Time for Workers to Defeat Racism, Fascism by John Catalinotto After Three Hours, the Jan
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Lessons Unlearned—The Gun Lobby and the Siren Song of Anti
Lessons Unlearned The Gun Lobby and the Siren Song of Anti-Government Rhetoric Violence Policy Center April 2010 The Violence Policy Center (VPC) is a national non-profit educational organization that conducts research and public education on violence in America and provides information and analysis to policymakers, journalists, advocates, and the general public. This report was authored by VPC Executive Director Josh Sugarmann and VPC Policy Analyst Marty Langley. The study was funded in part with the support of the David Bohnett Foundation, The Joyce Foundation, and the Public Welfare Foundation. Past studies released by the VPC include: ! Target: Law Enforcement—Assault Weapons in the News (February 2010) ! Black Homicide Victimization in the United States: An Analysis of 2007 Homicide Data (January 2010) ! When Men Murder Women—An Analysis of 2007 Homicide Data (September 2009) ! Law Enforcement and Private Citizens Killed by Concealed Handgun Permit Holders—An Analysis of News Reports, May 2007 to April 2009 (July 2009) ! Indicted: Types of Firearms and Methods of Gun Trafficking from the United States to Mexico as Revealed in U.S. Court Documents (April 2009) ! Iron River: Gun Violence and Illegal Firearms Trafficking on the U.S.-Mexico Border (March 2009) ! Youth Gang Violence and Guns: Data Collection in California (February 2009) ! “Big Boomers”—Rifle Power Designed Into Handguns (December 2008) ! American Roulette: Murder-Suicide in the United States (April 2008) ! An Analysis of the Decline in Gun Dealers: 1994 to 2007 (August -
How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics
GETTY CORUM IMAGES/SAMUEL How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 4 Tracing the origins of white supremacist ideas 13 How did this start, and how can it end? 16 Conclusion 17 About the author and acknowledgments 18 Endnotes Introduction and summary The United States is living through a moment of profound and positive change in attitudes toward race, with a large majority of citizens1 coming to grips with the deeply embedded historical legacy of racist structures and ideas. The recent protests and public reaction to George Floyd’s murder are a testament to many individu- als’ deep commitment to renewing the founding ideals of the republic. But there is another, more dangerous, side to this debate—one that seeks to rehabilitate toxic political notions of racial superiority, stokes fear of immigrants and minorities to inflame grievances for political ends, and attempts to build a notion of an embat- tled white majority which has to defend its power by any means necessary. These notions, once the preserve of fringe white nationalist groups, have increasingly infiltrated the mainstream of American political and cultural discussion, with poi- sonous results. For a starting point, one must look no further than President Donald Trump’s senior adviser for policy and chief speechwriter, Stephen Miller. In December 2019, the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hatewatch published a cache of more than 900 emails2 Miller wrote to his contacts at Breitbart News before the 2016 presidential election. -
Nov. 12, 2020 $1 Black Vote Dumps Trump by Monica Moorehead and Louisville, Ky., Respectively This Past Spring
¡La autodefensa es un derecho! 12 Editorial Niños perdidos 12 Workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite! workers.org Vol. 62, No. 46 Nov. 12, 2020 $1 Black vote dumps Trump By Monica Moorehead and Louisville, Ky., respectively this past spring. There were also signs saying that Once it was confirmed on Nov. 7 that the election was not about Biden/Harris, the Joe Biden and Kamala Harris ticket but about the defeat of Trump and that had defeated Trump, literally tens of the struggle will continue. thousands of people around the U.S. There was also the recognition of his- spontaneously took to the streets for tory being made with Kamala Harris hours in jubilation and celebration. Not being the first woman and the first only were downtown areas taken over woman of color to become a vice-presi- but also neighborhoods, block by block, dent elect. While describing herself as a where traffic came to a standstill with Black woman of Jamaican heritage, her horns blaring. family roots also come from the Indian While the majority of those in the state of Tamil Nadu. There were thou- streets were young people, all ages partic- sands of women, including Muslims, car- ipated regardless of nationality, gender, rying signs expressing equal if not more gender expression and abilities. People support for Harris winning than Biden. Lead banners of march in Philadelphia Center City, Nov. 7. WW PHOTO: JOE PIETTE could hardly wait to let off steam after While there was a wide gauntlet of waiting for what must have seemed like political views of people who poured out an eternity— if only five days— to see if in the streets of Philadelphia, Atlanta, the four-year nightmare of Trump would New York City, Chicago, the Bay Area, Philly celebrates, come to an end. -
