is the key to the success of reality shows in China. That is, the contestants are ordinary people; their interaction with family and friends is part of the show; and audience votes determine the winners. The transformation of the audience from passive recipients to active participants has brought great vitality to Chinese variety show programming, and also reveals the development of an important and widespread social phenomenon.
Without any doubt, Chinese television variety show programming has experienced unprecedented expansion over the past two decades, in terms of the growth of audience reception and participation, the diversity of formats, and the number of quality shows. However, the Chinese variety show industry has widely shared the
-1- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
consensus that the lack of creation (chuanyi) in programming and the difficulty in satisfying the diverse tastes of Chinese audiences are stumbling blocks to the development of the industry. Meanwhile, after the introduction of the open-door policy in the late 1970s, Chinese television has increasingly been drawn into the cultural globalization process. Once successful foreign formats were introduced, these new shows have become popular in the Chinese variety show market. Thus, cultural format transfer through program production (e.g. international co-production with legal agreements, cloning format) is another common phenomenon in Chinese variety show programming, although there are intense debates on whether cultural format transfer contributes to Chinese variety show programming or not.
Along with these changes, the Chinese government, television institutes, independent producers, and other private domestic sectors have also played important roles in the development of the Chinese variety show industry. Chinese officials have promulgated a range of regulations on television co-production, which have encouraged the television industry to move towards globalization, while attempting to balance the foreign and domestic forces in Chinese television programming. Plus, an increasing number of Chinese independent enterprises and other domestic private sectors have been increasingly involved in the Chinese variety show business from the perspectives of programming, financing, distributing, and the like.
There have been different forms of co-production widely applied in Chinese variety show programming over the years. It has been a prevailing phenomenon in the
Chinese variety show market. The recent variety shows (e.g. Dream China and Super
-2- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Voice Girls) have developed more complex strategies with a number of diverse forms of co-production. These co-production strategies have allowed the Chinese variety show industry to develop programs that can attract audiences in the millions to both watch and participate in the shows. As this cultural industry becomes more and more industrialized,
we have good reason to believe that the implementation of co-production strategies to
increase creativity will be the direction that Chinese variety shows production take in the
future.
1.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The purpose of this study is to explore the implementation of co-production to
promote creativity in Chinese variety show industry, and the social impacts on this link.
Specifically the following questions will be addressed:
1. What is creativity within the context of the Chinese variety show industry, and
how it is impacted by international and domestic co-production respectively?
2. What are the major factors and actors impacting this link in the Chinese variety
show industry?
1.3 RESEARCH CONTEXT
There have been various concerns regarding the opportunities and challenges for
the development of Chinese variety show programming from the Chinese industry, government, and academia. In discussions on creativity, many existing literatures explore the lack of creation in programming, and the deficit of industrial creativity as common phenomena in the Chinese variety show industry. Some literatures (e.g. Yu
Guoming, 2005a; Hu Zhengrong, 2003 & 2006; Michael Keane, 2006) use institutional
-3- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
analysis to explore how to achieve creation in Chinese variety shows programming.
Even if they have mentioned the importance of creativity to the industrial development to some degree, they lack systematic research on how to achieve creativity in the Chinese variety show industry at both institutional and industrial levels, or even what the major constraints to creativity are in the industry.
Although plenty of Western literature provides systematic research on creativity
with various theoretical approaches, their creativity studies have little concern with the variety show industries from the underdeveloped world. This is also the situation in
Western studies of co-production. The recent changes to Chinese regulations on
international co-production have inspired Chinese scholars’ (e.g. Yu Guoming, 2005;
Ying Hong, 2005b; Wu Yuming, 2002; Zhang Xiaozheng, 2002; Li Wang, 2005) interests in the issue. What are the impacts of these regulations on the Chinese television industry? And how do they impact the industry from cultural, economic, and political perspectives? Obviously, their studies on co-production in the Chinese television industry are too limited in terms of research scope and depth on co-production. Plus, the lack of theoretical support is also a constraint to these discussions.
Only a few literatures from a Chinese perspective have mentioned co-production
in relation to creativity within the context of the Chinese variety show business.
However, this issue is not central to their discussion at all. Michael Keane (2002 &
2006) argues that different forms of international co-production are the short-term solution to promote creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. But Chinese scholars
(Xu Quan, 2000; Shi Lei, 2006) emphasize that domestic co-production plays the active
-4- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
role in promoting creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. Considering that there
are various ways towards the development of the Chinese variety show business, it is
significant that these literatures acknowledge the connection between co-production and
creativity in the development of the Chinese variety show industry. However, their
discussions are empirical and lack a theoretical framework. Although these scholars have
recognized the importance of creativity to the Chinese variety show industry, they have not realized that the use of co-production has become the most common trend in this industry. This can explain why few discussions focus on the link between co-production
and creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. Thus, it is necessary and significant
for this thesis to explore how co-production improves creativity in the Chinese variety
show industry; and the contributions and constraints that impact how co-production
strategies promote creativity in this industry.
1.4 RESEARCH THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
A theoretical framework is very important to direct the study on the issue of how
to use co-production to promote creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. This
research develops a holistic theoretical framework, containing both cultural globalization
and political economy theories. As Meehan (1986) suggests, television as a special
cultural industry includes cultural symbolic and economic constraints in program
production. This thesis takes his suggestion with some adjustments. The political economy of communication by Vincent Mosco (1996) helps to explain how the historical
transformation of commercialization, the changes of television institutional and industrial
-5- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
structure, and changes to a state’s policy influence domestic co-production to improve
creativity in the Chinese variety show industry.
Regarding the cultural constraints of variety show production, this thesis rejects
cultural studies which focus on the construction of cultural meaning and audience
reception. As this thesis discusses the production side, cultural globalization is more
relevant to the study. Particularly, the cultural globalization theory by John Tomlinson
(1999) points out how international co-production, through cultural technique transfer,
contributes to industrial creativity in Chinese variety show programming. As well, Rico
Lie’s (2003) communication for localization approach explains the Chinese State and variety show industry by taking different patterns of globalization-localization impact on
international co-production to promote creativity in the Chinese variety show industry.
1.5 RESEARCH SCOPE
Although numerous discussions are concerned with the importance of
creativity/creation in the Chinese variety show industry, their arguments are weak due to
the lack of a clear definition on creativity/creation. First of all, there is blurry boundary
between creation and creativity. Second, the discussions address creation/creativity from
various perspectives, such as programming, format, content, management, financial
capital, human resources, and such like. Third, there is the lack of division between
originality and creativity/creation. Fourth, creativity includes individual, institutional,
and industrial levels. In this thesis, the focus will be on creativity at both the institutional
and industrial levels. Creativity within the context of the Chinese variety show industry
includes originality and creative ability. However, the analysis in this thesis will only
-6- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
focus on creative ability, which contains creative practices and creative media structure.
Creativity practices are closely related to co-production strategies, as discussed.
Reviewing existing studies on co-production, this research has not found any discussion defining a comprehensive concept for it. Different forms of co-production have impacted television programming differently. Without a good understanding of co- production, the discussion on co-production in relation to the Chinese variety show
industry is unilateral and unpersuasive. In the analysis chapter, the diverse forms of co-
production in the Chinese variety show industry will be defined, and the different impacts
that international and domestic co-production has on industrial and institutional creativity
will be explored. Particularly, the comparative analysis between Dream China by
CCTV-2 and Super Voice Girls by Hunan Satellite TV emphasizes the use of domestic
co-production strategies to promote creativity of the major Chinese television producers.
In addition, the discussion in this thesis is only concerned about creativity and co-
production within the context of the Chinese variety show industry. Realizing the
distinctiveness of the Chinese variety show industry, this paper will not discuss other
Chinese television industries, or the variety show industries in other countries. As a
result, the findings in this study should not be applied to these situations.
1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
This thesis captures the distinctiveness of the Chinese variety show industry in
terms of its historical development, its transformation from a cultural-political tool for the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to a market-led business (in a socialist context), as well
as its strong dependency on foreign cultural technique transfer. An increasing number of
-7- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
variety shows have achieved great national popularity, and have even impacted Western
variety show markets. A clear rationale for this study is that the Chinese variety show
industry has become too important to be ignored.
An increasing number of scholars are concerned about the lack of creativity and
the use of co-production in the Chinese variety show industry. However, their
discussions are insufficient in terms of the research scope and depth. This study will
capture the prevailing use of co-production strategies in the Chinese variety show
industry; and argue that co-production to promote creativity is a good solution to the
development of the Chinese variety show industry. As well, this thesis will attempt to
provide Chinese television institutions with an interpretation of what social factors/actors influence the application of co-production to promote creativity in the Chinese variety
show industry; and how Chinese television institutions’ ideology and historical
background in relation to the industry determines their selection of certain forms of co-
production strategies, which have impacted the achievement of their institutional
creativity.
1.7 OUTLINE OF CHAPTERS
Chapter 2 will review the existing literatures on creativity and co-production respectively. This chapter will start with a review of different approaches to creativity by
Western scholars. Both their contributions and weaknesses will be addressed. Great
attention will also be given to creativity studies in Chinese television industries by
Chinese scholars and practitioners. An explanation of why a macro-level pattern with an
economic perspective on creativity studies is prevalent and relevant to creativity studies
-8- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
within the context of the Chinese television industries, particularly the variety show
industry, will be given. This part of the study also reviews the literature on format cloning, the concept of creativity, and how the Chinese variety show industry achieves
creativity. The second part of this chapter will review studies on co-production by
Western scholars and Chinese scholars respectively. The Western scholars’ discussion
on co-production takes economic and cultural approaches within the context of advanced
television industries among developed countries. Chinese scholars’ discussion on co-
production focuses on the recent changes of regulations on co-production, and their
impacts on the Chinese television industry. Both of them are insufficient to the study of
co-production within the context of the Chinese variety show industry. The third section
of this chapter will review the study of creativity and co-production within the context of
the Chinese variety show industry. By discovering their weaknesses, the importance in
doing research on this topic is proposed, and raises a series of research questions for this
thesis.
Chapter 3 will introduce the theoretical framework for analysis. This chapter will
start with a discussion on what is contained within the theoretical framework, and why
the theoretical framework is relevant to an analysis on the issue of creativity and co-
production in the Chinese variety show industry. The first part of this chapter will
discuss political economy with the emphasis on Vincent Mosco’s (1996) political
economy of communication. The two characteristics from this theoretical approach,
commercialization and spatialization, will be the core of this discussion. This chapter
will also review various cultural globalization theories, particularly John Tomlinson’s
-9- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
(1999) cultural globalization theory and Rico Lie’s (2003) communication for
localization.
Chapter 4 will introduce the past and present of the Chinese television industry
with an emphasis on the major attributes of the transformation of the Chinese television
industry: such as marketization, decentralization, technological progress, and
globalization. This chapter will then briefly review the historical development of CCTV
and Hunan TV respectively. It will focus on the recent reforms in the two respective
stations. The third section of this chapter will outline the four stages of development of
the Chinese variety show industry. It will also provide a comparison between two
popular Chinese shows: Super Voice Girls by Hunan Satellite TV; and Dream China by
CCTV Economic Channel (CCTV-2). Their similarities and differences in terms of
format, co-production strategies, business style, and audience ratings will be discussed.
Chapter 5 will define both creativity and co-production within the context of the
Chinese variety show industry. To discuss the contribution of international and domestic
co-production strategies to promote creativity in the development of the Chinese variety
show industry, this chapter will first discuss the international co-productions to promote creativity in the industry. The discussion will answer the following questions: What links international co-production and creativity together? And how? What the actors/factors that contribute to the international co-production to promote creativity strategies in this industry? The third part of this chapter will discuss creativity in the historical transformation of the Chinese variety show industry. It will also answer the question: what are the changes contributing to or constraining creativity along with the use of co-
-10- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
production strategies in the Chinese variety show industry? How does domestic co-
production increase creativity in the industry?
The comparative studies on the cases (Super Voice Girls by Hunan Satellite TV and Dream China by CCTV-2) will support the discussion on how domestic co- production relates to creativity of the major Chinese television institutes. Finally, this chapter will examine how institutional ideology and background related to the industry determine which forms of co-production are taken, and how they impact creativity.
The concluding chapter will summarize the discussions on co-production to
promote creativity in the Chinese variety show industry, and based on these, make
practical recommendations to the major actors, such as Chinese officials, television institutes, and independent producers, in an attempt to encourage co-production to promote creativity strategies in the future. It will also propose implications of this topic which would benefit from future studies.
-11-
CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter reviews a variety of studies on creativity and cooperative production
(co-production). It first reviews different approaches to creativity by Western scholars; and then gives great attention to creativity studies regarding Chinese television industries by Chinese scholars and practitioners. The second section reviews studies on co- production by Western scholars and Chinese scholars. After reviewing the relevant literatures, it is argued that creativity and co-production are two important elements that help to explain the development of the Chinese variety show industry due to its distinctiveness among creative industries. On the one hand, the studies of creativity and co-production by Western scholars at a global level provide theoretical foundations for
Chinese scholars in their studies on creativity and co-production. On the other hand,
Chinese literatures regarding creativity and co-production have contributed a great deal of empirical observation on creativity and co-production within the context of the
Chinese television industries, particularly the variety show industry. However, the review of these separate bodies of literature shows that there has been insufficient understanding of the importance of co-production and creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. These literatures provide little discussion on the relations between creativity and co-production within the context of Chinese television industries. There is little concern about the sociocultural factors/actors, and their contributions and constraints to the implementation of co-production to promote creativity strategies in this industry. Therefore, it is important for this thesis to address these issues.
-13- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
2.2 THE EVOLUTION OF THE CONCEPT OF CREATIVITY IN WESTERN SOCIETY
Due to the consideration of the uniqueness of creativity as a gift of human nature
and the importance of individual creativity to social development, Western society has a
long history of creativity research. Primarily, this has been derived from traditional
mystical and spiritualist approaches developed within the context of Western European
society. This body of research proposes that creativity is a spiritual process in which
individuals develop inspired ideas and creative products because of love. This approach
is contrasted by the theories later developed in scientific psychology (Sternberg &
Lubart, 1999). After Guilford first spelled out the importance of creativity research in
1950, creativity research became popular in the field of psychology (Niu, 2006). Many
psychologists have focused on discovering an individual’s creative thoughts (Liep 2001),
and ask questions such as: what composes an individual’s creativity?; and how can
individual creativity be developed? Although contemporary creativity research, such as multidisciplinary approaches by Robert Sternberg and Todd Lubart (1999), and the systems perspective by Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi (1999), highlight the societal components (such as economic, political, cultural, and social) affecting creative production, they are still based on an individual-oriented approach. This individual- based approach has been also adopted by other disciplines. Creativity studies in the field
of education explore “how conditions encouraging creativity may best be promoted in
education” (Liep, 2001, p.2). Management studies address individual creativity in
innovative management as well as for promoting economic growth in organizations
(Grodal, Larsen & Laursen, 2005). Media studies follow this track as well: the studies on
-14- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
authorship emphasize the relations between creativity and the role of the author in media
(Grodal, Larsen & Laursen, 2005).
The diversified applications of the individual-centered approach in various
disciplines significantly provide one-way understanding of creativity in human society.
Within this individual-centered approach, creativity refers to “the ability to produce something new through imaginative skill,” and it particularly emphasizes “the richness of ideas and originality of thinking” (“Creativity,” 2003). Nevertheless, this individual- centered approach unavoidably ignores the role of the societal system, including the perspectives of politics, economics, and culture, and their contributions to the creative production process as a whole. Recognizing this limitation, cultural studies and cultural anthropology provide a societal-driven approach to challenge the dominance of the individual-oriented approach.
Cultural studies scholars, on the one hand, discuss creativity within the context of
the emerging cultural industries. There are two primary concerns in cultural studies on
creativity: how creativity has been generated through socially creative production
processes; as well as the power relations within the creative production process. For
example, Jason Toynbee’s (2003) analysis on pop music production, and Dina Berkeley’s
(2003) discussion on the production of television drama, explore the different powers
held by industries, audiences, and producers. They particularly emphasize the power of
the audience in the production of creative products. On the other hand, cultural anthropologist John Liep (2001) discusses social creative processes in a modern world
system. This world system standpoint locates creativity in both everyday life and the
-15- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
global context. Liep argues that the boundary and hierarchies of former cultural
structures weaken while there is a global diffusion of creative production due to the
influence of globalization. Plus, this world system view of cultural creation emphasizes
the connection between creativity and the processes associated with modernity (2001).
Moreover, scholars from this world system view also explore the generation processes of
creativity in both Western and non-Western environments (Liep, 2001). Although they fail to redefine the concept of creativity, these two groups of study on creativity not only
broaden creativity studies in terms of research boundaries and depth, but also provide an
alternative view: the societal-driven approach to creativity beyond the individual-
centered approach. It is important to note that the societal-driven approach associated
with their research has had great impacts on recent analyses by Chinese scholars and
practitioners on the conceptualization of creativity/creation in Chinese television and
other creative industries.
With the growth of cultural production and consumption in the information
society, creativity has played a more important role in cultural production, distribution, and consumption than ever before. Realizing the increasing importance of creativity to cultural production and related industries in the capitalized world, creativity studies with economic approaches have become influential. Before further discussion, it should be noted that creativity studies in this field have two major confusions. First, there is confusion in the use of terms among “creative industries”, “cultural industries”, “content industries”, and “copyright industries”. According to the National Office for the
Information Economy (NOIE) (2002), the major difference between these terms is rooted
-16- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
in their specific research foci and areas. For the convenience of the discussion, this thesis
uses the term “creative industry” in representing cultural production and its related
industries. Second, there is some confusion in identifying the terms “creativity”,
“creative”, “innovation”, “creation” and “novel”. Instead of viewing creativity from the perspective of technological development (Flew, 2005; Howkins, 2005; Cunningham,
2005), this thesis focuses on creativity in television program content and format, and related creative activities.
Based on the previous scholarly contribution, the research on creativity within the
context of the creative industries develops into two main groups. Following the
individual-centered research pattern, scholars such as Angela McRobbie (2002) and
Bilton and Leary (2002) draw attention to the nature of labour inputs, particularly the
creative individuals who generate commercial content. This thesis calls this a micro-
level approach to creativity. Although this approach prevails in both economic and
managerial discourses, critics argue that a weakness is “a neglect of the extent to which
the servicing of creativity is central to its realization through the production and
circulation of cultural forms” (Flew, 2004, p.11). On the other side, scholars such as
Steven Tepper (2002) and John Howkins (2005) focus on the role of creativity in creative
industries. Based on the societal-driven approach found in cultural studies and cultural
anthropology, these scholars broaden creativity studies to include cultural, economical,
and political influences at a macro-level. One of the profound contributions of this
macro-level pattern is the redefinition of the term “creativity” within the context of the
creative industries. John Howkins (2005) proposes that creativity in creative industries
-17- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
not only refers to new ideas, but also to a kind of ability that “lead(s) to or enhance(s) a commercial output with a commercial value” (Howkins, 2005, p.118). Terry Flew (2005) suggests that the essence of creativity in creativity industries is related to consumers’ changing tastes in cultural products. He argues that “creativity is a central… input into all sectors where design, content, and creativity form the basis of competitive advantage in global economic markets” (p. 116). In addition, this macro-level approach to creativity further explores the characteristics of creative practice. Brad Haseman (2005) proposes five characteristics of creative practices: 1) interactivity is about enhancing and extending people’s interaction in their lives, and “drives the creation and integration of content to develop sustainable, immersive, environment[s]” (p.167); 2) hybridization is “the combination of materials, genres, period references to produce highly eclectic constructions, both in content and form” ( as cited in Owens, 1995, p.120); 3) new sites and forms of cultural production are emerging; 4) multi-platform, cross-promotional means of distribution are on the rise; and 5) commercial operation is the central reason for the system of production and distribution (Haseman, 2005). Haseman notes that these five characteristics of creative practices have been widely applied across the creative industries (2005). However, both the micro-level approach and the macro-level approach to creativity in creative industries take an economic point of view, which pays little attention to cultural and social perspectives.
As a whole, the evolution from the individual-centered approach to the societal- driven approach to creativity, and from the micro-level pattern to the macro-level pattern to creativity, essentially presents a systematic advancement in understanding creativity
-18- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
and its relation to human society. Nevertheless, these literatures by Western scholars
have little concern with creativity and related issues in non-western environments, nor do
they address creativity within the specific context of television industries. As a result, it
is important to review the literatures on creativity in the Chinese television industries
with a Chinese perspective.
2.3 CREATION/CREATIVITY RESEARCH IN CHINESE TELEVISION INDUSTRIES
A number of literatures have addressed creativity and related issues within the
context of Chinese creative industries, particularly the Chinese television variety show industry. Many of them are empirical, observable, and practical while only a few of them take theoretical approaches. Despite this, they clearly capture the different understanding of creation/creativity and the creative practices in both Chinese creative industries and the television variety show industry.
First of all, Chinese literatures on creativity explore the reasons why the macro- level approach with an economic perspective is prevalent and relevant to the discussion
on the issue of creativity in relation to Chinese television industries. Hu Zhengrong
(2006) suggests that there are two interrelated forces that impact creativity. Hu states that
creativity is central to the creative industries and is comprised of two integrated forces:
individual force and group force. In terms of the individual force, individuals creatively
process and choose resources, and make the product heterogeneous; in regard to the group force, when the social policy environment, system arrangement, and the prevailing social ethos encourage creation, the society will be a creative society. Therefore, Hu argues that the individual is the core of creativity, while the social group is the condition
-19- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
of creativity. While acknowledging the importance of the individual creativity, Hu emphasizes that the current structure of Chinese creative industries is the major block toward creativity. In other words, Hu (2003) suggests that the deficit of creativity in
Chinese television industries is not about the lack of human capital, but is instead about the lack of a creative media system.
Second, a number of Chinese literatures explore new phenomena prevailing in the
Chinese variety show business. Many Chinese scholars, such as Shao Peiren (2006), Hu
Zhengrong (2003), and Xie Yungeng & Tang He (2006), agree that current Chinese variety shows lack creativity. The trend of cloning formats in the business has been widely recognized: the mass of smaller domestic television stations adopt formats found on the advanced stations (e.g. Hunan TV) within the domestic market; the advanced stations in Mainland China learns from those in Hong Kong and Taiwan; and program producers in Hong Kong and Taiwan learn from those in Europe, Japan, and America.
As cloning “foreign” successful formats becomes more popular in the Chinese variety show industry, there is intense debate by Chinese scholars on whether cloning formats facilitates or jeopardizes the future development of the Chinese variety show industry. Zhang Guotao (2007) argues that cloning formats is good for Chinese variety shows because cloning variety show formats results in increasing popularity in the
Chinese television market. Due to the fierce competition in the television variety show industry, there is insufficient time, capital, and research to support the creation of new variety show formats. Since Western television variety show industries are well- developed, cloning their formats would ensure high audience ratings for those shows in
-20- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
China. However, other scholars (Xie & Tang, 2006; Xie & Wang, 2005) argue that
cloning formats will be the death-wound for Chinese television entertainment programs.
