The National Democratic Revolution and the Transformation of Land Ownership in South Africa – a Critical Analysis and Alternative Framework
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Counting the Covert for Classifying Or Analysing Corruption, Which Makes the Pretoria, South Africa Interpretation of Available Information Very Difficult
COUNT About this monograph ISS Pretoria Block C, Brooklyn Court I This monograph investigates concerns about quantifying NG THE 361 Veale Street corruption in South Africa. There is no standardised system New Muckleneuk Counting the covert for classifying or analysing corruption, which makes the Pretoria, South Africa interpretation of available information very difficult. The Tel: +27 12 346 9500 Using data to understand Fax: +27 12 460 0998 monograph puts forward a more clearly defined system C [email protected] for categorising corruption. It uses this to consider the U OVERT: corruption in South Africa circumstances in which corruption becomes visible and ISS Addis Ababa David Bruce to interpret corruption data from victimisation surveys and 5th Floor, Get House Building agencies such as the Special Investigating Unit, the South Africa Avenue African Police Service and Public Service Commission. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: +251 11 515 6320 SI Fax: +251 11 515 6449 NG About the author [email protected] David Bruce is an independent researcher and writer D working in the fields of policing, crime and violence. From ISS Dakar TO UN ATA 1996 to 2011 he worked at the Centre for the Study of 4th Floor, Immeuble Atryum Violence and Reconciliation. He has a master’s degree in Route de Ouakam Dakar, Senegal public and development management from the School of Tel: +221 33 860 3304/42 Public and Development Management at the University of Fax: +221 33 860 3343 the Witwatersrand. [email protected] D ISS Nairobi ER About the ISS Braeside Gardens S The Institute for Security Studies is an African organisation off Muthangari Road TAN that aims to enhance human security on the continent. -
Take 286 Starts at 14:05
UNREVISED HANSARD NATIONAL ASSEMBLY THURSDAY, 29 NOVEMBER 2018 Page: 1 THURSDAY, 29 NOVEMBER 2018 ____ PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ____ The House met at 14:02. The House Chairperson Ms M G Boroto took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayer or meditation. DEBATE ON 16 DAYS OF ACTIVISM OF NO VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND CHILDREN: #HEARMETOO – A WOMAN OF FORTITUDE The MINISTER OF SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT: Hon Chairperson, hon Members of Parliament, representatives of Civil Society and Women’s Movements, ladies and gentlemen, I stand here before you to talk about one of the most and highly emotive issues in South Africa and the world. This scourge knows no colour, knows no religion, knows no race, knows no class and knows no political UNREVISED HANSARD NATIONAL ASSEMBLY THURSDAY, 29 NOVEMBER 2018 Page: 2 affiliations. It ravages communities and families across class and the colour line. It is a societal challenge which requires a societal responses. IsiZulu: Ngicela nje ukuthi namhlanje ngingahlushwa uma ngikhuluma ngento ebuhlungu kakhulu kubantu baseNingizimu Afrika. Ngikhuluma ngento engakhethi ukuthi ungubani, unjani, unemali engakanani nokuthi ungubani emphakathini. English: Let us just for a moment put ourselves in the shoes of those who suffer in the hands of abusers. Let us even if it is for a minute feel their pain and trauma. As we do that, let us call upon for those who believe on our almighty and those who believe on ancestors to get into the hearts and minds of these heartless abusers so that they can understand and feel the suffering and the pain that they caused to their victims. -
Undamaged Reputations?