Law and Order Politics and Practices in Trump's
Hastings Journal of Crime and Punishment Volume 1 Number 2 Summer 2020 Article 4 Summer 2020 Regressive Prosecutors: Law and Order Politics and Practices in Trump’s DOJ Mona Lynch Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_journal_crime_punishment Part of the Criminal Law Commons, and the Criminal Procedure Commons Recommended Citation Mona Lynch, Regressive Prosecutors: Law and Order Politics and Practices in Trump’s DOJ, 1 Hastings J. Crime & Punish. 195 (2020). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_journal_crime_punishment/vol1/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Journal of Crime and Punishment by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 3 - Lynch_HJCP_V1-2 5/13/2020 11:27 AM Regressive Prosecutors: Law and Order Politics and Practices in Trump’s DOJ MONA LYNCH* Introduction In October 2019, President Donald J. Trump signed an executive order authorizing the establishment of a Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice, to be formed and directed by Attorney General William Barr.1 The Trump executive order included 13 examples of the kind of issues the Commission was to address. Number Four was “refusals by State and local prosecutors to enforce laws or prosecute categories of crimes.”2 This provision echoes sentiments expressed just two months -
A Schema of Right-Wing Extremism in the United States
ICCT Policy Brief October 2019 DOI: 10.19165/2019.2.06 ISSN: 2468-0486 A Schema of Right-Wing Extremism in the United States Author: Sam Jackson Over the past two years, and in the wake of deadly attacks in Charlottesville and Pittsburgh, attention paid to right-wing extremism in the United States has grown. Most of this attention focuses on racist extremism, overlooking other forms of right-wing extremism. This article presents a schema of three main forms of right-wing extremism in the United States in order to more clearly understand the landscape: racist extremism, nativist extremism, and anti-government extremism. Additionally, it describes the two primary subcategories of anti-government extremism: the patriot/militia movement and sovereign citizens. Finally, it discusses whether this schema can be applied to right-wing extremism in non-U.S. contexts. Key words: right-wing extremism, racism, nativism, anti-government A Schema of Right-Wing Extremism in the United States Introduction Since the public emergence of the so-called “alt-right” in the United States—seen most dramatically at the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, in August 2017—there has been increasing attention paid to right-wing extremism (RWE) in the United States, particularly racist right-wing extremism.1 Violent incidents like Robert Bowers’ attack on the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania in October 2018; the mosque shooting in Christchurch, New Zealand in March 2019; and the mass shooting at a Walmart in El Paso, Texas in August -
Which Way to the Wheat Field? Women of the Radical Right on Facebook
Proceedings of the 52nd Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences | 2019 Which way to the wheat field? Women of the radical right on Facebook Megan Squire Elon University [email protected] Abstract Defamation League (ADL) used video evidence to conclude that "alt-right is overwhelmingly white and At what rates and in what capacity do women male" as only 7% of the Unite the Right attendees they participate in extreme far-right ("radical right") could identify appeared to be women [2]. Before political online communities? Gathering precise Charlottesville, a 2016 psychological study by Forcher demographic details about members of extremist groups and Kteiley [3] of self-identified alt-right adherents in the United States is difficult because of a lack of data. yielded a sample that was 34% female. Even earlier, a The purpose of this research is to collect and analyze 2010 Quinnipiac University poll of the Tea Party data to help explain radical right participation by movement (some of which subsequently morphed into gender on social media. We used the public Facebook the anti-government "patriot" militia movement of Graph API to create a large dataset of 700,204 today [4]), showed that women make up 55% of self- members of 1,870 Facebook groups spanning 10 identified Tea Party members [5]. Clearly, more reliable different far-right ideologies during the time period estimates of gender breakdown are needed. June 2017 - March 2018, then applied two different Kathleen Blee, who writes extensively about women gender resolution software packages to infer the gender in clandestine white power groups in the United States, of all users by name. -
Under the Second Amendment