Although Chinese variety show producers speed up and shorten the process of cloning
formats by directly cloning American and European shows in recent years, many variety
shows failed because they ignored the cultural heterogeneity between Chinese and
foreign audiences.
No matter how vicious the debate is, both of these two groups of scholars agree
that there is negative impact when cloning program formats results in the isomorphic
nature of Chinese television industries; however, as the cloning of foreign formats
became unavoidable in the Chinese variety shows business, research has focused on the
question of whether cloning formats has been localized. It has been suggested that the
localization of program format and content may be the way towards successful program
creation (Zhang, 2007, Xie & Tang, 2006). In addition, Zhang Guotao (2007) and
Michael Keane (2002) argue that format adaptation is a short-term solution to program
creation, while creativity is a long term effort towards the development of the Chinese
television industry in an international media regime.
Third, it is significant that some Chinese scholars also try to conceptualize creativity within the context of Chinese variety shows. Hu Zhengrong (2006) and Xue
Fan (2006) claim that creativity in Chinese creative industries includes two aspects:
originality and creativity. (Note: As these authors pursue a broader sense of creativity,
this thesis adopts the term, “creative ability” to distinguish these two concepts).
Originality is the ability to create something new. Heterogeneity and individuality
-21- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
stimulated by originality are the basis of creative industries. Creative ability, on the other
hand, is the ability to reconstruct and update originality (Hu, 2006). Xue (2006) further
argues that creative ability in the Chinese variety show industry refers to format adaptation and localization.
Fourth, there is insufficient discussion of creativity in the context of the Chinese
variety show industry, in spite of the wider recognition of the importance of creativity in
the overall development of the industry. The majority of Chinese literature explores what contributes to program creation in the Chinese variety show industry; and how the industry achieves creativity. First of all, both Chinese scholars (e.g. Yu Guoming, 2005a;
Hu Zhengrong, 2003 & 2006) and practitioners (e.g. Li Bing and Tang Ming, 2003) claim that understanding the importance of audience reception and participation is the key to program creation. It has been argued that it is an inevitable trend that the audience requires creative programs; thus audience reception determines whether a program is creative or not (Yu, 2005a; Li & Tang, 2003). As a result, television shows should not
only be appropriate for Chinese audiences, but should also foster the audiences’
participation in them (Xue & Wang 2005). According to Hu Zhengrong (2003) and Shao
Peiren (2006), with the increasing diversification of the audience, the producer-centered
approach to a one-way flow of mass communication in Chinese media is out of date. In
the new era, audiences positively pursue, choose, and participate in programs while
program producers should focus on their target audience. Second, based on the wide discussion on the importance of creative program content and format to the development of Chinese television industries, a number of Chinese literatures concentrate on how to
-22- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
achieve content and format creation in Chinese variety shows. Third, creative system and
management strategies have also been highlighted. Hu Zhengrong (2003 & 2006) argues
that commercializing creative production is the key to enhancing creativity in Chinese
creative industries. Particularly, creativity is the capacity to transfer creation (both
content and format) to diversified products and carry out their value. For the Chinese
television industry, the creative system is the key to creativity. The creative system includes creative ideas and creative resource allocation, and a creative media system is the key to achieving creativity. Increasing audience participation is also important to developing creativity in the field. Michael Keane (2006 & 2004a) argues that the lack of creative capacity in the media system is a result of the fragmented media structure. In addition, the incompletely commercialized procedure of program production also obstructs program creation in the Chinese television business. Moreover, Yu Guoming
(2005a) discusses the possibility of television program creation through various perspectives, including capital, resources, human capital, and the system.
A number of literatures by Chinese scholars capture the problem of the deficit of
creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. These literatures examine the attributes
of creativity, and address how to achieve creativity in this particular industry from
economic perspectives. Based on these studies, this thesis argues that since the macro-
level economic approach to creativity is the leading theoretical model in creativity studies
within the context of the Chinese variety show industries, it is important to further
explore how creativity is related to industrial development in cultural, social, and political
aspects. As Chinese variety show formats are derived from the West and have been
-23- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
heavily impacted by Western conglomerates in terms of content, format, operational procedure, and such like, creativity in the Chinese variety shows should be examined within both the domestic and the global context. Moreover, the classical economic
approach which concentrates on economic opportunities is not sufficient to understand
creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. As a result, this thesis tries to apply
multi-layered theoretical approaches to creativity in the Chinese variety show industry.
2.4 COOPERATIVE PRODUCTION (CO-PRODUCTION) IN WESTERN LITERATURES
Yang wei zhong yong, which means to make foreign things serve China, has been
the tradition of China’s national development since the late Qing dynasty. Chinese show producers regard co-production as an effective way to learn from successful Western formats, content, programming, and distribution methods, and use this knowledge to accelerate the development of Chinese television industries. Due to the uniqueness of the variety show industry compared to other types of television industries in terms of the mode of production, financing, etc, reviewing the Western tradition literatures on television program co-production, and those from Chinese perspectives, is necessary.
Since television program co-production is driven by the motivation of seeking
profit, an economic approach to television co-production dominates mainstream Western
literature. Earlier research by Jean-Luc Renaud and Barry Litman (1985) discusses
television program co-production in the context of the changing global media
environment. Rather than further exploring the definition of co-production, Renaud and
Litman propose three types of co-production: co-financing, co-acquisition, and ‘real’ co-
production. They also consider the historical background of co-production and discuss
-24- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
the phenomenon of the rising co-production strategy in American television industries.
For these scholars, television co-production is the most effective strategy to address economic necessities, because it helps with profit-making and market expansion, and improves the achievement of universal acceptance. Renaud and Litman (1985) argue that international television co-production not only meets the needs of international audiences, but also closely links international television markets. Carla Johnson’s (1992) study provides handy information on international television co-production for both professional and academic use. By providing the context of globalization, Johnson
(1992) discusses television co-production in different television programming contexts: the legal, political, and economic realities of co-production; and the cultural and technological efforts of co-production. Two contributions are significant: first of all,
Johnson defines television co-production as “a tool for those individuals interested in providing a balanced flow of information to people across national borders within manageable budget limits” (p.1). Second, Johnson distinguishes the entertainment program co-production from other formats of television program co-production. Giving four examples of international television co-production, Johnson argues that the major problem of international television entertainment program co-production is that they
“meet no one’s needs” (1992, p. 13). She also claims that while international television co-production does not necessarily improve international understanding, it does enhance investment and television program distribution worldwide. The major problem of these early literatures is that they over-exaggerate the positive economic consequences from
-25- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
international co-production, while ignoring the negative economic effects of co- production, as well as omitting discussion of other socio-cultural impacts.
Based on the economic-oriented approach, several Canadian scholars also touched upon the cultural efforts of international co-production. The major contribution by Colin
Hoskins, Stuart McFadyen, and Adam Finn (1998) is their discussion of the economic advantages and disadvantages in the application of a mode of international co-production.
Their research is also concerned with the issue of cultural distance in relation to co- production. Despite multiple concerns about the effects of co-production, their research is problematic. For instance, they over-emphasize the economic contribution, and simplify their discussions on cultural factors of co-production. Another Canadian scholar, Serra Tinic, makes a great contribution to the cultural approach to international co-production. In her book, On Location: Canada’s Television Industry in a Global
Market (2005), Tinic summarizes the different types of television co-production and the rationale underlying each form of international television co-production. Her discussion on Canadian international co-production is more in-depth, and the results are more complicated, than the previous literatures mentioned earlier. Tinic pays great attention to the importance of cultural negotiation in making deals in international television co- production. By comparing Canadian co-production partnerships with different countries
(e.g. British, French, and American), Tinic critiques the arguments that believe that international television co-production results in cultural homogeneity within the complex global television markets. From a Canadian domestic audience reception perspective,
Tinic examines the tensions between cultural homogeneity and cultural fragmentation.
-26- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Tinic’s work highlights that rather than cultural homogeneity being the dominant
influence, the complexity of Canadian national/local cultural has a strong impact on
global media production, due to audience reception (2005). However, Tinic provides
little discussion on other consequences and influence of cultural globalization besides the
cultural transfer of program content. Her discussion does not focus on other television co-production formats, such as variety show programs.
Taking a more global viewpoint, Doris Baltruschat (2002) addresses both economic and cultural globalization resulting from international co-production.
Baltruschat realizes that global cultural transfer, along with international co-production, focus less on cultural content than on cultural genres. She argues that international co- production could impact globalization processes economically and culturally, as well as influence local independent productions. Baltruschat also emphasizes the fact that co- production as an innovative media form needs further discussion and development. She also proposes that international co-production can make a positive contribution to less developed industries. Thus, she suggests the promotion of domestic co-production between independent producers for their integration to the globalization processes.
There is much strength in Baltruschat’s work. It situates international co-
production in the environment of cultural and economic globalization, and considers
international co-production as a means of creative commitment. By applying cultural
globalization theory, it perceives the local reflection on the global, as well as the different
cultural impacts on various local individuals and entities. However, her work has
weaknesses as well. Baltruscha’s study aims to examine how production methods
-27- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
(international co-production and domestic co-production) impact the development of
cultural content and genre in television/film programs. Thus, she has little concern about
cultural technique transfer (e.g. genre). She discusses different forms of international co-
production programs, but omits variety shows, which differ in many respects from the
formats she discusses. She realizes the globalization impact on independent producers,
while ignoring local regulations, major television production entities, as well as local media systems that have an influence on cultural and economic globalization through international co-production. Although she realizes the contribution of international co- production to creativity, she has not provided any in-depth discussion. Hence, further discussion on international co-production should consider these matters. Finally,
Baltruschat takes a Euro-American-centered standpoint, which only considers Western co-production partners who have relatively equal opportunities, and similar cultural, financial and economic backgrounds. However, as the international television market expands, a number of developing countries have been involved in programs that are co- produced with developed countries. Therefore, the review on television co-production from a Chinese perspective is necessary.
2.5 ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL APPROACHES TO CHINESE PERSPECTIVE OF CO-PRODUCTION
A series of changes in the policies and regulations regarding Chinese television
co-production have taken place since 2005. The major change in these regulations is the
shift from only project co-production to both project and institutional co-production.
This situation implies less policy control and more interaction with outsiders than before.
Therefore, international television program co-production is a popular issue that has been
-28- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
addressed by many Chinese scholars and practitioners through two prominent perspectives: economy and culture.
Scholars with an economic concern focus on the policy changes of China’s
international television program co-production in relation to the development of Chinese
television industries and markets. For example, from an economic approach, Ying Hong
(“Ying Hong: policy changes”, 2005) argues that there were three major rationales
contributing to this industrial development after the new policies on China’s international
television program co-production came into effect: 1) to attract foreign and domestic
investment to Chinese television program productions; 2) to promote the transfer of
television program production techniques and expertise; and 3) to expand Chinese
television programs into international media markets. Ying concludes that this is a
bottom-up approach for the industry’s development under the globalization influence
(“Ying Hong: policy changes”, 2005).
From a cultural perspective, some Chinese researchers consider co-production as
a mode of cultural flow. Their research is concerned with how the new regulations on
co-production impact local culture. Particularly, they are most concerned with whether
global cultural flow, through international co-production, results in cultural imperialism.
Yu Guoming (2005b) argues that the entry of foreign forces to the Chinese television
sector through international co-production does not mean that Chinese producers copy
Western cultural values; thus, it has less impact on China’s cultural identity. Ying Hong
(“Ying Hong: policy changes”, 2005) argues that controlling cultural sovereignty is the primary concern for all nations in all situations at any time, particularly in China. Wu
-29- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Yuming (2002) claims that closed-door policies will only result in no development in
Chinese television and other cultural sectors. On the contrary, Wu suggests that once
China opens its cultural domain to the world (e.g. through international co-production), the national media would fight for China’s cultural independence from global culture. In the post-modern society, there are still antitheses between cultural imperialism and
cultural independence, between homogenization and heterogenization, and between
cultural disjuncture and cultural re-structure. But the Chinese government will always
attempt to maintain control over the open-up attitude towards its cultural sector (Wu,
2002).
On the other hand, other Chinese scholars criticize the consequence of cultural
flow introduced by international co-production. Zhang Xiaozheng (2002) claims that
Western, particularly American, cultural penetration will generate negative impacts on
Chinese culture. So-called cultural exchanges between China and developed countries
are seriously unbalanced. Li Wang (2005) criticizes the materialistic content of Western
popular culture. She also warns that Chinese popular culture’s complete acceptance of
these cultural dregs is unconscious and dangerous.
Both economic and cultural perspectives to co-production by Chinese scholars
stay at a macro-level to address whether the Chinese television market will benefit from
or be threatened by international television program co-production, either economically or culturally. However, these discussions have limits. They are empirical and practical while lacking theoretical supports. With the focus on China’s co-production regulations, these discussions are limited in terms of the research scope and depth. Furthermore,
-30- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
these researchers acknowledge the importance of international co-production in the
development of Chinese television industries as a whole, but their discussions do not
explain how co-production specifically affects the Chinese variety show industry.
Neither do they discuss how major actors (e.g. television stations, independent producers, and other sectors) reflect the cultural globalization processes through international co- production. As the Chinese variety show business takes a different means of
programming, distributing, and financing from other sectors of the television industry,
further discussion on the effects of international co-production specific to the Chinese
variety show industry is necessary.
2.6 CO-PRODUCTION TO PROMOTE CREATIVITY: A STRATEGY FOR THE CHINESE VARIETY SHOW INDUSTY
Only a few literatures from the Chinese perspective address creativity and co-
production in the development of Chinese television industries, particularly the variety
show business. They all agree that creativity is the key to the development of Chinese
variety show programming; and co-production is one of the major strategies towards
globalization. But these literatures take different viewpoints and definitions of creativity
and co-production.
Michael Keane has provided a major contribution to the discussion of creativity
and co-production through close observation on Chinese television entertainment
industries and the creative industries as a whole. Keane (2002 & 2006) argues that
structural impediments associated with duplication and a “creativity deficit” result in the
underdevelopment of Chinese creative industries. Keane particularly addresses the
growing trend towards format adaptation, which appears as Chinese domestic television
-31- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
production industries are cloning and localizing foreign program formats, and looks at how licensed co-production as a mode of cultural technology transfer increases added value to television programs (2002 & 2006). For Keane (2002), formatting duplication and international co-production are the obstacles for the enhancement of creativity in
Chinese creative industries, though they could also be functioning as short-term solutions.
Besides Keane’s scholarly discussion on the impact of co-production on creativity in relation to Chinese television industries, a few Chinese literatures take a practical standpoint in examining this. Unlike Keane, these Chinese scholars take more positive attitudes towards the effect of co-production on program creation. For example, in a case study on the development of the entertainment programs of Shanghai Oriental TV, Hu
Zhengrong and Tang Xiaofen (2006) discuss the creative programming model used by this station. Particularly, Shanghai Oriental TV has used different co-production strategies with Western institutes and advanced independent producers respectively in programming. Hu and Tang argue that these strategies are the key to the success of these co-production programs (2006). In the discussion of the basic situation of the Chinese variety show industry, Xu Quan (2000) also mentions that creation, participation, cooperation/co-production among Chinese television stations, as well as the cooperation among various Chinese media, play roles in enhancing this industry. More importantly, what Xu means in terms of co-production is not the traditional method of international television co-production with foreign involvement, but the domestic program co- production with other players in the domestic television market. Similarly, Shi Lei
-32- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
(2006) argues that co-producing programs with domestic private enterprises is also a
strategy to achieve television program creation.
2.7 SUMMARY
Although it is young, the Chinese variety show industry has achieved great
popularity in only a few years; although there is huge room for its development, China is
worried about how to direct its future development; and although it is “home-made”, the variety show programs have been heavily influenced by isomorphic Western programs.
Because of these contradictions, the discussion on how to develop this industry is prevalent in the field of Chinese television. These literatures recognize the importance of
creativity and co-production to the Chinese variety show industry. However, the
discussions on these two elements are insufficient. First of all, the lack of a clear
definition on creativity and co-production, and the lack of theoretical foundations,
constrain the study on creativity and co-production in the Chinese variety show industry.
Second, there is a deficit of studies on the relations between creativity and co-production
in the Chinese variety show business. As a result, it is important for this thesis to address
the following questions:
• How can co-production and creativity work together in the Chinese variety show industry? And how might they contribute to development of the industry? • What are the factors/actors influencing the strategy of using co-production to improve creativity? And how?
After reviewing the relevant literature, this thesis will develop a theoretical framework
based upon political economy and cultural globalization theories, as introduced in the
next chapter.
-33-
CHAPTER 3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
3.1 INTRODUCTION: CONSTRUCTING THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The earlier critical approaches to television generally emphasize either the
industrial organization of television or the cultural symbolic significance of television
(Meehan, 1986). Eileen Meehan (1986) argues that television is a contradictory
institution/industry which combines cultural symbolic and economic constraints.
Therefore, she proposes a holistic theoretical approach containing political economy and
cultural studies, which has been widely adopted in the study on television. Seeing
television as a manufacturing industry, the political economy approach focuses on the
issues, such as the economic structures, production relations, and political systems that
protect the industry (Meehan et al., 1994). From the cultural studies perspective,
television is considered to be an ideological superstructure, and studies tend to examine
how meaning has been generated by the audience and the public through consumption
and interpretation of television products. Strongly influenced by Marxian approaches,
both political economy and cultural studies address television production from a critical
socio-cultural standpoint. The primary research objective of political economy is
industrial production through the industrial institution/organization, while cultural studies
primarily focus on the social ‘production’ of audience consumption (Meehan, 1986;
Mosco, 1996).
The research interest of this thesis is focused on co-production and creativity in
the development of the Chinese variety show industry, which is being strongly impacted by cultural globalization. Therefore, this thesis follows Meehan’s holistic approach
-34- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
which involves material and cultural constraints of television production. To clarify,
cultural studies that concentrate on the constitution of meaning in texts through everyday social life is not the focus in this research. Instead, this chapter introduces cultural globalization approaches which address industrial cultural production, embedded in the interactive processes between globalization and localization.
As a result, this chapter relies heavily on Vincent Mosco’s (1996) political
economy of communication, particularly in the second section. The political economy of
communication to television industries examines connections among commodification,
ownership, corporate structure and market structures, as well as the regulatory role of the
state, to show how political economy affects television program production. The third
part of this chapter discusses various approaches to cultural globalization/localization,
and particularly emphasizes the cultural flows models by John Tomlinson (1999) and the communication for localization approach by Rico Lie (2003).
3.2 CRITIQUES OF CULTURAL ECONOMICS
Cultural economics and political economy are the two mainstream theoretical
approaches used to study our industrialized cultural and communications world. Cultural
economics is an approach derived from neoclassical economics in the nineteenth century,
specifically related to culture and the arts. Thus, it shares many attributes with
economics. For example, economics examines how to efficiently satisfy human needs,
how the market best functions, and under what conditions. The market is the core in this
type of research. Economists view the market as a natural product of the individual,
rather than part of social activity, and views market success as social success in the
-35- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
whole. However, economics is widely criticized for isolating the market-individual
relations from historical institutional changes and structural transformations because it
relies on mathematical methods. They normally neglect social totality as represented by
social institutions, ideological forces, and cultural values (Mosco, 1996; Hesmondhalph,
2002). In addition, Hesmondhalph argues that cultural economics “provides a poor basis
on which to proceed in assessing the cultural industries” (2002, p.28). Moreover, much
of existing cultural economic literature only emphasizes the arts market, while ignoring
important cultural industries such as pop music and television (2002).
In fact, economics has a different research focus from political economy. As
Nicholas Garnham (1990) argues, neoclassical economics focuses on consumption or
demand as the determining moment, while political economy emphasizes production or
supply. Eileen Meehan et al. (1994) further argue that by posing questions about what happened, who was involved, what interests were served, and why, political economy provides an adequate theoretical basis for exploring economic, political, and sociocultural changes in society. By adopting political economy, this thesis would be able to explain the creativity of the Chinese variety show industry within the context of the changing
Chinese broadcasting system and the changing global environment. Political economy also helps to explore the societal factors impacting the use of co-production strategies to
promote creativity in the development of the Chinese variety show industry.
3.3 AN INSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS OF THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF COMMUNICATION
As one of the mainstream theoretical approaches, political economy has
developed two major analytic modes in media studies: institutional analysis and
-36- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
instrumental analysis. The former focuses on industrial structures and their effects, while the latter emphasizes “the personal and business networks within institutions” (Meehan et al., 1994, p.354). As the focus of this thesis is on the production side of the Chinese variety show industry, it is necessary to take an institutional analysis of political economic approach concerning the field of mass media.
An institutional analysis of political economy can help explore how communication is socially constructed through social forces; and how social forces, business, and state influence communication practices in the mass communication industry (Mosco, 1996). The political economy of communication approach is the study concerning the area of mass communication. It addresses the transformation of media industry, the development of modern business structures and practices, and power relations; discusses both production and consumption sides of the communication processes (e.g. the growth of media business and its relations to the wider political economy, and the value-realizing process in the mass consumption economy); and explores the role of the state in the construction of a national broadcasting system
(Mosco, 1996). Based on previous studies of political economy of communication,
Vincent Mosco (1996) proposes three principles for the application of political economy of communication with the emphasis on social change processes. The principles of commodification and spatialization are particularly well-suited for the discussion of co- production and creativity in the Chinese variety show industry.
-37- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
3.3.1. Commodification
Mosco’s political economy of communication defines commodification as “the process of transforming use values to exchange values” (1996, p.141). For Mosco, use value is not only a range of needs (both physical and cultural), but also a range of socially constituted use values which are distinct from the exchange values that the market produces. Among all the perspectives of the commodification principle that Mosco addresses, the notions of the commodification of content, the audience commodity, and extensive commodification are most closely linked to industrial production in media industries.
Regarding to the perspective of the commodification of content, Mosco (1996) argues that the process of commodification in communication is to transform messages into marketable products. Commodification in communication is the process of creating exchange value from the content of communication, which involves a complex set of social relations among labour, consumer, capital, and capital markets. Therefore, communication is a commodity form because communication can produce surplus value through its “symbols and images whose meaning helps to shape consciousness” (p.147).
The mass media plays a key role in the commodification process by directly producing cultural commodities, or indirectly, through advertising media. The ideology is integrated within a process of production (Mosco, 1996).
Mosco also takes the audience commodity perspective to his analysis of media commodification. The media commodification process is all about generating revenue, which determines the reciprocal relationships among media, audiences, and advertisers:
-38- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Mass media programming is used to construct audiences; advertisers pay media companies for access to these audiences; audiences are thereby delivered to advertisers. […] The process of commodification thoroughly integrates the media industries into the capitalist economy not primarily by creating ideologically saturated products but by producing audiences, en masse and in specific demographically desirable forms for advertisers. (p. 148- 149)
Notably, the media audience in the commodification process should be considered as the
consumer of the media products, rather than as a citizen.
