Text Analysis on Rodong Sinmun
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Surviving Through the Post-Cold War Era: the Evolution of Foreign Policy in North Korea
UC Berkeley Berkeley Undergraduate Journal Title Surviving Through The Post-Cold War Era: The Evolution of Foreign Policy In North Korea Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4nj1x91n Journal Berkeley Undergraduate Journal, 21(2) ISSN 1099-5331 Author Yee, Samuel Publication Date 2008 DOI 10.5070/B3212007665 Peer reviewed|Undergraduate eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Introduction “When the establishment of ‘diplomatic relations’ with south Korea by the Soviet Union is viewed from another angle, no matter what their subjective intentions may be, it, in the final analysis, cannot be construed otherwise than openly joining the United States in its basic strategy aimed at freezing the division of Korea into ‘two Koreas,’ isolating us internationally and guiding us to ‘opening’ and thus overthrowing the socialist system in our country [….] However, our people will march forward, full of confidence in victory, without vacillation in any wind, under the unfurled banner of the Juche1 idea and defend their socialist position as an impregnable fortress.” 2 The Rodong Sinmun article quoted above was published in October 5, 1990, and was written as a response to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union, a critical ally for the North Korean regime, and South Korea, its archrival. The North Korean government’s main reactions to the changes taking place in the international environment during this time are illustrated clearly in this passage: fear of increased isolation, apprehension of external threats, and resistance to reform. The transformation of the international situation between the years of 1989 and 1992 presented a daunting challenge for the already struggling North Korean government. -
Digital Trenches
Martyn Williams H R N K Attack Mirae Wi-Fi Family Medicine Healthy Food Korean Basics Handbook Medicinal Recipes Picture Memory I Can Be My Travel Weather 2.0 Matching Competition Gifted Too Companion ! Agricultural Stone Magnolia Escpe from Mount Baekdu Weather Remover ERRORTelevision the Labyrinth Series 1.25 Foreign apps not permitted. Report to your nearest inminban leader. Business Number Practical App Store E-Bookstore Apps Tower Beauty Skills 2.0 Chosun Great Chosun Global News KCNA Battle of Cuisine Dictionary of Wisdom Terms DIGITAL TRENCHES North Korea’s Information Counter-Offensive DIGITAL TRENCHES North Korea’s Information Counter-Offensive Copyright © 2019 Committee for Human Rights in North Korea Printed in the United States of America All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior permission of the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea 1001 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 435 Washington, DC 20036 P: (202) 499-7970 www.hrnk.org Print ISBN: 978-0-9995358-7-5 Digital ISBN: 978-0-9995358-8-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2019919723 Cover translations by Julie Kim, HRNK Research Intern. BOARD OF DIRECTORS Gordon Flake, Co-Chair Katrina Lantos Swett, Co-Chair John Despres, -
Militaristic Propaganda in the DPRK the Heritage of Songun-Politics in the Rodong-Sinmun Under Kim Jong-Un
University of Twente Faculty of Behavioural, Management & Social Sciences 1st Supervisor: Dr. Minna van Gerven-Haanpaa Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster Institut für Politikwissenschaft 2nd Supervisor: Björn Goldstein, M.A. Militaristic propaganda in the DPRK The heritage of Songun-Politics in the Rodong-Sinmun under Kim Jong-Un Julian Muhs Matr.- Nr.: 384990 B.A. & B.Sc Schorlemerstraße 4 StudentID; s1610325 Public Administration 48143 Münster (Westf.) (Special Emphasis on European Studies) 004915141901095 [email protected] Date: 21st of September.2015 Table of Contents 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 2. Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................................... 3 3.1. North Korean Ideology from Marxism-Leninism to Juche ........................................................... 3 3.2. Press Theory between Marxism-Leninism and Juche .................................................................. 8 3. Methodology ................................................................................................................................. 13 3.1. Selection of Articles .................................................................................................................... 17 4. Analysis: Military propaganda in the Rodong-Sinmun .................................................................. 19 4.1. Category-system -
Chapter 3 Formation and Evolution of Kim Jong Un's “Nuclear Doctrine