PROTESTS, INSURRECTION, AND THE SECOND AMENDMENT The Gun Rights Movement and “Arms” Under the Second Amendment By Eric Ruben, Assistant Professor, SMU Dedman School of Law, and Fellow, Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law PUBLISHED JUNE 2021 Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law Introduction After Donald Trump supporters breached the U.S. Capitol on January 6 wielding weapons including tasers, chemical sprays, knives, police batons, and baseball bats, Sen. Ron Johnson (R-WI) remarked that the insurrection “didn’t seem . armed.”1 Johnson, who is A-rated by the National Rifle Association (NRA),2 observed, “When you hear the word ‘armed,’ don’t you think of firearms?”3 For many, the answer is likely yes. This essay describes how the gun rights movement has contributed to the conflation of arms and firearms. In doing so, it shows how that conflation is flatly inconsistent with the most important legal context for arms — the Second Amendment. Neglecting non-gun arms obscures how Americans actually own, carry, and use weapons for self-defense and elevates guns over less lethal alternatives that receive constitutional protection under District of Columbia v. Heller.4 Now is the time to place gun rights into the broader Second Amendment context, on the eve of the Supreme Court’s next big Second Amendment case, New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Corlett.5 Heller’s Definition of Arms and Its Potential Implications The Second Amendment protects arms, not firearms,6 and in Heller, the Supreme Court defined an arm as any “[w]eapon[] of offence” or “thing that a man wears for his defence, or takes into his hands,” that is “carr[ied] . -
“This Is Our House!” a Preliminary Assessment of the Capitol Hill
MARCH 2021 “This is Our House!” A Preliminary Assessment of the Capitol Hill Siege Participants Program on Extremism THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY MARCH 2021 “This is Our House!” A Preliminary Assessment of the Capitol Hill Siege Participants Program on Extremism THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2021 by Program on Extremism Program on Extremism 2000 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20006 www.extremism.gwu.edu Cover: ©REUTERS/Leah Millis TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements 6 Executive Summary 8 Introduction 10 Findings 12 Categorizing the Capitol Hill Siege Participants 17 Recommendations 44 Conclusion 48 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report was researched and written jointly by the research team at the Program on Extremism, including Lorenzo Vidino, Seamus Hughes, Alexander Meleagrou- Hitchens, Devorah Margolin, Bennett Clifford, Jon Lewis, Andrew Mines and Haroro Ingram. The authors wish to thank JJ MacNab for her invaluable feedback and edits on this report. This report was made possible by the Program’s team of Research Assistants—Ilana Krill, Angelina Maleska, Mia Pearsall, Daniel Stoffel, Diana Wallens, and Ye Bin Won—who provided crucial support with data collection, data verification, and final edits on the report. Finally, the authors thank Nicolò Scremin for designing this report, and Brendan Hurley and the George Washington University Department of Geography for creating the maps used in this report. -
“Progressive” Prosecutors Sabotage the Rule of Law, Raise Crime Rates, and Ignore Victims Charles D
LEGAL MEMORANDUM No. 275 | OCTOBER 29, 2020 EDWIN MEESE III CENTER FOR LEGAL & JUDICIAL STUDIES “Progressive” Prosecutors Sabotage the Rule of Law, Raise Crime Rates, and Ignore Victims Charles D. Stimson and Zack Smith Introduction KEY TAKEAWAYS The American prosecutor occupies a unique role Rogue prosecutors usurp the role of state among lawyers. The prosecutor has a higher duty legislatures, thereby violating the sepa- than other attorneys. His duty is to seek justice, not ration of powers between the executive branch and legislative branch. simply to obtain convictions. As the American Bar Association notes, “The prosecutor should seek to protect the innocent and convict the guilty, consider Rogue prosecutors abuse the role of the the interests of victims and witnesses, and respect the district attorney by refusing to prosecute constitutional and legal rights of all persons, including broad categories of crimes, thereby failing suspects and defendants.”1 to enforce the law faithfully. Prosecutors play a vital and indispensable role in the fair and just administration of criminal law. As mem- bers of the executive branch at the local, state, or federal Violent crime goes up and victims’ rights level, they, like all other members of the executive are ignored in rogue prosecutors’ cities. branch, take an oath to support and defend the Consti- tution and faithfully execute the law as written. They do not make laws. That is the duty of the legislative branch. This paper, in its entirety, can be found at http://report.heritage.org/lm275 The Heritage Foundation | 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE | Washington, DC 20002 | (202) 546-4400 | heritage.org Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. -