Furthermore, for Mosco, the idea of extensive commodification primarily refers to
the process in which commodification has been expanded into the institutional arena,
with the concomitant transformation of a social logic to a market logic. Market power
works with institutional power to extend commodification. Extensive commodification
also occurs through the expansion of exchange value, which means to undermine use
(non-commodity) values, to increase the attraction of exchange values, and to transform
use value into exchange values (Mosco, 1996). Mosco also suggests that the discussion of extensive commodification should not be isolated from certain historical circumstances
(1996).
3.3.2. Spatialization
Spatialization refers to constant changes through the geographic and institutional
extension of organizational activity. Mosco discusses the latter by focusing on two perspectives: the institutional extension of corporate power in communication industries, and structural transformation in the media business (1996).
-39- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
In relation to the institutional extension of corporate power, the economic growth
of communication industries has been accompanied by corporate concentration, a topic
that has been specifically addressed in political economy. Mosco (1996) discusses various forms of media concentration, which is categorized into two groups based on the
changes in ownership: ownership and non-ownership concentration. Horizontal and
vertical integration are two traditional forms of ownership concentration. Horizontal
integration refers to the concentration of firms that are involved in different types of
businesses, which allows the expansion of corporate size. Vertical integration is defined
as “the concentration of firms within a line of business that extends a company’s control
over the process of production” (Mosco, 1996, p.176).
Non-ownership concentration refers to “the forms of corporate interaction that
build powerful relationships without actually merging businesses” (Mosco, 1996, p.189).
There are two typical forms of concentration: corporate partnerships (e.g. merchandising
agreements) and strategic alliance for specific projects (e.g. media co-production).
Merchandising agreements take place when a media company licenses the right to use the
name of the media product to a marketing or merchandising firm, that then uses it to
create trademarked products (Mosco, 1996, p.192-194). Strategic alliance refers to those
which “brings together two or more firms, or specific units of these firms, for one or
more projects, without any change in ownership or investment of one in the other”
(Mosco, 1996, p. 192). Media co-production arrangements constitute a good case of the
pure form of a strategic alliance, which involves contractual arrangements to cooperate
without changing corporate ownership. In fact, media concentration is the means of
-40- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
controlling uncertainties in the marketplace. Ownership concentration aims to increase
the use of resources based on operations in a range of markets, as well as to diversify the
media content provided by a number of channels. But non-ownership concentration is
intended to control central points in the production, distribution, and exchange processes
(Mosco, 1996).
Institutional concentration is closely related to the perspective of structural
transformation in media industries. Mosco (1996) argues that as the pace of internal and
external corporate restructuring increases, it becomes more unstable. Ownership concentration has fewer constraints than before, but non-ownership concentration has become a more common trend in media industries in recent years. In addition, the role that states play in controlling media industries has changed dramatically. Although nation states still own media facilities and provide services to the public in many cases, they are less likely to intervene in domestic and international media trade activities in the marketplace. Instead, recent regulations and policies encourage firms to negotiate for the sake of their economic growth. The increasing number of strategic media alliances and partnerships is a good example in this case (Mosco, 1996).
Besides the changes in corporate size and market control, Mosco also addresses
changes to political intervention in media systems, including the active legal, regulatory,
and policy processes. According to his point of view, spatialization and nation-building
are two political economic processes, which involve both economic and political
attributes. In the case of media industries, they refer to the logic of production in the
marketplace, and the logic of power over economic decision-making. In order to
-41- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
understand how the state actively constructs forms of regulation, Mosco’s political
economic approach suggests that both regulation and the constitutive role of the state
should be considered (1996). Mosco argues that state regulation is a government reaction
to market problems. In contrast to state regulation, market regulation is the pattern of
industry activity. Therefore, deregulation should not be considered as eliminating
government regulation, but as expanding market regulation (1996).
In addition, Mosco proposes four processes characterizing state-constructive
activities derived from both spatialization and commodification: commercialization, liberalization, privatization, and internationalization. First, commercialization in media
industries refers to market position and probability. Pursuit of large audiences to
maximize advertising revenues is the main motivation. Second, liberalization is a process
of reducing state intervention, which expands the numbers of participants who can
compete in the market. Third, privatization is a process of state intervention
characterized by selling state-owned industries or institutions to privately-owned
business. Finally, internationalization is the process where states encourage the use of
strategic alliances to integrate them in the world’s political economic regime (Mosco,
1996). Mosco (1996) suggests that these four characteristics of state-constructive
activities imply that industry and the state play the key roles in the development of
communication. Considering their mutually constitutive and variable relationship, they
should be central to the political economy of communication.
Political economy of communication focuses on the manufacturing constraints of
media industries, including the television variety show industry. What about the cultural
-42- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
constraints? As Chinese television entertainment production has been heavily influenced
by foreign program formats that possess global cultural elements, the political economy
approach can be used to explain the internationalization of the media industry in the
perspective of political economy. However, there is no concern about the industry within
the global cultural context. Thus, it is necessary to discuss cultural globalization in this
chapter.
3.4 CULTURAL GLOBALIZATION
With the increasing impact of globalization on contemporary social life,
globalization has been addressed from various theoretical perspectives. Economic and political views of globalization are represented by two conventional viewpoints. The first viewpoint focuses on the means of production, exchange, distribution, and consumption, while the latter highlights the exercise of power, coercion, and control over people and territories. Differing from these two perspectives on globalization, cultural globalization concerns itself with the effects of globalization on national and local cultures, and their responses. The worldwide diffusion of various cultural forms (e.g. forms of media and the arts) is the core of this theoretical perspective (Stohl, 2005; Crane, 2002).
3.4.1. Cultural Globalization in the Global
When discussing cultural globalization, it is unavoidable to mention the two mainstream theoretical models: cultural imperialism and cultural flows. Cultural imperialism is the best-known theoretical model for cultural globalization studies, and was advocated mainly by Latin American scholars and heavily influenced by Althuseer,
Gramsci, and the Frankfurt school. The notion of cultural imperialism emphasizes the
-43- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
economic expansion of American capitalism in relation to the extensive exportation of
American mass culture during and after the Cold War. Based on a world-systems theory,
cultural imperialists argue that the dominance of the global economic regime by developed countries results in their economic, political, and cultural domination over the
underdeveloped countries at the periphery of the system. Transnational corporations are
the key players who help to spread capitalist culture in this system (Crane, 2002). Thus,
the homogenization of global culture follows. Cultural imperialism became a popular theoretical approach in academia in the mid 1960s to the late 1970s. The strong
argument of media imperialism has been used to analyze the issues of global expansion
and the influence of global cultures through mass media (Crane, 2002). However, the
major criticisms of cultural imperialism are that: a) it overemphasizes external
determinant forces but undervalues internal reflectivity; and b) it overemphasizes the
power of the West in cultural globalization while ignoring the reflectivity of non-Western
society (Crane, 2002).
In contrast to the cultural imperialism perspective, the cultural flows model argues that cultural diffusion is a two-way flow, with complex processes of countervailing forces, instead of a one-way flow from the core to the periphery (Crane, 2002).
Therefore, global culture is identified as cultural hybridization which contains both
homogeneity and heterogeneity. Arjun Appadurai (1990) and John Tomlinson (1999) are
influential theorists who dedicate their expertise to the cultural flows model. Both of
them capture the major characteristics of cultural globalization, represented by ideas such as deterritorialization, cultural hybridization, and cultural reproduction as the
-44- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
consequences of globalization. However, due to their different theoretical approaches,
they have different interpretations on the cultural flows model of cultural globalization.
Applying a political economic approach, Appadurai views the global cultural
economy as disjunctures between economy, politics, and culture. Appadurai proposes
five dimensions of global cultural flows to explain the global disjunctures: ethnoscapes,
technoscapes, financescapes, mediascapes and ideoscapes. He argues that they are
imagined worlds that are constructed by different perspectives and actors historically.
The global cultural flows “occur in and through the growing disjunctures among these
five dimensions”; and all flows follow “non-isomorphic paths” (Appadurai, 1990, p.301).
Differing from Appadurai, Tomlinson (1999) views cultural globalization as a complex
connectivity, characterized by the interconnections and interdependencies that are
characteristic of global social life. For Tomlinson, the idea of connectivity can be
understood as the notion of proximity and closeness of cultures, but without
homogenization into the global culture. The complex connectivity results in increasing
integration of global society and the reflectivity of global life. Since cultural
globalization contains both the local and the global as a pair of dialectic principles,
cultural globalization is not a one-way process determined by global structures. Instead,
it involves local intervention in the global processes (1999).
Appadurai (1990) regards deterritorialization as one of the central forces of
modern society. He discusses various phenomena of deterritorialization, such as global
flows of labour, information, technology, cultural products, and financial capital. Global disjunctures are not one-way flows, but the landscapes are engaged in a “continuously
-45- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
fluid and uncertain interplay, which concerns the relationship between production and
consumption” (p. 306). Tomlinson also perceives deterritorialization as the
transformation of global culture. However, deterritorialization for Tomlinson is “the
major cultural impact of global connectivity” (1999, p.29). He views deterritorialization
as an uneven global process by all means between the West and the East, between
domination and subordination, and between privileged groups and disadvantaged others
(1999).
In respect to cultural hybridization, Appadurai discusses the idea of the
reproduction of global culture, which means that culture becomes more an area of
conscious choice, justification, and representation. In terms of the shaping of global
cultural formations, the model of cultural shape is fractal; cultural forms are overlapping; and global flows depend on images of flow. The image flow is in chaos and uncertainty.
As a result, global cultural flows result in cultural hybridization, which contains the mutual contest between homogenization and heterogenization (1990). Contrasted with
Appadurai, Tomlinson (1999) argues that the increasing cultural traffic accompanied by cultural deterritorialization results in the hybridization of global culture. He emphasizes the existence of power relations in structuring cultural hybrids. Furthermore, Tomlinson argues that deterritorialization is not a linear, one-way process, but is characterized by the same dialectical push-and-pull of globalization itself. This argument implies that the existence of reterritorialization should be considered as a countervailing force of globalization. For Tomlinson, reterritorialization is a mechanism to re-establish a local culture (1999).
-46- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
However, the new revisionism approach that strongly criticizes these two
mainstream approaches to cultural globalization has been welcomed. According to the
new revisionism, cultural imperialism is a radical stance which pessimistically sees
capitalist ideology being dominant over global society (Ang, 1994), while the cultural
flows model views globalization as a process of empowering minorities and improving
solidarity (Curran & Part, 2000). The new revisionism argues that, by taking Western- centered views, the mainstream studies of cultural globalization are more likely to ignore the different cultural entities and undervalue the power of the rest of the world (Curran &
Part, 2000). This implies the importance in theorizing cultural globalization from a
developing world’s point of view.
In her study, Crane (2002) reviews the major theoretical approaches to cultural
globalization as well as the cultural policies and strategies which are used for national
and local cultures in reaction to cultural globalization within the advanced countries.
Crane suggests that many of these strategies which follow capitalistic marketization logic
can be used for both developed and underdeveloped countries (2002). However, this
thesis critiques Crane’s argument for ignoring the different historical, political, economic,
and socio-cultural backgrounds of different societies.
3.4.2. Cultural Globalization in the Local
In fact, by situating ourselves in a global perspective, neither cultural imperialism,
cultural flows, nor new revisionism could provide a sound theoretical footing for the
production of cultural products in developing countries. Therefore, it is important to
discuss a theoretical approach which situates cultural globalization in the local. Rico
-47- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Lie’s (2003) idea of communication for localization discusses the link between the global
and the local.
For Lie, globalization in the cultural field means “the changes taking place in the
global cultural industries” (p.73). Reviewing the existing theoretical approaches, Lie
argues that although it is well recognized that globalization and localization are interlinked processes that bring changes and development to the world, there is little discussion offering a clear link between the local and the global. Despite the increase in discussions on homogeneity and heterogeneity in globalization processes, there is little concern expressed about “how the interconnection of globalization and localization come about, what constitutes the processes, and how it actually works within a specific community” (2003, p.73). Thus, Lie situates the discussion of cultural globalization in cultural localization and develops a frame for analyzing globalizing/localizing identities through a theoretical discussion on communication for localization.
Referencing Cochrane and Pain (2000), Lie takes the transformationalist
perspective of globalization, which sees the processes of changes and the central point of changes in the world as linking the global with the local. In order to explain how the global changes are linked to development and changes at local levels, and the relationship
between globalization and development, it is necessary to link development
communication to globalization. Since it is directly associated with localization, the research focus should be adjusted as “how localized participatory development communication is linked to globalization (Lie, 2003, p.91).
-48- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
For Lie, there are two perspectives to globalization: globalization as development, and localization as development. Globalization as development is the first perspective which links globalization to development. It contains two paradigms: globalization from above, and globalization from below. With a political economic approach, globalization from above represents the dominant paradigm in this perspective, which sees globalization “as a universal applicable end point of changing societies”. This end point follows a modernization paradigm, including economic and political changes at a global scale. Lie offers the critique that many of the elements of change that are observed if you
accept the paradigm of “globalization from above” are not approaching the idea of
globalization from the perspective of development. This paradigm can hardly explain the
link between globalization and localization. Globalization from below, on the other
hand, recognizes the inequalities and unevenness of society, and seeks out the positive
changes that emerge from below and the local. Lie argues that the globalization from
below perspective aims at “structural political change” (p.94). Participation refers to
counteraction, and changes come from outside to the political inside (2003).
The second perspective on linking globalization and development is localization
as development. It recognizes the interconnectedness of globalization and localization at
different societal levels. Globalization in this perspective refers to a process that is
applied to international bodies, nations, and the local (including communities,
organizations, and individuals). The key element of localization as development is the
“interlevel contacts” or flows of culture. It accounts for both “the flow of cultural
-49- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
products and development messages” (Lie, 2003, p.94). To identify the processes of localization at a local level, Lie argues that:
Localization is a process of articulating locally grounded cultural practices and reinforcing cultural identities at local community levels by contrasting it with other cultural localities, by these localities near (a neighboring communities) or far (a television program produced in another continent). […] People deal with globalization aspects from their own local context and this interaction could lead to more emphasis on small-scale cultural processes. (p.95)
In addition, Lie (2003) explains that global interconnectedness contributes to
interactions among the locals and promotes cultural diversity. Therefore, globalization
not only is interrelated to localization, but also can stimulate the processes of localization,
while central to localization is “the articulation of local cultural identities and local
community characteristics” (p.95). Lie emphasizes that in this paradigm, the link
between development and globalization should not focus on globalization but
localization, by which localization as development should be understood as the local
processes of interpretation. These acts of interpretation should be seen as counteractions
to globalization, and positive acts of interpretation serve to empower people locally (Lie,
2003).
Finally, from a communication/cultural perspective, Lie argues that globalization
and localization should be understood as interpretative processes. Communication for
localization means that “processes of cultural change and flows of knowledge, culture, or information should be interpreted and analyzed in a local context” (2003, p.98). It
implies that the first concern of cultural globalization should be with localization rather
-50- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
than globalization. For Lie, communication for localization refers to local interpretation
and the construction of local cultural identity. In the process of local cultural
interpretation, “the world scale or the global reference framework is not an outside force
in the creation of an individual or even a collective cultural identity” but “a framework
that guides, structures, surrounds, and frames the locally embedded cultural
interpretation” (2003, p.98). In fact, based on a local reference frame, the elements in
cultural flows can be locally reshaped. Plus, communication for localization also refers
to action, which not only supports the local but promotes the exposure of the local culture
(Lie, 2003).
3.5 SUMMARY
In summary, my theoretical framework contains both the political economy of
communication by Mosco and cultural globalization theories by Tomlinson and Lie.
Mosco, taking an institutional analytic mode of political economy, discusses two
principles of political economy in the area of mass communication. Commodification is
the transformation of use value to exchange value, the process of generating revenues,
and the extension of market power. Spatialization refers as the extension of corporate
power and the structural transformation in communication industries. Both nation states
and industry are important forces which interact with each other in development
communication.
Cultural globalization is another essential component to this theoretical
framework. By taking a global stance to cultural globalization, Tomlinson argues that cultural globalization is a complex connectivity and a consequence of interconnectedness.
-51- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Deterritorialization, cultural hybridization, and reproduction of culture are the main
characteristics of cultural globalization processes. Rico Lie’s theoretical approach links globalization with development in a local stance. The theoretical framework in this chapter emphasizes his two paradigms: globalization from below, which focuses on political structure; and communication for localization, which recognizes the power of local interpretation.
The nature of television has duality which contains both industrial and cultural
constraints. The political economy of communication focuses on changes to industrial
structure and social relations from an industrial perspective, while the cultural
globalization theories discuss the transformation of global culture at the global and the
local levels. Both theoretical approaches fit together to provide an understanding of the
nature of the television industry. This theoretical framework suggests that the
transformation of the television industry contains processes of commodification, the
changes of industrial structures, and the extension of television institutes’ power in the industry. It is also important to explore the roles that nation states play in the
development of the television industry, and their relationships. It also advises that
cultural globalization results in cultural hybridization and cultural reproduction.
Localization is interrelated to globalization. The local has the power to reflect global
culture through interpretations of global culture within local contexts. Referencing the
global culture frame helps shape local cultural identities. Thus, this framework enables
the researcher to examine the questions: how does international and domestic co-
-52- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
production impact creativity? What are the social factors/actors influencing this link?
And how?
-53-
CHAPTER 4. CASE STUDY
4.1 INTRODUCTION
The Chinese television industry has experienced fifty years of rapid growth. As
its role as a tool of political propaganda gradually died away, Chinese television began to
provide more and more information and entertainment programs to the Chinese audience,
so that it has become an indispensable part of their everyday lives. Although there are an
increasing number of variety shows with diverse formats produced in the prosperous
Chinese entertainment program industry, Chinese program producers complain that it becomes difficult to satisfy the unpredictable demands for creative and high quality programs by the Chinese audience. Diversified forms of co-production strategies have
been widely applied in Chinese variety shows. They make a great contribution to the
creative content and diverse formats of the shows, and even the development of the
Chinese variety show industry as a whole.
This chapter reviews the transformation and historical development of the
Chinese variety show industry. It also outlines the development of CCTV and Hunan TV
(a provincial television station) with the emphasis on their recent institutional structure reforms. This chapter then provides two comparative cases, Dream China by CCTV
Economic Channel (or CCTV-2) and Super Voice Girls by Hunan Satellite TV. It particularly focuses on their diverse application of co-production strategies in variety show program production, as well as the different consequences from the perspectives of audience reception and participation, commercial strategies, and institutional factors.
-54- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
4.2 THE HISTORICAL TRANSFORMATION OF THE CHINESE TELEVISION INDUSTRY
4.2.1. The Underdevelopment of Chinese Television: From the 1950s to the Mid 1970s
Political and cultural broadcasting used to be the only motivation for Chinese
officials to setup and to run television stations in the country (Pan & Chan, 2000).
According to the State Council, Chinese Central Television (CCTV – formerly known as the Beijing Television Station), the first and the only national television station, founded in 1958, had three major tasks: as political propaganda, education, and enrichment of peoples’ cultural lives (Huang & Green, 2000). During the 1960s and 1970s, the number of Chinese television broadcast stations increased. For example, by the end of 1960,
China had developed 20 operational and 16 experimental television stations. Despite this, the Chinese television industry had little development in production and
consumption. The major obstacle was its structural integration within the communist political system (Huang & Green, 2000).
Chinese television was controlled and administrated by the Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) along with the Chinese Propaganda Department “acting as the sole arbiter of
taste” (Keane, 2004b). In addition, a nationwide television network was built for
ideological indoctrination and national integration (Pan & Chan, 2000). This strong
political propaganda mission in Chinese television resulted in “artistically weak and
economically impoverished” program content (Pan & Chan, 2000, p.272). Economic
return was rarely considered because the Chinese government provided direct and
indirect financial support to setup and run television stations.
-55- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
For example, the State usually allocated around US$250,000 to each major provincial station at this outset as start-up capital. As the stations became operational, the State further appropriated, between 1958 and 1976, US$400,000-500,000 annually to each of them (Pan & Chan, 2000, p.272).
In addition, there was no actual money involved in the transaction costs required to produce or exchange programs among Chinese television stations (Huang & Green,
2000). Plus, all programs at that time served for controlling information flow and guiding public opinion (Pan & Chan, 2000).
4.2.2. Decentralization, Commercialization, and Technological Progress: The Growth of Chinese Television: From the Late 1970s to the 1990s.
The fast growth of Chinese television that began in the late 1970s resulted in changes from various perspectives such as political, economic, technological, and industrial. Led by Deng Xiaoping, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) carried out an open-door policy towards globalization, which pushed the Chinese television industry to apply the practice of capitalistic business. This policy change directly triggered the emergence and development of the Chinese television advertising industry, which in turn, stimulated the marketization process in the Chinese television industry.
Between 1981 and 1998, there was a 455-fold increase in advertising industries.
Advertising in television had the largest share among all media in China, which was 25
percent (See Table 4.1). This financial success deepened the market-oriented mechanism
of the Chinese television industry. Yu Huang and Andrew Green (2000) proposed three
major shifts. First, government funding of television stations has been decreased or
eliminated. Second, the television stations moved towards a market-run economy. As
-56- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
competition among stations becomes more intense, the productivity of programs in local
stations increases. Third, commercialization of Chinese television industry weakened its
traditional control structure.
Table 4.1. Basic Statistic of TV Broadcasting in China: 1981-1997 Year TV Station Population Coverage Advertising Revenue % (million yuan) 1981 42 n.a. n.a. 1982 47 n.a. 10 1983 52 n.a. 16.2 1984 93 64.7 34.0 1985 202 68.4 68.7 1986 292 71.4 115.1 1987 366 73.0 169.3 1988 422 75.4 271.8 1989 469 78.0 392.0 1990 509 79.4 561.0 1991 543 80.5 1,001.0 1992 589 71.3 2.055.0 1993 684 82.3 2,944.0 1994 766 83.4 4,480.0 1995 837 84.5 6,600.0 1996 880 86.2 9,079.0 1997 923 87.6 11,440.0 1998 - - 13,563.8 Note. From “Building a market-based party organ: television and national integration in China” by Z. Pan & J. M. Chan, 2000, pp. 239. In D. French & M. Richards (Eds.), Television in Contemporary Asia, New Delhi: SAGE Publications. Copyright 2000 by David French and Michael Richards.
Along with the industrial development process, the boom of Chinese television
program production was profound. According to the 1997 China Statistical Yearbook,
domestic production of television programming rose from 38,056 hours in 1985 to
550,738 hours in 1996. Among those, the domestic production of entertainment programs increased the most, from 18 percent of total hours in 1985 to 39 percent by
-57- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
1996 (Huang & Green, 2000). In addition, the rapid increase in the number of Chinese television stations was extraordinary worldwide, from 42 in 1981 to 923 in 1997 (See
Table 4.1). As the result, de-centralization occurred in the Chinese television industry.