37 Chapter 3 Formation and Evolution of Kim Jong Un’s “Nuclear Doctrine”: The Current State of North Korea’s “Minimum Deterrence” in Comparison Hideya Kurata I. Preface – Components of “Minimum Deterrence” The government statement of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea), released on January 6, 2016, after testing what it claimed to be a “hydrogen bomb,” said that North Korea “will neither be the first to use nuclear weapons… as already declared as long as the hostile forces for aggression do not encroach upon its sovereignty.”1 “…as already declared” here refers to the phrase, the DPRK would “never use nuclear weapons first” emphasis added),2 used in a statement by the North Korean Foreign Ministry on October 3, 2006, that gave notice of its upcoming first nuclear test. This may be taken as an unconditional commitment to “no first use (NFU)” of nuclear weapons by North Korea. At the same time, this indicated North Korea’s potential nuclear posture under the assumption that its nuclear capability is inferior to that of the United States and falls short of mutual assured destruction (MAD) and North Korea is inferior to the combined conventional forces of the United States and South Korea. North Korea has never comprehensively unveiled its nuclear posture before, but it is closer to “minimum deterrence.” This belongs to the simple category of nuclear deterrence, but this posture represents the second-strike capability that can survive the first strike by a hostile country even when it is in an inferior positon in nuclear force, with its core factor being making a hostile country think twice about making the first strike. -
Current Affairs in North Korea, 2010-2017: a Collection of Research Notes
235 Current Affairs in North Korea, 2010-2017: A Collection of Research Notes Rudiger Frank Abstract Starting with the public introduction of Kim Jong-un to the public in autumn of 2010 and ending with observations of consumerism in February 2017, this collection of 16 short research notes that were originally published at 38North discusses some of the most crucial issues, aside from the nuclear problem, that dominated the field of North Korean Studies in the past decade. Left in their original form, these short articles show the consistency of major North Korean policies as much as the development of our understanding of the new leader and his approach. Topics covered include the question of succession, economic statistics, new ideological trends such as pyŏngjin, techno- logical developments including a review of the North Korean tablet computer Samjiyŏn, the Korean unification issue, special economic zones, foreign trade, parliamentary elections and the first ever Party congress since 1980. Keywords: North Korea, DPRK, 38North Frank, Rudiger. “Current Affairs in North Korea, 2010-2017: A Collection of Research Notes” In Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies, Volume 9, eds. Rudiger Frank, Ina Hein, Lukas Pokorny, and Agnes Schick-Chen. Vienna: Praesens Verlag, 2017, pp. 235–350. https://doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2017-0008 236 Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies Hu Jintao, Deng Xiaoping or another Mao Zedong? Power Restruc- turing in North Korea Date of original publication: 5 October 2010 URL: http://38north.org/2010/10/1451 “Finally,” one is tempted to say. The years of speculation and half-baked news from dubious sources are over. -
North Korea-South Korea Relations: Back to Belligerence
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations North Korea-South Korea Relations: Back to Belligerence Aidan Foster-Carter Leeds University, UK For almost the whole of the first quarter of 2008, official inter-Korean relations were largely suspended in an uneasy limbo. As of late March, that void was the story. Up to a point this was only to be expected. A new conservative leader in Seoul – albeit a pragmatist, or so he tells us – was bound to arouse suspicion in Pyongyang at first. Also, Lee Myung-bak needed some time to settle into office and find his feet. Still, it was remarkable that this limbo lasted so long. More than three months after Lee’s landslide victory in the ROK presidential elections on Dec. 19, DPRK media – which in the past had no qualms in dubbing Lee’s Grand National Party (GNP) as a bunch of pro- U.S. flunkeys and national traitors – had made no direct comment whatsoever on the man Pyongyang has to deal with in Seoul for the next five years. Almost the sole harbinger of what was to come – a tocsin, in retrospect – was a warning snarl in mid-March against raising North Korean human rights issues. One tried to derive some small comfort from this near-silence; at least the North did not condemn Lee a priori and out of hand. In limbo Yet the hiatus already had consequences. Perhaps predictably, most of the big inter- Korean projects that Lee’s predecessor, the center-left Roh Moo-hyun, had rushed to initiate in his final months in office after his summit last October with the North’s leader, Kim Jong-il, barely got off the ground. -
CELL PHONES in NORTH KOREA Has North Korea Entered the Telecommunications Revolution?
