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Algis Valiunas VOLUME XII, NUMBER 1, WINTER 2011/12 A Journal of Political Thought and Statesmanship Algis David Valiunas: Pryce-Jones: David Foster Christopher Wallace Hitchens, RIP Colin Dueck: Michael How Nelson: Wars End Soldiers & Citizens Martha Bayles: Edward China Targets Feser: Hollywood Scientism’s Folly Robert P. George: Bradley Conservative C.S. Blitz Watson: e Law Diana School Racket Schaub: Malcolm X In Memoriam: Harold W. Rood PRICE: $6.95 IN CANADA: $6.95 mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm Essay by Michael Nelson Soldiers and Citizens his year marks the 50th anniversa- Truman’s removal of Douglas MacArthur (a government, MacArthur pressed Truman for ry of two best-selling Cold War thrillers, real-life charismatic general) from command of permission to invade. In March 1951, after the Teach playing on growing public concern allied forces in the Korean War—and the ensu- president refused, the general wrote a letter to that civilian authorities would lose control ing political firestorm—were barely a decade old. House Republican leader Joe Martin praising a of the military. In Fail-Safe, Eugene Burdick In hindsight, everything about the contro- speech in which Martin argued that Chiang’s and Harvey Wheeler based their fictional versy, which has received its best treatment in army should be unleashed to create “a second president’s loss of control on a combination of Michael D. Pearlman’s Truman and MacAr- front on China’s mainland.” Martin released technical failure and military Standard Oper- thur: Policy, Politics, and the Hunger for Honor the letter and Truman fired MacArthur, a ating Procedures (SOP). The technical failure and Renown (2008), seems unlikely. Truman’s wildly unpopular decision that helped make the occurred when an attack order was mistak- intense study of history had disposed him to general the most admired man in the country. enly sent to an American bomber armed with defer to generals, not confront them. “Of all MacArthur did his best to translate the nuclear weapons and bound for Moscow; the the military heroes Hannibal and Lee were admiration of his countrymen into a presi- SOP required the pilot to ignore a presiden- to my mind the best,” he wrote in his diary in dential candidacy in 1952, but with little tial order to turn back, counterfeit commands 1934. “They won every battle [but] lost the war success. As Pearlman, a former professor of being just the sort of trick the Soviets would due to crazy politicians.” As head of the Senate history at the United States Army Command employ. Fletcher Knebel and Charles W. Bai- Special Committee to Investigate the National and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, ley II’s Seven Days in May offered an equally Defense Program during World War II, Tru- points out, there’s a reason some generals suc- nightmarish account, describing a plot by a man had focused on contractors rather than ceed in politics while others don’t. “Zachary charismatic air force general in league with generals, lest his legislative colleagues adopt Taylor, Ulysses Grant, and [Dwight] Eisen- the Joint Chiefs of Staff to seize power from the kibitzing style of the Civil War-era Joint hower were known for informality in dress the president, who had just negotiated a nu- Committee on the Conduct of the War. For his and manner along the lines of citizen-soldiers,” clear disarmament agreement with the Soviet part, MacArthur had little interest in defend- he writes. “They stood in stark contrast to Union. In 1964 the two novels were made ing South Korea. Seventeen months before generals not selected: Winfield Scott (“Old into well-crafted motion pictures, but both of North Korea invaded in June 1950, he wrote Fuss and Feathers”), George McClellan (“the them were overshadowed by yet another film that such an invasion would “force abandon- Young Napoleon”), or Douglas MacArthur, released that year: Dr. Strangelove, or How I ment of any pretense of military support.” The apparently too daunting to carry a national Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb. general’s main interest was in protecting the nickname.” People admired MacArthur, but Dr. Strangelove had it all—the runaway bomb- Chinese island of Formosa against the main- nobody called him “Mac,” or even “Doug.” In er, the irreversible SOP, the out-of-control land’s new Communist regime, and in helping contrast, “GIs felt no qualms waving ‘Hi, Ike’ general—and was darkly funny to boot. the deposed government of Chiang Kai-Shek to a grinning five-star general waving back.” use Formosa as a base to regain power. Truman and MacArthur Ordered by the president to save South Military-Industrial Complex Korea from defeat, MacArthur engineered t’s hardly coincidence that these sto- the daring Inchon landing behind enemy lines isenhower’s two terms as president ries appeared and flourished when they did. and, with a green light from Truman, drove (he was elected in 1952 and reelected IAfter the Second World