In order to maintain the hierarchy and bureaucracy of the CCP, the stations were structured at four levels: national level, provincial level, prefectural level, and county level television stations. CCTV, as the only national level network service, tops the hierarchy. Following the structural adjustment, the 1997 regulation formalized the
Chinese television industry through license control, which restricted both unregulated broadcasters and private forces accessing this state-run business (Huang & Green, 2000).
The application of cable network and satellite services has also made a great contribution to the development of the Chinese television industry. Although the first cable system was introduced in the early 1970s, not until the late 1990s did the cable network extend throughout metropolitan areas in China (Keane, 2004b). China had over
2,000 cable stations by 1998 and there were 80 million subscribers to cable television in
China by 1999. Due to the need to be financially independent, Chinese cable television services started producing non-political entertainment programs in competition with others (Wei, 2000).
Based on the cable network system, satellite television was originally introduced to deliver programs to China’s remote areas where cable networks did not reach. By the mid 2000s, 59% of all television subscribers in China could receive satellite television services through cable television networks, while 38% of subscribers accessed satellite television with the aid of reception dishes. The number of satellite services increased
-58- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
rapidly as well. Besides technology changes, the fast growth of satellite television was supported by the market-driven approach (Chan, 2003). With satellite television, Chinese cable operators could produce competitive programs and reach broader Chinese television program consuming markets. It became possible to evade the administrative boundaries for cable television (Chan, 2003). As the increasing number of provincial television stations offered satellite television services, the absolute supremacy of CCTV decreased and its monopoly status in the national television industry has been challenged.
Undoubtedly, decentralization and marketization along with technological
progress have caused fundamental changes in the Chinese television industry since the
early 1980s. To further industrial development, the State launched “the reform,”
focusing on the conglomeration of Chinese television. There were political and
economic purposes behind the industrial conglomeration in the late 1990s. For economic
development, Chinese television needed to increase its competitive advantage and extend
the scope of business; and for political purposes, it aimed to act against the cultural
invasion after the entry of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2000. Although
strong support by the State speeded up the merging process, the reform failed due to the
contradictory character of Chinese television as both public service and private enterprise
(Huang, 2005).
4.2.3. The Development of the Chinese Television Entertainment Business: Balance the Foreign and Domestic Forces
As Chinese television flourishes, it is no longer limited to being a propaganda tool
for the CCP. Instead, it becomes the medium for news and information, and “the single,
most popular source for family entertainment” throughout the country (Cheng, 2005).
-59- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Since the late 1980s, there has been significant growth in Chinese television entertainment program production and consumption. However, this did not mean that
Chinese television entertainment program production would experience smooth progress.
On the one hand, the supply lagged far behind the demand for Chinese television
programming, which has been one of the major obstacles in the development of the
Chinese television industry (Hong, 2000). On the other hand, there is the dichotomy that
the Chinese television industry has been attempting to implement a supply-driven mechanism for years, while keeping content production under a political mandate, which implies no consideration of market competition and content creation (Keane, 2004b).
The introduction of marketization mechanisms in the early 1990s did contribute to
the productivity of domestic program production. However, the commercial system
resulted in fierce competition among program producers. Therefore, importing foreign
programs became the key to successful competition. Due to the relatively low cost of
imported foreign programs, domestic stations could not only ease the lack of programs,
but also attract larger audiences and advertising revenues (Hong, 2000). The dominance
of Western programs in Chinese television not only made the CCP feel uneasy about
Western influence on China politically, ideologically, and culturally, but also let the CCP
realize that the Chinese audience needed high-quality, diversely-themed, stylistic
television programs. To balance these concerns and demands, the State did not only
apply a quota system to attempt to diminish Western dominance in Chinese television,
but also promoted domestic program production. For example, the 1998 reform in
‘separating TV production from broadcast’ (zhi bo feng li) stimulated marketization in
-60- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
entertainment program production, while maintaining state control over broadcasting. By
releasing production resources in the market, a number of independent television program production companies emerged and became professional (Redl & Simons, 2002).
However, this commission-driven programming mechanism requires “strict
business conditions in the market where extraordinary relationships with regulators and
broadcasters are the key factor in securing licenses, scheduled positions and advertisers”
(Redl & Simons 2002, pp.25). Therefore, independent producers are not truly
independent. The television programming market is not fully commercialized. Content
creation is limited. As long as the precondition of television as a mouthpiece of the Party
exists, commercial returns in the television industry cannot be maximized (Redl &
Simons, 2002).
4.2.4. Television Program Co-Production: One Way towards Globalization
There is a very short history of Chinese television entertainment program co-
production. A series of regulations promulgated by the State Administrative of Radio,
Film & Television (SARFT) since 1995 have mainly restricted the mode of co-production in terms of financing, program content, and partnerships. However, the SARFT also affirms the positive contribution that television entertainment program co-productions make to the growth of the Chinese television industry, as well as to socio-cultural development in Chinese society.
There were dramatic changes in the 2004 and 2005 regulations especially. For
example, Decree No. 44 in 2004 made three major changes in the mode of co-production:
the shift from merely project cooperation to integrated cooperation; the shift from only
-61- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
indirect foreign investment to direct foreign investment; and both the private capital and the domestic Chinese private enterprises could access the commercial sector of China’s television industry. Moreover, it also extends the format of co-production into the area of
Chinese variety show business (See Table 4.2).
A year later, the State Council and other state departments made three regulations
to adjust the previous Rules on Chinese television co-production. There is no longer
encouragement to seek foreign investment: the 2005 regulations encourage investment
from the domestic private sector for Chinese television entertainment co-production.
According to the news report (Teng, 2005), Song Jianwu argues that Chinese policy-
makers tried to rationalize foreign capital in the Chinese television sector in order to protect the development of domestic television industries. Therefore, the mainstream voice, represented by Chen Jixin, argues that these adjusted regulations should not be seen as tight policies. Because of the weakness of domestic media in capital, personnel, and experience compared to multinational media, the adjusted regulations were meant to protect Chinese television programming by encouraging the domestic private program production companies access to the Chinese television industry (Teng, 2005) (See Table
4.2). This chapter argues that the policy adjustments attempt to balance foreign and domestic private forces in participating Chinese television entertainment program production. It further implies that marketization and globalization have been more deeply integrated in the Chinese television production industry under the globalization process.
-62- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Table 4.2. Regulations on Chinese Television Co-Production Year File # Name of Regulations Goal/significance of co-production 1995 Decree “Rules for the Administration “To promote Sino-foreign cultural No.15 of Sino-Foreign Cooperative exchanges and encourage the Production of Television flourishing of television drama Dramas” by The Ministry of creation, strengthen administration over Radio, Film, and Television Sino-foreign cooperative production of (MRFT) & Ministry of television dreams, and safeguard the Commerce lawful rights and interests of producers” (Article 1) 2000 Decree “Rules for the Administration -“To promote the construction of the No.2 of Television Dramas” by socialist material civilization and SARFT & Ministry of socialist spiritual civilization”1 (Article Commerce 1). -Encourages society participate in the production of television dramas through investment and sponsorships. 2004 Decree “The Temporary Rules for the Three major changes are significant: No. 44 Administration of the -the shift from only project cooperation businesses in Sino-Foreign to integrated cooperation; Joint Ventures, and -the shift from only indirect foreign Cooperative Production of investment to direct foreign investment; Television Programmes” by -and not only private capital but also SARFT & Ministry of private enterprises in domestic China Commerce could access to the commercial sector of the Chinese television industry. 2004 Decree “The Rules for “To improve China’s cultural exchange No. 41 Administration of Chinese with foreign countries, flourish International Co-production production of television drama, of Television Dramas” by enhance the administration of SARFT international co-production of television drama, and protect the legal rights of producer” (Article 1). 2004 Decree “The Rules for “To insist the right direction of No. 34 Administration of broadcast television program, promote Broadcasting Television the prosperity of broadcast television Program Production and program production industry, and serve Management” by SARFT for the construction of the socialist material civilization and socialist spiritual civilization” (Article 1).
1 The following direct quotes in this table are from the original Chinese regulation and translated by the author of this thesis.
-63- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
2005 n.a. Three adjustment regulations: -To adjust the previous Rules -“Measures for Enhancing Importance Cultural -To encourage the domestic private products” by six government forces access to the Chinese television departments industry -“Opinions on Introduction Foreign Capital in Cultural Area” by National Development and Reform Commission -“The State Council’s Decisions on Non- Public entrance Cultural Industry” by State Council 4.2.5. CCTV
Beijing Television Station (BTS), the first television station started in China, was founded in 1958 and launched on the air in 1967 (White, 2005). This station was designed to serve as the CCP’s propaganda institution. The three major tasks of BTS in
China (propaganda, education, and cultural enrichment), remained as part of the mission of Chinese television (Chang, Wang & Chen, 2002). In 1977, BTS became the core of the nation’s television and developed two channels. It was renamed as China Central TV
(CCTV) in 1978 (White, 2005). By the end of the 1970s, China had developed a basic national television network. CCTV had served its role of ideological control over the network; all local television stations became its local bureaux (Pan & Chan, 2000). Plus, with full financial support from the Chinese government, CCTV produces programs
(including news, documentaries, social education, arts and cultural, and entertainment) for dissemination of the CCP’s ideology and features official performances, rather than entertainment for the public (White, 2005; Chang, Wang & Chen, 2002).
-64- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
In the 1980s, CCTV continued to produce drama and other cultural programs for
patriotic education and national cultural image building. But there were changes
occurring after the application of the market-driven mechanism in the Chinese television
industry. CCTV not only conducted an institutional reorganization of itself, but also
changed its role as the ideological gatekeeper by becoming involved in topic selection and production planning (Pan & Chan 2000; Chang, Wang & Chen, 2002). Financially, advertising revenues became the major financial resource to run the two channels of
CCTV, while government funding was reduced to about one quarter of the total budget required to run the station (Huang, 1994). Furthermore, due to economic concerns,
CCTV signed barter agreements with foreign television companies to import programs.
Despite the ups and downs in terms of the percentage of CCTV’s imported entertainment programs (mainly dramas and documentaries) through the years, the rate remained high during the 1980s (Hong 1998).
Fierce market competition weakened the CCP’s control over the Chinese
television industry through CCTV. In the early 1990s, the CCP not only maintained
CCTV’s authoritative status in propaganda, but also encouraged the partnership between
CCTV and local stations in program production (Lü, 2004). However, the use of satellite
technology, with deepening commercialization and globalization in the Chinese
television industry, has increased national coverage and revenue generation for all
Chinese television stations since the late 1990s. According to the Hexun’s news report
(“The problem after seven years”, 2006), CCTV’s national coverage population is 1.08
billion, and including national satellite coverage, the coverage population is 1.11 billion.
-65- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
In this zero-sum game, it only means that CCTV loses its share of advertising revenue.
Therefore, conflicts between CCTV and local stations increased once again.
Hu Zhengrong argues that the main bottle-neck to the development of Chinese
television has shifted towards competition on content production and exchange (”CCTV
facing challenge”, 2005). As propaganda and education are still the major goals of
CCTV, the competitive capability of CCTV in the perspective of program content is
weak compared with the provincial stations. Therefore, a series of reforms occurred in
CCTV in 1999, 2000, and 2004 respectively (See Table 4.3). The essence of these
reforms in CCTV is to balance creativity and ideological indoctrination (Pan & Chan,
2000).
Table 4.3. Recent Reforms in CCTV2 Year 1999 2000 2005 Reform Channel To introduce program To produce good Focus professionalizing, evaluation system; and brand channels column personalizing, the system in which [pingdao pingpai and program the program graded in hua] competitive. [pingdao the performance zhuanyehua, lanmu evaluation will be laid gexinghua, jiemu off [mowei taotai zhi] jingpinghua] Significance -The core of these reforms is to introduce commercial elements in the management of CCTV. -CCTV finally realized that attracting audience and advertisers became one of the most important elements for its development. Note. From “Yangshi sanci dagaige, pingdao zhuanyehua xiang pingdao pingpaihua zhuanbian [CCTV three major reforms: shift from channel professionalizing to competitive brand of channel],” 2005, December 2, Xinhua Net.
2 All the original Chinese resources are translated by the author of this thesis.
-66- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
4.2.6. Hunan Television (Hunan TV)
Founded in 1960, Hunan TV released its first program in 1970 (Hunan TV,
2005a). The weak economic condition of the inland province has resulted in little
support for the development of Hunan’s provincial television stations. The economic
reforms led by Hunan Economic Station started in 1995. Without government subsidy,
this station has drawn strong attention to advertisers and audience through audience-
orientated entertainment programming. Thus, Hunan Economic Station had better
economic performance than Hunan TV (Bai, 2005).
However, this situation has gradually changed after the launching of a satellite
channel by Hunan TV in 1997. Hunan TV then developed two channels: the Satellite
Channel, which launches programs through Asia-Satellite No.2; and the Literature, Arts,
and Sports (or so-called “wenti”) channel, which covers Hunan province through a
mixture of microwave and cable networks. Besides the technological advancement, the programming capacity of Hunan TV increased as well. These two channels released 154 hours of self-produced programs weekly and produced 2.3 hours of programming daily during that period of time (Ji, 2000). Due to its insistence on entertainment as the major theme ever since the beginning, Hunan Satellite TV Channel was ranked the most popular provincial satellite channel in the national television industry. According to the
audience satisfaction index, it even surpassed some CCTV channels (D. Zhang, 2002),
which had never happened before. The coverage of this satellite channel has increased
through years. According to the CTR Market Research Co. Ltd.’s research on national audience reception, the national coverage of Hunan Satellite TV Channel increased from
-67- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
65 million in 1997 to 450 million in 2005, about an eight times increase (Hunan TV,
2005a). With a high national household penetration rate, revenue has increased from 180
million yuan in 2002 to 600 million yuan in 2005, according to Sun Jitie (2002).
Since 1998, a series of internal reforms have also contributed to its economic flourish. Realizing the importance of capital inputs to the development of program
production, Hunan TV turned Hunan Broadcasting and Television Development Center, a
non-news programming department, into quasi-stockholding companies, named Hunan
TV & Broadcast Intermediary Co. (Dianguang chuanmei gufen youxian gongsi) (Bai,
2005). By the end of 2000, its assets had been increased to approximately 2 billion yuan.
Also, this new enterprise branched out into various media and non-media businesses (Bai,
2005; Liu & Chen, 2004). On the one hand, this reform brought huge capital inputs; on
the other hand, it caused vicious market competition within the station and over-extended
internal resources. To deal with the negative consequences, a second reform aimed to
integrate the resources of all channels. Hunan Radio & Television Group was established
in the end of 2000, which aggregated Hunan Satellite TV, Hunan Economic TV, and
Hunan Cable TV. However, this reform was still unable to balance the income and costs.
By 2003, Hunan Radio & Television Group had to slow down investment to reduce cost
(Liu & Chen, 2004).
No matter how complicated this reform process is, Hunan TV has insisted that
entertainment be the focus of its program production; no matter how intense the debates
on the success of its reforms, Hunan TV has developed strong capacity in producing
entertainment programs, particularly variety shows in the Chinese television industry.
-68- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Positioning itself as the “first entertainment channel in China” in 2003, Hunan TV has
attracted a huge audience, particularly among Chinese youth (Hunan TV, 2005b).
4.3 THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHINESE VARIETY SHOWS: A TYPICAL CASE OF THE COMPETITION BETWEEN CCTV AND HUNAN TV
As discussed above, CCTV’s monopolistic status in China is unique in the
Chinese television industry. Because of its role in controlling information flow, CCTV
could maintain the leading position in news programming without challenge. However,
in the non-news programming area, it has been facing increasing threats from the local
television stations. In the 1980s, drama became the focus of the competition. Shanghai
Oriental TV, through importing drama programs, won huge popularity in the Chinese
television market, which threatened the monopolistic status of CCTV. Since the late
1990s, fiercer competition has shifted to the Chinese variety show industry (some also call it the “entertainment industry”). Hunan TV became one of the major players in the
Chinese variety show industry. Its competition with CCTV has become cruel.
This section examines the four stages of the Chinese variety show industry’s
development, with the focus on the back and forth competition between CCTV and
Hunan TV. This section argues that the intense competition between CCTV and the
provincial stations stimulates the development of the Chinese television entertainment
business. As content production becomes the key to industrial competition, CCTV has to
face challenges from the local stations in the area of variety show production.
The Chinese variety show industry experienced four main development stages:
the arts variety show (zongyi wanhui) period; the game show (youxi yule jiemu) period;
the quiz program (yizhi bocai jiemu) period; and the reality show (zhenren xiu) period.
-69- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Derived from Western countries such as Western Europe and the United States, these programs have been called variety shows (zongyi jiemu) or entertainment shows (yule
jiemu) in China, in order to distinguish these programs from other entertainment
programs such as drama and comedy. Here, the term “variety show” (zongyi jiemu) is
used. Broadly speaking, variety shows are television entertainment programs, which do
not include news programs, economic and life programs, and literature/art programs.
Narrowly defined, variety shows are entertainment programs including a mix of materials
such as music, dance, game, and comedy sketches (Chen, 2001). They are produced for
satisfying the public’s needs for an arts aesthetic and entertainment. Due to the diversity
and flexibility in formats and content, they have created spaces for public participation in
the programs.
Arts variety shows have over fifty years of history in China. Evening Party
(wanhui), begun for political reasons, was the rudiment of art variety shows. The Spring
Festival Gala Show (chunjie lianhuan wanhui) was introduced in 1983 as “a site for the
cultural ritual of family in both the kinship and political senses” (White, 2005, p.255).
This show contained a collection of various Chinese traditional cultural performances,
and achieved unprecedented success in the Chinese entertainment show market. The
format became popular and was widely adapted in Chinese variety show programs. In
the early 1990s, watching CCTV’s Variety Kaleidoscope on Saturday evenings was a
very common entertaining activity for Chinese families. Many attributes contributed to
its success, such as the traditional arts variety show format, new information-oriented
-70- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
content, high quality performances, and new production techniques (Keane, 2004b; Chen,
2001).
The singular style and format became the major obstacle for the arts variety show
to attract the Chinese audiences. When the arts variety show declined in the mid 1990s, the game show format became popular in the Chinese television market. Compared to the arts variety shows which apply the Chinese “home-made” format, Chinese game shows adopt foreign elements one way or the other, and the styles became diversified, particularly in the late 1990s. There were some extremely successful programs in the game show period. Zhengda Variety Show was a joint-venture program co-produced by
CCTV and a Thai-Chinese company, the ChiaTai Group, in 1990. Taking advantage of the international co-production by imitating a foreign tourist programming format, this show became China’s first authentic variety-game show (Liu, 2003; Keane, 2004). As for the format, special guests were invited to participate in quiz-like competitions, and the content includes plenty of information on nature and foreign costumes. The Shanghai
Television Station’s involvement made this co-production more stable by 2000 (Zhang,
2002). Another famous game show is Citadel of Happiness (Huanle Dabenying) introduced by Hunan Satellite TV in 1997. It referenced the format of show, Variety 60
Minute, a famous Hong Kong show popular about ten years previously (Fu, 2006).
Containing apolitical entertainment content based on social issues, targeting the Chinese youth audiences, and applying commercial-run management are the major attributes that contributed to the success of this musical style game show (Keane, 2004b; Chen 2001).
During its heyday, the average audience viewing rate of this program was as high as
-71- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
33%. The advertising revenue was also unexpectedly high, and reached the CCTV’s
level (Xie & Tang, 2006; Keane, 2004b).
All of these famous shows during their heydays had been cloned across the country. However, their popularity did not last long once the audience got tired of the invariable formats. The overall audience rates on variety shows in China consistently declined from 2000 to 2002 (Xie, 2006) (See Table 4.4). Recognizing format as the key to the success of a variety show, Chinese producers sought new formats to meet the audience’s need for entertainment.
Table 4.4. The Sharing of Variety Shows in all Chinese Television Programs from 2000 to 2005
Note. From “2006 zhongguo yule jiemu baogao [The report on the Chinese variety shows in 2006]” by Y. Xie, 2006, the author’s personal blog.
Facing the decrease of advertising revenue and the challenge from local stations such as
Hunan TV, CCTV conducted a series of internal reforms from 1999 to 2005 (mentioned above). As a result, CCTV introduced quiz shows, such as Lucky 52 (Xingyun 52),
Happy Dictionary (Kaixin cidian), and Special 6+1 (Feichang 6+1) to the Chinese audience, and achieved market success.
-72- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Co-production as the major production strategy played a significant role in the
popularity of Chinese quiz shows. In terms of the mode of co-production, Lucky 52 is a
licensed co-production program by CCTV and the owner of the British format – for Go
Bingo. In terms of the content and format, Go Bingo is a lottery type of quiz show, which
does not suit the Chinese national identity or the Communist ideology. Therefore, Lucky
52 had to localize the format by reducing the lottery style of the show (Fu, 2006).
According to the producers, Zhang Haichao and Wang Wenbin, the British company
provided some technical support and monitored the operation system while CCTV took
charge of program production and management. However, the cost for running this
program was extremely high during the co-production. Besides the format license fee of
4 million yuan per year, there were many extra costs in some specific operations. In
addition, CCTV realized that any innovation during the programming would not belong
to CCTV eventually. The contract ended one year later, and CCTV bought the brand of
Lucky 52 (China Broadcast and Television, 2006). Taking the lessons from this, CCTV
referenced the format of Who Wants to be Millionaire when producing Happy
Dictionary, but not through licensed co-production (Xie & Tang, 2006).
No matter what the changes were in the mode of co-production, the major contribution should include two perspectives: the extension of participation and program commercialization. Taking the example of Lucky 52, there are three types of participants.
Besides candidates and the live studio audience, the majority of the audience participates in the show by answering the questions at home to win the prizes (Liu, 2003). According to the CRT research (as cited in CCTV-2, n.d.), for each show, the number of direct
-73- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
audience is 40 million, the number of participants is 20,000, and the number of winners is
1,000. Overall commercialization is also the key to the success of Lucky 52. It narrowed
its target audiences to the educated middle income family so as to maximize advertising revenue. Business logos and brand names exist everywhere in the show: as part of the
content in questions, as calculation signs, on live studio audience uniforms, and even as mentioned by the anchors. Wang Hui (2003) argues that the strong commercial elements of the show are the consequence of importing the format of Go Bingo. Also, the domestic co-production by the economic and entertainment channel contributes to the economic success of this show (Xie & Tang, 2006).
4.4 SUPER VOICE GIRLS VS. DREAM CHINA
With the success of the quiz shows led by CCTV, Chinese variety shows pulled
Chinese audience’s attention back once again. However, the golden age of Chinese
variety shows started from the year 2005, after the emergence of reality shows. In 2005,
about 140,000 hours of variety shows were released in China. And 982 reality shows
series were produced, which rank at the top among other types of variety shows. In addition, the reality shows, together with the large amount of living shows held within the national territory, also helped to increase the audience rates (Xie, 2006). Therefore, when releasing a reality show became the “commanding heights’ in the variety show market, the competition in the Chinese television industry became unprecedentedly severe.
