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Lessons Unlearned—The Gun Lobby and the Siren Song of Anti
Lessons Unlearned The Gun Lobby and the Siren Song of Anti-Government Rhetoric Violence Policy Center April 2010 The Violence Policy Center (VPC) is a national non-profit educational organization that conducts research and public education on violence in America and provides information and analysis to policymakers, journalists, advocates, and the general public. This report was authored by VPC Executive Director Josh Sugarmann and VPC Policy Analyst Marty Langley. The study was funded in part with the support of the David Bohnett Foundation, The Joyce Foundation, and the Public Welfare Foundation. Past studies released by the VPC include: ! Target: Law Enforcement—Assault Weapons in the News (February 2010) ! Black Homicide Victimization in the United States: An Analysis of 2007 Homicide Data (January 2010) ! When Men Murder Women—An Analysis of 2007 Homicide Data (September 2009) ! Law Enforcement and Private Citizens Killed by Concealed Handgun Permit Holders—An Analysis of News Reports, May 2007 to April 2009 (July 2009) ! Indicted: Types of Firearms and Methods of Gun Trafficking from the United States to Mexico as Revealed in U.S. Court Documents (April 2009) ! Iron River: Gun Violence and Illegal Firearms Trafficking on the U.S.-Mexico Border (March 2009) ! Youth Gang Violence and Guns: Data Collection in California (February 2009) ! “Big Boomers”—Rifle Power Designed Into Handguns (December 2008) ! American Roulette: Murder-Suicide in the United States (April 2008) ! An Analysis of the Decline in Gun Dealers: 1994 to 2007 (August -
How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics
GETTY CORUM IMAGES/SAMUEL How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 4 Tracing the origins of white supremacist ideas 13 How did this start, and how can it end? 16 Conclusion 17 About the author and acknowledgments 18 Endnotes Introduction and summary The United States is living through a moment of profound and positive change in attitudes toward race, with a large majority of citizens1 coming to grips with the deeply embedded historical legacy of racist structures and ideas. The recent protests and public reaction to George Floyd’s murder are a testament to many individu- als’ deep commitment to renewing the founding ideals of the republic. But there is another, more dangerous, side to this debate—one that seeks to rehabilitate toxic political notions of racial superiority, stokes fear of immigrants and minorities to inflame grievances for political ends, and attempts to build a notion of an embat- tled white majority which has to defend its power by any means necessary. These notions, once the preserve of fringe white nationalist groups, have increasingly infiltrated the mainstream of American political and cultural discussion, with poi- sonous results. For a starting point, one must look no further than President Donald Trump’s senior adviser for policy and chief speechwriter, Stephen Miller. In December 2019, the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hatewatch published a cache of more than 900 emails2 Miller wrote to his contacts at Breitbart News before the 2016 presidential election. -
In the Supreme Court of the United States
No. 17-965 In the S upreme Court of the United States DONALD J. TRUMP , PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES , ET AL ., petitioners v. STATE OF HAWAII , ET AL ., respondents On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE EVAN MCMULLIN, ANNE APPLEBAUM, MAX BOOT, LINDA CHAVEZ, ELIOT COHEN, MINDY FINN, JULEANNA GLOVER, NORMAN ORNSTEIN, MICHAEL STEELE, CHARLIE SYKES, AND JERRY TAYLOR IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS R. REEVES ANDERSON JOHN B. BELLINGER , III ARNOLD & PORTER Counsel of Record KAYE SCHOLER LLP ELLIOTT C. MOGUL 370 Seventeenth St. KAITLIN KONKEL Suite 4400 ARNOLD & PORTER Denver, CO 80202 KAYE SCHOLER LLP (303) 863-1000 601 Mass. Ave., NW Washington, DC 20001 (202) 942-5000 [email protected] Counsel for Amici Curiae TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Interest of Amici Curiae .............................................. 1 Introduction and Summary of Argument ................... 2 Argument ..................................................................... 4 I. EO-3 contravenes the prohibition on nationality-based discrimination that Congress, with support from almost all Republicans, adopted in 1965 ................................ 5 A. Congress intended to eliminate “all vestiges of discrimination against any national group” from our immigration system ............................................................... 6 1. Members of both parties, and Republicans in particular, strenuously repudiated the discriminatory policies that predated the 1965 Act ......................... 7 2. The 1965 Act rectified missteps in U.S. immigration policy ............................ 12 3. The principles underlying the 1965 Act are now fundamental to our national identity ........................................ 16 B. EO-3 runs afoul of Congress’s nondiscrimination guarantee ......................... 18 II. The President may not substitute his alternative policy judgments for Congress’s comprehensive statutory immigration scheme .. -