UNDAMAGED REPUTATIONS? Implications for the South African criminal justice system of the allegations against and prosecution of Jacob Zuma AUBREY MATSHIQI CSVRCSVR The Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation CENTRE FOR THE STUDY OF VIOLENCE AND RECONCILIATION Criminal Justice Programme October 2007 UNDAMAGED REPUTATIONS? Implications for the South African criminal justice system of the allegations against and prosecution of Jacob Zuma AUBREY MATSHIQI CSVRCSVR The Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation Supported by Irish Aid ABOUT THE AUTHOR Aubrey Matshiqi is an independent researcher and currently a research associate at the Centre for Policy Studies. Published by the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation For information contact: Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation 4th Floor, Braamfontein Centre 23 Jorissen Street, Braamfontein PO Box 30778, Braamfontein, 2017 Tel: +27 (11) 403-5650 Fax: +27 (11) 339-6785 http://www.csvr.org.za © 2007 Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation. All rights reserved. Design and layout: Lomin Saayman CONTENTS Acknowledgements 4 1. Introduction 5 2. The nature of the conflict in the ANC and the tripartite alliance 6 3. The media as a role-player in the crisis 8 4. The Zuma saga and the criminal justice system 10 4.1 The NPA and Ngcuka’s prima facie evidence statement 10 4.2 The judiciary and the Shaik judgment 11 5. The Constitution and the rule of law 12 6. Transformation of the judiciary 14 7. The appointment of judges 15 8. The right to a fair trial 17 9. Public confidence in the criminal justice system 18 10. -
Governance and Corruption Parole and Sentencing
Project of the Community Law Centre CSPRI '30 Days/Dae/Izinsuku' April CSPRI '30 Days/Dae/Izinsuku' April 2010 2010 In this Issue: GOVERNANCE AND CORRUPTION PAROLE AND SENTENCING PRISON CONDITIONS SECURITY AND ESCAPES SOUTH AFRICANS IMPRISONED ABOARD OTHER OTHER AFRICAN COUNTRIES Top of GOVERNANCE AND CORRUPTION Page Prisons to increase self sufficiency: The Minister of Correctional Services, Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, is reported to be considering returning to the system in which prisoners worked on prison farms to produce food for their own consumption. According to the report, prisoners would produce their own food in future to ease pressure on the budget of the Department of Correctional Services. The department currently pays catering contractors millions of rand per year to run prison kitchens and feed prisoners. The Minister said, under the Correctional Services Act, prisoners are supposed to work but this is uncommon in South African prisons. Reported by Siyabonga Mkhwanazi, 6 April 2010, IOL, at http://www.iol.co.za/index.phpset_id=1&click_id=13&art_id=vn20100406043212436C595118 Top of PAROLE AND SENTENCING Page Court releases sick prisoner on humanitarian grounds: The Bellville Specialised Commercial Crimes Court has converted a six-year prison term of a terminally ill prisoner to one year, IOL reported. Stephen Rosen was sentenced to six years imprisonment after being convicted on 101 counts of fraud involving R1, 86 million. According to the IOL report, Magistrate Amrith Chabillal said "You need to understand that your criminal history goes against you and that it's only on humanitarian grounds that I am ruling in favour of your release from prison". -
Commission of Inquiry Into State Capture Held at Parktown, Johannesburg 10 22 July 2019 Day 137 20
COMMISSION OF INQUIRY INTO STATE CAPTURE HELD AT PARKTOWN, JOHANNESBURG 10 22 JULY 2019 DAY 137 20 22 JULY 2019 – DAY 137 PROCEEDINGS COMMENCE ON 22 JULY 2019 CHAIRPERSON: Good morning Ms Gcabashe, good morning everybody. ADV LEAH GCABSHE SC: Good morning Chairman. Chairman just as a… CHAIRPERSON: Been – it has been quite some time we last saw you. ADV LEAH GCABSHE SC: Mr Chair – Chairman you know that you keep us very busy doing back office work and the Vrede Dairy matter which is the one that is before you today. 10 CHAIRPERSON: Yes. ADV LEAH GCABSHE SC: Is like an octopus with a million tentacles so we have been keeping busy. CHAIRPERSON: Yes, no that is fine. Thank you. ADV LEAH GCABSHE SC: Chairman just as a preliminary point I do know that a couple of implicated parties’ legal representatives are here. I do not know if you simply want me to place them on record by telling you who they are or if you would prefer them to come up and place themselves on record. CHAIRPERSON: I think they should come up and place themselves on 20 record if the intention is for them to be on record but sometimes they just want to be present informally and not formally. Maybe I should say those who wish to place themselves on record should come up and do so. So that gives a chance to those who do not want to be placed on record formally to just sit there informally. Okay thank you. ADV LEAH GCABSHE SC: Thank you Chairman. -
Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations Revista