Inspired by the US reality show, American Idol, plebeian voting shows have become popular in China since 2004. Among them, Super Voice Girls (or Super Girls) (Chaoji
-74- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
nüsheng) and Dream China (Mengxiang zhongguo) represented the most popular ones with fierce competition between each other.
4.4.1. Hunan Satellite TV and its Super Voice Girls
Co-produced by Hunan Satellite Television (HNSTV) and Tianyu Entertainment
Media Corp, Ltd. (Tianyu Media), Super Voice Girls was released in 2004, and has
achieved great success and become very influential in the Chinese variety show market
(Miao, 2005). In terms of candidates, Super Girls claimed itself to be a “no threshold, no distance” mass songfest. There are few requirements for registration. In fact, any woman who likes singing can sign up, regardless of their singing styles, appearance, or birthplace, except that girls who are under 16 must be accompanied by their parents or guardian (Lu, 2005). Each participant would have only 30 seconds to perform before several judges. The judges will ring a bell to stop a candidates’ performance. After the judges make their comments, the candidate will leave. This is the picture of primary selection. Super Girls launched shows consisting of two parts: primary selection and
kick-out shows (Lu, 2005). All of these procedures had been released to the audiences
who have access to Hunan Satellite TV. In terms of voting, viewers vote for their
favourite singers through text message, usually by cell phone (Luo, 2005).
[In the primary selections,] the contestant received the least votes and the one voted by the judging panel then went to the nail-biting PK—Player Kill a pop terms among China’s online gaming community where one singer got voted off in each show (Luo, 2005).
But the final ranking of the singer in the show was determined by votes from viewers
(Miao, 2005). Interaction among contestants, anchors, judges, and families/friends plays
-75- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
an important role in the popularity of this show. Their interactions on screen also
encourage audience participation. Actually, judges and anchors become a kind of special
audience, who also perform on stage to entertain TV audiences. Contestants’ activities
during the competition are released as part of this show’s content (Guang, 2005). All these plebeian characteristics make the Super Girls welcomed in China. During the three years of competition, 2005’s Super Girls won the most success. Since then, the number of contest zones had been increased to five. Over 120,000 young females have participated in the preliminary selections. The audience rates in the last two rounds of the contest were 8.3% and 11.653%. Super Girls occupied the first place (29.54%) in the
Chinese television entertainment market. Plus, the total number of people who voted was
4 million (Xie, 2006).
There were two major attributes contributing to the success of Super Girls: the
new genre as reality show and a commercialized business strategy. Due to the similarity in genre, Super Girls was accused of being a cloned program of American Idol. The
producers of Super Girls argued that the show did “reference” some good ideas from
American Idol, such as fierce competition among contestants, ordinary people as contestants, and no restrictions in selection. However, Super Girls also had some
independent creations in programming, such as emphasizing the audience’s participation
in deciding the winners, and the exclusively female participants (Yi, 2006).
Regarding the business framework, Hunan Satellite TV, Hunan Entertainment
Channel, and Shanghai Tianyu Entertainment Media Corp. played important roles in
program production and management. In terms of the mode of co-production, Hunan
-76- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Radio & Television Group invested an entertainment producer in Shanghai—Tianyu
Entertainment Media Co., in 2004. As the subsidiary company of Hunan Entertainment
Channel, Tianyu Entertainment Media Co. co-produced Super Girls. It also owns the
brand name, which enables the enterprise to run a merchandising business related to the show, with products including records, books, toys, and related concerts (Xia, 2005;
“Super Girls: missed Shanghai”, 2005; Luo, 2005). Sponsorship, advertising revenue,
and Short Message System (SMS) fees are the major income resources of the co-
producers. Mongolia Cow Sour Yogurt Group was the most important sponsor for the
Super Girls in 2005. The 14 million yuan sponsorship covered the basic outlay in
programming (Wang, Liu & Fore, 2005). In terms of advertising revenue, five-second commercial slots for the Grand Final were sold for 48,000 yuan, 10-second commercial slots for 79,500 yuan, and 15-second commercial slots for 112,000 yuan.
That means ad time for the local station was slightly more expensive than CCTV1’s highest March quotation of RMB [Chinese dollar] 110,000 for its 15-second commercial slots. A senior producer at Hunan Satellite says that the station pocketed RMB two to three million in advertising during each show (Luo, 2005).
Hunan Satellite TV’s average SMS income from each contest was about 1 million (Feng,
2005). Various research and reports from Hunan Media Group argued that the biggest
win for both Hunan Satellite TV and Tianyu Media was not advertising revenues or SMS
voting, but the brand-- Super Girls, which was worth at least 100 million yuan (Luo,
2005; Feng, 2005). In fact, none of the two major producers, especially the Tianyu
Media, made big money from Super Girls. Although Tianyu Media claimed that TV
revenue was not its major focus, because of its inexperience in running the
-77- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
merchandizing business, Tianyu Media did not make much profit from the brand either.
In addition, as dependent production entities of Hunan Media Group, Tianyu Media is often likely to be restrained by Hunan Media Group (Yue, 2005; Luo, 2005; Feng, 2005)
(See Table 4.5).
Table 4.5. Super Voice Girls: 2004 ~ 2006 Year Contestant Local Policy Economic Sponsor Key Contest performance Producers Zones 2004 All female 4 local n.a. HNSTV and n.a. HNSTV& or female contest Mengniu Tianyu teams who zones: Group Media like to Chengdu, increased sing Nanjing, income Wuhan, & revenues Changsha 2005 All female 5 local n.a. HNSTV and Meng- HNSTV or female contest Mengniu niu & Tianyu teams who zones: Group Group Media like to Changsha, increased sing; Guangzhou, income Zhengzhou, revenues. Chengdu, & Hangzhou 2006 Female 5 local Due to the HNSTV and Meng- HNSTV& who are contest restriction Mengniu niu Tianyu 18 year zones: by the CCP, Group Group Media old or Changsha, Ministry of increased above Guangzhou, Propaganda income Shengyang, & SARFT, revenues Chengdu, & it down- Hangzhou played in commercial speculation 4.4.2. CCTV Economic Channel and its Dream China
The 2004 Dream China (Mengxiang Zhongguo) was designed as a special event, celebrating the first anniversary of the famous program, Special 6+1 (Feichang 6+1).
-78- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
This three-month program was held in seven contest zones across China by CCTV
Economic Channel (CCTV-2) and the other twelve local television stations. Few commercial elements were added to the program during this period. However, with the new format, it did attract thousands of Chinese participants and audiences. As a result, it became an independent show in 2005, and three essential changes followed:
a) Tsingtao Beer Group (Qingdao pijiu jituan) won the top sponsorship bid to tag its
name to the 2005 Dream China. Thus, CCTV received strong financial support
for running the show.
b) CCTV utilized all possible resources to support the 2005 Dream China. This has
never been the case in any of CCTV’s entertainment show productions.
c) Most importantly, Hong Kong’s TVB (Hong Kong Wuxian dianshitai) joined the
co-production team for the first time and played an important role in formatting
and programming the 2005 Dream China (Qiu, 2005).
TVB had previously developed a new reality program, Minutes to Fame (Canku
yiding). By using a format similar to American Idol and employing localized creative talent, this program had been welcomed in Hong Kong. The co-production by TVB caused similarity in the formats of Minutes to Fame and the 2005 Dream China.
According to Ha Wen (the director of this show), the TVB’s joining contributes much to
the entertainism (yulehua) of the 2005 Dream China. However, the 2005 Dream China also insisted on some principles during the co-production with TVB: all contestants must be aged over 16 years old and be non-professional singers, and no vicious joking must occur on the program (Liu, 2005; Qiu, 2005) (See Table 4.6).
-79- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Despite various efforts from CCTV-2, the 2005 Dream China could hardly beat its competitor-- Super Girls--in audience popularity. The 2006 Dream China made some adjustments. It increased the investment and the scale of the show, while the primary selection had been concentrated in seven competition zones. The local co-producers are no longer television stations but local newspapers and magazines. In terms of the sponsorship, after Tsingtao Beer’s withdrawing, Newman Electronic Technology Inc. bought the right to tag its name onto the 2006 Dream China with 20 million yuan in
March 2006 (CCTV International, 2004; 2005; 2006; Chen, 2006; “The collection”,
2006) (See Table 4.6). Furthermore, under pressure from the popularity of Super Girls, the SMS message voting system of Dream China increased the number of votes per person from only 1 in 2005 to at most 18 in 2006 (Mao, 2006). Even though the number of participants and audiences has increased through the years, Dream China still remains less popular than Super Girls (See Table 4.6).
Table 4.6. Dream China: 2004 to 20063 Dream Local Significance Co-producers Goal Top China Contest Sponsor Zones 2004 7 local A special event CCTV and 12 Helps ordinary n.a. contest for the first local TV people to achieve zones anniversary of stations their super star Special 6+1 dream. 2005 Primary Scale is double CCTV, TVB, The largest Tsingtao selections than the 2004 and 12 platform of Beer held in 13 show. provincial TV ordinary art dream provinces stations & cities Continued to the next pageÆ
3 The information in this Table mainly comes from the websites of Dream China by CCTV-2 in each year
-80- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
2006 7 local The scale is CCTV and The process of Newman contest the largest in local making the dream Electronic zones history of newspapers & come to be true is Technology CCTV. magazines modelism and Inc. with 20 entertainism million
It was widely argued that the program producers’ difference in programming,
ideology, goals, and background determined the lower popularity of Dream China than
Super Girls. In spite of the changing numbers of local contest zones, the scale of Dream
China greatly surpassed Super Girls. However, it did not indicate greater audience
participation in contests at the local level. The key problem was the limited space for
audiences’ participation due to its program design. For instance, the last round of
competition was broadcast live on CCTV for only seven days. Thus, the audience could
hardly get familiar with the candidates (Qing & Xiao, 2005). This situation was directly
related to the different goals of these two shows. Dream China tried to provide the
Chinese masses with a platform where their dreams of stardom could possibly come true.
Before the final contest, 36 candidates were trained by experts in Beijing. During the final competition, all candidates were given professional custom designs with the particular characteristics and standards of CCTV as the national broadcast station (Qing
& Xiao, 2005). It reflects CCTV’s self-centered point of view in programming. The
plebeian focus show thus became less meaningful. Moreover, as a public service entity,
CCTV barely competed as a business entity in programming of the show. Unlike the
commercially-oriented Super Girls, Dream China aimed to produce fame, rather than
concentrating on profit-making. Where Hunan Satellite TV and its co-producers reported
fruitful information on profit-making, people could hardly find such information from the
-81- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
producers of Dream China. When Hunan Satellite TV and Tianyu Media were
discussing their income and business strategy, Ha Wen, the show-producer of Dream
China, was trying to clarify Dream China’s incomes in terms of how it is building up its
public service image under CCTV (Mao, 2006).
4.5 SUMMARY
This chapter pictures the historical development of Chinese television, with the
emphasis on the major attributes including decentralization, marketization, technological
progress, and globalization through co-production. It also reviews the historical
development of CCTV and Hunan TV station, respectively, and illustrates the different
backgrounds and ideologies between CCTV and provincial television stations. Outlining
the four steps of development in the Chinese variety show industry, and providing comparative case studies, this chapter emphasizes the intense competition between
CCTV and Hunan TV in programming. The last section of this chapter provides a comparison between CCTV-2’s Dream China and Hunan Satellite TV’s Super Voice
Girls. The chapter suggests that co-production has made a great contribution to the development of the Chinese variety show industry, though the diverse applications of co- production strategy in the shows have brought about different consequences in competition. The following chapter will address diverse forms of co-production and creativity in the Chinese variety show industry, and their social relations which impacting these two elements.
-82-
CHAPTER 5. ANALYSIS
5.1 INTRODUCTION
The development of the Chinese variety show industry has been constrained by its
strong dependency on advanced foreign variety show formats. The Chinese media
academia and industry claim that creativity is at the core of the development of the
Chinese variety show industry. However, the question of how to achieve creativity remains unsolved in this industry. A number of variety shows (e.g. Citadel of
Happiness, Lucky 52, Happy Dictionary, Dream China, and Super Voice Girls) emerged and became popular in the Chinese television market recently. The implementation of diversified forms of cooperative production (co-production) has become a characteristic common to many popular Chinese variety shows. Thus, this thesis suggests that the implementation of both international and domestic co-production strategies to promote creativity can be a good solution to the development of the Chinese variety show industry. However, the Chinese State and the Chinese variety show institutes are the primary forces which influence the use of co-production strategies to promote creativity in this industry. Besides, the institutional ideology and institutional background in relation to the television industry determines the application of co-production strategies and affect creativity at both the institutional and industrial levels.
This chapter first defines creativity and co-production respectively within the context of the Chinese variety show industry. Then, it examines international co- production to promote creativity in Chinese variety show production. This chapter further explores changes and continuities in the transformation of the Chinese variety
-83- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
show industry. The particular focus will be on the discussion of changes to the industrial
structure and its social relations. This chapter highlights their impacts on the changes of television industrial creativity. Both the cultural globalization theories (Tomlinson, 1999;
Lie, 2003), and the political economy of communication approach (Mosco, 1996) are employed in the discussion of how co-production to promote creativity strategy works in
the Chinese variety show industry. To discuss creativity at the media institutional level, a
comparative study is launched to evaluate the two famous Chinese variety shows: CCTV-
2’s Dream China and Hunan Satellite TV’s Super Voice Girls. It aims to explore the
variants that make television institutes take different modes of co-production to promote
creativity, which in turn influence the development of the Chinese variety show industry.
5.2 DEFINING CREATIVITY
As mentioned earlier, a number of literatures by both Western and Chinese scholars have discussed the concept of creativity. Based on them, the chapter will define
creativity as it relates to the Chinese variety show industry. Creativity should include originality and creative ability. Originality is the ability to create something new, while creative ability is the ability to reconstruct and update the originality (Hu, 2006; Xue,
2006). Due to the underdevelopment of the Chinese variety show industry and the great influence from cultural globalization, the Chinese variety show industry currently concentrates on obtaining creative ability at both an institutional and industrial level.
This is the central focus of the research in this thesis. To better approach creative ability, this discussion further explores the criteria to achieve creative ability.
-84- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
After reviewing the relevant literatures, this thesis argues that creative media systems and creative practices are the basic criteria for achieving creative ability in the
Chinese variety show industry. A “creative media system” refers to the media structure which allows the transferral of creation into diversified products, and carrying out their values. Inspired by Brad Hasman’s (2005) five characteristics of “creative practice”, this thesis defines the creative practice in the Chinese variety show industry with four major attributes. First, interactivity is the essence of creative ability, which is the ability to change the audiences’ tastes and improve audience participation. Second, hybridization refers to the ability to adopt and localize original formats and cultural content in programming. Third, it applies multi-platform, cross-promotional means of distribution for running the show businesses to extend market and maximize profits. Fourth, commercial operation in production means the ability to increase commercial procedure of program production. Most notably, commercial operation in production is just as important as format and content creation in the development of the Chinese variety show industry (See Figure 5.1).
The author of this thesis emphasizes that different actors in the Chinese television field (e.g. the Chinese State, television institutes, independent producers, other media forces, and other private sectors) have used different methods and made different efforts to change the Chinese variety show business as a whole. In order to achieve creative ability at both an institutional and industrial level, their creative practices should not be seen as separate elements from the related television media creative systems. Instead, creative practices interact with creative systems for the overall industrial and institutional
-85- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
development of Chinese variety show programming. In other words, creative practices
help to reconstruct creative media systems, while creative media systems support the
implementation of creative practices (See Figure 5.1). As for the Chinese variety show
industry, the process needed to promote creative ability should be considered as a part of
the media commercialization process for the development of this industry. It is
accompanied by a variety of changes, such as the transformation of Chinese television
structure, the shift from the supply-oriented approach to a demand-driven viewpoint, the
move towards cultural globalization, and the shift towards marketization in program production and distribution. Thus, the notion of creativity in the Chinese variety show industry is an economic-oriented definition; and the audience in this sense is no longer the ordinary citizen, but a consumer.
Creativity
Originality Creative ability
Creative practice Creative media structure/ system
Interactivity Hybridization Multi-platform means Commercial of distribution operation
Figure 5.1. Creativity in the Chinese Variety Show Industry
-86- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
5.3 DEFINING CO-PRODUCTION
According to the discussion in the literature review chapter, the mainstream
definition on television co-production refers to international co-production of television
programs, which involves partners from more than one given country. However, due to
the distinctiveness of the Chinese variety show industry, co-production in the Chinese
context should be redefined as a production involving two or more partners, whether they
are from one country or more. The content of a co-production program is a mix of the
partners’ contributions from a creative perspective. Therefore, co-production here includes both international co-production and domestic co-production.
As most Western scholars argue, there are two forms of international co-
production——licensed co-production and non-licensed co-production. In the case of
Chinese variety show production, licensed co-production is the transferring of program
format under a legal agreement, while non-licensed co-production is a form of format
transfer without a legal agreement, including the process(es) of referencing and localizing
format.
In the Chinese variety show industry, international co-production and domestic
co-production have different focuses. International co-production mainly takes place
through cultural format/content transfer from foreign countries and other special geographic areas such as Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan, while domestic co-production concentrates more on the modes of co-production. Domestic co-productions in the
Chinese variety show industry refers to productions involving more than one partner in
China. In terms of the types of Chinese domestic variety show co-productions, there are
-87- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
internal and external domestic co-productions in this industry. Internal co-production occurs between television station(s) and independent production corporation(s) in the
Chinese television industries. External co-production represents domestic co-productions involving other types of media companies (e.g. newspaper, radio broadcast, and new media), and even other business entities (See Figure 5.2).
Co-production
International Domestic Co-production Co-production
Licensed Non-licensed International International Co-production Co-production
Internal External Co-production Co-production
Figure 5.2. Forms of Co-Production
The case study chapter suggests that diversified forms of co-production strategies have been widely adopted by many Chinese popular variety shows, and the application of co-production strategies has contributed to the development of Chinese variety show production during the past twenty years. The case study chapter also indicates that various social factors/actors influence the application of co-production strategies in
Chinese variety show programming at an institutional level. The discussion in the literature review chapter, on the other hand, implies that the use of diverse forms of co-
-88- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
production strategies has an impact on television institutional creativity in the Chinese
variety show industry.
Based on the definition of creativity and co-production discussed above, this thesis should draw attention to the interaction between the forms of co-production, and its relationship to creative practices and creative television media systems. By exploring their interaction, this thesis is able to explain how co-production influences creativity in the Chinese variety show industry at both an industrial and institutional level; and what social factors and actors impact on the use of co-production strategies to affect creativity at both the institutional and industrial levels.
5.4 INTERNATIONAL CO-PRODUCTION TO PROMOTE CREATIVITY THROUGH CULTURAL TECHNIQUE TRANSFER
To confirm the hypothesis that co-production to promote creativity is a good solution to the development of the Chinese variety show industry, this section first addresses international co-production in relation to creativity in the industry. It then explores how the Chinese State and Chinese television institutes have influenced on the co-production to promote creativity strategies in the Chinese variety show industry.
According to the literature review chapter, many literatures from a Chinese
perspective capture the important role of creativity and international co-production in the
Chinese variety show industry. Although their arguments might differ, they all agree that
the deficits of creativity in the Chinese variety show industry have resulted in the massive cloning/adaptation of successful foreign cultural formats and content for Chinese variety show programming, and that this negatively impacts the development of the Chinese variety show industry. The format cloning/adaptation in this thesis is defined as a typical
-89- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
form of non-licensed international co-production in the Chinese variety show industry.
Their discussions imply a kind of liaison between creativity and international co-
production in this cultural industry. However, this common view is insufficient for understanding the relationship between creativity and international co-production in the
Chinese variety show industry, since they often ignore licensed international co- production, which is another major form of international co-production in the Chinese variety show production. More importantly, their discussions can not explain how international co-production influences creativity in the development of the Chinese variety show industry, and what social actors influence the relations between international co-production and creativity, which are the central questions of this section.
5.4.1. Forms of Cultural Technique Transfer in the Chinese Variety Show Industry
In the discussion of how international co-production promotes creativity, which
contributes to the development of the Chinese variety show industry, this section first
argues that cultural technique transfer is the key to link creativity and international co-
production strategies in the Chinese variety show industry. By applying the cultural
globalization theories, this section further suggests that international co-production
through cultural technique transfer results in hybridization which contributes to creativity
in the development of the Chinese variety show industry.
The key role that cultural technique transfer plays in the relation between
international co-production and creativity is determined by the distinctiveness of the
Chinese variety show industry. There are two rationales behind of this. On the one hand,
under the strong influence of cultural globalization, Chinese variety show producers pay
-90- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
greater attention to increasing industrial creative ability, rather than originality. As the
industry remains underdeveloped compared with Western variety show businesses, the
progress in creative ability makes industrial development faster and easier at this time
period. The author interprets creative ability as the ability to transfer cultural techniques
from another culture; and this can be evaluated through two criteria of creative practice
mainly, hybridization and a creative media system. On the other hand, Western
approaches to international co-production aim to pursue foreign financial resources, and
reduce the production and distribution costs (Renaud & Litman, 1985; Hoskins,
McFadyen, & Finn, 1998). On the contrary, Chinese variety show producers concern
themselves less with foreign financial resource involvement than with the foreign cultural
technique transfer, particularly in program format and cultural content through diverse
forms of international co-production. Thus, this thesis argues that cultural technique transfer is essential to the international co-production to promote creativity strategy in the
Chinese variety show industry.
Cultural technique transfer is the major concern in the application of diverse
forms of international co-production in Chinese variety show programming. Non-
licensed international co-production in the Chinese variety show industry simply takes
the form of reference (including cloning and adaptation) of foreign formats and content.
For example, Hunan TV’s two popular shows, Citadel of Happiness and Super Voice
Girls cloned and localized the formats from a Hong Kong’s popular quiz show and an
America reality show respectively. Both of them gained high audience ratings and high
advertising revenue return. Their localized formats became a model referenced by other
-91- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
domestic television stations in the Chinese variety show market. Compared to non- licensed co-production, licensed co-production has more restrictions and benefits from the partnerships, in terms of financial capital, production facilities, and personnel.
However, cultural technique transfer, particularly the cultural format transfer, is still the
key to the licensed international co-production in Chinese variety show business. This is
the typical case in recent licensed co-production programs, such as Lucky 52 and Dream
China. Introducing the format, Go Bingo, was the primary concern when CCTV signed a
licensing agreement with the owner of the show’s format for the co-production program,
Lucky 52. There was also no foreign investment involved in the co-production agreement
for 2005 Dream China. This show was co-produced by CCTV-2 and TVB, a Hong Kong
television station. The co-production took place in the production procedure and aimed
to transfer the format of Minute to Fame to the 2005 Dream China.