Purely Local Tragedies .Docx (Do Not Delete) 1/18/21 9:15 Pm
PURELY LOCAL TRAGEDIES_.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 1/18/21 9:15 PM PURELY LOCAL TRAGEDIES: HOW PROSECUTING DRUG-INDUCED HOMICIDE IN FEDERAL COURT EXACERBATES THE OVERDOSE CRISIS Alyssa Mallgrave* ABSTRACT The United States is in the midst of an opioid epidemic, which has resulted in resulting hundreds of thousands of overdose deaths. State and local officials are in the best position to enact lifesaving measures. The federal government, however, has largely responded to this crisis through punitive measures, including charging drug users with drug- induced homicide. When someone suffers a fatal overdose, the Controlled Substances Act allows federal prosecutors to charge the individual(s) who delivered the drugs that caused the overdose. This statute imposes a mandatory minimum of twenty years in prison. Although this statute was enacted to penalize high-level drug dealers, many people charged under it are companions of the deceased and oftentimes drug users themselves. Not only is this unjust, but it threatens to further exacerbate the overdose crisis that has devastated so many communities. This Note argues that because many of these prosecutions arise from incidents that do not involve traditional drug deals, the Commerce Clause does not give the federal government authority to prosecute co- users who share the drugs that ultimately cause an overdose. Furthermore, by charging co-users with drug-induced homicide, federal prosecutors threaten to derail local efforts to mitigate the overdose crisis. The opioid epidemic continues to take hundreds of lives each day. Therefore, it is imperative that federal officials pursue the most * J.D. Candidate, 2021, Drexel University Thomas R. -
Reportedly at the Hands of White Nationalists
TRUMP AND HIS SURROGATES LOUDLY PEDDLED DEBUNKED RIGHT-WING CONSPIRACY THEORIES TIED TO QANON AND WHITE SUPREMACISTS, GIVING THEM FALSE LEGITIMACY SUMMARY As Trump and his allies searched for justifications to claim electoral victory, the far-right online community played a pivotal role in originating claims for the campaign to push. Conspiracies from white supremacists, QAnon supporters, and long-time conspiracy theorists were elevated, disseminated, and pushed out by the president and his allies. There seems to be a direct flow from the furthest right reaches of the internet and the official spokespeople of the president —including the president himself — such as: • The president promoting numerical figures developed by “TheDonald.Win” — an online community founded to openly post hate speech and calls to violence — in an attempt to prove his false voter fraud claims. • Promoting “Stop The Steal” events planned by white supremacists, including one that led to a stabbing reportedly at the hands of white nationalists. • Lending credibility to the mysterious, propagandic twitter account “Election Wizard,” which promotes election conspiracy theories and follows noted white supremacists and QAnon accounts. • Using a QAnon promoted conspiracy to fire a top elections cybersecurity official. TABLE OF CONTENTS Donald Trump Promoted Numerical Figures Developed By “TheDonald.Win”—An Online Community Founded To Openly Post Hate Speech And Calls To Violence In An Attempt To Prove His False Voter Fraud Claims ................................................................................................3 -
October Term, 1950 Statistics
: : OCTOBER TERM, 1950 STATISTICS Miscel- C\t\ (Tin o 1 X O tjdil laneous Number of cases on dockets _ 13 783 539 1,335 Cases disposed of _ _ 5 687 524 1, 216 Remaining on dockets 8 96 15 119 Cases disposed of—Appellate Docket By written opinions 114 By per curiam opinions 74 By motion to dismiss or per stipulation (merit cases) 4 By denial or dismissal of petitions for certiorari 495 Cases disposed of—Miscellaneous Docket By written opinions 0 By per curiam opinions 3 By denial or dismissal of petitions for certiorari 386 By denial or withdrawal of other applications 121 By transfer to Appellate Docket 14 Number of written opinions 91 Number of petitions for certiorari granted 106 Number of appeals in which jurisdiction was noted or post- poned 28 Number of admissions to bar (including 531 at Special Term) _ 1, 339 REFERENCE INDEX Page Murphy, J., resolutions of the bar presented 140 Kutledge, J., resolutions of the bar presented 175 Special term held September 20th, during meeting of American Bar Association, as a convenience to attorneys desiring to avail themselves of opportunity to be admitted 1 Conference room sessions 69, 134, 196 Attorney—Motion for a member of the English Bar to partici- pate in oral argument, pro hac vice, granted. (He did not appear.) Motion to postpone argument denied. An indi- vidual statement was filed by one of the Justices (336) . See 340 U. S. 887 72 Attorney—Withdrawal of membership (John Locke Green) __ 236 908025—51 73 : II reference index—continued Page Disbarment—In the matter of Lewis E.