Mexican American History Resources at the Briscoe Center for American History: a Bibliography
Mexican American History Resources at the Briscoe Center for American History: A Bibliography The Briscoe Center for American History at the University of Texas at Austin offers a wide variety of material for the study of Mexican American life, history, and culture in Texas. As with all ethnic groups, the study of Mexican Americans in Texas can be approached from many perspectives through the use of books, photographs, music, dissertations and theses, newspapers, the personal papers of individuals, and business and governmental records. This bibliography will familiarize researchers with many of the resources relating to Mexican Americans in Texas available at the Center for American History. For complete coverage in this area, the researcher should also consult the holdings of the Benson Latin American Collection, adjacent to the Center for American History. Compiled by John Wheat, 2001 Updated: 2010 2 Contents: General Works: p. 3 Spanish and Mexican Eras: p. 11 Republic and State of Texas (19th century): p. 32 Texas since 1900: p. 38 Biography / Autobiography: p. 47 Community and Regional History: p. 56 The Border: p. 71 Education: p. 83 Business, Professions, and Labor: p. 91 Politics, Suffrage, and Civil Rights: p. 112 Race Relations and Cultural Identity: p. 124 Immigration and Illegal Aliens: p. 133 Women’s History: p. 138 Folklore and Religion: p. 148 Juvenile Literature: p. 160 Music, Art, and Literature: p. 162 Language: p. 176 Spanish-language Newspapers: p. 180 Archives and Manuscripts: p. 182 Music and Sound Archives: p. 188 Photographic Archives: p. 190 Prints and Photographs Collection (PPC): p. 190 Indexes: p. -
From Poverty to Prosperity a National Strategy to Cut Poverty in Half
From Poverty to Prosperity A National Strategy to Cut Poverty in Half Report and Recommendations of the Center for American Progress Task Force on Poverty April 2007 Contents/April 2007 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7 INTRODUCTION 16 THE cAse FOR A nATIONAL GOAL 18 OUR STRATEGY: WORK, oPPORTUNITY, SECURITY, AND WEALTH 26 HOW TO cUT pOVERTY IN hALF 26 1. Raise and Index the Minimum Wage to Half the Average Hourly Wage 27 2. Expand the Earned Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit 30 3. Promote Unionization by Enacting the Employee Free Choice Act 31 4. Guarantee Child Care Assistance to Low-Income Families, and Promote Early Education 33 5. Create Two Million New “Opportunity” Housing Vouchers, and Promote Equitable Development in and Around Central Cities 37 6. Connect Disadvantaged and Disconnected Youth with School and Work 40 7. Simplify and Expand Pell Grants and Make Higher Education Accessible for Residents of Each State 44 8. Help Former Prisoners Find Stable Employment and Reintegrate into Their Communities 47 9. Ensure Equity for Low-Wage Workers in the Unemployment Insurance System 49 10. Modernize Means-Tested Benefits Programs to Develop a Coordinated System that Helps Workers and Families 53 11. Reduce the High Costs of Being Poor and Increase Access to Financial Services 56 12. Expand and Simplify the Saver’s Credit to Encourage Saving for Education, Homeownership, and Retirement 59 IMPACTS, cOSTS, AND nEXT STEPS FOR THE nATION POVERTY TASK FORCE MEMBERS Angela Glover Blackwell, Founder and CEO, PolicyLink (co-chair) Peter B. Edelman, Professor of Law, Georgetown University (co-chair) Rebecca Blank, Dean, Gerald R. -
A Schema of Right-Wing Extremism in the United States
ICCT Policy Brief October 2019 DOI: 10.19165/2019.2.06 ISSN: 2468-0486 A Schema of Right-Wing Extremism in the United States Author: Sam Jackson Over the past two years, and in the wake of deadly attacks in Charlottesville and Pittsburgh, attention paid to right-wing extremism in the United States has grown. Most of this attention focuses on racist extremism, overlooking other forms of right-wing extremism. This article presents a schema of three main forms of right-wing extremism in the United States in order to more clearly understand the landscape: racist extremism, nativist extremism, and anti-government extremism. Additionally, it describes the two primary subcategories of anti-government extremism: the patriot/militia movement and sovereign citizens. Finally, it discusses whether this schema can be applied to right-wing extremism in non-U.S. contexts. Key words: right-wing extremism, racism, nativism, anti-government A Schema of Right-Wing Extremism in the United States Introduction Since the public emergence of the so-called “alt-right” in the United States—seen most dramatically at the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, in August 2017—there has been increasing attention paid to right-wing extremism (RWE) in the United States, particularly racist right-wing extremism.1 Violent incidents like Robert Bowers’ attack on the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania in October 2018; the mosque shooting in Christchurch, New Zealand in March 2019; and the mass shooting at a Walmart in El Paso, Texas in August -