Cultural format transfer through international co-production serves the
development of Chinese variety show programming. During the four stages of
development of the Chinese variety show industry, except for the ‘home-made’ arts
variety show format, many other formats of Chinese variety shows (game show, quiz
show, and reality show) have experienced certain forms of international co-production,
which contributed to the popularity of their formats in the Chinese variety show market,
particularly during their heyday. Cultural technique transfer is the key to prosperity and
further development of the Chinese variety show industry. Zhengda Variety Show was a
licensed co-production program by CCTV and ChiaTai Group. The show provides
plenty of information on nature and foreign costumes. It also invites special guests to
-92- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
participate in quiz-like competitions. This format has been referenced by many domestic programs. In another case, Citadel of Happiness referenced the format of Variety 60
Minute, a famous show in Hong Kong. The musical style game show format, with apolitical entertainment content based on social issues, is the key to attracting a huge number of Chinese youth audiences. These two shows together led to the prosperity of the Chinese game show period for over ten years. CCTV introduced a number of co- production programs such as Lucky 52, Happy Dictionary, and Special 6+1, which also contributed to the flourish of the quiz shows in the Chinese television market. The competition between Super Voice Girls and Dream China stimulates the unprecedented development of reality shows in China in recent years.
Regarding the cultural format transfer chain in the industry, Chinese scholars
(Shao, 2006; Hu, 2003; Tan & Wang, 2006) argue that it is a triple-down process of cultural flow. In other words, the original formats from the West (e.g. Europe and
America) and Japanese have been transferred to variety shows in Hong Kong and
Taiwan, and then to Chinese domestic variety shows. However, this format transfer chain has become shortened recently, which is represented by directly transferring formats from the Western originalities (See Figure 5.3). This situation also implies the increasing capability of hybridization in the Chinese variety show industry.
Besides format and content transfer, commercialized operation technique transfer has become another important form of cultural technique transfer in the recent international co-production of Chinese variety shows. It also contributes to industrial development. The co-production program Lucky 52 is a good example. The British co-
-93- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
production partner who owns the format of Go Bingo taught CCTV how to add
commercial elements in the show to make profit. For example, business logos and brand
names appear everywhere in the show: as part of content in questions, as a calculation
sign, on live studio audience uniforms, and even mentioned by the anchors (Wang, 2003).
Although this co-production agreement was stopped by CCTV a year later, the
commercialized operation strategy has been widely adopted in CCTV’s variety shows
that followed. This strategy indirectly contributed to the development of the Chinese
variety show industry. In the case of Citadel of Happiness by Hunan TV and the 2005
Dream China by CCTV, they also introduced entertainism, the television pop culture prominent in Hong Kong. Entertainism should also be considered as a sort of commercialized element in variety shows, since it helps to attract audiences and thus increase advertising revenues.
5.4.2. Hybridization: the Core to Industrial Creativity
Both format/content transfer and commercialized operation technique transfer are
important forms of cultural technique transfer along with international co-productions in
the Chinese variety show industry. Based on cultural globalization by Tomlinson, this thesis further argues that hybridization is the consequence of cultural technique transfer
through international co-production. Hybridization through international co-production
promotes creativity in the Chinese variety show industry.
Cultural technique transfer in cultural globalization is not a linear, one-way process. It doesn’t cause cultural homogenization, rather cultural hybridization.
According to Tomlinson (1999), cultural globalization is a complex connectivity.
-94- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Connectivity should be understood as the notion of proximity and closeness. But it does not mean homogenization of the global culture. Instead, complex connectivity results in the increasing integration and reflexivity of the globe. As discussed in the literature review chapter, Chinese scholars (e.g. Xie Yungen & Wang Caiping, 2005 &2006; Zhang
Xiaozheng, 2002; Li Wang, 2005) worry that foreign cultures have a negative impact on
Chinese television programs through cultural format transfer, such as the isomorphism of the program format. Based on Tomlinson’s cultural globalization theory, format transfer and commercialized operation technique transfer should be understood as a process of the connectivity between global culture and the local as a whole. The more cultural technique transfer occurs, the more the Chinese variety show industry integrates with the global cultural industry system. Regardless of the cultural homogenization of the
Chinese variety show industry, the industry itself reflects global culture through cultural format transfer and commercialized operation technique transfer.
In fact, cultural technique transfer more likely results in cultural hybridization in the Chinese variety show business. As Tomlinson (1997) emphasizes, globalization is the processes of deterritorialization and reterritorialization. Deterritorialization results in hybridization of global culture, while reterritorialization, as a countervailing force to globalization, is a means of re-establishing a local culture. With an increase in ability to reshape local cultural values, the creative ability improves in the case of Chinese variety show programming. First, format transfer is a process of cultural hybridization. For example, all popular international co-production programs in the Chinese variety show market, which are mentioned in the case study chapter, have added creative values and
-95- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
reduced the unfitted elements in order to meet the tastes of their Chinese audience, the
production needs, and the market circumstances. Second, commercialization operation
technique transfer is also the process of hybridization. And the core of this hybridization
is commercial culture. For example, it has been widely argued that Super Girls
referenced the plebeian voting show format from American Idol. However, Hunan TV
responded that some creation had been added in the program beyond the original format,
such as emphasizing audience participation, decision-making in winners, and female candidates only (Yi, 2006). These creations by Hunan TV aim to extend its penetration of the national Chinese television market. With commercial management, the show stimulates the Chinese populace’s anxiety in participation and decision-making in the show. Therefore, this show attracts huge audiences. Hybridization through cultural technique transfer also occurred in CCTV’s international co-production variety shows.
Although the co-production programs by CCTV face more restrictions than those by local stations, due to its role in serving the public. Lucky 52 referenced the format of Go
Bingo, but rejected the lottery style. The 2005 Dream China takes entertainism from the show Minutes to Fame, but rejects the vicious fun-making in the program. Thus, this show becomes a characteristically Chinese quiz show.
5.4.3. The Influences of the Chinese State and Television Institutes
The policy supports to the application of international co-production mostly
contribute to the changes of the media structure of the Chinese television industry.
Differing from Tomlinson’s cultural globalization approach, which situates itself at the
global level, Lie (2003) proposed a communication for localization approach which
-96- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
situates cultural globalization in cultural localization. Lie argues that both globalization and localization bring changes and development to the world (2003). For discussing the link between the local and the global, he proposed the paradigms of globalization as development and localization as development. They have been taken respectively by the policy makers and producers in the Chinese television field.
Lie (2003) argues that the paradigm of globalization from below looks at structural changes from below and the local. In this paradigm, participation through a conglomerate of counteraction results in positive changes from outside to the political system inside. The Chinese State has promulgated a series of regulations (e.g. Decree
No.15, No.2, No.41, No. 44, No.34, as mentioned in the case study chapter) since the mid
1990s. All of these regulations clearly identify the role of international co-production as a globalization strategy for the development of the Chinese television industry and to the socio-cultural development of Chinese society. In addition, these regulatory changes concentrating on media structure changes in the Chinese television industry were enacted
in practice. For example, Decree No. 44 in 2004 encourages foreign capital, and
domestic Chinese private investment and private enterprises, to participate in television
program production. And the 2005 regulations focused more on the domestic sector’s
participation in television program production. Undoubtedly, with this policy support,
the domestic private sector will become another major force to support the Chinese
television programming in the future. The changes of the industrial structure provide a
good environment in shaping a creative television program system. A creative television
-97- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
program system serves for promoting creativity in the Chinese variety show industry,
according to the notion of creativity.
Taking the perspective of localization as development, Chinese variety show
institutes view international co-productions as leading to cultural localization. As Lie
(2003) argues, globalization is not only interrelated with localization, but also it can stimulate the processes of localization. The interconnectedness between localization and globalization reinforces local cultural diversity. Since the key to the localization as development pattern is flows of culture, interpretation and construction of local cultural identity are important to the development of local culture. Based on Lie’s communication for localization paradigm, this thesis argues that focusing on cultural hybridization as a creative practice to improve creativity is both important and urgent for the development of Chinese television institutes at this stage. For example, both CCTV and Hunan TV improve their capacity by referencing successful foreign formats and re- interpreting them into cultural programs which meet the desires of both advertisers and
Chinese audiences. As discussed earlier, the shortening of the format transfer chain also indicates progress in cultural technique transfer ability (See Figure 5.3). In fact, it can be
predicted that, with the constant globalization impact through international co-
production, Chinese television institutes will inevitably improve their creativity in the
process of cultural technique transfer through international co-production.
-98- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
International Cultural technique transfers Creativity Co-production
Cultural hybridization
Original Western variety shows
Global popular formats
Globalization from below Localization as development
Localized Chinese variety shows
Figure 5.3. Cultural Technique Transfers Through Co-Production
To summarize, cultural technique transfer is the key to link international co-
production and creativity in support of the Chinese variety show industry. Chinese
television institutes have applied different forms of international co-production in variety
show programming. The core consequence of cultural technique transfer is
hybridization, which not only promotes creativity, but also constantly pushes the
development of the Chinese variety show industry. Chinese policy makers have constantly been encouraged to apply international co-production in television programming; it not only results in the transformation of the industrial structure, but also
-99- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
provides opportunities for enhancing creativity in Chinese variety show programming.
Thus, the author believes that, with the constant globalization impact through international co-production, Chinese television institutes will increase their creativity in
program production. This section has discussed how international co-production
promotes creativity; and the two major actors influencing the implementation of
international co-production to promote creativity in the Chinese variety show industry.
The following section will explore the changes and continuity of the Chinese television
industry regarding creativity to explain why Chinese television institutes pick up
domestic co-production strategies to promote creativity; what the major factors are,
which influence the application of domestic co-production to promote creativity; and how
the domestic co-production to improve creativity in Chinese variety show industry works.
5.5 HISTORICAL TRANSFORMATION TO CREATIVITY IN THE CHINESE VARIETY SHOW INDUSTRY
Mosco’s (1996) political economy of communication focuses on identifying
changes in the social system and social relations among socio-cultural factors. In the
case of the Chinese variety show industry, this theory helps us to understand how
creativity in this industry is socially constructed along with the transformation of the
Chinese television industry, how domestic co-production promotes creativity at the
industrial level; and how social factors influence creative practices and creative media
structure.
First of all, the transformation of the Chinese television industry through media
commodification is a process that increases creativity. Mosco (1996) argues that when a
media program becomes a cultural commodity, it contains surplus value for profit-
-100- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
making. The revenue generation mechanism in a media system relies on the reciprocal relationship between media, audience, and advertisers. These three attributes interlink with each other to work on the creative media practices in the Chinese variety show
industry. Arts variety shows (e.g. Spring Festival Gala and Variety Kaleidoscope) from
the 1980s to the mid 1990s are not characterized as cultural commodities. They mainly
served as education and cultural enrichment, and had little concern for profit-making, due
to the government’s complete financial support. Since the mid 1990s, the popular variety
shows that have been influenced by cultural globalization processes (e.g. Citadel of
Happiness, Lucky 52, Happy Dictionary, Dream China, and Super Voice Girls) have become cultural commodities as more and more commercial values are added. Unlike the non-commodity shows, they contained many commercial elements and aimed at revenue generation under a commercial operation mechanism. In terms of content, they focus less on educating and maintaining the national cultural image than on entertaining.
To attract a larger audience and more advertisers, these shows encourage the participation of the audience. Compared with previous variety shows, Dream China and Super Voice
Girls have the fewest requirements for registration. As the 2004 Super Voice Girls claimed, any Chinese female who loves singing could sign up for participating in the show, regardless of their singing styles, appearance, or birthplace, except that girls under
16 must be accompanied by their parents or guardians. Besides the dramatic increase in the number of participants, there has been an increase in the geographic area that participants come from. The 2005 Super Voice Girls had five local contest zones while the 2005 Dream China held local selection contests in thirteen provinces and cities. In
-101- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
addition, by providing different modes of participation, the distinction between participants and audiences has been blurred. Besides candidates’ participation through their performance, there are other forms of participation in the show. Live studio audiences participate in the show through their interaction with the performance of
candidates. Although the majority of the audience watches the shows at home, they
could participate in the shows through short message system (SMS) voting. As a result,
both these shows have extremely high advertising revenue and other related income,
which never happened to previous shows in China. With these financial supports, the
producers are able to make more variety shows to attract more audiences and advertisers.
Therefore, in the transformation of media commoditization, the Chinese variety show
industry has shifted programs into commodities, increased their interactivity, and added
commercial operation in program production and distribution of the variety shows, which
contributes to the increase of creative ability of the industry.
This thesis also emphasizes that these changes contributing to the promotion of creativity in this industry cannot be separated from market mechanisms in Chinese variety show production. Mosco (1996) argues that the transformation of a social logic to a market logic helps to generate greater market value. This thesis also argues that the transformation processes are not linear. Taking the example of the historical reforms of
CCTV, the institutional reform in the early 1980s was under the open-door policy. After gaining its monopoly status in the Chinese television industry, CCTV became an
ideological gatekeeper for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). To enforce the control
over the Chinese television industry, the CCP maintained CCTV’s authoritative role in
-102- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
propaganda, and encouraged partnerships between CCTV and local stations. This further reinforced the monopoly status of CCTV. Fierce competition in the Chinese television industry forced CCTV to make reforms in the late 1990s. There were three major reforms in 1999, 2000, and 2005. All of them aimed to introduce commercial elements in the management of CCTV (See Table 4.3). In turn, these reforms forced CCTV to pay more attention to attracting audience and advertisers. The transformation from a social logic to a market logic has been embedded in these institutional reforms in CCTV.
However, it does not mean that Chinese television institutions have made fundamental changes based on the market mechanism, as long as Chinese television institutions maintain state power over the industry. In addition, as mentioned in the case study chapter, the majority of Chinese television producers have adopted a supply-driven mechanism for years. Meanwhile, the supply has been far behind the demand. These are also reasons which result in the deficit of creativity in the current Chinese variety show industry.
Second, the transformation of institutional structure also determines creative
ability in the Chinese variety show industry. Mosco characterizes two forms of media
concentration based on changes in ownership. Ownership concentration includes two
traditional forms of institutional changes: vertical integration results in the creation or
expansion of conglomerate ownership, while horizontal integration helps to extend a
company’s control over the production process (1996). The conglomeration of the
Chinese television industry started in 1999. It was aimed against foreign cultural
invasion politically, while economically it served to expand media business. However,
-103- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
the conglomeration reform of the Chinese television institutes was problematic due to the
contradictory roles that Chinese media institutions play between public service provider
and enterprise. The conglomeration reform in Hunan TV is a good example. Hunan
TV’s reforms in 1998 turned Hunan Broadcasting and Television Development Center
into a quasi-stockholding company, called Hunan TV & Broadcast International Co. This
enterprise not only brought huge capital inputs, but also allowed the company to branch
out into various media and non-media businesses. However, negative consequences were
caused by vicious internal competition and the waste of internal resources, which
hindered its institutional development. Therefore, Hunan TV launched the second reform
in 2000, in which the Hunan Radio & Television Group was established. This
conglomeration incorporated Hunan Satellite TV, Hunan Economic TV, and Hunan
Cable TV. The major problem in this newly founded Group is unbalanced income and
cost. In fact, the overall conglomeration reforms in Chinese television failed in the late
1990s. Since the television organizations hardly established multi-platform means of distribution and production mechanisms, creativity is limited in the Chinese variety show industry.
On the other side, non-ownership concentration in the forms of corporate
partnerships and strategic alliances for specific projects became a common institutional
interaction pattern in the Chinese television industry. Compared with ownership
concentration, Chinese variety shows are more likely to take the form of non-ownership
concentration, which successfully triggered the development of the Chinese variety show industry. As discussed above, many Chinese popular variety shows apply international
-104- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
co-production strategies in programming, which stimulates the development of this industry. Moreover, it should be noticed that the application of domestic co-production
to promote creativity strategy also pushes the development of the Chinese variety show
industry. For example, in terms of domestic co-production, the 2004 Dream China was
co-produced by CCTV with twelve local television stations. In the 2006 Dream China,
the co-production occurred between CCTV and Chinese local newspapers and
magazines. In addition, private enterprises such as Tsingtao Beer Group and Newman
Electronic Technology Inc. also participated in the production through financially
supporting the 2005 and 2006 Dream China respectively. The application of non-
ownership concentration strategies under various commercially-oriented mechanisms
helps to reinforce control over the central points in production and distribution. In
addition, the different forms of partnerships and alliances provide economic resources
and stimulate the commercial operation in the production and distribution of the variety
shows. Thus, considering the discussion in the previous section, this thesis argues that
both international and domestic co-production should be considered as positive solutions
that increases creativity in the Chinese variety show industry as a whole.
Third, the changes in the political constitution regarding the media system also
impact creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. Political economy stresses two
factors: the role of the state; and regulations and policies. Regarding the state-
constructive perspective, the Chinese variety show industry has experienced the
processes of commercialization, decentralization, marketization, and globalization, which
slightly differ from the descriptions offered by Mosco.
-105- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Under the open-door policy, the Chinese television industry has moved to a market-run economy since the 1990s. The commercialization process weakened the traditional control structure, and then decentralization occurred in the Chinese television industry. Mosco argues that state regulation is opposed to market regulation.
Deregulation is not for eliminating state regulation but for expanding market regulation
(1996). However, in the case of the Chinese television industry, deregulation not only expands market regulation, but more importantly, it strengthens state power over the industry. This political constitution limits creativity in the Chinese television industry as a whole. For example, the decentralization reform from the 1980s to the 1990s had structured Chinese television stations in four levels. This reform aimed to maintain the hierarchy and bureaucracy of the CCP. The 1997 regulation formalized the Chinese television industry under the control of state-issued licenses. It not only restricted unregulated broadcasters, but also obstructed private forces from accessing the state-run media business. In fact, this reform strengthened state control and enlarged the scope of state regulation over the Chinese television industry. The 1998 reform on “separating TV production from broadcast” (Zhi bo fen li) was an important state regulation which encouraged the construction of a marketization mechanism in Chinese television program production. A number of independent television program producers emerged and became professional, which contributed to the development of Chinese television entertainment program production. However, this media business requires independent business relationships with regulators and broadcasters. As a result, independent producers are not really independent, and the programming market is not fully commercialized. Therefore,
-106- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
this thesis argues that the Chinese television industry reforms have been struggling back and forth between state-control and a market-led mechanism. As long as strong state control remains, structural changes could not occur in the industry. Therefore, the creativity in the industry is still limited.
The 2004 and 2005 state regulations on television program production tried to balance foreign and domestic private forces in Chinese television program production
(See Table 4.2). With a range of adjustments, the regulations encouraged the domestic private sectors, including private capital and private enterprise, to join in entertainment program production. The changes of the regulations reinforce a commercialization process of the Chinese variety show industry under the globalization impacts, which promotes creative ability in this industry. Taking advantage of these regulations, the private sector got involved in both Dream China and Super Voice Girls. Commercially operated, these two shows made great big fame in China’s present variety show market.
As a whole, the author captures the major attributes which impact on creativity both positively and negatively, considering its relation to the historical development of the Chinese television industry. It is contradictory when the State plays the role in constitutive activities and regulations regarding creativity in Chinese television. The strong state power over this industry is the major constraint, which limits creativity and holds back industrial development; however, the recent state policies and regulations promote creativity in the development of the Chinese variety show industry. In respect to the industry, the program commodification process and the rise of interactivity help industrial creativity. However, the current market mechanism applied to the Chinese
-107- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
variety show industry has negative impact on creativity. The use of domestic co-
production not only increases the power of program producers to control more economic
resources, but also stimulates the commercial operation in the production and distribution
of the variety shows. With the encouragement by regulations on co-production and the
shift towards commodification, the application of domestic co-production strategies
promotes creativity in the Chinese variety show industry.
5.6 DOMESTIC CO-PRODUCTION TO PROMOTE INSTITUTIONAL CREATIVITY
The concern with creativity in relation to the historical transformation of Chinese
television industry explains how domestic co-production promotes industrial creativity.
It is also necessary to pay attention to the relationship between domestic co-productions and institutional creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. This section
concentrates on the domestic co-production to improve creativity strategy at an
institutional level. How do domestic co-production strategies contribute to institutional
creativity in the industry? And what are the major factors impacting this link in Chinese
variety show industry? To answer these questions, a comparative analysis on these two
shows, Dream China and Super Voice Girls will be applied. Discussions on their major
producers are also presented.
Inspired by the US reality show, American Idol, the format of plebeian voting shows became popular in China since 2004. Taking a similar format, Super Voice Girls
by Hunan Satellite TV and Dream China by CCTV-2 became the hot spots in the
Chinese variety show industry since then. These two shows share many similarities in
production and distribution, compared with other format shows in the Chinese television
-108- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
market. As discussed earlier, they both take non-licensed international co-production
strategies which promote creativity of these two television institutes. Besides, they also
implement domestic co-production strategies with strong commercial operations in
production and distribution. Beyond these similarities, they possess many differences in
their domestic co-production strategies and use of commercial mechanisms in
programming. This will help explain why Super Voice Girls achieved greater market
success than Dream China over the past three years.
5.6.1. Differences between Super Voice Girls and Dream China
Both of these two shows integrate diverse forms of domestic co-production.
However, the applied strategies are different. In the case of Dream China, the 2004
Dream China was a special event to celebrate the anniversary of the popular show,
Special 6+1. It applied only internal domestic co-production between CCTV-2 and the
twelve local television stations. Due to the good audience ratings of the 2004 show,
CCTV-2 continued to develop the show in 2005 and 2006 with some changes in
programming. CCTV-2 added more commercial elements to the 2005 and 2006 Dream
China shows, and applied both internal and external domestic co-production in production, distribution, and financing. The 2005 Dream China maintained the domestic co-production arrangements with twelve local stations. In addition, CCTV-2 also obtained financial support from Tsingtao Beer Group, who sponsored the show by tagging its name onto the 2005 Dream China. This financial support, through external co-production, covered programming costs for the show. However, facing its loss in competing with the 2005 Super Voice Girls, CCTV made adjustment to its co-production
-109- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
strategies. CCTV switched from internal co-production to external co-production with
local newspapers and magazines. In terms of sponsorship, the 2006 Dream China had an external co-production partnership with Newman Electronic Technology Inc. In spite of
these changes, Dream China still could not beat Super Voice Girls in terms of audience,
participation rates, or popularity.
Hunan Satellite TV had maintained a domestic co-production strategy during the
three years, with a well-developed business plan for running the show. Internally, Hunan
Satellite TV co-produced Super Voice Girls with Tianyu Entertainment Media Co.. In
fact, this co-production partnership is not typical due to the complex relations of Tianyu
Media to Hunan Radio & Television Group. Since Hunan Entertainment Channel invested it, this Shanghai based Tianyu Entertainment Media Co. has not only co- produced the show with Hunan Satellite TV, but also owned the brand name of the show.