CELL PHONES IN NORTH KOREA Has North Korea Entered the Telecommunications Revolution? Yonho Kim ABOUT THE AUTHOR Yonho Kim is a Staff Reporter for Voice of America’s Korea Service where he covers the North Korean economy, North Korea’s illicit activities, and economic sanctions against North Korea. He has been with VOA since 2008, covering a number of important developments in both US-DPRK and US-ROK relations. He has received a “Superior Accomplishment Award,” from the East Asia Pacific Division Director of the VOA. Prior to joining VOA, Mr. Kim was a broadcaster for Radio Free Asia’s Korea Service, focused on developments in and around North Korea and US-ROK alliance issues. He has also served as a columnist for The Pressian, reporting on developments on the Korean peninsula. From 2001-03, Mr. Kim was the Assistant Director of The Atlantic Council’s Program on Korea in Transition, where he conducted in-depth research on South Korean domestic politics and oversaw program outreach to US government and media interested in foreign policy. Mr. Kim has worked for Intellibridge Corporation as a freelance consultant and for the Hyundai Oil Refinery Co. Ltd. as a Foreign Exchange Dealer. From 1995-98, he was a researcher at the Hyundai Economic Research Institute in Seoul, focused on the international economy and foreign investment strategies. Mr. Kim holds a B.A. and M.A. in International Relations from Seoul National University and an M.A. in International Relations and International Economics from the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University. -
Comparative Connections a Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations South Korea-North Korea Relations: Plumbing the Depths Aidan Foster-Carter University of Leeds Covering inter-Korean relations for Comparative Connections throughout the past decade has been a roller-coaster ride, given the peninsula’s changeable political weather. Even so, the current state of affairs is unprecedented. Pyongyang has always been a master of threats and insults, but it has spent the whole of 2012 hurling ever ruder and angrier jibes at ROK President Lee Myung-bak; plumbing the depths even by North Korean standards. Just when one thought they could get no nastier, in April the official Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) published and trumpeted a set of vicious cartoons that depict Lee as a rat being gorily done to death, with captions (hardly needed) that one can only describe as exulting in vile and violent blood-lust. From the viewpoint of this journal, devoted as it is to bilateral relations, the problem is that the past four months essentially saw almost no interaction between the two Koreas except this one- sided name-calling. Unsurprisingly Seoul did have a few words to say in response, which only served to rile Pyongyang more. Still, as the classical German sociologist Georg Simmel wisely noted a century ago, conflict too is one form of sociation. (Those interested may read more at http://www.cf.ac.uk/socsi/undergraduate/introsoc/simmel12.html) Wading through filth is no fun, but duty must be done. In what follows we describe and try to interpret North Korea’s campaign, which as the trimester ended showed ominous signs of escalating from words to deeds in attacks on South Korea’s Global Position System (GPS) signals. -
Academic Paper Series
Korea Economic Institute of America ACADEMIC PAPER SERIES NOVEMBER 30, 2017 Soap Operas and Socialism: Dissecting Kim Jong-un’s Evolving Policy Priorities through TV Dramas in North Korea By Jean Lee Abstract Introduction Romance, humor, tension — everyone loves a good sitcom, even Much has been written about North Korea’s film industry, the North Koreans. But in North Korea, TV dramas are more than beloved pet project of the late leader Kim Jong-il, who went mere entertainment. They play a crucial political role by serving to extreme lengths — including kidnapping his favorite South as a key messenger of party and government policy. They aim to Korean movie director and actress in 19781 — and lavishing shape social and cultural mores in North Korean society. And in millions on films in order to bring his cinematic fantasies to life.2 the Kim Jong-un era, they act as an advertisement for the “good However, since Kim Jong-il’s death in December 2011, this once- life” promised to the political elite. Through TV dramas, the North mighty arm of North Korea’s propaganda arts appears to have Korean people learn what the regime says constitutes being a languished under the rule of his millennial son Kim Jong-un. In good citizen in Kim Jong-un’s North Korea today: showing loyalty 2011, the last year of Kim Jong-il’s life, state-run film studios to the party, using science and technology to advance national released 10 feature films.3 In contrast, only one film was released interests, thinking creatively in problem-solving, and facing the in 2013 as Kim Jong-un’s new propaganda imperatives began nation’s continued economic hardships with a positive attitude. -
The 8Th Congress of Workers' Party of Korea, Kim Jong-Un's Thoughts And