ISSN 2238-6262 / e-ISSN 2238-6912 Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations Revista Brasileira de Estratégia e Relações Internacionais Porto Alegre, v.7, n.13 | Jan./Jun. 2018 Austral Porto Alegre v.7, n.13 p. 1-323 Jan./Jun. 2018 About the Journal AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy and International Relations was the first Brazilian journal in the area of International Relations to be fully pub- lished in English (2012). It is an essentially academic vehicle, linked to the Brazil- ian Centre for Strategy & International Relations (NERINT) and the Doctoral Pro- gram in International Strategic Studies (PPGEEI) of the Faculty of Economics (FCE) of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS). Its pluralist focus aims to contribute to the debate on the international political and economic order from the perspective of the developing world. The journal publishes original articles in the area of Strategy and Inter- national Relations, with special interest in issues related to developing countries and South-South Cooperation – its security problems; the political, economic and diplomatic developments of emerging countries; and their relations with the traditional powers. AUSTRAL is published semi-annually in English and Portu- guese. The journal’s target audience consists of researchers, experts, diplomats, military personnel and graduate students of International Relations. The content of the journal consists of in-depth analytical articles written by experts (Professors and Doctors), focusing on each of the great continents of the South: Asia, Latin America and Africa. Thus, the debate and diffusion of knowledge produced in these regions is stimulated. All contributions submitted to AUSTRAL are subject to rigorous scientific evaluation. -
Volume 30 2003 Issue 96
Review of African Political Economy No.96:181-186 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 2003 ISSN 0305-6244 War & the Forgotten Continent Rita Abrahamsen & Ray Bush As US and UK military forces invade Iraq the death of innocents in the Middle East will be added to those dying from AIDS, famine and preventable illness in Africa. The waging of war at any time, when not sanctioned by international law and the victims pose no threat to neighbours or invaders, is monstrous. It is even more so as US and UK resources are diverted towards the aims of death and destruction when millions in Africa are starving to death. In Iraq itself, the British Overseas Aid Group (Oxfam, Cafod, Christian Aid, Action Aid and Save the Children) warns of the humanitarian consequences of war in a country where more than 16 million are entirely dependent upon food aid. There has been little concern for the lives of those to be affected by military conflict as preparation to relieve the humanitarian disaster has taken second place to the creation of that disaster. The US will spend $12.5 billion a month on the war although it has offered $65 million to provide help with immediate humanitarian assistance. And when it is time for the reconstruction of Iraq, the US will offer only $50 million of a possible $1.5 billion to NGOs and the UN for the process – the rest goes to US companies, including those close to White House officials (The Guardian, 18 March 2003). Meanwhile in Africa 40 million need famine and food relief. -
Afrimap SA Policy Doc.Indd 1 11/28/05 9:47:06 AM Copyright © 2005 by the Open Society Foundation for South Africa
South Africa Justice Sector and the Rule of Law A DISCUSSION PAPER AfriMAP and Open Society Foundation for South Africa 2005 OPEN SOCIETY FOUNDATION Afrimap SA Policy doc.indd 1 11/28/05 9:47:06 AM Copyright © 2005 by the Open Society Foundation for South Africa. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form, or by any means, without the prior permission of the publisher. Published by: Open Society Foundation for South Africa ISBN: 1-920051-23-6 For more information, contact: AfriMAP Open Society Foundation 5th Floor, Cambridge House 100 Cambridge Grove London, W6 OLE, United Kingdom www.afrimap.org Open Society Foundation for South Africa Colinton House, The Oval 1 Oakdale Road Newlands, 7700, South Africa www.osf.org.za Design by: Jeanne Criscola/Criscola Design, New York Layout and printing by: comPress, South Africa Cover image: Headband, 20th century Ndebele; South Africa Glass beads, fiber 20 1/4 x 2 1/2 in. Collection of the Orlando Museum of Art, gift of Norma Canelas and William D. Roth Afrimap SA Policy doc.indd 2 11/28/05 9:47:06 AM Contents Introduction 1 I: International human rights treaties 3 II: Independence of the judiciary and the National Prosecuting Authority 7 A. Independence of the judiciary 7 B. Independence of the National Prosecuting Authority 13 III: Implementation of new laws 15 A. Improving the technical quality of new legislation 15 B. Implementation of court judgments 17 C. Specialist courts and proposed changes to the court structure 20 IV: Crime and punishment 23 A. -
Betrayal of the Promise: How South Africa Is Being Stolen
BETRAYAL OF THE PROMISE: HOW SOUTH AFRICA IS BEING STOLEN May 2017 State Capacity Research Project Convenor: Mark Swilling Authors Professor Haroon Bhorat (Development Policy Research Unit, University of Cape Town), Dr. Mbongiseni Buthelezi (Public Affairs Research Institute (PARI), University of the Witwatersrand), Professor Ivor Chipkin (Public Affairs Research Institute (PARI), University of the Witwatersrand), Sikhulekile Duma (Centre for Complex Systems in Transition, Stellenbosch University), Lumkile Mondi (Department of Economics, University of the Witwatersrand), Dr. Camaren Peter (Centre for Complex Systems in Transition, Stellenbosch University), Professor Mzukisi Qobo (member of South African research Chair programme on African Diplomacy and Foreign Policy, University of Johannesburg), Professor Mark Swilling (Centre for Complex Systems in Transition, Stellenbosch University), Hannah Friedenstein (independent journalist - pseudonym) Preface The State Capacity Research Project is an interdisciplinary, inter- that the individual confidential testimonies they were receiving from university research partnership that aims to contribute to the Church members matched and confirmed the arguments developed public debate about ‘state capture’ in South Africa. This issue has by the SCRP using largely publicly available information. This dominated public debate about the future of democratic governance triangulation of different bodies of evidence is of great significance. in South Africa ever since then Public Protector Thuli Madonsela published her report entitled State of Capture in late 2016.1 The The State Capacity Research Project is an academic research report officially documented the way in which President Zuma and partnership between leading researchers from four Universities senior government officials have colluded with a shadow network of and their respective research teams: Prof. Haroon Bhorat from the corrupt brokers. -