This allowed the company to run the merchandizing business related to Super Voice
Girls, such as records, books, toys, and concerts. Externally, Hunan Satellite TV
received constant sponsorship from the Mongolia Cow Sour Yogurt Group in
programming the show.
5.6.2. Institutional Creativity: Integrating Commercial Operations to Domestic Co-Production Strategies
The different domestic co-production strategies employed by these two shows are
interrelated with their different commercial operation strategies. Commercial operation,
as one of the key criteria to creative practices, should be integrated in domestic co-
production strategies to promote institutional creativity in the Chinese variety show
industry. The co-production show, Super Voice Girls, integrated good business and
-110- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
management strategy to the co-production procedure, which resulted in better performance than Dream China, in economics and popularity. Compared to Hunan
Satellite TV, Tianyu Entertainment Media Co. was less restricted by state regulations in commercialized program production and distribution. Thus, the co-production allowed maximizing the profits and extending the show-related mechanizing businesses. On the contrary, the co-production between CCTV-2 and its co-producing partners gave less consideration to commercial values in its co-production strategy. Thus, it hardly integrates commercial operation in programming and distributing of the show, Dream
China.
Interactivity is another major criteria of creative practice. Thus, the co-production strategy aiming to increase integration of audience reception and participation contributes to institutional creativity in the Chinese variety show business. The 2004 and 2005 Super
Voice Girls claimed itself a “no threshold, no distance” mass songfest. There were few requirements for registration, as any female who likes singing can sign up, regardless of their singing styles, appearance, or birthplace. There was more restriction in participants’ age in the 2006 show. However, the basic principle did not change. Since candidates’ performances at the local contest zones were broadcast live, more people were attracted to the show, and then voted for their favourite performers. In the case of the 2005 Dream
China, only the last round of competition was a live broadcast on CCTV, and lasted for only seven days. Although Dream China had many more local contest zones, the candidates in the final phase of the contest were well trained and dressed up. Although the SMS message voting increased from one person/one vote to one person/eighteen
-111- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
votes in 2006, the show had smaller audiences, participants and votes than Super Voice
Girls. This chapter emphasizes that the increase of audience reception and participation in these co-production shows should be considered as a mode of commercial operation, because profit-making is the primary concern in programming.
Third, different modes of partnership in co-production influence institutional
creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. Tianyu Entertainment Media Co. had a more stable partnership with Hunan Satellite TV. This relationship ensured Hunan
Satellite TV had better control of the production resources and processes. However, the
major problem of this partnership was that there was limited development of Tianyu
Media as a dependent company to Hunan Media Group. This might have negative
impacts on the creativity in the further co-production with Hunan Satellite TV. CCTV-2
could easily develop strong partnerships within its network of local media institutes.
However, its dependence on the network with the local media resulted in the loose partnership between CCTV-2 and the local media institutes. Therefore, when running the co-production program, it was difficult for CCTV-2 to implement commercial strategies and consider the long term profits from the co-production program. This thesis argues that the co-production to promote creativity strategies in these two cases have limitations.
The Chinese television industrial structure has been a major obstacle causing these limitations at the industry level. In addition, at an institutional level, there are factors determining the selection and implementation of different forms of co-production to promote institutional creativity by a Chinese television institute. This is an important issue that needs to be discussed in the following section.
-112- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
5.7 FACTORS DETERMINING CO-PRODUCTION AND CREATIVITY OF THE TELEVISION INSTITUTES
When discussing the question of how domestic co-production strategies contribute to creativity in the industry, the author suggests that the integration of commercial operation to domestic co-production promotes creativity for television producers. However, according to these two cases, there are factors determining which form of co-production (particularly domestic co-production) to be taken and affecting implemented to promote creativity. This generates different consequences and impacts on the development of the Chinese variety show industry.
CCTV has a different ideology and institutional background in relation to the industry from Hunan TV. CCTV was authorized by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as its tool to control national ideology since the 1970s. Thus, CCTV held three major tasks: propaganda, education, and cultural enrichment. The local television stations became its local bureau. In the late 1980s, CCTV had switched its role as the ideological gatekeeper for the CCP under the open-up policy. In its relation to local stations, it played the role in topic selection and production planning for national program production. Since the early 1990s, the CCP has kept CCTV’s authoritative status as a propaganda machine, while encouraging its partnerships with local stations to make programs. Its role in the Chinese television industry remains unchanged, though it has conducted a range of reforms aiming to introduce marketization-oriented mechanisms. In contrast to CCTV, Hunan TV, an inland provincial station, has developed the socialist market economic mechanism and ideology through a series of market-oriented reforms since 1993. Differing from CCTV’s supply-oriented approach, Hunan TV has taken an
-113- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
audience-oriented approach to program production. The production of entertainment
programs, especially variety shows, has become the core in supporting the economy of this station through the years. Particularly, its major channel, Hunan Satellite TV claimed in 2003 that its goal was to be ‘the first entertainment channel in China’ with the
strong target audience of Chinese youth.
Obviously, the unique institutional conditions related to the Chinese television
industry had major impacts on which form of co-production strategy CCTV-2 and Hunan
Satellite TV took when running their reality shows. According to Mosco, institutional
ideologies of the mass media are integrated within a process of production (1996). The
different institutional ideologies were another main factor which determined which
strategies CCTV-2 and Hunan Satellite TV decided to select and implement, which then
affected creativity in the Chinese variety show industry.
First, an institutional ideology, along with the institutional background of the
television industry, determines its goal in programming, which affects media institutional
creativity. For example, the 2005 Dream China attempted to provide the common
Chinese populace with a platform where their dreams of stardom could come true.
Before the final phase of the contest, thirty six candidates were trained by experts in
Beijing. During the final competition, all candidates were provided with professionally designed songs and customs, which matched the characteristics and standards of CCTV as the national broadcasting station. This implies CCTV’s self-centered angle of view in
programming. Super Voice Girls, on the other hand, emphasized the plebeian theme
throughout the show. It was a platform where the Chinese populace could present their
-114- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
talents through their own self-determined styles. The show involved little professional
support, but focused on populace participation and entertainment. The public preferred
this style of program, and its popularity reflects the actual cultural preferences of the
nation. CCTV’s institutional background in prescriptive programming limited its ability
to anticipate or respond to the desires of the audience. Thus, Hunan TV’s comparative
flexibility in program creation made their show more successful, and popularizes the
plebeian format in the Chinese variety show industry.
Second, an institutional ideology, along with the institutional background of the
Chinese television industry, also determines which form of commercial operation will be
integrated into co-production, which affects creativity in the variety show industry.
Holding a strong social logic, CCTV-2 hardly acts as a business entity. Program production in this station is concerned less with profit-making than with making a show famous, which just matches its role in providing a public service and building Chinese national cultural identity. Distinguished from CCTV, which had little public discussion on its income return and business strategy of Dream China, Hunan Satellite TV tended to develop the commercial operation on a business model in the Chinese variety show business. In order to maximize profits, Hunan Satellite TV increased the commercialization of the show in programming and distribution. More importantly, it allowed Tianyu Media to run the merchandizing business for the brand of Super Voice
Girls. By doing so, Hunan Satellite TV could maintain its strong commercial operation capacity.
-115- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Third, institutional ideology significantly affects the localization of cultural
content/format in variety show production. With different institutional ideologies, CCTV
held different attitudes on how to localize foreign cultural content and format. During the
co-production with TVB, CCTV absorbed the entertainism in the 2005 Dream China
while rejecting vicious fun-making in the show. As entertainism contradicts China’s
national cultural image, there was little room for further transference of this sub pop
culture. According to Super Voice Girls, it transferred the foreign plebeian format and
localized it as a Chinese plebeian cultural format. As its producer claimed, Super Voice
Girls encouraged audience participation and decision-making. These creations
contributed to the success of this show in the process of localization. It also indicated
that institutional ideology has an impact on interactivity and hybridization, which are two
important criteria for television institutional creativity.
Last but not the least, institutional background in relation to the industry
determines the form of domestic co-production adopted by a television institute, which reflects the institutional ideology. CCTV has a long history in building partnerships with local media institutes. Consequently, it could easily develop co-production partnerships with a number of local media. In addition, due to its virtual monopoly of the Chinese television industry, when co-producing variety shows with partners, CCTV can take a major role in production to maintain its institutional ideology and cultural image. This was, and is, the case in producing Dream China. When co-producing Super Voice Girls,
Hunan Satellite TV developed stable partnerships with Tianyu Media and Mengniu
Group by following reciprocally beneficial business relationships. Through the co-
-116- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
production of the show, Mengniu Group achieved excellent sales rates, Tianyuan Media
developed its merchandizing business on the brand, and Hunan Satellite TV acquired the
advertising and SMS income.
5.8 SUMMARY
In conclusion, this analysis first defines creativity and the forms of co-production in the Chinese variety show industry. It then stresses that international co-production to promote creativity has been an important strategy supporting the development of the industry. It is argued that cultural technique transfer links creativity with international co-production. Cultural format/content transfer and commercial operation technique transfer are two forms of cultural technique transfer that resulted from the implementation of co-production in the Chinese variety show industry. Hybridization is the consequence of cultural technique transfer, which improves creativity in the industry.
Policy makers and industrial producers are two major actors influencing the international co-production to promote creativity strategy in the industry. It suggests that with the constant impact of globalization through international co-production, Chinese television institutes will improve the ability of cultural localization through the cultural technique transfer.
The fifth part of the analysis focuses on a series of historical transformations in the Chinese television industry, including the transformation of media commodification, the transformation of institutional structure, and the changes in the political constitution of the media system. The author argues that the strong state power over this industry and
the current market mechanism applied to the Chinese variety show industry are the major
-117- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
constraints which limit creativity. But the program commodification process and the rise of interactivity commodification help industrial creativity. Domestic co-production with the support from state regulations contribute to creativity in this industry
The sixth part of this chapter provides a comparative study with the discussion on
the differences between the two shows: Super Voice Girls and Dream China, in terms of
the forms of domestic co-production, commercial operation strategies, and partnerships in co-production process. This comparative study emphasizes the complex domestic co- production strategies applied to these two shows improves institutional creativity of their major producers. The integration of commercial operation to domestic co-production strategy promotes institutional creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. However, the existing Chinese television industrial structure is the major obstacle which limits co- production to promote creativity strategy at the institutional level.
The last part of the analysis argues that institutional ideology and institutional
background in the television industry are the main factors that determine: the goal in
programming; the form of commercial operations strategies to be adopted by television
institutes; and the process of cultural content/format localization in variety show
production. Institutional background related to the industry determines the forms of
domestic co-production taken by a television institute, which in turn, reflects the
institutional ideology.
-118-
CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSION
6.1 SUMMARY OF THE MAJOR FINDINGS
Creativity and co-production are two primary elements in this research. This
research emphasizes the perspective of creative ability, which contains creative practice
and the creative media system within the context of the Chinese variety show industry.
According to the economic-oriented definition of creativity, the increase of creative ability should be considered as a part of the media commercialization process for the development of the Chinese variety show industry. Thus, the interaction between creative ability and co-production in this industry is the core to be concerned with.
To explain how international co-production improves creativity in the
development of the Chinese variety show industry, this thesis argues that cultural
technique transfer is the key to link international co-production and creativity in support
of the Chinese variety show industry. International co-production results in two forms of
cultural technique transfer: cultural format transfer and commercial technique transfer.
The core consequence of cultural technique transfer is hybridization, which not only
promotes creativity, but also constantly pushes the development of the Chinese variety
show industry. Chinese policy makers see international co-production as a force assisting the development of Chinese television, while the Chinese television institutes considers the positive impacts of cultural localization through international co-production. Thus, it is predicted that, with the constant globalization impact through international co- production, Chinese television institutes will increase their creativity in program production.
-119- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
In respect to domestic co-production to promote industrial creativity, the State and
television stations are still the primary forces influencing domestic co-production to
promote creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. Taking the perspective of the
State, the strong state power over this industry is the major constraint, which limits
creativity and holds back industrial development; however, the recent state policies and
regulations promote creativity in the development of the Chinese variety show industry.
In terms of the television industry, the shift to media commodification, and the rise of
interactivity help increase industrial creativity; but the market mechanism applied to the
Chinese variety show industry has a negative impact on creativity. At an institutional
level, the media conglomeration reforms in the industry failed to balance cost and income
in the past. However, the use of domestic co-production not only increases the power of program producers to control more economic resources, but also stimulates the commercial operation in the production and distribution of the variety shows. With the encouragement by regulations on co-production and the shift towards commodification, the application of domestic co-production strategies promotes creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. Thus, the Chinese variety show industry should encourage the use of co-production to promote creativity in its development.
This thesis also suggests the integration of commercial operation and domestic co-production strategy to promote institutional creativity in Chinese variety show
programming and distributing. It highlights that the increase of audience reception and
participation in co-production should be considered as a mode of commercial operation,
besides the use of business and management strategy. Different modes of partnership in
-120- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
co-production influence institutional creativity in the Chinese variety show industry.
However, the Chinese television industrial structure has been a major obstacle causing
these limitations of co-production to promote creativity strategies at the industry level.
Institutional ideology and institutional background in the television industry are
the main factors that determine the forms of co-production to be selected and impact the
goal in programming; the form of commercial operations strategies to be adopted by
television institutes; and the process of cultural content/format localization in variety
show production. Thus, institutional ideology and institutional background in the
television industry affect institutional creativity in the Chinese variety show industry.
6.2 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE MAJOR ACTORS INVOLVED IN CO- PRODUCTION TO PROMOTE CREATIVITY STRATEGIES IN THE CHINESE VARIETY SHOW INDUSTRY
How to select and use co-production to promote creativity is an important
question that the Chinese government and the variety show industry have considered.
Chinese decision-makers focus on promoting the creative media structure. The
regulations have been encouraging the implementation of both international and domestic
co-production strategies, which provides a looser political environment for improving
creativity in the Chinese variety show industry than in the past. The constant policy and
regulation support on co-production will serve the development of the Chinese variety show industry. However, overly strong state power over the industry is the major
obstacle in implementing domestic co-production to promote creativity. In addition,
decentralization and the current market mechanism do not contribute to the application of
co-production strategies to promote creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. The
-121- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
changes in requirements for registration to the 2006 Super Voice Girls is the best example that the state holds strong power to limit in the use of creative practices in the Chinese variety show industry. Thus, it suggests that the Chinese State should reduce its power over the Chinese television industry, while implementing suitable regulations to support industrial development.
For television institutes, their ideologies have great power in determining the forms of co-production to be used and how they affect institutional creativity. However, the implementation of co-production strategies has brought commercial operation mechanisms to the media institutes, and commercial operation mechanisms contribute to institutional creativity. It is important to develop co-production strategies with commercial operation mechanisms. Thus, the capacity to develop suitable commercial operation strategies assisting the application of co-production strategies is an important criterion that television institutes should be concerned about. Plus, it is also important to seek institutional reforms as other solutions to promote institutional creativity.
In regard to independent program producers, their dependency on television institutes has restricted their development in the Chinese television industry from perspectives such as programming, distribution, financing, and even personnel. Co- production with television institutes provides good opportunities for them to change their relationships with the television institutes. Therefore, co-production agreements with these institutes are important to be considered. Particularly, a long term co-production strategy with television institutes will extend the power of independent producers. And
-122- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
for the private sector, their commercial strategies for co-production with television institutes result in a reciprocally beneficial relationship with Chinese media.
6.3 IMPLICATIONS OF THIS THESIS
Like any other research, this thesis also has its weakness, which I have already
realized. This research focuses on co-production to promote creativity in the
development of the Chinese variety show industry. As discussed, co-production to promote creativity is significant but is also just one of the strategies for the development
of the Chinese television industry. As this industry is still young, with huge room for future development, more studies from various perspectives are needed.
There are limitations in the scope of the research content. First of all, this thesis
focuses on creative ability, but has no discussion on originality. This thesis takes a societal-driven approach to creative ability. The study on originality is more likely to
take an individual-driven paradigm, which is beyond the research scope of this thesis.
Thus, more studies on originality are needed in the future. Second, according to the
definition, the process in promoting creativity is accompanied with the transformation of
commodification in the Chinese variety show industry. Thus, both industrial and
institutional creativity aims at audiences who are customers rather than citizens, as it used
to be. Future discussion should consider the changes to the relationships between the
various producers, and audiences’ reception and participation within the context of the
Chinese socialist market economy.
There are limitations in the selection of the two cases. CCTV and Hunan TV are
the major television stations with the most advanced development. Thus, to discuss the
-123- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Chinese television industry, this research can hardly pass them over. However, CCTV is the only national broadcasting institute, while Hunan TV is a provincial station. They
have uniqueness in both historical development and institutional background. Thus, they
may not be good representatives for other television stations, for instance, city TV
stations, cable TV stations, and county level stations. In respect to the variety shows
mentioned in the case study chapter, all of them are successful shows in certain time
periods. Especially, Super Voice Girls and Dream China have successfully attracted
mass Chinese audience reception and participation. Therefore, these two cases do not
represent variety shows which received less success, or even failed in the market.
Considering these, this thesis suggests that future studies need to discuss other television
stations and variety programs in the Chinese television industry.
The limitations on the research scope result from the theoretical approaches.
Following the theoretical framework, this thesis takes a macro perspective to the study on
co-production and creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. The paper discusses
creativity at the industrial and institutional level. How about individual creativity in the
field? How does it interact with co-production strategies for industrial development?
These questions need to be considered in future studies.
There are limits in terms of research materials. Suggested by political economy,
this thesis uses second hand resources (e.g. scholarly research papers and news reports),
as well as regulatory documents, as research materials. Thus, this research cannot take a
closer look at the Chinese variety show industry. In addition, this research had a hard
time confirming validity due to the lack of official reports from the industry or the
-124- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
television institutes. This research could not access any important institutional
documents such as co-production agreements. These facts should be addressed in future
studies.
6.4 CONCLUSIONS
This study provides a theoretical analysis on how to use diverse co-production
agreements to promote industrial and institutional creativity for the development of the
Chinese variety show industry. It also explores what the social factors/actors influence
co-production to promote creativity in this industry. The theoretical approaches in this
thesis offer an important perspective to these issues; and this theoretical framework
indicates the importance of considering both globalization impacts and domestic reflections. In addition, the unprecedented success of Chinese variety shows, along with industrial development, has brought great attention from the rest of the world. Co- production becomes a common strategy in television program production, while
creativity will still be a matter of great concern for the Chinese television industry and the
State. This research opens up the research topic for future study. After entry to the World
Trade Organization, China has become further integrated into the world economy and commercial culture. This research believes that more diversified co-production strategies will be used to improve creativity in the Chinese variety show industry. In international co-production, China may switch its position from cultural technique receiver to sender.
In domestic co-production, independent producers may also become the main force to push industrial creativity.
-125- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
REFERENCES
2006 nian “haixuan” huizong [The collection of 2006 “Sea selection”]. (2006, Oct. 11).
Chenggong Yingxiao. Retrieved December 12, 2006, from QQ Caijing Web Site:
http://finance.qq.com/a/20061011/000769.htm
"Creativity". Britannica Concise Encyclopedia (2003). Retrieved October 9, 2006, from
xreferplus. http://www.xreferplus.com.ezproxy.lib.ucalgary.ca/entry/5840780
Ang, I. (1994). In the realm of uncertainty: the global village and capitalist
postmodernity. In D. Crowley & D. Mitchell (Eds.), Communication Theory
Today (pp. 193-213). Oxford: Polity Press.
Appadurai, A. (1990). Disjuncture and difference in the global cultural economy. In M.
Featherstone (Ed.), Global Culture: Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity: A
theory, Culture & Society Special Issue (pp. 295-310). London, Newbury Park,
New Delhi: Sage Publications
Bai, R. (2005). Media commercialization, entertainment, and the party-state: the political
economy of contemporary Chinese television entertainment culture. Global
Media Journal, 4(6). Retrieved November 12, 2006, from
http://lass.calumet.purdue.edu/cca/gmj/sp05/graduatesp05/gmj-sp05gradinv-
bai.htm
Baltruschat, D. (2002). Globalization and international TV and film co-productions: in
search of new narratives. Media in Transition 2: Globalization and convergence.
Cambridge: MIT.
-126- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Berkeley, D. (2003). Creativity and economic transactions in television drama
production. In A. Beck (Eds.), Cultural work: Understanding the cultural
industries (pp. 103-120). London: Routledge.
Bilton, C. & Leary, R. (2002). What can managers do for creativity? Brokering creativity
in the creative industries. International Journal of Cultural Policy, 8(1), 49-64.
CCTV International. (2004, August 22). “Mengxiang zhongguo” mingxing zhongguo zao
[ Dream China: Stars made in China. ]. Retrieved August 20 2006 from CCTV
International Web Site:
http://www.cctv.com/performance/20040822/100008.shtml
CCTV International. (2005, June 15,). Dazao zhongguo zuida mengxiang pingtai, rang
jiqing chengjiu mengxiang. [Make the biggest Chinese dream platform let
enthuism make dream come to be true]. Retrieved by June 15, 2006 from CCTV
International Web Site:
http://www.cctv.com/dance/special/C14105/20050603/101841.shtml
CCTV International. (2006, Marc. 30). niuman jie “mengxiang zhongguo” chengwei
2006 yule dianshi jiemu yingjia. [Through Dream China, Newman became the
winner of entertainment television programs in 2006]. Retrieved September 12,
2006, from CCTV International Web Site:
http://www.cctv.com/life/special/C15495/20060331/102241.shtml
CCTV mianlin Tiaozhan [CCTV facing challenge]. (2005, October 27). Sanlian Life
Weekly. Retrieved by, November 23, 2006, from
http://www.sachina.edu.cn/Htmldata/news/2005/10/545.html
-127- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
CCTV-2 Lucky 52. (n.d.). The analysis of audience rates and sponsorship resources.
From CCTV-2 Lucky 52. Web Site:
http://www.qixinran.com/lucky/lucky_001.asp?action=fangan2
Chan, J. (2003). Administrative boundaries and media marketization: a comparative
analysis of the newspaper, TV and Internet markets in China. In C. Lee (Ed.),
Chinese Media, Global Contexts (pp. 159-176). London: RoutledgeCurzon.
Chang, T., Wang, J., & Chen, C. (2002). The social construction of international imagery
in the post-Cold War era: a comparative analysis. Journal of Broadcasting &
Electronic Media, 42(3), 277-297.
Chaoji Nvsheng 2005 nian cuoshi Shanghai [Super Girls: missed Shanghai in 2005].
(2005, April 8). Shanghai Wednesday. Retrieved December 12, 2006, from Hunan
TV Web Site: http://www.hunantv.com/news/performance/200548103519.htm
Chen, R. (2006). Niuman shuma qianyue “mengxiang zhongguo”. Mengxiu, yili wuyuan.