War, the new nucle- through North Korea toward China, provok- Ein 1956) should have allayed the ar age and the newly permanent standing army ing a massive Chinese counterattack. Seeing an worries about excessive military power that had made citizens nervous. President Harry S. opportunity to overthrow China’s Communist MacArthur’s popular defiance of Truman Claremont Review of Books w Winter 2011/12 Page 50 mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm Books mentioned in this essay: Fail-Safe, by Eugene Burdick and Dereliction of Duty: Lyndon Johnson, Known and Unknown: A Memoir, Harvey Wheeler. Harper Perennial, Robert McNamara, the Joint Chiefs by Donald Rumsfeld. Sentinel, 288 pages, $14 (paper) of Staff, and the Lies That Led to 832 pages, $36 Vietnam, by H. R. McMaster. Seven Days in May, by Fletcher Harper Perennial, US Civil-Military Relations: Renegotiating Knebel and Charles W. Bailey II. 480 pages, $16.99 (paper) the Civil-Military Bargain, by Mackubin HarperCollins, 341 pages, out-of-print Thomas Owens. Continuum, 224 pages, America’s Army: Making the $95 (cloth), $22.95 (paper) Truman and MacArthur: Policy, Politics, All-Volunteer Force, by Beth Bailey. and the Hunger for Honor and Renown, Harvard University Press, Shaping Strategy: The Civil-Military by Michael D. Pearlman. Indiana 352 pages, $29.95 Politics of Strategic Assessment, by Risa A. University Press, 376 pages, $29.95 Brooks. Princeton University Press, Soldiers and Civilians: The Civil- 320 pages, $31.95 Unwarranted Influence: Dwight D. Military Gap and American Eisenhower and the Military-Industrial National Security, edited by Supreme Command: Soldiers, Complex, by James Ledbetter. Yale Peter D. Feaver and Statesmen, and Leadership in Wartime, University Press, 280 pages, $17 (paper) Richard H. Kohn. by Eliot A. Cohen. Anchor Books, MIT Press, 550 pages, $38 320 pages, $16 (paper) American Civil-Military Relations: The Soldier and the State in a New Era, Bridging the Military-Civilian Divide: Corporate Warriors: The Rise of the edited by Suzanne C. Nielsen and What Each Side Must Know about Privatized Military Industry, Don M. Snider. Johns Hopkins the Other—and about Itself, by by P.W. Singer. Cornell University Press, 432 pages, Bruce Fleming. Potomac Books, University Press, $67 (cloth), $36.95 (paper) 296 pages, $27.50 360 pages, $19.95 (paper) had aroused. In addition to ending the war farewell address to warning “against the ac- military would almost feel that it was in Korea, Ike’s main goal as president was to quisition of unwarranted influence…by the their patriotic obligation to stand ready shrink defense spending, which comprised military-industrial complex,” an influence he to preserve the integrity of the nation 60% of the federal budget at the time he claimed “is felt in every city, every statehouse, and only God knows just what kind of took office. Congress’s seemingly uncritical every office of the federal government” and, segment of democracy they would be acceptance of every new proposed weapons consequently, may “endanger our liberties or defending…. Then, if there were a third system “distresses me greatly,” Eisenhower democratic processes.” Eisenhower was ex- Bay of Pigs, it could happen. said in 1949, while serving as president of pressing his ongoing frustration with waste- Columbia University, because it will “damage ful spending on expensive new armaments Second-Guessing the country financially and without adding that he thought did nothing to keep the na- to its defensive strength.” During his tenure tion secure. But his rhetoric far outstripped oncerns about too little civilian in the White House, Ike resisted pressure his intended meaning, calling to mind the control of the military ebbed during from his generals to intervene on behalf of specter of a military that, in combination Cthe 1960s presidencies of Kennedy France in Indochina, and from Democrats to with major corporations, might seize control and his successor, Lyndon B. Johnson, but only close what he knew was an imaginary “missile of the government. temporarily. Kennedy brought in Robert Mc- gap” with the Soviet Union. He fumed at In 1962 the founders of the newly formed Namara as secretary of defense to microman- aviation companies like Boeing and General Students for a Democratic Society joined the age the armed services, adopting quantitative Dynamics that lobbied for expensive new authors of Fail Safe and Seven Days in May in techniques borrowed from his work in the air weapons, at retired officers for joining their reading Ike’s speech this way. As Ledbetter force during World War II and subsequently ranks, and at Congress for succumbing to shows, SDS’s founding manifesto, the Port at the Ford Motor Company. As Columbia their blandishments. “Increasingly,” writes Huron Statement, invoked Eisenhower as political science professor Richard K. Betts James Ledbetter, editor of Reuters.com, in a prophet foretelling “cataclysm, the general writes in his chapter in Suzanne C.
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