No. 74 June 2021 The 8th Congress of Workers’ Party of Korea, Kim Jong-un’s Thoughts and Future of North Korea Kuri Sravan Kumar © Institute of Chinese Studies, Delhi Institute of Chinese Studies, B-371 (3rd floor), Chittaranjan Park, Kalkaji, New Delhi - 110 019 Landline Telephone: +91-11-4056 4823 Fax: +91-11-23830728 Email: [email protected] Website: www.icsin.org ABOUT THE AUTHOR Kuri Sravan Kumar is a Doctoral candidate at the Department of East Asian Studies, University of Delhi, New Delhi. He has completed his Masters in East Asian Studies, from University of Delhi, New Delhi. He has studied Korean Language from Korean Cultural Center (King Sejong Institute), New Delhi and Indira Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi. He has an interest in North Korean Politics, India-Korea relations, Inter-Korean relations and East Asian security. Contact: [email protected] The 8th Congress of Workers’ Party of Korea, Kim Jong-un’s Thoughts and Future of North Korea Abstract North Korea is an enigma, and it follows a leader-centric approach. The Workers Party of Korea is the highest-ranking body of North Korea. Due to the Covid-19 pandemic, last one year onwards, North Korea is in self-isolation and world hardly have any clue about Kim Jong-un and DPRK. This paper attempt is to discuss the 8th congress of Workers Party of Korea, 2021, especially its focus on Kim Jong-un speeches and congress resolutions and its remarks on Inter-Korean relations, North Korea-America relations, and North Korea’s economic plan. -
Coercion, Control, Surveillance, and Punishment an Examination of the North Korean Police State
Coercion, Control, Surveillance, and Punishment An Examination of the North Korean Police State Ken E. Gause The Committee for Human Rights in North Korea Coercion, Control, Surveillance, and Punishment An Examination of the North Korean Police State Ken E. Gause Committee for Human Rights in North Korea 1001 Connecticut Avenue, NW Suite 435 Washington, DC 20036 (202) 499-7973 www.hrnk.org Copyright © 2012 by the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 0985648015 Library of Congress Control Number: 2012943393 Coercion, Control, Surveillance, and Punishment An Examination of the North Korean Police State Ken E. Gause Committee for Human Rights in North Korea 1001 Connecticut Avenue, NW Suite 435 Washington, DC 20036 BOARD OF DIRECTORS (affiliations provided solely for identification) Roberta Cohen Co-Chair Non-Resident Senior Fellow, Brookings Institution Andrew Natsios Co-Chair Former Administrator, USAID Professor, Georgetown University Suzanne Scholte Vice-Co-Chair President, Defense Forum Foundation Seoul Peace Prize Laureate Gordon Flake Vice-Co-Chair Executive Director, Mike and Maureen Mansfield Foundation Helen-Louise Hunter Secretary Attorney and Author John Despres Treasurer Consultant on International Financial & Strategic Affairs Greg Scarlatoiu Executive Director, Committee for Human Rights in North Korea Morton Abramowitz Senior Fellow, The Century Foundation Jerome Cohen Co-Director, US-Asia Law Institute, NYU Law School Adjunct Senior Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations Lisa Colacurcio Advisor, Impact Investments Rabbi Abraham Cooper Associate Dean, Simon Wiesenthal Center Committee for Human Rights in North Korea Jack David Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute Paula Dobriansky Senior Fellow, Belfer Center, John F. -
Market Activities & the Building Blocks of Civil Society in North Korea
Market Activities & the Building Blocks of Civil Society in North Korea Justin V. Hastings, Daniel Wertz, & Andrew Yeo February 2021 1 NCNK The National Committee on North Korea (NCNK) supports and facilitates principled engagement between the U.S. and North Korea in order to promote peace and security on the Korean Peninsula and to improve the lives of the North Korean people. NCNK is a non-governmental, non-partisan organization whose membership reflects a broad range of perspectives and subject-matter expertise related to North Korea. NCNK serves to share information among its members, advance their work, and provide the broader public with substantive and balanced information about North Korea. NCNK was founded in 2004 by Mercy Corps, a global aid and development organization. CONTACT Honorary Co-Chairs: Amb. Tony P. The National Committee on North Korea Hall and Amb. Thomas C. Hubbard 1111 19th St. NW, Suite 650 Steering Committee: Bradley Babson, Washington, DC 20036 Robert Carlin, Kelsey Davenport, www.ncnk.org Katharine Moon, Susan Shirk, Scott [email protected] Snyder, Randall Spadoni and Philip Yun @NCNKorea Executive Director: Keith Luse Copyright © 2021 by the National Committee on North Korea. All rights reserved. Cover Image: Market on a street in Hamhung, North Korea, September 11, 2012. Photo by Eric Lafforgue / Art in All of Us via Getty Images i ABOUT THE AUTHORS Justin V. Hastings is Professor of International Relations and Comparative Politics in the Department of Government and International Relations at the University of Sydney, where he is also affiliated with the Sydney Southeast Asia Centre, the China Studies Centre, the Sydney Cyber Security Network, and the Centre of International Security Studies.