Racial Identity, Citizenship and Nation Building in Post-Apartheid South Africa
Racial Identity, Citizenship and Nation Building in Post- Apartheid South Africa Neville Alexander Edited version of a Lecture delivered at the East London Campus University of Fort Hare 25 March 2006 Racial Identity, Citizenship and Nation Building in Post-Apartheid South Africa Introductory remarks Building a nation or promoting national unity, which is one of the historic objectives of post-apartheid South Africa as we set out to give shape to the new historical community that is evolving here, raises a whole range of issues such as the class leadership and class content of such a national(ist) movement, the nature and feasibility of social cohesion, our understanding of a multicultural polity, intercultural communication, among other things. In post-apartheid South Africa, all of these themes are at issue but because of the continued salience of the racial faultline in this social formation, I shall concentrate on the vitally important question of racial identities and what we have to do about them. Minister Mosiuoa Lekota’s comments some two years ago on the question of non- racialism1 spotlighted the troubling relationship between the policy of affirmative action and the perpetuation of racial identities in post-apartheid South Africa. The latter is one of the unintended consequences of the former, if we give the architects of the policy the benefit of the doubt, which I believe we should. Because of the vital importance of the subject for the consolidation and deepening of the democratic polity in which we live today, I believe that the Minister’s comments should spark a national debate on the question of what we mean by a non-racial, democratic South Africa. -
South Africa's Strategic Arms Package: a Critical Analysis
52 SOUTH AFRICA’S STRATEGIC ARMS PACKAGE: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS Justin Sylvester and Prof Annette Seegers University of Cape Town Abstract The South African government’s Strategic Arms Package (SAP), has been the largest public controversy of the post-Apartheid era. We synthesise the debates about two dimensions of the SAP, military necessity and affordability, in order to get a better understanding of civil-military relations in democratic South Africa. Our synthesis shows that the economic enthusiasm about the SAP is both naïve and an opportunity for government and dominant business and industry to wed their interests in a way that is not that different from the Apartheid era. In military terms, the SAP has equipped the South African Air Force (SAAF) and South African Navy (SAN) for the most improbable of primary missions. The equipment is also not very relevant to secondary missions. The way that the SAP decisions were reached suggests that civil-military relations are marked by the continuing impact of past compromises, corruption and the centralisation of power in the executive branch. Introduction This article 1 presents a critical analysis of the South African government’s Strategic Arms Package (SAP), commonly known as the Arms Deal. 2 In 1999, the South African government (SAG) entered into an SAP of over R29 billion. At that stage, the SAP consisted of five main contracts. The German Submarine Consortium (GSC) was to supply four submarines to the SAN at a total cost of R4 289 million. The Italian company, Augusta, was awarded the right to supply 30 utility helicopters to the SAAF at R1 532 million. -
196 Chapter Seven Housing Policy in South
CHAPTER SEVEN HOUSING POLICY IN SOUTH AFRICA 7.1 Introduction “Policy” is a form of government commitment and application of “scientific knowledge” to achieve goals in areas of its activities or to solve problems (Colebatch 1998:1-4; Moodie 1984:23-4). From a Marxist viewpoint, policy- makers in capitalist society are not free agents, they make policy in terms of the constraints of the capitalist nature of social relations and the economy (Callinicos 1984:131; Colebatch 1998:6, 16). Although soliciting experts from outside of government, there may be processes also effectively excluding the involvement of certain groups (Colebatch 1998:18-22). Policy is tied to the “politics” of persuading voters and legislators about certain decisions, and how interest groups, such as low-income classes, ethnic groups, or even housing associations for poorer classes, influence state power in the use of society’s resources (Callinicos 1984:132; Colebatch 1998:73-4). An extension thereof is what Rein and Schön (1993) call a “policy discourse” as an approach to making sense of certain policies, because the affected social agents frame or see the world differently. It “refer[s] to the interactions of individuals, interest groups, social movements, and institutions through which problematic situations are converted to policy problems, agendas are set, decisions are made, and actions are taken” (Rein and Schön 1993:145). This includes the systems of values, preferences, norms and ideas, by which affected parties make sense of an issue, and how to act on it. Unequal power relations are part of this because sometimes there are factors which marginalise and question the legitimacy of some of the participants in the policy conversation (Rein & Schön 1993:157).