Which Way to the Wheat Field? Women of the Radical Right on Facebook
Proceedings of the 52nd Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences | 2019 Which way to the wheat field? Women of the radical right on Facebook Megan Squire Elon University [email protected] Abstract Defamation League (ADL) used video evidence to conclude that "alt-right is overwhelmingly white and At what rates and in what capacity do women male" as only 7% of the Unite the Right attendees they participate in extreme far-right ("radical right") could identify appeared to be women [2]. Before political online communities? Gathering precise Charlottesville, a 2016 psychological study by Forcher demographic details about members of extremist groups and Kteiley [3] of self-identified alt-right adherents in the United States is difficult because of a lack of data. yielded a sample that was 34% female. Even earlier, a The purpose of this research is to collect and analyze 2010 Quinnipiac University poll of the Tea Party data to help explain radical right participation by movement (some of which subsequently morphed into gender on social media. We used the public Facebook the anti-government "patriot" militia movement of Graph API to create a large dataset of 700,204 today [4]), showed that women make up 55% of self- members of 1,870 Facebook groups spanning 10 identified Tea Party members [5]. Clearly, more reliable different far-right ideologies during the time period estimates of gender breakdown are needed. June 2017 - March 2018, then applied two different Kathleen Blee, who writes extensively about women gender resolution software packages to infer the gender in clandestine white power groups in the United States, of all users by name. -
Under the Second Amendment
PROTESTS, INSURRECTION, AND THE SECOND AMENDMENT The Gun Rights Movement and “Arms” Under the Second Amendment By Eric Ruben, Assistant Professor, SMU Dedman School of Law, and Fellow, Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law PUBLISHED JUNE 2021 Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law Introduction After Donald Trump supporters breached the U.S. Capitol on January 6 wielding weapons including tasers, chemical sprays, knives, police batons, and baseball bats, Sen. Ron Johnson (R-WI) remarked that the insurrection “didn’t seem . armed.”1 Johnson, who is A-rated by the National Rifle Association (NRA),2 observed, “When you hear the word ‘armed,’ don’t you think of firearms?”3 For many, the answer is likely yes. This essay describes how the gun rights movement has contributed to the conflation of arms and firearms. In doing so, it shows how that conflation is flatly inconsistent with the most important legal context for arms — the Second Amendment. Neglecting non-gun arms obscures how Americans actually own, carry, and use weapons for self-defense and elevates guns over less lethal alternatives that receive constitutional protection under District of Columbia v. Heller.4 Now is the time to place gun rights into the broader Second Amendment context, on the eve of the Supreme Court’s next big Second Amendment case, New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Corlett.5 Heller’s Definition of Arms and Its Potential Implications The Second Amendment protects arms, not firearms,6 and in Heller, the Supreme Court defined an arm as any “[w]eapon[] of offence” or “thing that a man wears for his defence, or takes into his hands,” that is “carr[ied] . -
“This Is Our House!” a Preliminary Assessment of the Capitol Hill
MARCH 2021 “This is Our House!” A Preliminary Assessment of the Capitol Hill Siege Participants Program on Extremism THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY MARCH 2021 “This is Our House!” A Preliminary Assessment of the Capitol Hill Siege Participants Program on Extremism THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2021 by Program on Extremism Program on Extremism 2000 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20006 www.extremism.gwu.edu Cover: ©REUTERS/Leah Millis TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements 6 Executive Summary 8 Introduction 10 Findings 12 Categorizing the Capitol Hill Siege Participants 17 Recommendations 44 Conclusion 48 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report was researched and written jointly by the research team at the Program on Extremism, including Lorenzo Vidino, Seamus Hughes, Alexander Meleagrou- Hitchens, Devorah Margolin, Bennett Clifford, Jon Lewis, Andrew Mines and Haroro Ingram. The authors wish to thank JJ MacNab for her invaluable feedback and edits on this report. This report was made possible by the Program’s team of Research Assistants—Ilana Krill, Angelina Maleska, Mia Pearsall, Daniel Stoffel, Diana Wallens, and Ye Bin Won—who provided crucial support with data collection, data verification, and final edits on the report. Finally, the authors thank Nicolò Scremin for designing this report, and Brendan Hurley and the George Washington University Department of Geography for creating the maps used in this report. -