[Newman contract with Dream China, but not Mongolia Cow and Yili ]. Diyi
caijing ribao. Retrieved by March 30, 2006 from
http://media.people.com.cn/GB/40606/4253887.html
Chen, X. (2001). Dianshi Zongyi Jiemu: Lishi ji benti tezheng [Television variety shows:
history and characters.]. Chinese Television, 6, 35-43.
Cheng, H. (2005). China. In A. Cooper-Chen (Ed.), Global Entertainment Media:
Content, Audiences, Issues (pp. 161-182). Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum,
Associates Publishers.
-128- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
China Broadcast and Television. (2006, Nov. 15). Wulin bolan zouqi, wulin dahui quanru
qinquan fenzheng. [“Wulin Dahui” involved within the anti- debates] Zhongguo
Caijing. Retrieve December 20, 2006, from
http://www.cfi.net.cn/newspage.aspx?id=20061115001879&AspxAutoDetectCoo
kieSupport=1
Cochrane, A. & Pain, K. (2000). A globalizing society? In D. Held (Ed.), A Globalizing
World? Culture, Economic, Politics (pp. 5-45). London: Routledge in association
with The Open University.
Crane, D. Culture and globalization: theoretical models and emerging trends. In D.
Crane, N. Kawashima & K. Kawasaki (Eds.), Global Culture: Media, Arts,
Policy, and Globalization (pp.1-25). New York & London: Routledge.
Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1999). Implications of a systems perspective for the study of
creativity. In R. Sternberg (Ed.), Handbook of Creativity (pp.313-335).
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Cunningham, S. (2005). Creative enterprises. In J. Hartley (Ed.), Creative Industries (pp.
282-298). MA: Blackwell Publishing.
Curran J. & Park, M. (2000). Beyond globalization theory. In J. Curran & M. Park (Eds.),
De-Westernizing Media Studies (pp. 3-18). New York & London: Routledge.
Feng, Y. (2005, Aug. 31). Chaoji nvsheng touzi shouyi dadiaocha shui huoli zuoduo?
[Super Voice Girls: the research on investment and income, who wins the most? ]
Shichang xinwen-Renmin wang, Retrieved November 12, 2006 from
http://news.163.com/05/0901/08/1SI7GEVQ0001122B.html
-129- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Flew, T. (2004). Creativity, cultural studies, and service industries. Communication and
Critical /Cultural Studies. 1(2), 176-193.
Flew, T. (2005). New Media: An Introduction. South Melbourne: Oxford University
Press.
Fu. S. (2006, Nov. 15). Zhongguo dianshi yule jiemu kelong luguai mianmian guan.
[Observation on the cloning format of Chinese television entertainment
programming]. Tenxun Yule. Retrieved December 20, 2006, from
http://ent.qq.com/a/20061115/000258.htm
Gaige mianlin qinian zhiyang, yangshi de fannao: bianfa neng zou duoyuan. [The
problems after seven years’ reform by CCTV]. (2006, Jan. 10). Hexun Wang.
Retrieved November 19, 2006 from NetEase:
http://biz.163.com/06/0110/11/273RIO9U00021GLN.html
Garnham, N. (1990). Capitalism and Communication: Global culture and the Economics
of Information. London: SAGE Publications.
Grodal, T., Larsen, B., & Laursen, I. (Eds.). (2005). Visual Authorship: Creativity and
Intentionality in Media. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press.
Guang, Y. (2005, Sep. 17). Chuanboxue cengmian de sikao: “Chaoji Nvsheng” rebo jiexi
ji fansi. [Thinking communication perspective: analyzing and re-thinking Super
Voice Girls.]. China Media. Retrieved August 12, 2006, from Zijin Wang at,
http://www.zijin.net/get/journalism1/2005_09_17_6535.shtml
National Development and Reform Commission. (2005). Guowuyuan guanyu feigongyou
ziben jinru wenhua chanye de ruogang jueding [Opinions on Introduction Non-
-130- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Governmental Capital in Cultural Area]. Retrieved December 28, 2006 at
Zhongguo Wang, from http://www.china.org.cn/chinese/PI-c/895306.htm
Haseman, B. (2005). Creative practices. In J. Hartley (Ed.), Creative Industries (pp. 158-
176). MA: Blackwell Publishing.
Hesmondhalph, D. (2002). The Cultural Industries. London: SAGE Publications.
Hong, J. (1998). New situation, Politics, and Trends in the 1990s. The
Internationalization of Television in China: the Evolution of Ideology, Society,
and Media since the Reform (pp. 115-132). Westport: Praeger.
Hong, J. (2000). Reconciliation between openness and resistance: Media globalization
and new policies of China’s television in the 1990s. In G. Wang, J. Servaes, & A.
Goonasekera (Eds.), The New Communications Landscape: Demystifying Media
Globalization (pp. 288-306). London: Routledge.
Howkins, J. (2005). The major’s commission on the creative industries. In J. Hartley
(Ed.), Creative Industries (pp.117-125). MA: Blackwell Publishing.
Howskins, C., McFadyen, S. & Finn, A. (1997). International co-production as a business
strategy. Global Television and Film: An introduction to the economics of the
business (pp. 102-112). Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Hu, Z. & Tang, X. (2006). Yule chuangxin, jiliu yongshang—shanghai dongfang weishi
yule jiemu fazhang zhi wojian [Entertainment creation—discussion on the
development of the entertainment programs of Shanghai Oriental TV] Retrieved
September 27, 2006, from http://www.huzhengrong.cn/?p=57
-131- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Hu, Z. (2003). The ecology of television broadcasting media and creation. [Guangbo
dianshi meijie shengtai yu chuangxin] Paper presented at the Chinese network
communication annual conference.) Jiangshu China Online. Retrieved May 19,
2004, from
http://www.jschina.com.cn/gb/jschina/2003/24/node6122/node6126/userobject1ai
451508.html
Hu, Z. (2006). Where is creation? -- Explain contemporary creative industries [Chuangyi
hezai—dui dangdai wenhua chuangyi changye dhe jiedu]. Published on the
personal website. Retrieved November 26, 2006, from
http://www.huzhengrong.cn/?p=62
Huang, K. (2005, Dec. 27). Television industry in China. Manuscript submitted for the
IAPS Ningbo Seminar Series (2005-2006).
Huang, Y. & Green A. (2000). From Mao to the Millennium: 40 years of television in
China (1958-1998). In D. French & M. Richards (Eds.), Television in
Contemporary Asia (pp. 267-293). New Delhi: SAGE Publications.
Huang, Y. (1994). Peaceful evolution: the case of television reform in post-Mao China.
Media, Cultural & Society. 16, 217-241.
Hunan TV. (2005a, July 7). Hunan weishi 2005 nian zuixin fugai xinxi [The updated
information on the coverage of Hunan Satellite TV]. Retrieved December 14,
2005, from Hunan TV Web Site:
http://www.hunantv.com/adv/info/2005070801.htm
-132- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Hunan TV. (2005b, Nov. 17). Kuaile Zhongguo Yulexianfeng—Dazao zhongguo yule
dianshi diyi pingpai [To create the first trademark in Chinese entertainment
television]. Retrieved by December 20, 2006 from
http://www.hunantv.com.cn/adv/zixun/2005111706.htm
Ji, N. (2000). Meijie Xin Dongxiang [The Trend of Media]. Shengyang: Shangyang
Publisher.
Johnson, C. (1992). International Television Co-Production: From Access to Success.
Boston: Focal Press.
Keane, M. (2002). As a hundred television formats bloom, a thousand television stations
contend. Journal of Contemporary China, 11(30), 5-16.
Keane, M. (2004a). Brace new world: understanding China’s creative vision.
International Journal of Cultural Policy, 10(3), 265-279.
Keane, M. (2004b). A revolution in television and a great leap forward for innovation?
China in the global television format business. In A. Moran & M. Keane (Eds.),
Television across Asia: Television Industries, Programme Formats and
Globalization (pp. 88-104). London: ToutledgeCurzon.
Keane, M. (2006). From made in China to created in China. International Journal of
Cultural Studies, 9(3), 285-296.
Li, B. and Tang, M. (2003). Jiemu shengming zhouqi yu jiemu chuangxin [The life cycle
and creation of variety shows]. Television Research, 10, 44-45.
Li, W. (2005, July 24). Yi lixing ezhi disu zhi feng—zhuanxingqi dazhong wenhua
chuangbo de shengmei sikao [Using rationality to keep meretricious ethno within
-133- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
limits: thinking about pop ular cultural communication in transit]. Zijin Wang.
Retrieved June 2006, from
http://www.zijin.net/get/xueshu/2005_07_24_2331.shtml
Lie, R. (2003). Space of Intercultural Communication: An Interdisciplinary Introduction
to Communication, Culture, and Globalizing/Localizing Identities. Cresskill:
Hampton Press.
Liep, J. (2001). Introduction. In J. Liep (Ed.), Locating Cultural Creativity (pp. 1-14).
London: Pluto Press.
Liu, H. & Chen, Y. (2004). Tansuo yu huigui: Hunan dianshi changye shinian gaige yu
fazhan [Discovery and return: Hunan television industry ten years’ reforms and
development]. Television Research, 6, 33-35.
Liu, P. (2005, July 26). “mengxiang zhongguo” qiuzhu yangshi wuxian lianshou dou
“chaonü”? [Dream China seeks help. CCTV joint with TVB to against Super
Girl?]. Beijing Chengbao. Retrieved December 22, 2006, from Beijing Chengbao
Web Site: http://news.xinhuanet.com/cic/2005-07/26/content_3267499.htm
Liu, Q. (2003). Cong shouzhong de jieshou xinli kan dianshi zongyi jiemu de chuanxin
[From the audience reception to the creation of television variety shows].
Shandong Arts College Journal, 4, 34-38.
Lou, Y. (2005). Will the real “Super Voice Girls” winner please stand up. China Today.
http://www.chinatoday.com.cn/English/e2005/e200511/p22.htm
Lu P. (2005). Lessons from ‘Super Voice Girl. Beijing Review. Retrieved May 31, 2005,
from http://www.bjreview.com.cn/En-2005/05-31-e/china-3.htm,
-134- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Lü, Y. (2004, Mar. 26). Congrong “Qiehuang” Rensheng Jincai. Jiqing “Chabo” Shiye
Huazhang—Yang Weiguang Conglun Dianshi Rensheng [The Interview with
Yang Weiguang]. Zijing Wang. Retrieved December 22, 2006, from
http://www.zijin.net/blog/user1/132/index.shtml
Mao, Z. (2006, July 25). hawen hanwei “mengxiang” huiying san da zhiyi [Ha Wen
defends Dream China in responding the three major suspects]. Renmin Wang.
Retrieved November 28, 2006 from
http://media.people.com.cn/GB/40606/4625198.html
McRobbie, A. (2002). Clubs to companies: Notes on the decline of political cultural in
speeded up creative worlds. Cultural studies, 16(4), 517-531.
Meehan, E. (1986). Conceptualizing culture as commodity: the problem of television.
Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 3, 448-457.
Meehan, E., Mosco, V., & Wasko, J. (1994). Rethinking political economy: Change and
continuity. In M. Levy & M. Gurevitch (Eds.), Defining Media Studies:
Reflections on the Future of the Field (pp. 347-358). New York, Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Miao Q. (2005, August 12). ‘Super Voice Girls’ challenges China’s TV culture. Shanghai
Star. China Daily Online. Retrieved by January 4, 2007, from
http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/english/doc/2005-08/12/content_468543.htm
Mosco, V. (1996). The Political Economy of Communication: Rethinking and Renewal.
London: SAGE Publications.
-135- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Niu, W. (2006). Development of creativity research in Chinese societies: A comparison
of Mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore. In J. C. Kaufman & R. J.
Sternberg (Eds.), The International Handbook of Creativity (pp. 374-394).
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
NOIE. (2002, May 30). Creative industries cluster study report. Media Release. Retrieved
September 15, 2006, from the Department of Communications, IT and the Arts
Canberra Online at http://www.agimo.gov.au/media/2002/05/17162.html
Owens, C. (1995). Beyond recognition: Representation, power, and culture. In N. Wheale
(Ed.), Postmodern Arts (pp. 117-129). Routledge: London.
Pan, Z. & Chan, J. M. (2000). Building a market-based party organ: television and
national integration in China. In D. French & M. Richards (Eds.), Television in
Contemporary Asia (pp. 233-266). New Delhi: SAGE Publications.
Qing, Q. & Xiao Y. (2005, Oct. 14). Mengxiang zhongguo PK. “Chaonv”, buxiang
bianzhi de pingmin xuanxiu. [Dream China PK. Super Girls: no deteriorative
plebeian voting shows]. Yanzhao City News. Retrieved September 29, 2006 from
http://yule.sohu.com/20051014/n227198580.shtml
Qiu, L. (2005, July 27). Duihan “chaonv”? hawen: “xuanchou” zai yangshi xingbutong
[Against Super Girl? Ha Wen: “Select ugly” no work in CCTV]. Beijing
Chengbao.. Retrieved December 21, 2006, from
http://news.xinhuanet.com/newmedia/2005-07/27/content_3272364.htm
-136- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Redl, A. & Simons, R. (2002). Chinese media-One channel, two systems. In S. Donald,
M. Keane, & Y. Hong (Eds.), Media in China: Consumption, Content, and Crisis
(pp. 18-27). New York: RoutledgeCurzon.
Renaud, J. & Litman, B. (1985). Changing dynamics of the overseas marketplace for TV
programming: The rise of international co-production. Telecommunications
Policy, 9(3), 245-261.
Shao, P. (2006). Lun zhongguo dianshi yule jiemu de kunjing yu chulu [Discussion the
difficulties and solutions of Chinese television entertainment programs]. Chinese
Media Report-Zijin Net. Retrieved January 5, 2006, from
http://www.zijin.net/get/xueshu/2006_01_05_8895.shtml
Shi, L. (2006). Qianxi woguo dianshi yule jiemu de chungxin fangshi [Discussion on the
creation forms of Chinese television entertainment shows]. Contemporary
Manager, 5, 142-143.
Sternberg, R. J. & Lubart, T. I. (1999). The concept of creativity: prospects and
paradigms. In. R. J. Sternberg (Ed.), Handbook of Creativity (pp. 3-15).
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Stohl, C. (2005). Globalization theory. In S. May, & D. K. Mumby, (Eds.) Engaging
organizational communication: Theory & research (pp. 223-262). Thousand
Oaks, AC: Sage.
Sun, J. (2002). Zhongguo chuanmei: dangdai zui juyou yingxiang de chuanmeiren
fangtanlu [China Mass Media: The Interviews with the Most Influential Media
persons in China ]. Zhuhai: Zhuhai Publisher.
-137- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Teng X. (2005, Aug. 10). Fangsong minzi shoujin waizi, zhongguo wenhua changye buju
yitu chuxian [Loosing individual capital and tightening foreign capital, the
emergence of the framework of Chinese cultural industries]. The 21st century
Economic Reports. Retrieved January 12, 2007, from
http://finance.sina.com.cn/review/observe/20050810/16571876791.shtml
Tepper, S. (2002). Creative assets and the changing economy. Journal of Arts
Management, Law, and Society, 32(2), 159-168.
Ministry of Radio, Film, and Television. (1995). Rules for the administration of Sino-
foreign cooperative production of television dramas (Video recordings). Chinese
Law and Government, 37 (4), 2004.
State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television & Ministry of Commerce. (2000).
Guojia guangbo dianying dianshi zongju ling [Rules for the Administration of
Television Dramas]. Retrieved April 23, 2006, from
http://www.sarft.gov.cn/manage/publishfile/20/994.html
State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television & Ministry of Commerce. (2004).
Zhongwai hezi, hezuo guangbo dianshi jiemu zhizuo jinying qiye guangl zanxing
guiding [The Temporary Rules for the Administration of the businesses in Sino-
Foreign Joint Ventures, and Cooperative Production of Television Programme].
Retrieved April 23, 2006 at Xinhua Net, from
http://news.xinhuanet.com/zhengfu/2004-11/30/content_2275821.htm
State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television & The Ministry of Commerce.
(2004). Guangbo dianshi jiemu zhizuo jinying guangli guiding [The Rules for
-138- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Administration of Broadcasting Television Program Production and
Management]. Retrieved April 23, 2006, from
http://www.sarft.gov.cn/manage/publishfile/20/2005.html
State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television. (2004). Zhongwai hezuo zhizuo
dianshiju guanli guiding [The Rules for Administration of Chinese International
Co-production of Television Dramas]. Retrieved April 23, 2006, at Jincao.com,
from http://www.sarft.gov.cn/manage/publishfile/20/2207.html
State Council. (2005) The State Council’s Decisions on Non- Public entrance Cultural
Industry”. Retrieved April 23, 2006, at Government Online, from
http://www.gov.cn/gongbao/content/2005/content_64188.htm
Tinic, S. (2005) On Location: Canada’s Television Industry in a Global Market. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press.
Tomlinson, J. (1999). Globalization and Culture. Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press.
Toynbee, J. (2003). Fingers to the bone or spaced out on creativity? Labor process and
ideology in the production of pop. In A. Beck (Eds.), Cultural work:
Understanding the cultural industries (pp. 39-55). London: Routledge.
Wang, H. (2003) jiazhi pianli he wenhua huigui—cong xinyun 52 guanggao moshi kan
yizhilei yule jiemu de eryuanxing [Value deviation and cultural return—a case
study on the advertising model of Lucky 52 to the binary in Chinese quiz shows].
Journal of Huaibei Coal Industry Teacher’s College, 24(2), 22-24
-139- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Wang, Z., Liu, Z., & Fore, S. (2005). Facing the challenge: Chinese television in the new
media era. Media International Australia Incorporating Culture & Policy, 114,
135-146.
Wei, R. (2000). China’s television in the era of marketization. In D. French & M.
Richards (Eds.), Television in Contemporary Asia (pp. 325-346). New Delhi:
SAGE Publications.
White, J. (2005). Case History 2—China and CCTV. Global Media: The Television
Revolution in Asia (pp. 131-186). New York & London: Routledge.
Wu, Y. (2002, July 26). Biange zhong de zhongguo dianshi tizhi he dianshi wenhua
[Chinese TV system and TV culture in change]. China Media Research Center.
Retrieved, October 12, 2006, from CCDC.NET at
http://www.cddc.net/shownews.asp?newsid=562
Xia, X. (2005, August 24). Chaoji nvsheng shenhou sige nanren, jincai caiji daoyan
zhuanqian daxi [The four men behind Super Voice Girls, the wonderful play of
directors making money]. Renmin Wang. Retrieved November 25, 2006, from
http://finance.people.com.cn/GB/1045/3639147.html
Xie, Y. & Tang, H. (2006). 2006 zhongguo dianshi yule jiemu baogao [2006 Chinese
television entertainment program report]. Contemporary Communication, 5.
Retrieved April 12, 2006, from Media Ally at
http://www.mediaally.cn/Information/Forum/Forum16.asp
-140- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Xie, Y. & Wang, C. (2005). Zhongguo dianshi yule jiemu baogao [Chinese television
entertainment program report]. China Journalism Review. Retrieved September
20, 2005, from http://cjr.zjol.com.cn/05cjr/system/2006/12/21/008061009.shtml
Xie, Y. (2006). The 2006 report on Chinese television entertainment show. Published on
the author’s personal blog. Retrieved December 12, 2006, from
http://blog.sina.com.cn/u/4772a331010005is
Xu, Q. (2000). Guangyu zongyi jiemu de jidian sikao [Discussion on variety shows with
some suggestion]. China Radio & TV Academic Journal. S1, 18-19.
Xue, F. (2006). Dianshi jiemu chuangxin nengli bianxi [The debate on the creativity of
television programs]. Contemporary TV, 4. 60-61.
Yangshi sanci dagaige, pingdao zhuanyehua xiang pingdao pingpaihua zhuanbian [CCTV
three major reforms: shift from channel professionalizing to competitive brand of
channel]. (2005, December 2). Xinhua Net. Retrieved December 20, 2006, from
http://news.xinhuanet.com/newmedia/2005-12/02/content_3867688.htm
Yi, Q. (2006). Dianshi leixing yu jiemu chuanxin—dianshi jiemu tongzhihua xianxiang
de lilun toushi [Program genre and creation—theoretical analysis of television
program homogeneity phenomenon], Crilicism and Creotion. 3, pp.110-113, from
http://china.eastview.com.ezproxy.lib.ucalgary.ca/kns50/scdbsearch/scdetail.aspx
?QueryID=16&CurRec=1
Ying Hong: Qinghua daxue zhuren yinghong tan zhengce bianhua dui yule de yingxiang
[Ying Hong: policy changes impact on Chinese entertainment industries]. (2005,
-141- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
March 11). Xinlang Yule. Retrieved October 28, 2006, from Sina’s Cultural
Forum Website: http://ent.sina.com.cn/v/m/2005-03-11/1110674529.html
Yu, G. (2005a). Dianshi jiemu chuangxin de kexingxing jianjiu [The possibility research
on the creation of television program creation]. Renmin Wang-Northern Media
Research. Retrieved August 22, 2005, from Contemporary Communication:
Academic Website at
http://www.ddcbxj.com/Article/ShowArticle.asp?ArticleID=296
Yu, G. (2005b, October 20). Zhongguo chuangmei zhengce yu guoji wenhua changye
[China’s media policy and international cultural industries]. Baidu. Retrieved
December 19, 2006, from
http://myad.shu.edu.cn/teacher/Papers/JLM%20papers/077.doc
Yue, Z. (2005, November 28,). Chaoji nvsheng binggei “tianyu” men de shengli [Super
Voice Girls does make winner of Tianyu Media]. Xin caifu. Retrieved December,
19, 2006, from http://cn.biz.yahoo.com/051128/16/e7dq.html
Zhang, D. (2002). Meijie Chunqiu: Zhongguo dianshi guancha [Spring and Fall of
Media: Observations about Chinese television]. Beijing: China Film Press.
Zhongxuanbu, wenhuabu deng liubumen xiafa guangyu jiaqiang wenhua chanpin
jinkouguanli de banfa [Six departments promulgated “The Measures for
Enhancing Importance Cultural products”]. (2005, Aug. 2). CCTV, Retrieved
December 28, 2006 from
http://www.cctv.com/news/xwlb/20050802/102953.shtml
-142- MA Thesis, Communications & Culture University of Calgary © Siqi Li 2007
Zhang, G. (2007). Zhongguo dianshi zongyi de sige langchao jiqi sikao [The four waves
of Chinese television variety shows and the related thinking]. Contemporary
Communication. Retrieved February 28, 2007, from
media.people.com.cn/GB/22114/50600/50604/18.doc
Zhang, X. (2002). Kuaguo meiti jutou de zhongguo weilai [Media Multinational’s future
in China]. New Communication Consultant. Retrieved April 9, 2003, from
MediaUndo.com, at
http://www.bpa.cn/mediaundo_disp.asp?ID=8057&sortID=12&name=%BF%E7
%B9%FA%B4%AB%C3%BD%BE%DE%CD%B7%B5%C4%D6%D0%B9%F
A%CE%B4%C0%B4
-143-