The Politicization of University Schools of Education the Long March Through the Education Schools Jay Schalin
The Politicization of University Schools of Education The Long March through the Education Schools Jay Schalin FEBRUARY 2019 The Politicization of University Schools of Education EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Few institutions receive more attention and more funding than our education system. And it certainly warrants that attention; after all, education plays a big part in determining the future. Reformers abound, for both higher education and the K-12 system. But they have largely missed one of the most crucial components of education, our schools of education, where future teachers are trained. They are out of sight and unapproachable for the K-12 reformers, and too technical and too much on the periphery for those who focus on higher education’s shortcomings. That has proven a grave error. Education schools are fundamental to all education. They are serving the nation badly, and it’s not just about test scores and graduation rates. Teacher education has become one of the most politicized corners of academia, an institution that is already out of step with the rest of the country politically. Education schools are leading the charge to “transform” the nation, and that transformation is not leading us to a better, freer, more prosperous, more humane society. This politicization of the education schools is not new, it is not invisible, and it is not occurring through random happenstance or by good ideas pushing out bad ones. It started over 100 years ago in the Progressive era, when the education schools first emerged as a body of experts who focused on “teaching” as a science; many of those experts were socialists who were open about their intentions to change the nation. -
Time for Workers to Defeat Racism, Fascism by John Catalinotto After Three Hours, the Jan
Un cuento de dos clases 12 El país más rico 12 Workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite! workers.org Vol. 63, No. 3 Jan. 21, 2021 $1 Trump OUT — Time for workers to defeat racism, fascism By John Catalinotto after three hours, the Jan. 6 pro-fas- class. Yet they must be distinguished mutual opposition to Trumpism. cist assault on the Capitol sowed ter- from each other. Let’s take a closer look at the class An unprecedented 25,000 National ror in Congress and shocked the public. One side is the “legal” power of the state forces confronting each other. Guard troops from 50 states plus thou- It aimed to stop the certification of the apparatus—military, police, courts, pris- sands of local and Capitol police are presidential election and keep Trump in ons. The other is the “extralegal” para- The establishment state apparatus expected to occupy the office. The attack had his military armed force of dozens of militia Reports from Washington describe the U.S. capital by Jan. More on blessing, giving it the ear- and fascist organizations, gathered under National Guard and police preparations 20. This armed force’s mark of an attempted coup. the banner of Trump and united by their as setting up a “Green Zone.” U.S. occu- announced goal: Prevent a pages 4, 5 The lack of punishment extremist ideology of white supremacy. pation forces in Baghdad used the same violent attack on the inau- on the spot, the appar- On the outside of this internecine name for the area of the Iraqi capital con- guration of the 46th president and allow ent collaboration by elements in the confrontation is a third force: the work- taining the mammoth U.S. -
Lessons from Others for Future U.S. Army Operations in and Through the Information Environment CASE STUDIES
C O R P O R A T I O N Lessons from Others for Future U.S. Army Operations in and Through the Information Environment CASE STUDIES Christopher Paul, Colin P. Clarke, Michael Schwille, Jakub P. Hlávka, Michael A. Brown, Steven S. Davenport, Isaac R. Porche III, Joel Harding For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1925z2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9997-6 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2018 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover photos (clockwise from top left): Giorgio Montersino via Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0); U.S. Air Force photo by Airman 1st Class Adawn Kelsey; U.S. Air Force photo by Tech Sgt John Gordinier; U.S. Air National Guard photo by Master Sgt Andrew J. Moseley; Russian Ministry of Defence (CC BY 4.0); North Korean national media Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous.