ISSN: 2276-6804

CONTENTS 1. Post-colonial Africa: The Promise Of Independence And The Pain Of 1-15 Dashed Hopes With Particular Focus On The Poor Leadership Factor Prof. E. C. Emordi (Fellow, Wolfson College, Cambridge; Fellow, Historical Society of ) & Julius O. Unumen, PhD 2. The Geographical Features and the Socio-cultural Life Style of the 16-25 Bandawa Up to 1900 Akombo I. Elijah, PhD, Haruna Hussaini Shumo & Chula Abdulaziz Bilyamin J 3. Interrogating The Citizen Centeredness Of The Nigerian Foreign Policy 25-36 A

Since 1960 L

Zhema, Shishi, PhD & Francis, John Tenong I 4. Municipal Solid Waste Management In Jalingo Metropolis: An Assessment 37-45 N

of people's Perception G Mohammed Bakoji Yusuf, Umar Jauro Abba, Ayesukwe Rimamsikwe Ishaku & Yusuf Iraru O

5. An Assessment Of The Conditions Of School Libraries In Seven Selected 46-53 Public Primary Schools In Nsukka Local Government Area Of Enugu H

State I

Babarinde, Elizabeth Titilope, Ojobor, Rebecca Chidimma & S

Fagbemi Victoria Yemi. T 6. A Reconsideration of the Role and Importance of Leisure and

54-65 O Entertainment in the Traditional Jukun Society

Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD, Magaji Peninnah Joseph & Ruth Samuel Agbu R

7. The Multifaceted Importance of Arabic Language in the Nigerian Society 66-72 I

Busari, Kehinde Kamorudeen, PhD C 8. The Kona and their Neighbours: A Historical Approach in 73-82 Understanding Inter-group Relations, 1900 – 2000 Ad A

Abdulsalami Muyideen Deji, PhD & Edward Nokani L 9. The Management Of Students' Crisis In Nigerian Universities During 83-90 R Military Rule, 1971-1999 Ajala, B. Luqman, Ph.D E 10.Local Government Administration and Rural Development in Brass Local 91-100 V

Government Area of Bayelsa State, 1999-2010 I

Larry, Steve Ibuomo, PhD E

11.Kuteb Proverbs: An Aspect of Oral Literature 101-105 W Elisha Musa, Yahuza Usman Musa & Azinni Vakkai

12.The Impact of Majority and Minority Issues in the Politics of Development 106-115 V JALINGO in African States since the 1960s: The Case of Nigeria

Ayibatari, Yeriworikongha. Jonathan Dodiyovwi, & o Oyovwi Osusu, PhD l

13.The Politics of the 19th Century Jihad and the Establishment of Donga 116-123 .

Chiefdom 6 HISTORICAL REVIEW Iliya Ibrahim Gimba & Nwagu Evelyn Eziamaka

14.Panacea to the Plight of Widows in our Contemporary Society: A Multi- 124-128 N Dimensional Approach Ukoha Igwe Sunday, PhD & Uche Ufondu o

15. The Impact of Coronavirus Pandemic on the Religious and Socio- 129-140 1

Economic Activities In Nigeria Luther AnumTimin & Rimamsikwe Habila Kitause, PhD &

16.An Assessment of Challenges of the United Mission (S.U.M.)

141-151 2 Missionaries in Evangelizing among the Alago People: Lessons for Volume 6 Number 1&2 SEPTEMBER, 2020

today's Church Leaders Oyiwose, Ishaya Owusakyo S

17.Understanding Biblical Archaeology in African Context 152-167 e Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD & Na'ankwat Y. Kwapnoe p 18.The Challenges of the Local Government System in Nigeria Today: The 168-179 need for Autonomy and Good Governance t Saleh Omar, PhD e

19.The Contribution of Kano to the Economic Development of Nguru 180-187 m During Colonial Period 1935-1960

Lawan Jafaru Tahir, PhD & Sheriff Garba, PhD b .The Development of Social Networking Sites (SNSS) and its Implication 20 188-192 e on Students' Education In Federal College Of Education Zaria r

Attah Jonathan ,

21.Romance with Vampires in Festus Iyayi's Violence 193-204 Rebecca Kenseh Daniel Irany, PhD & Wabuji Samuel Adda 2 22.Problem of Good Governance and Challenges of Service Delivery in Nigeria 205-213 0 A JOURNAL OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND DIPLOMATIC STUDIES,

Usen.U. Akpan, PhD 2 23.The Role of Government in Curbing Community Spread of Covid-19 in Nigeria 214-224 Julius Ngomba, Okonkwo, Ifeoma Mary-Marvella & 0 UNIVERSITY, JALINGO, NIGERIA. Bodi, Fillah Simon

HPL HAMEED PRESS LIMITED No. 49 Garu Street Sabonlayi, Jalingo, Taraba State- Nigeria TEL: 08036255661, 07035668900 ISSN: 2276- 6804 i JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW

ISSN: 2276-6804

JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW A Journal of the Department of History & Diplomatic Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria.

Volume 6, Number 1 & 2, September, 2020 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW ii c Department of History & Diplomatic Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo, 2020 Volume 6 Number 1 & 2, September, 2020 ISSN: 2276-6804

Editor - in- Chief: Akombo I. Elijah, PhD

EDITORIAL BOARD Haruna Muhammad Suleiman, PhD (Secretary) Abdulsalami M. Deji, PhD (Editor) Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD (Editor) Stephany I. Akipu, PhD (Member)

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD Prof. Talla Ngarka S. fhsn, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria Prof. Enoch Oyedele, , Zaria, Nigeria Prof. Michael Noku, Taraba State University, Jalingo Nigeria Prof. Y.A Ochefu, Historical Society of Nigeria, Ibadan, Nigeria Prof. Sarti Fwatshak, University of Jos, Nigeria Prof. Mahmoud Hamman, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Nigeria Ass. Prof. Agben Yega Adedze Illinois State University, Normal, III, USA Dr. Eddie Eragbe University of Benin, Nigeria Dr. Pongri Johnson, , Mubi, Nigeria Dr. Winifred Akoda, , Nigeria Dr. Emordi E.C., Ambrose Ali University, Ekpoma, Nigeria Dr. Jik Henry, University of Buea, Camerron Prof. Felix Chami, University of Dar-es-Salaami, Tanzania

SUBMISSION GUIDELINES *Papers should be accompanied by an abstract of not more than 250 words in length and should be typed 1.5 space and should not exceed 6,000 words in length. *All charts/diagrams which must not exceed 3.5 inches by 5.0 inches should be scanned and fixed into appropriate positions within the text. * The APA or MLA referencing Styles are accepted. Consistency is required. Using more than one referencing style in a paper will not be accepted.

* Articles should be submitted online to : The Editor, Department of History & Diplomatic Studies, Taraba State University, PMB 1167, Jalingo, Taraba State, Nigeria Email: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], iii JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW MISSION STATEMENT The history of Africa is, indeed, a reflection of an undulating pendulum manifesting many successive disturbing phases stretching across the primitive to colonial and post-colonial periods. The first phase was characterized by primitive accumulation which was followed by the era of political or imperial revolution characterized by the rise and fall of empires, kingdoms, chiefdoms and state systems. This phase was characterized by mutual hostilities associated with wars of conquest for expansionist purposes, with attendant anarchy and subjugation of some groups to tribute paying status. The second phase was dominated by European exploratory activities on the shores of Africa and associated with unintelligible stories of discoveries of territories and phenomena that had existed in Africa from time immemorial. One major feature of this era was the signing of treaties with African leaders for the benefit of European powers. The phenomenon was not free from hostilities between the European explorers (agents) and patriotic African leaders due to their strong suspicion about the hidden agenda for the treaties. It is not contestable that it was this exercise which paved smooth way for the next phase of African history, which was European mercantilism, imperialism and eventual colonialist activities in Africa. The 19th century ushered in the third phase in African history which was dominated by European colonialist activities in Africa. The era was, no doubt, a violent phase during which African territories were forcefully and violently overpowered by the European colonial powers, prominent among which were Britain, France, Germany and Portugal. For more than a century, Africa became the source of raw materials and markets for the sustenance of industrial revolution in Europe. There is even no gain repeating the fact that this phase was equally characterized by very disturbing variables. The wake of the 20th century ushered in the fourth phase in African history, which was the era of nationalism across Africa. Within this period, the echoes of violent and peaceful nationalist activities filled up the continent, and in the process, colonialism was overwhelmed. Very worrisomely, not long after the overthrow of colonialism that it became eminent that another disturbing phase was emerging in our continental history. The transfer of leadership baton from the colonialists to African leaders soon ushered in the fifth phase, which was interplay of misrule, lack of focus and anarchy. These unfortunate developments ushered in yet another disturbing phase, which was the era of military coups. The emergence of military rule in Africa enthroned dictatorial leadership with attendant gross abuse of fundamental human rights, anarchy and misrule across Africa. The collective cry and efforts by well-meaning Africans, and supported by international organizations like the United Nations Organisation (UNO) and powerful nations resulted in the proscription of military leadership. The strong campaign resulted in the vicious circle of the return to democratic dispensation, which ushered in the current phase. Unfortunately, not soon after the institutionalization of the current vicious phase, an ill- wind blew in with its very disturbing variables. Under the watch of this current phase, nobody needs any mental energy to know that the phase is overwhelmed by unimaginably very shameless vices such as corruption and unprecedented electoral irregularities. It is no doubt that the two variables, put together, have produced all shades and colours of untold social vices such as terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, armed robbery, inter and intra ethnic/group hostilities, prostitution, among many. Consequently, today, many African nations have become theatres of very disturbing bloody crises. And Nigeria is, at present, JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW iv worst caught up at this crossroad. At this juncture, there is even no gain echoing the fact that all the aforementioned phases or variables in African history have factors claimed to have produced them. This has thrown the African historian into the herculean task of intellectual excavation and analysis for the purpose of unearthing the clinching variables responsible for the unfortunate development or phases in our continental history. It is for the purpose of giving intellectual analyses of the foregoing unfortunate developments in our continental history that the Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo, has floated this intellectual platform tagged: “Jalingo Historical Review”, to pull together intellectual resources from scholars. Our belief is that such intellectual materials will contribute enormously in the in-depth understanding of the variables accountable for the changing patterns in our continental history over the centuries, especially as from the 19th century.

Akombo I. Elijah, PhD

v JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW CONTENTS 1. Post-colonial Africa: The Promise Of Independence And The Pain Of 1-15 Dashed Hopes With Particular Focus On The Poor Leadership Factor Prof. E. C. Emordi (Fellow, Wolfson College, Cambridge; Fellow, Historical Society of Nigeria) & Julius O. Unumen, PhD 2. The Geographical Features and the Socio-cultural Life Style of the 16-25 Bandawa Up to 1900 Akombo I. Elijah, PhD, Haruna Hussaini Shumo & Chula Abdulaziz Bilyamin 3. Interrogating The Citizen Centeredness Of The Nigerian Foreign Policy 26-36 Since 1960 Zhema, Shishi, PhD & Francis, John Tenong 4. Municipal Solid Waste Management In Jalingo Metropolis: An Assessment 37-45 of people's Perception Mohammed Bakoji Yusuf, Umar Jauro Abba, Ayesukwe Rimamsikwe Ishaku & Yusuf Iraru 5. An Assessment Of The Conditions Of School Libraries In Seven Selected 46-53 Public Primary Schools In Nsukka Local Government Area Of Enugu State Babarinde, Elizabeth Titilope, Ojobor, Rebecca Chidimma & Fagbemi Victoria Yemi. 6. A Reconsideration of the Role and Importance of Leisure and 54-65 Entertainment in the Traditional Jukun Society Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD, Magaji Peninnah Joseph & Ruth Samuel Agbu 7. The Multifaceted Importance of Arabic Language in the Nigerian Society 66-72 Busari, Kehinde Kamorudeen, PhD 8. The Kona and their Neighbours: A Historical Approach in 73-82 Understanding Inter-group Relations, 1900 – 2000 Ad Abdulsalami Muyideen Deji, PhD & Edward Nokani 9. The Management Of Students' Crisis In Nigerian Universities During 83-90 Military Rule, 1971-1999 Ajala, B. Luqman, Ph.D 10.Local Government Administration and Rural Development in Brass Local 91-100 Government Area of Bayelsa State, 1999-2010 Larry, Steve Ibuomo, PhD 11.Kuteb Proverbs: An Aspect of Oral Literature 101-105 Elisha Musa, Yahuza Usman Musa & Azinni Vakkai 12.The Impact of Majority and Minority Issues in the Politics of Development 106-115 in African States since the 1960s: The Case of Nigeria Ayibatari, Yeriworikongha. Jonathan Dodiyovwi, & Oyovwi Osusu, PhD 13.The Politics of the 19th Century Jihad and the Establishment of Donga 116-123 Chiefdom Iliya Ibrahim Gimba & Nwagu Evelyn Eziamaka JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW vi 14.Panacea to the Plight of Widows in our Contemporary Society: A Multi- 124-128 Dimensional Approach Ukoha Igwe Sunday, PhD & Uche Ufondu 15. The Impact of Coronavirus Pandemic on the Religious and Socio- 129-140 Economic Activities In Nigeria Luther AnumTimin & Rimamsikwe Habila Kitause, PhD 16.An Assessment of Challenges of the Sudan United Mission (S.U.M.) 141-151 Missionaries in Evangelizing among the Alago People: Lessons for today's Church Leaders Oyiwose, Ishaya Owusakyo 17.Understanding Biblical Archaeology in African Context 152-167 Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD & Na'ankwat Y. Kwapnoe 18.The Challenges of the Local Government System in Nigeria Today: The 168-179 need for Autonomy and Good Governance Saleh Omar, PhD 19.The Contribution of Kano to the Economic Development of Nguru 180-187 During Colonial Period 1935-1960 Lawan Jafaru Tahir, PhD & Sheriff Garba, PhD 20.The Development of Social Networking Sites (SNSS) and its Implication 188-192 on Students' Education In Federal College Of Education Zaria Attah Jonathan 21.Romance with Vampires in Festus Iyayi's Violence 193-204 Rebecca Kenseh Daniel Irany, PhD & Wabuji Samuel Adda 22.Problem of Good Governance and Challenges of Service Delivery in 205-213 Nigeria Usen.U. Akpan, PhD 23.The Role of Government in Curbing Community Spread of Covid-19 214-224 in Nigeria Julius Ngomba, Okonkwo, Ifeoma Mary-Marvella & Bodi, Fillah Simon 1 POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR

Prof. E. C. Emordi (Fellow, Wolfson College, Cambridge; Fellow, Historical Society of Nigeria) & Julius O. Unumen, PhD Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts, Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Edo State. Phone: 08183941032 E-Mail: [email protected]

Abstract The study examines the promise of political independence and the pains of dashed hope in post- colonial Africa with particular focus on the poor political leadership factor. For analytical convenience, particular focus is on Nigeria, which provides a good framework for the promise of independence and the pains of dashed hope in post-colonial Africa. The study acknowledges the efforts put forward by African nationalist leaders in the struggle for the liquidation of colonialism and national liberation but argues, however, that nearly sixty years after the majority of African countries gained political independence, the promise of liberation from poverty, disease and underdevelopment as well as the enthronement of enduring genuine democracy and good governance, are far from being achieved. It argues further that Africa's hope of a better tomorrow at independence faded away very quickly almost immediately after independence and became a crumbling dream with pains, resulting in various crises, including devastating civil wars. It was against this background that citizens without hope of better tomorrow were seen all over the continent carrying faces of agony and pains, relishing in despair and frustration, and were poised to destroy their various countries. Although several factors could be advanced to explain this situation, this study focuses on the poor political leadership factor. The study essentially adopts a historical approach and relies on literary sources for its analysis. It concludes by advocating a review of the process of political leadership recruitment in the continent so that selfless, credible, visionary and nationalistic leaders could emerge in the various countries. It also advocates the strengthening of democratic and political institutions, which could operate and guide the conduct of politics. Key words: Political leadership, post-colonial, Africa, Promise, Dashed Hopes.

Introduction Many African countries became politically independent more than fifty years ago. Yet, there is no visible and justifiable transformation in their socio-political and economic sectors as their levels of development remain abysmally frustrating. Their democratic and political institutions have remained extremely weak, thereby making them vulnerable for easy manipulation for selfish reasons. The results have been crises and conflicts in all spheres of life of the various countries, giving rise to stunted growth and development. Pretentious leadership is largely to blame for this development in the continent. It was obvious disillusionment and disappointment with the situation in Africa, with particular reference to Nigeria, that Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, Nigerian former military ruler, observed and remarked that, “drawing from the vision of our founding fathers, the labour of our heroes past and the present travails of our compatriots”, all he could see from the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 2 political horizon were “pains of dashed hopes, the agony of thwarted dreams and the regrets of expectations not met” (Yakoob, 2006:19). It is from this observation and remark that the choice of part of the title of this study is derived. By October, 2018, many sub-Saharan African countries such as Nigeria, Cameroon, Congo DR, Somalia, Madagascar, Chad and Gabon, marked their 58 years of political independence. A lot of money may have been spent celebrating the occasions, which seem to signify nothing but waste in view of the fact that, although Africans are liberated from the shackles of colonialism, they remain enslaved by the leaders who have imposed their misrule on the citizenry. Could the Africa's experience be interpreted to suggest that the leaders did not realise the import of political independence? Could it also mean that they did not realise that independence was not just a celebration of freedom and an occasion for merriment to mark an end to alien rule, but occasions to reflect on the developments of the yester-years and what the future holds? Or, was it that they failed to know that independence was an opportunity for newly independent nations to carryout nation-building and state-building projects, or what Osaghae noted, as quoted by Nzongola-Ntalaja (2006:8), as institutional processes, which aim at state-building and enduring democratic systems? It is unfortunate that African leaders did not make good use of the available opportunities and resources, including colonial legacies, nor develop such programmes, which would help in actualising greater nations. The result was that the hope and expectations of greater Africa and life more abundant crumbled with evident pains. Generally, the record of post-colonial Africa has been that of failure compared with other developing regions of the world. The continent has done worse than Asian countries that achieved political independence at around the same time, such as India, Indonesia and Malaysia (Baldauf, Crilly and Mc Connell, 2007:1). By 2007, Africa had 34 of the 48 poorest countries in the world, 24 of the 32 least developed countries in the world, the largest recipient of donor aid, notwithstanding that it is home to some of the richest untapped oil resources and other natural resources in the world (Baldauf, Crilly and Mc Connell, 2007:1). Post-colonial African remains economically stagnant and politically unstable. According to Blakdok (2011:17): From North to South, East to West, except for a few countries and leaders, the story of Africa is the same. Economic woes, insecurity, civil wars, internal strives and conflicts, ethnic and religion cleansing, looting of public wealth, capital flight, lack of infrastructure and capacity development have become the hallmark of Africa's underdevelopment. There is no gainsaying that these conditions of the continent as portrayed in 2011 is still the same, if not worse, in 2020. Almost six decades after the majority of African countries gain political independence, the continent is still beset with social, economic and political crises. It is against this background that, according to Augustine (2018:1), the African region has been relegated to an appendage in the international area “only remembered for poverty, refugees, flood, wars, IDPs, human trafficking, and in recent times, a new wave of international terrorism”. It is against this backdrop that crises and conflicts have been sweeping through Africa since the 1950s. These developments have become very abysmally frustrating and embarrassing to, not only Africans but, the international community. Several factors, including historical, economic, institutional and political variables, could be advanced to explain why post-colonial Africa's performance has been generally poor in absolute terms, and inferior to those of other regions of the world. However, this study focuses on the poor POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR 3 political leadership factor. Political leadership is critical to all ramification of development because it “shepherds' citizens' socio-economic interests through governmental structures and nuanced socio-economic policies” (Gumede, 2015:97). While several scholars have written on the abysmal failure of post-colonial African leaders in terms of transforming the continent to an enviable social, political and economic pedestal, the question of why African political leaders failed to actualise the promises of independence is still a subject often glossed over. Using Nigeria as the main focus, this study argues that instead of adopting the big picture perspective by building a strong, united and virile nations, post-colonial African political leaderships were blinded by selfish, clannish, narrow, ethnic, sectional, regional, and parochial interests. It was in his regard that national transformation became an unrealised dream.

Discourse on the Concept of Political Leadership Leadership is a concept that has no generally acceptable definition. According to Dion (1968:2), it is an “omnibus term”. Leadership, according to Webster's Universal Dictionary and Thesaurus, is the 'act of leading, the ability to be a leader, the leaders of an organisation or movement collectively”. Leadership could be applied to varied roles, including, playground leaders, committee chairmen, club presidents, business executives and politicians. Political leadership represents one of the varied categories of leadership and has been defined as the behaviour of persons in positions of political authority, their competitors, and “these both in interaction with other members of society as manifested in the past, present and probable future throughout the world”(Paige, 1977:1). Political leadership encompasses the behaviour of persons in positions of highest authority, but also those of intermediate and lower levels. It includes monarchs, presidents and premiers, but also governors, provincial chairmen, mayors, village chiefs, headmen and leaders of party cells (Paige: 1977:1). Paige also argues that political leadership is not restricted to single personalities but also the “collective leadership” of congregate bodies, and those both in isolation but in interaction “with followers”. Political leadership is not also restricted to one type of institution such as the legislator, party or bureaucracy or process, such as policy decision, election or revolution, but across them all. Moreover; It means not only men but women; not only incumbents but competitors and revolutionaries; not only those who rule by moral suasion and reasoned agreement but those who gain compliance by fear and force; not only the admirable but the despicable; not only the “successful” but those who “fail”. Thus, political leadership is all-encompassing. Political leadership is critical in nations and societies because it is critical to the development of the different ramifications of a nation's economy and society. It also drives the social, economic and political systems of nations. Leadership is an essential factor in development (Agwuele, 2012:20). Adefuye (2015:viii) also argues that “political leadership is core to the development of any nation. A country that enjoys strong leadership and good governance is bound to have political stability and economic prosperity”. Political leadership is a major factor in the difference between the developed countries of Europe and the United States of America, on the one hand, and the developing countries in Africa, on the other. Whereas the political leaders in the developed countries are committed to develop a system that could drive the transformation of their polity, economies and peoples, African post-colonial political leaders, in their narrow perspective and consumed by greed, including warped value systems, are under developing their 4 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW countries beyond what colonialism bequeathed to the continent (Wardok, 2011:17). It is in this regard that rather than taking fundamental decisions that could alter the balance of power in favour of the peoples of the continent, post-colonial African leaders, with very few exceptions, betrayed the hopes and aspirations of their peoples (Gumede, 2015:97).

African Nationalist leaders and the Promise of Independence Following the end of World War II, Africans began to realise the need for political independence without further delay. The educated elite and the masses formed alliances against colonialism as a system of economic exploitation, political repression and cultural oppression. The result of the alliances was the inauguration of independence movements in the continent. With this development, the nationalist leaders came up with energy and enthusiasm and campaigned with determination to end colonialism. They raised great hopes and expectations of citizens of their countries of what post-colonial Africa would be when independence was achieved and promised to tackle the tasks of development and nation-building. In the process, and to enlist the support of the masses, not just in the desire to achieve political independence and pursue the task of state and nation-building, but in their quest for power and influence, they blamed all the evils, such as economic exploitation, political repression and oppression that the people suffered on colonialism and racism. The roles played by the Africans in terms of being collaborators were suppressed (Emordi, 1993: 163-169). Then, theybegan to paint beautiful pictures of post-colonial Africa, showing how it would be a place where there would be no political oppression nor repression, and economic exploitation, as prevalent in the preceding era; where the human dignity and rights of people would be elevated and respected; and where basic freedom and full enjoyment of life would be guaranteed. They, therefore, pledged to provide education, healthcare delivery system, employment, modern social amenities comparable to those enjoyed by the exiting Europeans, among other promises (Meredith, 2005: 141). They also promised the people democracy and peace in which they would have major roles to play as citizens in building a robust civil society as a check against the excesses of the new state (Williams, 2008: 8-9). In spite of the above promises, Nzongola-Ntalaja (2000:8) noted that the rural people had their own specific expectations. They expected to get those intangible things that could promote sustainable development at the local level. Such things included putting an end to arbitrary and oppressive regulations, land recovery, particularly in areas where it was alienated by the colonialists, reducing tax burden and other state demands on the populace, and increasing access to economic and social services such as agricultural extension and credit, infrastructure development, health and education. The slogan then was, “seek ye first the political kingdom and everything else shall be added unto you” (Otite, 1987:21). The idea in this slogan was that independence would be an opportunity to intervene in the economic development of African countries. In the same vein, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, one of Nigeria's nationalist leaders, promised freedom for all and “life more abundant” (Kirk – Greene, 1976: 23). He added that: For a subject people political freedom is not the end of the journey or struggle; it is nothing more than a most patent means to the acquisition and consolidation of the economic and other facets of the country's freedom (and this) political freedom is meaningless unless it goes hand in hand with economic freedom (Kirk-Greene, 1976:23). POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR 5 Marks (2011:10 put it more succinctly when he wrote that: At the down of independence in these countries, the thrill of autonomous nationhood was matched by the anticipation of material elevation. There was understandable expectation that political freedom would translate into economic dividends'. The giddiness of those day was most famously rendered in the soaring rhetoric of Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah, who boldly proclaimed that once African countries realised “the political kingdom”, for which they had so valiantly struggled, it was only a matter of time before “all things shall be added”. However, in the course of their campaigns and producing their post-colonial blue- prints, they unwittingly de-emphasised the duties and obligations of the citizens to the state. It was unfortunate (and still unfortunate as would be seen presently) that the majority of the African people to whom such promises were made were not educated and were poor. So, the nationalists exploited their ignorance and promised what they knew they could not provide, thereby, according to Magnus Williams, as quoted by Dudley (1973:3-36), deceiving them to lead them with their presumption that the bulk of the African people were not in position to distinguish between truth and falsehood. The people, including the intellectuals, students, cultural associations and demobilised soldiers, who had been inspired into action by democratic ideals (Bluwey, 1992: 39) and with certain grievances in their minds, believed and trusted that the leaders would fulfil their promises. Thus, the people's expectations of a bright future where there would be an expanded space of fundamental rights and liberties long violated by the colonialists on one hand, and social programmes in terms of a real improvement in standards of living, on the other hand (Nzongola-Ntalaja, 2006:4), played a tremendous role in ensuring the sustainability of their loyalty and patriotism throughout the period. Unfortunately, the people's hopes were soon to be dashed by the leaders and rulers who began to indulge in gross human rights abuses (Gana and Egwu, 2003: xvi) with evident pains on the people. It is important to note that the promises of the African nationalists notwithstanding, the departing colonialists were not convinced about the ability of African nationalists to translate their promises to reality as articulated by a racist teacher at Igbobi College, Lagos. The teacher was quoted to have told the student who wrote on a blackboard: “Africa for Africans”, few days before independence that “you can have your country you'll see what mess you'll make of it” (Fatuse, 2000:43). In addition, commenting and justifying the refusal by the Apartheid regime to relinquish power to the Blacks in South Africa by 1985, and having seen the performances of African leaders since independence, Pik Botha noted that Africans “can't rule themselves. Give them guns and they will kill each other. They are good in nothing but making noise (and lack) foresight. The average Blackman does not plan his life beyond a year….” (Lawrence, 2014: 53)

Post-Colonial Africa and Pains of Dashed Hopes: The Political Leadership Factor As independence came, with leaders sitting down on a number of blue-prints for the future (Azikiwe, 1974: 21), it was expected that the era of development and progress would follow in view of the available human and material resources. The leaders were, therefore, under the obligation to fulfil the promises, which they had made to their people and to do sowith some degree of urgency. This urgency was imperative as the opposition groups, which had been in existence ever before independence, continued to flourish. This development was evident in Nigeria's First Republic where there were the Action Group JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 6 (AG) political party led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), led by Malam Aminu Kano, and the National Council of Nigeria Citizens (NCNC) led by , which although were active and responsible opposition groups with some dose of tolerance but ideologically inspired, were against the ruling Northern People's Congress (NPC) (Adeosun, 2004: 23). Such opposition groups laid in wait to exploit any acts of omission or commission, which would discredit the ruling parties to enable them take over the leadership or justify their opposition stance. However, in most cases, shortly after independence, the nationalist leaders' drive, having successfully exploited a variety of grievances among the urban and rural populations to galvanise support to their cause, and having achieved their aim of being in positions of leadership, did nothing praise worthy to ensure for their people a better life and those of their children yet unborn. Other loyalties and ambitions also came thrusting to the fore because of certain factors (Nzongola – Ntalaja, 2006: 4-5), such as ethnicity and primitive accumulation of wealth (Aiyede, 2011: 86). It was on the basis of the above development that Nzongola-Ntalaja (2006:9) remarked that, although the nationalist leaders had expressed a commitment to democracy, economic development and Pan-African solidarity: When they began with the practical realities of governance, they became more interested in advancing their own narrow class interests, whose realisation required a recourse to authoritarian methods of rule, corruption and enrichment on a large scale as well as the promotion of territorial nationalism instead of national unity. Consequently, the liberal democratic regimes established at independence were for the most part abandoned in favor(sic) of one-party or military dictatorship.

In similar vein, Ndiovu-Gatsheni and Mhalanga (2013:300) argued that no sooner was political independence won in most African countries than it became obvious that the new inheritors of power had no intention of fulfilling the 'promises of the nationalist struggle' and the expectations of citizens. It was in this regard that the: …hope and optimism of independence fadedslowly and inexorably in the hands of the new political elite and was finally eclipsed by the dark shadows of corruption, lawlessness, ingratitude, distortion and repression. Many people came to see independence as a sort of 'punishment', which brought nothing but misery, pain, dashed hopes, terror, exploitation, marginalisation and frustration. Conditions of living deteriorated and many began to look at the colonial era with nostalgia (Ndiovu-Gatsheni and Mhalanga, 2013:300). This development could easily be blamed on the failure of post-colonial political leadership, in particular, and the elite in general. Soon after coming to power, some African leaders imposed one–party system in their countries and the rule of men rather than the rule of law became the order of the day after independence. This system gave the leaders the ample opportunities and power to begin to tinker with the constitutions of their countries. Civil societies, which supposed to check the emergence of potential authoritarianism of the states declined in essence and influence. This situation developed because there was no avenue for self-expression of the labouring classes and intellectuals, and partly because the leaderships of the era had successfully atrophied the development energies of the masses (Williams, 2008:16-17). POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR 7 The bottom line of the above development was the lack of practical links between the leaderships and the masses at the decisive movement of the struggle with evident poor governance. There was, thus, a crack in the edifice of nation-building process. There also developed the phenomenon of tenure elongation, sit-tight culture, and making the office of the head of state hereditary, following their actions of tinkering with the constitutions and laws that would make them to realise their dreams of making the governance of their countries family affairs (Mordi, 2013: 48-50). In the process of all of these acts of self- delusion, their promised projects of nation and state-building were ignored. In the final analysis, people's enthusiasm towards building a greater Africa crumbled. Thus, with one-party system in countries such as Tanzania, Kenya, Cameroon, Malawi and Zimbabwe, the leaders, beside tinkering with the constitutions of their countries and subverting the instruments of change, also began to stifle debate and prevent the development of true democracy and viable ways of looking at issues. They also began to disallow people from taking decisions on the basis of superior argument or intelligence, periodically abuse the ballot box, either through rigging of elections or by blocking the ways through which democratic change could take place, indulge in gross abuse of human rights and to trample on the people's will so as to remain in power in perpetuity. In no time, they began to be intolerant of the opposition to their policies and programmes and intolerant of dissent (Williams, 2009:527). Opposition to them was considered as “treason and criticism as sabotage” (Jinadu, 2011:27). They also began to target political opponents by arresting, torturing, jailing and, in some cases, killing them in regions where they were in control, as a way of excluding and depriving credible persons from participating in governance. In addition, courts of law were emasculated and the press censored (Enahoro, 1970:30). It was unfortunate also that at this stage the African leaders did not realise that opposition is not about fighting for power, money and influence, but coming together in a constructive manner to provide checks and balances to governance (Valen, 2013:23). Things degenerated in some countries into a situation where there was a replacement of the multi-party structures used during the anti-colonial struggles with the consolidation of civilian autocracy. The new system, otherwise known as “no-party democracy”, “unfettered democracy” or “big men rule”, a kind of modern day version of the old monarchical system, became a major feature of Africa's political system. With this system of rulership in place, the leaders began to have false estimation of their superior personalities and appeared before their people as God-sent. They also began to take on the trappings of the colonialists for the people to revere them as fathers of the nations as they acquired a larger-than-life status. They developed into new oppressors of the common people riding roughshod on the rights and privileges of the people. The result of this development was the mismanagement of the freedom obtained from independence (Morton, 1988:30-31). Thus, the dreams and hopes of life more abundant and the promise of welfare after independence began to crumble as they were fulfilled in breach, leaving nothing but pains for the people.

The Military Era The developmental crisis generated by civilian autocracy and mis-governance, among several other factors well-known, with which several theoretical constructs have been produced to explain them, compelled the military, without much understanding of the system, to intervene in politics in many African states (Jawowitz, 1964; Gutteridge, JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 8 1969; Huntington 1968 and Odetola, 1982). Their interventions were such that between 1960 and 2001, Africa experienced over 80 military coups, which were successful. Their incursion into politics only signified “the arrival of new players and contestants in the already existing authoritarian structures within the authoritarian-democratic paradox of independence” (Akinyemi, 2011: 121).Using the January 15, 1966, coup in Nigeria as an illustration, their declared aim was “to establish a strong, united, and prosperous nation free from corruption and internal strife”, a nation where no one would be ashamed to say that he or she is a Nigerian (Kirk – Greene, 1976:125 – 126). Once the military came into politics, their first actions were the suspension of the constitutions of their countries and imposition of unitary governments, which by their nature were undemocratic and even worse than the one-party system, as the case may be. They ruled by whims and caprices only allowing civilian participants at fringe levels. It is important to recall that before the military came to power ethnic politics had predominated Africa's political scene as primary loyalty remained rooted in ethnic identity. This situation constituted a major problem to some large and pluralistic societies such as Nigeria. Hence, when the military took over the reins of government, their first policy thrust was evident in Lt. Col. Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu's broadcast when he remarked that it was the intention of the military government under General J.T.U. Aguiyi-Ironsi, to create, among other things: “the consciousness of national unity and to lead the citizens of Nigeria as one disciplined people in a purposeful march to maximum realisation of the country's potentials” (Kirk-Greene, 1976:146). Following these intentions, Ironsi also remarked that “tribal loyalties, which promote tribal consciousness and sectional interest must give way to the urgent task of national reconstruction. The federal military government will preserve Nigeria as a strong nation” (Kirk-Greene, 1976:154). However, in no time, the military began to put self-interests ahead of collective and national interest as they propagated ethnic politics and religious bigotry in an attempt to justify and attain power. In the process, they mismanaged the crisis generated by their actions and inactions with evident continuous crisis and conflicts, including civil wars. Such wars took place in Nigeria, Ethiopia under Haile Mariam Mengistu, Uganda and Sudan, resulting in unmitigated disasters, which plagued the countries in the form of bloodshed and ruin. In such wars, children were conscripted into the armies and sent to fight and die (Ibaba and Etekpe, 2009:186). Besides, military regimes witnessed more gross abuse of human rights as they “established military authoritarianism as the most enduring and most entrenched expression of authoritarianism in African politics and political system” (Akinwumi, 2011:121). Military dictatorship together with one party system degenerated into rampaging tyranny. As Aiyette (2008:34) added, these systems with enormous economic and political power concentrated in the hands of a few ruling military officers, the state evolved into 'vampire states'. He argued further that Government as an institution: … ceased to exist, hijacked instead by a phalanx of unrepentant bandits and thugs who used the state machinery to enrich themselves, their cronies and tribes. All others are excluded. The richest persons in Africa are heads of state and their ministers. Quite often, the chief bandit is the head of state himself. All others were excluded to enable them accommodate their selfish desires of elongating their tenures in office, as well as accommodating their friends and supporters within the constricted political space. This development was evident in Sudan and gives an POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR 9 apparent reason for the civil war in that country, which lasted for many years until 2011. The struggle by the excluded southern segment of the country to participate in politics was a major factor. This struggle to overcome the dominance of the north in politics was not helped by the religious differences between the northern Muslims and the Southern Christians. These developments underlie the internecine civil wars that embroiled Sudan. The Military exploited the situation to perpetuate themselves in power (Williams, 2008: 284), yet without significantly changing the fortunes of the citizens in the socio-political and economic development of the country. Rather, like their civilian counterparts, they left only pains of dashed hopes.

Africa from the 1980s The 1980s was a period when largely uncritical and unrepentant dictators who pre-occupied themselves with hunting down oppositions to their mis-governance, were in power. Rather than addressing themselves to the continued plummeting of Africa into crisis of governance, and deeping economic crisis, characterised by: the fall of per capita income from 35% in some countries where people had already been living so close to the edge; the rise of debt burden from $170 billion to $1,200 billion; the loss of $19 billion much more than it received in aid-from the fall in price of its commodity exports; and the fall of development assistance from developed economies from an already below-target level of 0.37% of GNP in 1980 to 0.33% in 1989, with evident collapse of infrastructure along-side the value of local currencies and widespread pauperisation of the mass of the people, they were pre-occupied with consolidating and perpetuating themselves in power. This was the time when developed economies enjoyed the longest continuous period of sustained economic growth since 1945, while Asian countries industrialised at a pace never experienced before. It was because of these features that the period was classified as “Africa's lost decade” (Seguigni, 1990:2). During the period, African citizens were traumatised and humiliated as they experienced more gross abuse of human rights with massive upsurge of incidences of extra-judicial killings; deprivation of liberty and denial of free access to courts; restriction on freedom of movement, free press and freedom of association and assembly; and very importantly, due process as a result of the emasculation of the rule of law. Thus, the citizens were rendered irrelevant in the political process to the point of desolation and penury (William, 2009: 530-531). In the 1990s, military coups continued to take place in some countries such as Sierra Leone in 1991, Burundi in 1993, Nigeria in 1993, and Rwanda in 1994. Besides, further implosions organised by politically excluded groups, who rose in rebellion, took place in countries such as Somalia in 1993, Rwanda in 1994 and Sierra Leone in 1998. The ensueing carnage, instability and mayhem, which created an environment that became an intractable hindrance to good governance and sustainable development, may have been influenced by the increase in human thirst and quest for freedom that for long was suppressed in many countries. This renewed quest for freedom in Africa was also triggered by developments in other parts of the world such as the disintegration of the Union of Soviets Socialist Republic (USSR). The impact of the development of this period in Africa was the liberalisation of the political space and the emergence of vibrant civil society organisations and critical and viable press, which began to challenge, furiously, political repression perpetrated by one- party and military dictatorships. Their challenge was evident in their campaign against the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 10 criminal annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election in Nigeria, their demand for respect for human rights, rule of law and multi-party democracy. The development gave birth to the Africa's “era of political renaissance”, or “second independence”, this time not from colonial masters but from incompetent, oppressive and exploitative indigenous rulers. The struggle this time was aimed at restoring democratic institutions and processes subverted by single-party and military rule since the mid-1960s, as well as to consolidate the new democratic gains since the end of 1980. Aiding the above developments were foreign donors who directed their resources to freedom fighters and civil society organisations as response to two major political developments: “the acceleration of global trend towards democracy in the 1980s and early 1990s, which pushed democracy to the top of international policy agenda and challenged democratic countries to respond,” and “the end of the cold war, which lowered barriers to international political cooperation” (Akinbola, 2009:8). What further helped in this direction were the genocide in Rwanda, large-scale massacre in Burundi, ethnic cleansing in Congo-Kinshasa, the civil wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, among other inter- communal violence and conflicts tearing African continent apart. With these developments, African leaders were compelled to embark on democratisation programme as they opened democratic space and elections were conducted in several countries such as Zambia in 1991, Ethiopia in 1991, Republic of Benin in 1991, Burundi in 1993, South Africa in 1994 and Nigeria in 1999. In some of such countries, some ruling parties were replaced by opposition parties (Aiyede, 2011:91). However, even though African leaders had refocused their attention to the question of security, stability and progress, many African countries had become included among the world's most dangerous places to visit and invest in (Soyinka, 2011:45). Nevertheless, the continent was still characterised by developmental crisis despite the political gains since 1990s because many of the leaders, according to Onyekpe (2011:44), continued to horrendously plunder their states; continued to bestially abuse fundamental human rights and basic freedom; and capriciously continue to commit so much atrocities leaving the citizens of their countries in pain. These atrocities were so huge that they would not escape justice when they would be out of power. According to Felter (2020:1), sub-Saharan Africa is home to many of the world's longest-ruling heads of state. By early 2019, three of African heads of state had been in power for more than three decades each. These were Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo in Equatorial Guinea, Paul Biya in Cameroon and Yoweri Museveni in Uganda. In addition, by 2019, more than a dozen other African heads of state had been in power for ten years. The table below shows sub-Saharan African's longest-serving leaders from 1960-2020 Sub-Saharan Africa's Longest-Serving leader, 1960-2020. S/No. Names Country Years in Office 1. Omar Bongo Gabon 41 years 2. Teodoro Obiang Nwema Nbasogo Equatorial Guinea 40 years

3. Jose Eduardo Dos Santo Angola 38 years 4. Guassingbe Eyadema Togo 37 years

POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR 11

5. Paul Diya Cameroon 37 years

6. Robert Mogabe Zimbabwe 37 years

7. Denis Sassou Nguesso Republic of Congo 36 years

8. Yoweri Museveni Uganda 34 years

9. Felix Houghouet-Boigmy Ivory Coast 33 years

10. Mobutu Sese Seko Democratic Republic of Congo 31 years

11. Omar al-Bashir Sudan 29 years

12. Idriss Deby Chad 29 years

13. Isaias Afweki Eritrea 29 years

14. Matthew Kerekou Benin 28 years Source : Felter, Claire. 2020. “Africa's leaders for life: Introduction”,\Council for Foreign Relations, “htttps://www.cfr.org>background” accessed on 25/06/2020. The implications of this state of affairs are manifest on the continent. According to Felter (2020:1): Strong correlations exist between sub-Saharan Africa's entrenched leadership and its developmental and security challenges, including conflicts or instability stagnant or declining economics and democratic backsliding. Felter, also quoting The Economist's “2019 Democracy Index”, asserts that by that year, more than twenty countries in the continent had what was considered as “authoritarian governments” (2020:1), where rights abuses, including “arbitrary arrests, and detentions, right restrictions on freedom of expression, and police brutality”, were prevalent. To survive their atrocities when they leave office, some of them groomed their sons, who would occupy the office after their misrule. Such sons stayed in the wing waiting for the right time to ascend the “throne”. This situation was evident when Faure Eyadema succeeded his father, Gnassingbo Eyadema, as president of Togo. It also happened in Gabon when, after Omar Bongo's death, and after 42 years in power, his son, Alli, was elected president (Madunagu, 2009:59). Another aspect of this survival strategy was evident in Zimbabwe, which remained continuously plummeting from promise to destruction because of the activities of its life president, Robert Mugabe. Mugabe decided to continue to preside over the systematic liquidation of the country in spite of the evident hunger, poverty and epidemic that had consumed millions of children (Emordiand Unumen, 2011:158-171) – all in a quest to remain in office for life. One fact that is evident is that Africans cannot continue to blame the continent's backwardness, underdevelopment and conflicts, on only external influences because there are overwhelming evidence of how Africans caused the various developmental crisis and conflicts, which promoted civil wars in which children were enlisted as combatants with evident distortion and destruction (Igwe, 2010). JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 12 Conclusion Notwithstanding inter-country differences, Africa's post-colonial economic, social and political performances have been poor when judged against the aspirations of the people, the promises of independence and the achievements of other developing regions of the world. The study concedes that colonialism and post-colonial asymmetrical relationship between African countries and the developed western countries have contributed to bringing the African continent to its post-colonial state of lugubrious political, economic and social conditions. It is argued, however, that Africa's irresponsible and greedy political leadership evident in corruption, mis-management of state and public properties, autocratic ways of governing as if the state were their personal property, inability to rise above personal, parochial, ethnic, sectional and/or regional interests, to transform their countries to enviable heights, are also largely responsible for the continent's unenviable state of affairs. The development crisis, which created the gap between the legitimate expectations at independence and the dashed hopes, arose because soon after political independence, African rulers, whether civilian or military, began to trample under their feet and boots the principles of individual freedom and the rule of law. With this development, they began to perpetrate series of social, political and economic aberrations evident in the authoritarian exclusion of credible persons from participating in political processes and governance by suppressing democratic ideals and voices of dissent; advancing personal ambitions for naked power; and the desire for self-perpetuation in office with evident physical extermination of political opponents and perceived rivals. The results have been exploitation of ethnicity and religious sentiments for political mobilisation of people for naked power and dominance with evident crises and conflicts including civil wars, all of which have emasculated the ability of the African people to live productive lives (Abubakar, 2014:16). It is also evident from the analysis in this study that for years after political independence, Africans were exposed to exploitation and oppression of their leaders, a situation in some cases worse than the conditions they were under colonialism. The result was that the promises they made to their people before and after independence were not fulfilled. They were rather fulfilled in breach with evident pains in the form of crises and civil wars, which became a feature of African governance. The question now is: what could be the way out of this Africa's social, economic and political development crises? It is recommended that Africans need to enthrone genuine democracy with built-in strong political and democratic institutions that would guide the conduct of politics to ensure political stability and sustained growth and development. If genuine democratic system is put in place, African countries would not continue to wallow in clueless democracy in which the people vote without choosing as a result of electoral malpractices. The elimination of obnoxious culture of “do-or-die” as an African electoral principle is also advocated. The sit-tight leadership phenomenon in some African countries also stands condemned. The enthronement of pretentious leaders should be discouraged. These African political cultures and malaise have remained intractable hindrances to the emergence of genuine democratic culture and good governance, which would make African states to continue to march on the road to progress, development and greatness. African states need people-oriented constitutions produced and ratified by the people after national debates on the documents to ensure their integrity. With such a process POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR 13 in place, the leaders that would come, thereafter, would be such that would have legitimate authorities guided by the rule of law. They would not be such that would have lied, as happened before and after independence, to lead their people. It is recommended that African masses cultivate the culture of standing up against irresponsible leaderships that continue to perpetuate socio-economic and political ills rather than destroy their countries.

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THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900

Akombo I. Elijah, PhD, Haruna Hussaini Shumo & Chula Abdulaziz Bilyamin Department of History & Diplomatic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Taraba State, Nigeria

Abstract Bandawa is a community in the former Muri Division of Taraba State, which is understudied. Like other Nigerian ethnic groups who have traditions of origin outside their present geographical environment, they also claim origin from outside their present geographical environment. This study is an attempt to examine the traditions of origin of the Bandawa, their socio-cultural organization, political organization and economic activities up to 1900. The research methodology adopted involved the use of primary, secondary, and archival sources. A multidisciplinary approach was adopted in data analysis. The study concludes by bringing to limelight those factors that make the Bandawa what they are.

Introduction The Nigerian society is heterogeneous in nature with much diversity and complexity. It is made up of distinct societies and peoples of diverse cultures and history. In the pre-colonial times, most of these societies were non-literate societies whose histories and cultures were preserved orally. A study of this nature is initiated out of the desire to begin to document the historical details of small Nigeria ethnic groups for future. This is imperative because, large Kingdoms and Chiefdoms that had risen and fallen within the Nigerian area had their achievements and shortcomings recorded. However, other groups, especially those that fall within the 'small ethnic groups' escaped attention because it was assumed they had nothing historic to offer. Their history did not appeal very much to historiographers of the past. But now, careful observation and research have revealed that in the small Nigerian ethnic groups, they in fact had institutions of government which were very similar to those of the large kingdoms and chiefdoms. Even though, the institutions of government of the small Nigerian ethnic groups was not elaborate, but they had the advantage of stability and sustenance of peace and order which had survived up to recent times. This study is concerned with the Bandawa, one of such small Nigerian ethnic groups.Tittled, 'The Geographical Features and the Socio-Economic and Political Life- Style of the Bandawa up to 1900, the study gives the general public knowledge about the past life-style of the Bandawa people as derived from diverse sources.

JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 17 Geographical Location and Features of Bandawa Location Bandawa town lies at the north bank of the river Benue opposite the present-day Lau. The town is situated on the geographical coordinates of Latitude 90 16' 0” North, and Longitude 110 17' 0” East.1 While the eastern part of the town is bordered by Jen, the western part is by Gidan-Usmanu (a part of Karim Lamido village Area but lies 9 miles away).2 Similarly, the northern part is hemmed by Munga and the southern part is shielded by the River Benue which flows in an east-west direction.3 The word Bandawa refers to both a settlement and an ethnic group. The Bandawa as a group call themselves Sho. The name Bandawa was ascribed to them by the Fulani in Muri Emirate, and derived from the Fulani word “Banduwam,” meaning our relation. The Bandawa tradition of origin links them to the Jukun. They were among the early communities that came in contact with the Fulani Jihadists in 1812.4 They speak a language similar to that of Lau on the south bank of the Benue, a language closely related to that spoken at Kunini, Minda and Jessi.5 At evolution in the late 17th century, the Bandawa homeland began with three villages namely Libban, Ngwavin, and Nashin. However, by 1900, it extended to nine village areas with emergence of the following villages namely Lasuwe (Kwatan-Langa), Dang-shang, Lagwashin, Gwenzu, Sobalingu (Kwatan-Bandawa), and Nyampi.6 These were evidently not the only settlements of the Bandawa people. They had other villages of related ancestry and culture such as, Jillahi, Garin-Sarki, Bandawa-Kuka, Bandawa- Vinnan in Lau Local Government Area and the village of Nabari in Ardo-Kola Local Government Area in Taraba State. In addition, there are the villages of Kwahuba, Dandu, Bulukun in Numan Local Government Area, as well as the villages of Matifu and Luggere in Lamurde Local Government Area of Adamawa State.7

Geographical Features Bandawa lies in the Middle Benue flood plain. Among the geographical features of Bandawa is the river Benue which flows from the North-east to the South-west.8 The Benue occupies an area of 1,489 km2 (575 mi2) and descends from an altitude of 170m (550 ft) at the confluence with Tiel to 90m (300 ft) at the confluence with the Donga.9 It flows throughout the year with considerable seasonal variation in discharge. The discharge is less than 1,420m3/sec (50,000 ft3/sec) for the period November-July and rises to over 8,500m3/sec (300,000 ft3/sec) at the maximum in October.10 Bandawa area is often flooded seasonally and that provides large natural reservoirs in ponds and lakes for fishing and dry season farming. Even though, flood is considered as a natural disaster to the agricultural communities, the fishing communities celebrate it, because of the boost it brings to their occupation by discharging water and fishes into all available water channels such as ponds, lakes, streams among others. Bandawa has a sub-Sudan type of climate with Monthly Average Rainfall of 750 to 1000 mm (30-40 in); approximately 160 days of rainy season.11 The area is covered by dense undergrowth of thick forest with tall trees such as Silk cotton tree (Shi-Gwong), Baobab tree (Shi-Yinzi), Deleb palm (Shi-Kwonje), Locust bean tree (Shi-Luwe), Fig tree (Shi-Nzu), Tamarind tree (Shi-Jang), African Ebony (Shi-Ye), Vitex Cienkoski (Shi-Vi), Soap berry tree (Shi-Kummu), Madrid tree (Shi-Pyo), among others.12 The land is still covered by large Deleb Palm forest spanning several hectres to the north east border towards Jen. THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL 18 LIFE STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900

FIG. 1: Map of Nigeria Showing Bandawa

Source; GIS laboratory, department of geography, university of Maiduguri, Borno State Origin of the Bandawa The traditions of origin of the Bandawa people states that, the ancestral home of the Bandawa people up to late 17th century was Kingdom, where they lived with the Jukun. Kwararafa Kingdom, lies on high open land between the present towns of Wurio and Bantaji near or on the watershed of the Taraba and Suntai rivers13. The capital city of Kwararafa was Beipi or Apa, which is situated south of the Benue, about 15 miles (24km) northeast of Bantaji.14 The tradition further affirms that, power struggle and mysterious death from an unknown infection rendered the environment insecure for habitation. The Bandawa people were led by their leader called “Sho” out of Kwararafa Kingdom. The group trekked from Kwararafa to the confluence where river Taraba joins river Benue opposite the present Jibu area, and boarded separate canoes for cult officials, men, and women- children. In that order, they travelled on water eastwards. In the course of the voyage, they engaged in fishing and hunting animals for their sustenance, until they came to a location near a large baobab tree and made a camp close to the south bank of the river Benue, a place formerly called Nwulavi, now known widely as Bandawa-Kuka, west of present-day Lau District.15 At Nwulavi, the group dispersed due to inherent need to get hold of more space and economic resources. The first group crossed the river Benue and settled at the north bank in a place called Vinnan. The settlement was named after Nan one of the cult officials who died after they had crossed over to the north bank. He was buried there and they called the place Vinnan, which means the “grave of Nan” in the native language.16 The second group moved further eastward from Nwulavi, to a location at the south bank of the river Benue they referred to as Shito. This settlement was named “Shito” after “vitellaria paradoxa” commonly known as Shea tree.17 A tree of the Sapotaceae family and the only specie in the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 19 genus vitellaria which is called shito in the native language in the area. Through several fishing and hunting expeditions, the Bandawa groups became attracted to the northern Benue flood plain as the dense forest in the past had varieties of wild plants, which grew in colonies, abundant wild animals, lakes, ponds, streams with different species of fish.18 This discovery necessitated the settlement in the present day Bandawa. Socio-Cultural Organization of Bandawa (a) Settlement Pattern The Bandawa had a highly developed social organization based on family relationship. The family relationship began with the male ancestor and his descendants, to the clans then to the ethnic group. The Bandawa consisted of the following clans namely, Nungwe, Ngutai, Ngwakai, Shinchwe, Ngwavin, Ngwabu, Ndubu, Kwankwai, Ngwazan, Ngwabei, Ngwasiva and Ngwanton.19 The twelve clans lived in three villages area namely Libban, Ngwavin, and Nashin. Each village area was made up of four clans as follows; Libban village area made of the clans of Nungwe, Ngwakai, Ngutai, Shinchwe; Ngwavin village area was and is still, made up of Ngwavin, Ngwabu, Ndubu and kwankwe clans, and Ngwazan, Ngwabei, Ngwasiva and Ngwanton clans made up the Nashin village area.20 (b) Marriage In almost every society, marriage is the institutionalized means by which new families are created or existing families are expanded. Marriage forms a basis for most domestic groups. When a man or woman marries, he or she acquires not only a spouse but also a new set of parents, brothers and sisters' in-Law and other affinal relatives.21 The Bandawa constitute an exogamous society, which marriage within one's own descent group was strictly prohibited. For instance, members of the same descent group composed of males and females who traced their genealogies through specified links to a common ancestor were prohibited to marry each other. Marriage was contracted outside a person's clan and polygamy was practiced, that is the marriage between one man and two or more women.22 However, divorce was prohibited among the Bandawa, but, were it occurs the woman marries outside the Bandawa ethnic group. In addition, marriage was classified into three, namely, marriage through exchange, inheritance and payment of dowry. (c) Religion According to C. K. Meek, he states that, like the Jukun, the Bandawa had two principal deities, one (Lu Lakwa) a sky deity identified mainly with the sun, and the other, Nyimwa or Nyimo, the earth-deity and creator of man and all living things. Nyimwa, it has been said, corresponded functionally with Jukun Ma (or Ama).23 Although, the Bandawa cosmology upheld Nyimo as the Supreme Being, whose abode was believed to be in the sky (lakwa) along with the sun (lu), moon (tse), and and star (bin). Nyimo was believed to be the creator of man and all living things. (d) Initiation Initiation ceremonies were practiced among the following tribes; Bolleri, Jenjo, Munga, Bandawa, and Karim.24 The Bandawa practiced initiation into age groups. To qualify for initiation, the youths must hail from Bandawa or recognize neighbouring groups like Kunini, Lau, Minda, Jen, Jukun-Kona, among others. At approximately seven years intervals, a new group of youths (aged 18-20) were called for initiation.25 The initiated youths were kept in confinement for months and subjected to training on history, customary laws, wood carving, mat weaving, hair plaiting, dreams interpretation, songs THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900 20 and dances among others. This event marked the beginning of peer group formation which was most prominent among the Bandawa, as it is even the practice among them today.26 Initiation instilled knowledge, discipline, endurance, secrecy, resistance, and exposed the youths to hiddened potency of the Bandawa heritage. The Political Structure and Officials of the Bandawa before 1817 (a) Royal Officials and functions The Bandawa practiced a theocratic political system before the emergence of Muri Emirate in 1817. The Nechwe was the head of the political system. He was encircled by a body of officials discharging distinct functions akin to executive, judiciary and legislative.27 The executive consisted of the Nechwe (Chief Priest), the Abang (the village minister), the Fong (Head Treasury), the Nechwe-Ngwavin (Ward-Head Ngwavin village), and Nechwe-Nashin (Ward-Head Nashin village). The judicial officials were the Ku-veh (Priest of clan shrine). Other important officials that manned the legislative aspects in Bandawa were the Nyiningwi (elders) and Shayi (Head of household) from various clans in Bandawa.28 They represented the various families at the Nechwe's court (Latah). However, with the emergence of the Muri Emirate in 1817 the power of the Nechwe political system on traditional, religious and political matters of the Bandawa community experienced relegation. The relegation of the Nechwe political system was not in the form of complete usurpation of its power par se, but the elaborate role of the political system was reduced to manned only traditional religious matters, whereas the political matters of the Bandawa community was taken care of by the political system introduced by the Muri Emirate.29 The new political structure emerged with the Ku-Sho (Village Head of Bandawa) at the apex of the political structure and was assisted by the following officials, namely; Galadima (heir apparent to Ku-Sho stool), Tafida (Titled official of the Ngutai clan in the village council), Ajiya (Titled official of the Nungwe clan in village council), Majidadi (Title official of the Shinchwe clan in the village council), Kaigama (act in the absence of Ku-Sho and Titled official of the Ndubu clan), Turaki (Titled official of the Ngwabu clan in the village council), Sarkin-Dogarai (Chief security to the Kuh Sho and Titled official of the Kwankwe clan in the village council), Wakili (Emissary of the Ku- Sho) and Galdima (Titled official of the Ngwaton clan in the village council) among others.30 The functions of these titled officials of the Kuh Sho varied from one title to another. By the new system, the appointment of Ku-Sho (Village Head of Bandawa) was done by the Emir of Muri. The administrative procedure of filling the vacant throne was either by election or selection depending on the situation. In either situation of selection or election, the Emir of Muri gives the final approval. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 21 Fig. 3. Bandawa Political Structure before 1817

Nechwe (Chief Priest of Bandawa)

Abang (Village Minister)

Nechwe-Ngwavin Nechwe-Nashin (Ward-Head Nashin Village) (Ward-Head Ngwavin Village)

Fong (Treasurer)

Ku-ve (Priest of Clan shrine)

Nyiningwi/Shayi (Elders/Head of Household)

General Public

Source: A. B. Chulla, “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984” B. A. History Project, Department of History and Archaeology, Taraba State University, 2016 Fig. 4: Bandawa Political Structure after 1817 Emir of Muri Ku-Sho (Village Heads of Bandawa)

Ajiya Tafida Majidadi Sarkin-Dogari Kaigama Turaki Wakili Galadima Galdima General public Source: Sketch designed by A. B. Chulla THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL 22 LIFE STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900 Economic Activities of the Bandawa According to James Stuart Olson in his book, The Peoples of Africa: An Ethnohistorical Dictionary, the Bandawa are an ethnic group living today in Nigeria, primarily in the former Wurkum and Lau Districts of the former Muri Division of former Adamawa Province. They make their livings raising livestock and managing subsistence farms.31 However, the major economic activities undertaken by the Bandawa were fishing, hunting, farming, livestock husbandry, deleb palm workwork (azara), calabash carving, wood carving, leather work, blacksmithing, spinning and yarning thread, mat weaving, domestic commerce and external trade. The details of their economic activities are discussed under the following sub-topics. Farming Farming as a subsistence occupation by the Bandawa was practiced on a small scale for local consumption. It was an economic activity carried out both in the rainy and dry season. Major crops grown by the Bandawa were guinea corn, rice, maize, beans, cotton, potatoes, tobacco, pumpkin, guna, gourd, hibiscus, jute, pepper, among others. Cereals were the first to be sown at the beginning of the rainy season. The Bandawa used the practice of bush fallowing, which allowed the soil to rest for as long as five or more years to enable it regain its fertility.32 The farm products were used as staple food and for trade and exchange, festivity feast, income, among others. Animal husbandry The Bandawa kept a wide variety of livestock. These were cattle, goats, sheep, pigs, dogs, including domestic birds like ducks, chickens, and guinea-fowls. These were important sources of meat and for sacrifice and rituals as in the case of chickens. Dogs were kept by the Bandawa not only as pet and for security, but were very important companions in hunting expeditions. Though both sheep and goats were kept, the number of the latter were said to be more numerous than the former.33 This was largely because of the high productivity rate of goats, and which were comparatively easier to maintain than sheep. Moreover, they were extensively used as sacrificial animals in funerals and other religious ceremonies. Fishing The existence of river Benue and numerous lakes encouraged the development of fishing as an important occupation among the Bandawa. Though it was widely practiced, the major fish markets were at Kunini, Lau and Karim. Fishing was practiced on the River Benue by the use of cast nets (birgi). The Bandawa practiced communal fishing which was done at the following lakes and ponds namely, La-Pai, La-Chong, La-Ve, La-Gangwa, La- Ka, La-Diba, La-Bobwai, La-Diche, La-Vuveh, La-Jichan, among others.34 The fishing activities were organized by the clans who were custodians of individual lakes. Certain rituals were considered necessary before any fishing was allowed in the lakes. There were various fishing gears used to catch large quantity of fish. These included fish traps, cast nets (birgi), hooks and line (ngalu), bag nets (akauji), seine nets (ntaru), and sill net (raga), among others. The fish caught were preserved by smoking, salting, and drying, among others.35 Fish provided source of livelihood and income for number of Bandawa people who engaged in fishing activities both full time and part time. It was also used as staple food. Hunting Hunting was one of the earliest occupations of the Bandawa. It was carried out either on individually or communal levels. At the communal level, it involved all the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 23 villages of Nashin, Ngwavin and Libban among others. Oral account states that communal hunting was usually a great event among the Bandawa. It was mostly organized under a leader who was responsible for the hunting expedition. At the assembly of the community, libation of locally brewed beer was offered by the leader, wishing every hunter luck and safety.36 Games killed were eaten at the clan shrine (gweve), while the hind legs of the animal killed was handed to a female sibling of the hunting hero who, in return, prepared guinea corn porridge to the hunter. In the past, wild games were hunted and killed during hunting expeditions. Prominent among the wild games killed were Buffalo (ja), Tiger (vo), Antelope (Nang- fe), Warthog (Ngaraushin), Hippopotamus (jing), among others.37 The heads of the larger animals killed were deposited in the shrine. The animals meats were used for food, the surplus were smoked or dried and preserved for upcoming festival feast in small barn (bang-jyi) inside the hut. Craft and industry The Bandawa were creative people who had different hand craft skills such as carving, weaving, and wood-work, among others. (a) Carving The existence of different species of soft and hard wood encouraged the practice of wood carving. A wide range of goods such as canoes (gwa), pestles (sivi), mortars (njuwe), stool (shi-adidi), canoe paddler (jangwa), Wooden bowls (nkang), small drum frame (shi-ching), big drum frame (shi-biyung) and different kinds of handles for spears, hoes, sickles, knives, axes, among others, were carved. Canoes were carved from the Khaya senegalensis (shi-ye).38 These crafts provided them with domestic utensils, furniture, shelter, religious paraphernalia, and income among others. (b) Mat weaving Mat weaving was another important craft among the Bandawa. This was practiced mainly in the dry season by the males. A variety of raw materials such as palm fronds of Deleb palm tree (shi-kwonje) and gamba grass which abound in the Benue flood plain were used. Mat was a traditional sleeping material in Bandawa. Also, mats were used to cover the shrines and compounds among others.39 Weaving was done manually into mat of different sizes and patterns. The Bandawa people weaved mat as part time vocation to supplement family income during the dry season. Mats were traded in markets of neighbouring villages such as Lau, Kunini, and Karim. Leather work Another important craft among the Bandawa was leather work. The leather workers in Bandawa usually got their raw materials from the hides or skin of the following animals: goats, cows, snakes, buffaloes, and iguana, among others. Leather was used in making sheaths, sandals, musical instruments such as big or small drums, dancing kits, among others.40 Blacksmithing The blacksmiths used the iron bar which was used as currency in the 19th century, known as taji among the Mumuye or 'che' in Bandawa to produce various agricultural implements and hunting weapons such as hoe, sickle, machetes, axes, swords, spears, knives and hooks.41 The Bandawa used these products made locally and the products had tremendous economic benefits to the Bandawa in the areas of farming, fishing, hunting, THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900 24 among others. (a) Trade and Exchange The Bandawa produced different agricultural products and artisan goods. The agricultural products used for trade are guinea corn, rice, maize, beans, cotton, cassava, sweet potatoes, tobacco, pumpkin, guna, calabash, among others. The artisans' goods included pestles (sivi), mortars (njuwe), stool (shi-adidi), canoe (gwa), canoe paddler (jangwa), Wooden bowls (nkang), machetes, spears, hoes, sickles, knives, axes.42 In addition, fish constitutes major item of trade and exchange in Bandawa. Although, no one person had everything he or she needed, the inevitable outcome of this situation led to exchange. As time went on, the person-to-person exchange of goods widened in scope within the Bandawa villages and extended to the neighbouring villages, most especially Lau, Munga, Jen, and Karim. The medium of exchange was barter which was followed by iron bars (che), cowries (yibu), British pound and Shillings.43

Conclusion In conclusion, the study on the geographical features and the socio-economic and political life-style of the Bandawa up to 1900 highlights the pattern and nature of the pre- colonial Bandawa society. The study has attempted to discuss the geographical environment, origin, socio-political organization of the Bandawa. Additionally, the study shows the existence of a centralized political system among the Bandawa, which was founded on trado-religious laws derived from the ancestors of the community. The traditional laws were entrenched in the memory of the people and passed on from generation to generation. The study also shed light on the nature of the Bandawa economy highlighting its different components such as farming, fishing, hunting and animal husbandry, artisan work such as blacksmithing, carving, weaving, among others. Also, the study unveiled that, the emergence of the Muri Emirate undermined the political structure and traditional religious belief of the Bandawa people who are today politically organized under the emirate system.

References 1.http://www.maplandia.com/nigeria/karimla/bandawa/bandawagoogleearth.html/map/d ownloaded /30/1/2016 2. NAK NO. 2610/32 T.G. Brierly, Report on the Wurkum District. Muri Division. p.4 3. A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984.” B. A. History Project, TSU, 2016. p.16 4. M. Hamman. The Middle Benue and the Sokoto Jihad: The Impact of the Establishment of the Emirate of Muri 1812-1869. Kaduna: Arewa House, 2007. p. 106 5. NAK/SNP 17/1934/C. K. Meek, Ethnographical Notes on Tribes of the Wurkun District 6. A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984.”…p.16 7. A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984.”…p.16 8. M. G. Bawden et al. Land Resources of North East Nigeria, Vol. 3. Surrey-England, Land Resources Division, 1972. p.111 9. M. G. Bawden et al….p.111 10. M. G. Bawden et al….p.111 11. M. G. Bawden et al….p.111 12. A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984.”…p.17 13. NAK/SNP 10-686P/1913, Captain Churcher A. E. Assessment Report on the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 25 District. p.3 14. J. M. Fremantle. Gazetteer of the Northern Provinces of Nigeria: The Eastern Kingdom Volume II. London: Frank Cass and Company Limited, 1972.p.35 15. Group Interview/ Ayuba Kaigama, 68/ and others Nuhu Ajeh, 73/ Husseini Namdi, 70/ Magaji Nwijo, 68/Augustine Njala 65,/ Kaigama of Bandawa House/ 27th April 2015 16. Joseph Tukwe “Nungwe brief History,” paper presented at the Nungwe Clan Reconciliation Get-together,' 5th March 2011 17. National Research Council. “Shea” Lost crops of Africa” volume 2: In National Academia Press 18. Interview/Joseph Tukur,70/ Retired Catholic Catechist/ Karim Lamido/ 26th April, 2015/ 19. Interview/ Joachim Fashi, 70/ Retired Public Servant/ Bandawa/ 20th February, 2016/ 20. Interview/ Cletus. Y. Cygaba, 62/ Retired Director/ Jalingo/ 27th March 2017/ 21. Plog, F. and Bates, D. G. Cultural Anthropology. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1980. p.214 22. Group Interview/ Ayuba Kaigama, 68/ and others Nuhu Ajeh, 73/ Husseini Namdi, 70/ Magaji Nwijo, 68/Augustine Njala 65,/ Kaigama of Bandawa House/ 27th April 2015 23. NAK SNP 17. Meek C.K. Ethnographical notes on Wurkum District, Adamawa Province, 14/3/1934. 24. NAK NO. 2610/32 T.G. Brierly 25. NAK NO. 2610/32 T.G. Brierly 26. Interview/ D. E. Bokki, 50/ Civil Servant/Jalingo/ 27th February, 2016/ 27. Chulla, A. B. 'The Social, Political and Economic Organization of Bandawa, Middle Benue Region 1800-1900'.Seminar, 12th February, 2018. p.8 28. Group Interview/ Joseph Tukur, 81/Bobo Wuyanko, 70/Jalingo/6th July, 2018/ 29. A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984.”…p.22 30. A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984.”…p.22 31. S.O. James. The Peoples of Africa: An Ethnohistorical Dictionary. London: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1973.pp.66-7 32. A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984.”…p.25 33. A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984.”…p.25 34. A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984.”…p.26 35. A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984.”…p.26 36. A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984.”…p.26- 7 37. A. B. Chulla. “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984.”…p.27 38. A. B. Chulla 'The Social, Political and Economic Organization of Bandawa, Middle Benue Region 1800-1900'…p.16 39. NAK/SNP 4377/1912/T. H. Haughtan, Assessment Report of Wurkun Pagan District. 40. NAK/SNP 4377/1912/T. H. Haughtan 41. NAK/SNP 4377/1912/T. H. Haughtan 42. A. B. Chulla 'The Social, Political and Economic Organization of Bandawa, Middle Benue Region 1800-1900'…p.17 43. A. B. Chulla 'The Social, Political and Economic Organization of Bandawa, Middle Benue Region 1800-1900'…p.17 26 INTERROGATING THE CITIZEN CENTEREDNESS OF THE NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY SINCE 1960

Zhema, Shishi, PhD & Francis, John Tenong Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Federal University Wukari P.M.B 1020 Wukari, Taraba State-Nigeria Phone: +234-8032257518, 08136333818 E-mail: [email protected], [email protected]

Abstract It is national interest that sovereign states seek to pursue/achieve in the international system, through their foreign policy framework. In this regard, foreign policy should be an embodiment of a state national interest which should, in the final analysis, promote the well-being of its citizenry. Nigeria became an independent country in 1960, and in 1963, she took on a status of a republic with full power to chart an independent foreign policy. In recognition of this status, successive administrations, both in principles and in practice, contemplated varieties of foreign policy options for Nigeria with different degrees of consequences. To what extent have these foreign policy options by the various regimes taken into cognizance the issue of Nigerian citizenry? It is in the light of the above question that this paper attempts to examine the nature and character of the foreign policy options taken by the various regimes, since 1960. The paper adopts a multidisciplinary research method and the use of system theory in its analysis. It became obvious that the Nigerian foreign policy is more externally propelled and motivated than internally. As such, due regards has not been given to the Nigerian citizens in terms of foreign policy outing. Key Words: National Interest, Foreign Policy, Citizen.

Introduction Since independence in 1960, Nigeria's external relations has been characterized by a focus on Africa as a regional power and by the attachment to several fundamental principles: African unity and independence; capability to exercise hegemonic influence in the region: peaceful settlement of disputes; non alignment and non- intentional interference in the internal affairs of other nations; and regional economic co-operation and development. Thus, generally, Nigeria's foreign policy trends (the development and formulation) since 1960, has consistently been guided by the same principles and objectives. Although while the main thrust of the country's foreign policy, the promotion of her national interest and the policy of afro-centricity, remained permanent, the strategy and emphasis for such protection by successive regimes varied from one to another. What is even more is that the international environments have been the major determinants in Nigeria's foreign policy trends over the years (Akinyemi, B A 13). The focus of this paper therefore, is to interrogate the bearing of the Nigerian Foreign Policy on its citizenry. Basic concepts like foreign policy, national interest, and the Nigerian Foreign policy framework/objectives shall be considered. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 27 Concept of Foreign Policy In international relations or international system, the focus of any state is to engage other actors to attain a relatively favorable position (Shafaru, Shamsideen Toyin 1). The sovereign state which stands as the main player articulates and advances its main objectives/goals to the international environment. These objectives/goals constitute the national interest. In order to pursue its national interest; a state articulates a foreign policy. The foreign policy of a state often determines, to a great extent, its identity in the international system (Bluwey, Gilbert K.23). Foreign policy consists of two elements: national objectives/interest to be achieved and the means for achieving them (Pham, Peter J). Therefore, Foreign policy is the relations between and amongst states, which embodies the totality of the acts, strategies and manipulations by a given state in the process of launching her domestic objectives/interests in the international system (Nwanolue, BOG eta'l 1-3). It is the mechanism which sovereign states use to influence the international system to achieve their national interest. Thus, the foreign policy of any given country is the external projection of the internal or domestic environment of such a country (Mathew, Chime Jide 277). Therefore, foreign policy is concerned with the pursuit of national interests by states (Morgenthau, H.J.). It is generally the practice all over the world that nation-states design and implement foreign policies so as to guide their external relations and as well protect, promote and defend their national interests. These interests could be defense of territorial integrity, economic interest, military, strategic and diplomatic interests etc. Hence, national interest constitutes a set of high prized national objectives which a country aggregates, nurtures, protects, projects and seeks to achieve as it interacts with other nation states in the international political environment (Chime 276). What should then be of interest to Nigerian foreign policy framework is its core values as a nation. Do various Nigerian leaders consider the country's national interest at all, in the pursuit of foreign policy thrusts? That would be part of the consideration here. Nigerian's foreign policy framework/objectives and principles. Nigeria's foreign policy framework/objectives as identified by Gamawa, Yusuf Ibrahim include; i. The protection of the territorial integrity of the Nigerian state; ii. The promotion of economic and social well-being of Nigerians; iii. The enhancement of Nigeria's image and status in the world at large; iv. The promotion of unity as well as the total political, economic, social and cultural liberation of Nigeria and Africa; v. The promotion of the rights of the black people and others under colonial domination; vi. The promotion of international cooperation, conducive to the consolidation of world peace and security; vii. Mutual respect and friendship among all peoples among states; Redressing the imbalance in the international power structures that have tended to frustrate the legitimate aspirations of developing countries; viii.The promotion of world peace based on the principles of freedom, mutual respect and equality of all persons of the world (72) Since that was established at independence by the government of Balewa, it was never revised until the regime of Murtala/Obasanjo who set up a committee known as INTERROGATING THE CITIZEN CENTEREDNESS OF THE NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY SINCE 1960 28 the Adedeji Committee to examine Nigeria's foreign policy. Based on the report (Yusuf 72), in June 1976, Obasanjo identified Nigeria's foreign policy objectives to include; i. The defense of sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity; ii. The creation of necessary political and economic conditions in Africa and the rest of the world which will facilitate the defense of the independence and territorial integrity of all African countries while at the same time fostering national self-reliance and rapid economic development; iii. The promotion of equality and self-reliance in Africa and the rest of the developing world; iv. The promotion and defense of justice and respect for human dignity, especially the dignity of the black man; and the defense and promotion of world peace That was not different from the previous one, but further amplified it. Consequently, Nigeria's foreign policy has derived from five basic principles, namely non–alignment, legal equality of states, non – interference in the domestic affairs of other states, multilateralism and the centrality of Africa as the cornerstone of foreign policy initiatives (Jinadu, L. Adele 23)

Survey of Nigeria's foreign policies since independence: A selected study of democratic and military regimes. Relaying on the foreign policy objectives and principles as identified above, we shall take a survey of the various foreign policies of the different regimes in Nigeria, so as to place us in the position to either agree or disagree with the assertion that Nigerian Foreign policy has been citizen centered. However, taking a look at Nigeria's foreign policies since independence is a huge task. We shall therefore limit our study to a selected regimes spread across both the military and democratic periods.

Tafawa Balewa: 1960-1966 By the proclamation (Akinyemi 13) that: Nigeria would be non-aligned in international relations with regard to the big power blocs, but never neutral in matters affecting Africa, laid the foundation of Nigeria's afro-centric policy or the principle of Africa as the Centre-piece of Nigeria's foreign policy and on the basis of the principle that Nigeria's independence would be incomplete and meaningless if it does not translate to the total liberation of all African states (Adefolarin A). Since the Balewa's government established this as a major policy thrust, successive Nigerian governments, civilian or military, have premised the broad strands of Nigeria's foreign policy as Nigeria's historic mission. Thus, while claiming non-alignment as one of her policy objectives, Nigeria was clearly pro-British and pro-West generally (Ezirim, Gerald Ekenedirichukwu). This contradiction was evident in Balewa's foreign policy as could be seen from the following actions he took within the period: i. Severing relations with France over their testing of an atomic bomb in the Sahara Desert in 1961 just three months after independence; ii. Refusal to attend the maiden conference of the Non-aligned Movement in Belgrade; iii. Prevarication over the establishment of formal diplomatic ties with the Sino- JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 29 Soviet bloc until December 1961; iv. Acceptance of the Anglo-Nigeria Defence Pact until he was forced to abrogate it by students and the opposition; v. Refusing to train armed militia for Angolan national fighters waging a war against Portuguese colonialists despite Nigeria's avowed resolve to rid the continent of colonialism. Although Balewa's government proclaimed that the cornerstone of Nigeria's foreign policy would be Africa, the unfolding actions and policies of government did not make much corresponding justification in the pronouncement as only very little was concretely done to illustrate the proclaimed Afro-centric policy (Akinboye, S O 377 ). Rather, the foreign policy was largely influenced by the passive nature of the Head of Government and ideological disposition of the ruling elite to Britain and the West generally. It must however be stated to the regime's credit that under Balewa, immediately after gaining independence, Nigeria committed itself to the liberation struggles going on in the Southern sub-region. And although Nigeria never sent an expeditionary force in that struggle, it generally offered more than rhetoric to the African National Congress (ANC) by taking a committed tough line with regard to the racist regime and their incursion in Southern Africa. Between 1962 and 1965, Nigeria intervened successfully in many conflicts on the African continent.

Aguyi Ironsi: 1966. Even with the Military coup in January 1966, which brought in Ironsi, the pro- Western stance of Nigeria's foreign policy did not change. For instance, Ironsi convened the June 1966 Ambassadors' Conference held in Lagos to re-examine the premises and directions of Nigeria's foreign policy (Al – Hassa, H. Y ), but among other things, the Conference re-dedicated Nigeria to the total emancipation of all African territories still under colonial tutelage and racial discrimination. Ironsi's regime could not last long, as such, not much was done in terms of foreign policy.

Yakubu Gowon: 1966-1975. In 1972, Gowon posited that “Africa is the cornerstone of Nigeria's foreign policy, while the question of African Unity had become an article of faith.”(qtd in Chime, S and Jimoh 329). He maintained this position by playing a leadership role in collective negotiation with the European Economic Community, and together with other West African countries, resources were pooled together which made possible the establishment of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Aid was given to neighbouring drought-stricken countries of Niger, Burkina Faso, Mali, Sierra Leone, as well as direct increase/assistance to OAU Liberation Fund and African Freedom Fighters such as those in Guinea Bissau, Mozambique and Angola. The turning down of Nigeria's request for arms and ammunition during the Nigerian Civil War, by her traditional friends (British and the West), introduced a new dimension to Gowon's view of friends or enemies in her external relations. Consequently, the anti-communists orientation of which characterized the preceding era, gave way to a liberal orientation during the Gowon era as government shifted grounds and opened up to the Eastern bloc sufficiently(Akinboye). The regime defended one of the cardinal features of Nigeria's foreign policy, the preservation of Nigeria's territorial integrity INTERROGATING THE CITIZEN CENTEREDNESS OF THE NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY SINCE 1960 30 Murtala-Obasanjo regime: 1975-1979.

Murtala-Obasanjo regime introduced activism into Nigeria's external relations. There was a departure from the usual friendship and influence of the west in the Nigerian foreign policy, which gave way to a radical and pro-active position. This period saw Nigeria taking explicit policy for Africa that was not tainted with fear or deference to any bloc or country (Ezirim). It was an era that witnessed the most radical and pragmatic demonstration of Nigeria's afro-centric and non-aligned policies. The setting up of Adedeji Commission which overhauled the entire foreign policy machinery of the country led to a redefinition of Nigeria's foreign policy objectives and the course of her external relations (Akinboye).

The height of the regime's radical posture was reflected in the Angolan case. Until November 22, 1975, Nigeria was still supporting a government of national unity to be formed by the three contending parties (MPLA, FNLA and UNITA) in Angola. However, on November, 25th, 1975, Nigeria's position changed when it became obvious that the then apartheid South Africa and the West (USA) were in support of UNITA and FNLA to form a puppet government in Luanda, and Nigeria tilted to recognize the MPLA government as the legitimate government of the Angolan people (Anifowose, R. and Enemua. F ). That support shifted the balance in their favour, which led to OAU's recognition of the MPLA. Apart from this diplomatic support, Nigeria's financial and material support led to the victory of MPLA in 1975 (Akinboye). Similarly, Nigeria found herself single-handedly playing the continental policeman. In 1978, the British's owned Barclays Bank in Nigeria was partially (i.e. 80%) nationalized after the bank ignored the strong protests by the Nigerian government urging her not to buy South African government bond. And in 1979, the Obasanjo regime nationalized the British Petroleum Company because of their links with apartheid South Africa and as a means of hastening the Lancaster Conference that was to usher in Zimbabwe's independence. This was said, indeed, to be the golden era of Nigeria's foreign policy. : 1979-1983 In this regime, Nigeria's foreign policy was bereft of dynamism and radicalism that characterized Murtala/Obasanjos'regime; and was instead confined, conservative and pro- Western. Indeed, the Shagari's regime was in many ways a legacy from the First Republic. Although the regime adopted afro- centric and non-alignment policies and also supported decolonization, these were largely more in name than in action. Apart from spearheaded Africa's commitment to peaceful settlement of inter-state disputes like the Somalia/Ethiopia; Morocco/Polisario Movement over Western Sahara; and the Hissene Habre/Guokonni Weddeye crises in Chad (Chime 329), Nigeria expelled thousands of foreign workers, mostly from its oil industry, which forced drastic cuts as a result of declining world oil prices. Africans, especially from Ghana and chad, were expelled in 1983. At least, 30,000 of those expelled were Chadians, and more than one million were Ghanaian immigrants : 1983-1985. The regimes that came close to that of Murtala/Obasanjo in terms of upholding the non-alignment policy was that of Buhari which was equally anti-west and anti-Britain. Thus, on a comparative basis, it can be stated that while Murtala/Obasanjo's foreign policy JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 31 was open, dynamic and radical; that of Buhari/Idiagbon was closed, forceful and firm in nature. Buhari's administration accorded recognition to the Polisario government in Western Sahara (Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic) not minding the opposition from some West African states. In 1985, like his predecessor Shagari, another 300,000 Ghanaian immigrants were, on short notice, expelled from Nigeria by the Buhari administration. This was at a time when Ghana was facing severe drought and economic problems (Akinboye 380).

Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida: 1985 – 1993. Based on the recommendations of the “All Nigeria Conference on Foreign Policy” which was initiated by Babangida, the regime adopted economic diplomacy as the thrust of its foreign policy. This was done against the backdrop of the economic hardship which characterized the Nigerian economy, and was indeed in need of a restructuring to rescue it from sinking. Thus, in an attempt to restructure the nation's economy, the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), proposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), was accepted and introduced, but failed to restructure the Nigerian economy as neither did the government hands off its control on the economy, nor did it reduce spending on bureaucratic government expenditure. Instead, it became an opportunity for spending spree on both “white elephant “and “black elepant” projects. Consequently, the dependence on the west continued, which made no sense of it economic diplomacy (Akinboye 381). But in promotion of her foreign policy objectives in the West African sub- region, Nigeria played a substantial role in the ECOWAS, especially through its peace initiatives in the contribution of billions of dollars to the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) which he established in 1990, in order to restore the peace and promote democracy in conflict prone zones

The Shonekan Interim National Government / Abacha: 1993 – 1998. The Interim National Government (ING), headed by Chief , was brought about as a military solution to the political crisis that erupted after the annulment of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election by the Babangida regime. The ING marked the end of the Babangida administration. But before it could even find its bearing, it was toppled by its Secretary, General , on November 17, 1993(Akinboye 381). The Abacha's regime provides us with another example of radicalism as seen during the periods of Murktala/Obasanjo, and Buhari's regimes. But even worse than those two, the regime earned bad image for Nigeria in the international system. The reasons for this are not far-fetched. Firstly, it was marked by high and violent human rights abuses which were climaxed by the execution of the Ogoni 9 on November, 1995. By this action, Nigeria was declared a Pariah state. The hardline position of the Abacha's regime strained Nigeria's relation with the western countries in the international system. However, Abacha was committed to regional peace as part of the effort in maintaining Africa, as the Centre piece of Nigeria's foreign policy objective. This was manifest by the restoration of peace in Liberia after about seven years of protracted war; emergence of a democratically elected government in Liberia; and the reinstatement to power of the ousted regime of President Ahmed Tejan Kabbah in Sierra Leone by using ECOMOG to flush out the dissident group of Major Johnny Koroma. INTERROGATING THE CITIZEN CENTEREDNESS OF THE NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY SINCE 1960 32 : 1998 – 1999. This regime was concerned with return to civil rule due to the existing antagonism of military rule. Abdulsalami therefore vigorously pursued the policy of reconciliation, assured all Nigerians in self-exile to return home, as well as freed various grades of political prisoners/detainees. In accordance with Nigerian national interest, and realizing too that an in-coming civilian government would be unable to sustain the casualties and costs which its military predecessors absorbed without cultivating a broad base of popular political support for the action at home, the transitional government of Abdulsalam Abubakar did not only decline to contribute troops to the ECOWAS mission in Guinea-Bissau, but began the significant withdrawal of troops from Sierra-Leone (Iganga, O. I 108).

Olusegun Obasanjo: 1999-2007. The foreign policy direction clearly spelt by 's regime in his Inaugural Speech, and 29th May, 1999, declared that: We shall pursue a dynamic foreign policy to promote friendly relations with all nations and will continue to play a constructive role in the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity and other international bodies. We shall continue to honour existing agreements between Nigeria and other countries. It is our resolve to restore Nigeria fully to her previous prestigious position in the community of nations

Recall that during Abacha's regime, diplomatic ties with other countries, especially western countries and Britain, were strained, due to unfriendly and radical actions taken by the regime. Consequently, Nigeria was cut off or became a pariah state. Thus, when Obasanjo emerged, he made it a priority to reconnect Nigeria with the international community after the isolation suffered during Abacha's regime. This accounted for the series of diplomatic shuttling the regime embarked upon shortly after its taking over, which unfortunately, became a hobby of the Obasanjo's regime throughout the era (The Nation 19). The administration lent a strong diplomatic support to the US government counter- terrorism efforts in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, attacks and played a leading role in forging an anti-terrorism consensus among states in the sub-Saharan Africa. In Africa, Nigeria played a key role in the “conceptualization of the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) and shift its focus from conflicts to economic development The shuttle/economic diplomacy of the Obasanjo government attempted to bring about some economic gains to Nigeria, but whether such diplomacy succeeded or not is a subject of debate. However, the following facts cannot be robbed from the regime: greater percentages of Nigeria's foreign debts were radically reduced through outright cancellation and rescheduling; some foreign investments were recorded; and there were good foreign interactions with other states in the international system.

Umaru Yar'Adua/: 2007-2010. Yar'Adua's Foreign Affairs Minister, Chief Ojo Maduekwe, had described the new thrust of Nigeria's foreign policy as the diplomacy of consequence, where Nigeria and Nigerians are put first, and the periods of playing the big brother role in Africa was over. Citizenship Diplomacy therefore came into play, which means Nigeria must take a serious corresponding action, should any country violates the human dignity of her citizens JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 33 residing in its land. Thus, the emphasis on the citizen-centered foreign policy was all about the welfare of the Nigerian citizens both home and abroad (Nwanolue 8). It implies that individual citizens are not just the Centre-piece of state policies, but also have the rights and even the responsibility to help realize the country's national interests through their interactions to complement official diplomatic activities. Two critical elements: the participation of the citizens in the foreign policy processes and protection of the citizens by the state (Odoh, S I, Nwogbaga, David M E 11). None the less, the attitudinal postures of the foreign policy-makers during Yar'Adua/Goodluck's regime were at variance with Nigeria's national interests and the domestic context within which decisions were made. A good example of this was the handover of the disputed Bakassi Peninsula to Cameroon. In August 2008, the Chief of Defence Staff, General Andrew Azazi, specifically told the Senate that the military was not consulted on the security implication of ceding the area to Cameroon before government signed the Green Treaty Agreement (News Watch). Furthermore, some of the actions or inactions of the Yar'Adua's administration on the citizenry, home and abroad, presented some doubts on whether the regime's citizen diplomacy was anything to write home about. Some good examples were the cases of two Nigerian citizens in Indonesia and Saudi Arabia, where the governments of these two countries went ahead to execute the victims amidst pleas from the Nigerian government to hold action. Again, the Yar'Adua's Administration made but a belated effort to hold on the execution of Mr. Samuel Iwuchukwu Okoye and Hansen Anthony Nwaolisa by the Indonesian government in June 2008. Also, over 16 illustrious Nigerians were gruesomely murdered in Equatorial Guinea; while 128 others languished in prison on alleged plot to overthrow the government of Equatorial Guinea. It was, indeed, so painful that Mr. Ikechukwu Obiakor died in Lindela Detention Camp in Johannesburg, while waiting for deportation. Much more, well over 84 Nigerians were killed in South Africa between January 2007 and April 2008 (Nwanolue 10). A Nigerian diplomat, L.M. Wayi, was equally killed, without any restraint, at the Nigerian embassy in Prague, Czech Republic, in May 2007, by Jiri Podoski, an irate victim defrauded by a Nigerian. The May 2008 xenophobic attack on immigrants in South Africa, in which many Nigerians fell victims, was also very terrific and outstanding. The point to be noted is that the full consequential effects or repercussions of the failure to oblige or grant such bargains/pleas (as in tune with the principle and purpose of citizenship diplomacy) were never articulated or presented before the persecuting countries. This blurredness of direction and purpose, of not definitely and firmly articulating and pronouncing what the said consequences and repercussions were or should be, has practically diluted and watered down the concept of citizenship diplomacy.

The Big Question: Is Nigerian Foreign Policy Citizen Centered? By and large, a number of revelations have emerged from this study so far. Firstly, the foreign policy objectives or framework as established since Independence have not changed over time despite the changing circumstances or historical development across Nigeria and Africa at large. The entire framework of the Nigerian foreign policy, which amongst others mainly includes: Africa as the Centre-piece of Nigeria's foreign policy, and on the basis of the principle that Nigeria's independence would be incomplete and meaningless if it does not translate to the total liberation of all African states. INTERROGATING THE CITIZEN CENTEREDNESS 34 OF THE NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY SINCE 1960 The sentiment at this time was against the colonial rule which informed the large scale liberation struggle across Africa for independence, unity and peace across the region. But the colonial regime is over in Africa, and most African states have attained their independence. This development should ordinarily bring about a shift in the Nigerian foreign policy from being afro-centric, to citizen based. That has not happened, instead various regimes that came and went sticked to the orthodox policy which lacks focus on the citizenry. For instance, what impact would it have on the lives of the Nigerian citizens who should be the beneficiaries of such afro-centric foreign policy whether it is in terms of the peace keeping efforts in Liberia and Sierra Leone which gulped billions of petro-dollars of the Nigerian states in addition to the lives of the country's soldiers or the effort in Ethiopia/Eritrea, Burundi, etc? What were the terms of the national interest of the country whether tangible or intangible? The answer is that, it was neither here nor there. The only changes in the Nigerian foreign policy since independence have been either a pro-western, pro-Britain foreign policy focus, or radical regimes that went the way of non-alignment to the west. Tafawa Balewa, Shehu Shagari, and, most recently, Obasanjo, and Yar'Adua, amongst others, were largely conservative, pro-Western in nature of their foreign policy pursuits. On the other hand, the radical regimes were those of Murtala/Obansanjo whom some describes as the heyday of Nigeria's foreign policy, and that of Buhari, yet most brutal of all was the Abacha's regime who, altogether, cut off ties with the west, but still lacked focus on the citizenry. What appears to have come close to foreign policy that is centered on the Nigerian citizenry were those of Obasanjo (1999), and Yar'adua/Jonathan (2007). But even that, were only in theory than in practice. Obasanjo in his attempt to restore the image and fractured relationship between Nigeria and the western world, embarked on series of foreign trips so as to attract Foreign Direct Investment into the country, thereby improving the standard of living of the citizenry. That foreign policy approach came to be coined as economic diplomacy. Whether such foreign trips yielded the required result is a subject to questioning. However, moving around the world and condescending for a paternalistic relationship should not be the hallmark of the foreign policy of an independent Nigeria. For instance, Nelson Mandela did not have to prove anything to anybody in the west on his emergence as the first black president of South Africa. Therefore any such visits must have been necessitated by the inner dynamics of the South African social formation and national interest rather than the need to please or placate the western world. Yar'Adua, on his part with the citizen diplomacy that was to protect the interest of Nigerians at home and abroad, didn't see the light of the day because it was neither strongly articulated, nor repercussions meted to those countries who treated Nigerians badly. So Yar'adua's citizen diplomacy ended up not protecting Nigerians abroad because there were wide spread torture, murder, and abuse of Nigerians in several countries. The wellbeing of Nigerians at home was neither in focus. A nation's foreign policy is its domestic policy pursued abroad in the pursuit of its national interests (Franklin. A Sanusi 279-289). However, Nigeria's national interest has not been the major factor propelling the country's foreign policy (Obi Omeka Anthony 11). External forces/factors have influenced the Nigeria's foreign policy in most periods since independence. In other words, since her independence, Nigeria has always concerned itself with how Europe or the United States see it. It has been looking “outside-in”, instead of “inside-out” in determining its foreign policy. The “outside-in” foreign policy entails creating internal/external policy on the basis of prevailing external disposition. On the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 35 other hand, the “inside-out” approach sees a nation creating internal/external policy on the basis of its internal realities without regards to prevailing external disposition towards it (Franklin 281-282). It was “Inside-out” policy that made Robert Mugabe to withstand the external media and political stress and sustained domestic power in Zimbabwe against outside threats and overtures, whether rightly or wrongly conceived. “Inside-out”, made Rwanda to wake up from the economic and social ravages of the 1994 genocide to become one of Africa's front liners in contemporary economic, social and political development. Also, at the international arena, “inside-out” made Japan to look inwards to overcome the harsh economic and social impact of Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings in 1945 and today the country enjoys a favorable balance of trade with the United States of America. In the current military tension between North Korea and South Korea (an ally of the United States of America) “Inside-out” is currently making North Korea to undertake military drills to also showcase her military capability in response to similar displays by the United States of America in that geopolitical hemisphere (Franklin 284). Out of about nine foreign policy objectives/frame of Nigeria as itemized much earlier in this paper, only one item speaks on the wellbeing of the citizenry. Every other factor on that list is determined externally or driven by external factors. Even the major review carried out by Murtala/Obasanjo regime in 1976 did nothing different but further consolidated the existing framework, with five basic principles, namely non–alignment, legal equality of states, non – interference in the domestic affairs of other states, multilateralism and the centrality of Africa as the cornerstone of foreign policy initiatives (Jinadu 23) On this note, based on the evidences established above, the Nigerian foreign policy framework has been largely pro-western/externally influenced, or radically inclined with little or no bearing on the citizenry. This makes it far from being citizen centered.

Conclusion Nigerian foreign policy over the years emerges mainly as a response to colonial regimes. Thus, the foreign policy framework of the country has two major blocs. On one hand, while it was designed to ensure total liberation of the African continent from colonial domination, which informed its policy on Africa as the Centre piece of its foreign policy, it also, on the other hand, maintains ties with the west and former colonial power, Britian, both of which are gainless and condescending without any bearing on Nigerians. Though African countries have been liberated, and a new era of independence has set in, the foreign policy of Nigeria has neither changed to reflect current realities, nor has reliance to the west or former colonial master, Britain, been revised. What this study revealed is that, the Nigerian foreign policy is not dynamic. Times have changed, but the policies remained the same over the years. It has been externally determined, instead of internally driven. Based on the foregoing, it is naturally difficult for the foreign policies to be citizen centered. Therefore, there has to be a total overhaul of the Nigerian foreign policy, and be revised to reflect interest of Nigerians instead of external interest, because foreign policy is about national interest. INTERROGATING THE CITIZEN CENTEREDNESS 36 OF THE NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY SINCE 1960 References Adefolarin A, “ Political Science and Government of West Africa. Lagos: Akinboye, S O. “Nigeria's Foreign Policy”. Edited by R, Anifowose, and Enemua, F Elements of Politics. Lagos, Sam Iroanusi Publication, 1999, p. 377 Akinyemi, B A. Nigeria since Independence: The First 25 Years (Ed) Vol.X. Ibadan, Heineman Books, 1989, p. 13. Al – Hassa, H. Y. Evaluating Nigeria's Foreign Policy at 50 (2010) Anifowose, R. and Enemua. F. Elements of Politics. Lagos, Sam Iroanusi Publications, 2005. Bluwey, Gilbert K., Understanding International Relations. Accra: Yamens P. Publishers, 2002. p. 23 Chime Jide Mathew, “Analysis of the Nature and Policy Orientation of Nigeria's Foreign Policy between 1999 – 2007” International Journal in Management and Social Science, vol. 5, no. 11, 2017, pp. 276-290. Chime, S and Jimoh, edited by in T A. Imobighe, the Politics of Second Republic. Kuru, NIPSSS Publications, 1992, p.329. Ezirim, Gerald Ekenedirichukwu, “ Fifty Years of Nigeria's Foreign Policy: A Critical Review Franklin. A Sanusi, “Assessing Nigeria's African – Centered Foreign Policy against an Inside – Out Paradigsm: A Proposal for an Inside – Out Policy Approach” AFRICANA, vol.6 no.1, 2012, pp.279-289. Iganga, O. I. Topics in Political Science. Onyike, His Grace Printing Press, 2010, p.108. Jinadu, L. Adele, “The Philosophical Foundations and Fundamental Principles of Nigeria's Foreign Policy”, in New Horizons for Nigeria in World Affairs, Edited by. U , Lagos, NIIA, 2005, p. 23. Morgenthau, H.J. In Defense of the National Interest: A Critical Examination of American Foreign Policy, New York, 1951 Newswatch, June 1, 2009. Nwanolue, BOG,eta'l “ A Post Mortem Analysis of Nigeria's Foreign Policy Under Yar'adua's Administration” Professor Bassey Andah Journal of Cultural Studies, vol.3, no.1, 2012, pp. 1-3 Obi Omeka Anthony “Nigeria's Foreign Policy, Peace Keeping and Domestic Challenges: Towards a Realistic Foreign Policy” Journal of Social Science and Welfare, vol.1, no. 2, 2017, pp. 11-19 Odoh, S I, Nwogbaga, David M E “ Reflections on the Theory and Practice of Citizen Diplomacy in the Conduct of Nigeria's Foreign Policy” IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science, vol. 19, no. 10, 2014, pp. 9-14 Pham, Peter J. Nigeria's Foreign Policy: An Enquiry into Sources and Prospects. 2007, http://www.ipri.pt/eventos/pdf/JPeterPham_paper.pdf accessed 22/03/20 Shamsideen Toyin Shafaru “Economic Diplomacy and Nigeria's Foreign Policy Since 1999” M A Dissertation: University of Ghana (2010) 1 The Nation, February 23, 2010, p. 19. Yusuf Ibrahim Gamawa, “Buhari's Administration and Review of Nigeria's foreign Policy: A Realist Approach” American Economic and Social Review, vol. 2, no.1, 2018, pp. 71-79. 37

MUNICIPAL SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT IN JALINGO METROPOLIS: AN ASSESSMENT OFPEOPLE'S PERCEPTION

Mohammed Bakoji Yusuf Department of Geography, Faculty of Social & Management Sciences, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 07036421166

Umar Jauro Abba, Ayesukwe Rimamsikwe Ishaku Department of Geography, College of Education Zing, Taraba State, Nigeria & Yusuf Iraru Office of the Surveyor General, Taraba State, Nigeria

Abstract A large amount of solid waste that is being generated by the municipality is left generally unmanaged. The waste collection and disposal does not contend with the amount of waste generated per day as a result garbage are scattered. The objective of this study was to examine people's perception about solid waste management in Jalingo. Several methods were used to conduct this study, including questionnaires, interviews and direct observations. The findings revealed that a larger proportion of the respondents are male, literate, within the age bracket of 26-35 years, married and have some forms of occupations. The results also show that majority of the people are well aware about solid waste, and perceived as ineffective and inefficient the solid waste management practices and the services rendered by the agency associated with the management of solid waste over the years in the study area. This paper recommends for provision of adequate dustbins and skips, including an increase of collection frequency, increasing public awareness, involvement of private sector and separation of bio-degradable and non-biodegradable waste. Similarly, the paper argues that a robust waste data base, strict policies and regulation are important for effective solid waste management in the study area. Keywords: Solid waste, Management, Perception, Jalingo

Introduction Solid waste generation and disposal have remained important global environmental, health, and economic problems, causing loss of valuable land and air qualities and, consequently, decline in urban environmental productivity (Dong, 2010; Guerrero, et al., 2013). Despite having municipal councils responsible for municipal solid waste management (MSWM), institutions offering practices and the involvement of the private sector in solid waste collection, solid waste management is recognized to be an issue of increasing global concern in most regions of the world(Duru, et al., 2019; Mian, 2017). 38 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW Solid waste management (SWM) may be defined as the discipline associated with the control of the generation, storage, collection, transfer, transport, processing and disposal of solid waste in a manner that is in accord with the best principles of public health, economics, engineering, conservation, aesthetics, and other environmental considerations, and that is also responsive to public attitudes (Guerrero et al., 2013; Mpinda et al., 2016). Solid waste management its scope, solid waste management includes all the administrative, financial, legal and engineering functions involved in finding a solution to all the problems of solid waste (Xiaoyun et al., 2016). It is an essential service that is provided for the protection of the environment and public health, as well as to promote hygiene, recover materials, avoid waste, reduce waste quantities, emissions and residuals, and prevent the spread of diseases(Hussein, & Mansour, 2018; Qing, et al., 2018). Solid waste management strategy can take many different forms including re-using or donating items, buying in bulk, reducing packaging, re-designing products and reducing toxicity (Agunwamba, 1998; Hussein et al., 2018). It does include any activity that reduces or eliminates the generation of waste. Although solid waste management is a municipality's responsibility in nearly all developed and developing countries, increasing problems in the collection and difficulties in the disposal of solid waste has increased in recent years particularly in the context of developing countries like Nigeria (Ejati, et al., 2018). Furthermore, high rate of urbanization and population growth in most developing countries has made it difficult to develop and implement effective SWM systems and thus, constraining urban population from achieving an acceptable level of solid waste management (Ike , et al., 2018; Mpinda et al., 2016). In Nigeria, solid waste generation rate is estimated at 0.65-0.95 kg/capita/day, which gives an average of 42 million tonnes of wastes generated annually (Ike et al., 2018; Tsunatu &Abdullahi, 2013). This is more than half of 62 million tonnes of waste generated in sub-Sahara Africa annually. Of the estimated wastes generated annually in Nigeria, only 30% of the solid waste is collected and transported to the disposal sites (Duru et al., 2019; Ejati et al., 2018). The remaining 70% of the waste is left to be eaten by animals, burned, illegally dumped, or swept away by storm winds into the town where it accumulates in heaps. Accordingly, Ike et al.,(2018), gave a descriptive analysis of solid waste management options and according to him, per capital waste generation has increased nearly 2-fold over the last two decades, and with the current increases in population and living standards, waste generation may double in volume in the next decade. They further state that if current trends continue, Nigeria may see a five-fold increase in waste generation by the year 2025. This, therefore, calls for a concerted effort in the fight against ineffective and inefficient solid waste management practices in Nigeria and the study area in particular. Studies on solid waste management abound worldwide from America to the Asian nations (Dong, 2010; Mian, 2017; Mpinda et al., 2016; Qing et al., 2018). In most Nigerian cities, particularly in the study area, although some authors, including Duru et al., 2019; Ejati et al., 2018; Ike et al., 2018; Tsunatu & Abdullahi, 2013, have made attempts to examine the capacity constraints of municipal councils, status of practice in waste management in hospitality industry and the practice for private sector involvement in the management of solid waste, but failed to consider the peoples' perceptions in relation to SWM. MUNICIPAL SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT IN JALINGO 39 METROPOLIS: AN ASSESSMENT OFPEOPLE'S PERCEPTION Understanding people's perception about solid waste management, especially in the African traditional system, is paramount to any programme if standard measures of solid waste management practices are to be enhanced and properly implemented. Moreover, management of solid waste is tied to perceptions of the people and varies from location to location and over time, depending on the prevailing socio-economic, cultural derivatives, beliefs, and past experiences. Thus, the research region is a neglected area in terms of research on the inhabitants' perception of solid waste management and thus, studies from elsewhere cannot be interpolated for the research region. Hence, it is for this reason that this research effort is made to bridge this existing research gap and complement the existing similar few studies from other parts of the country. Materials and Methods 1. The study area The study area (Jalingo metropolis) is located on latitude 8°47' to 9°01' N and longitude 11°09' to 11°30' E. It is bordered to the north by Lau, East by Yorro, south, and west by Ardo-Kola Local Government Ares. (Fig.1). It has a total land area of about 204,073 km² with an altitude of 351 meters above sea level(Yusuf, et al., 2020; Yusuf & Garba, 2016). The relief configuration of Jalingo metropolis consists of undulating plains interspersed with mountain ranges. The mountain ranges run from Kona area through the border between Jalingo and Lau town through Ardo-Kola from Yorro and Gongon areas in a circular form, thus give a periscopic semi-circle shape that is almost like a shield to Jalingo town (Yusuf, et al.,2017). Jalingo is drained by two major rivers; Mayogwoi and Lamurde Rivers. The rivers take their sources from Yorro mountain ranges and empties their content into the Benue River at Tau village. The valleys of the rivers are dotted with ox-bow lakes as a result of depositional activities The Jalingo metropolis has a continental type of climate with wet summer and dry winter. It has an average annual rainfall of about 1000mm. Maximum and minimum temperature ranges between 260 C to 390C and 150C to 180C respectively. In terms of vegetation, the study region is located within the Northern Guinea Savanna Zone and characterized by grasses interspersed with tall trees and shrubs (Yusuf, 2014; Zemba & Yusuf, 2012). Jalingo metropolis had a total population of 167,548 people in 2017, with a projected annual growth rate of 3.0% (NNPC 2018).About 72% of the population in the metropolis lives in unplanned settlements. Politically and administratively, there are ten (10) wards in Jalingo metropolis, which are: Turaki “A”, Turaki “B”, Sintali “A”, Sintali “B”, Majidadi, Sarkin Dawaki, Kachalla Sembe, Barade, Kona, and Yelwa. The major ethnic groups in Jalingo are the Fulani, Kona and Mumuye, while other groups such as Hausa, Jenjo, Wurkun and Yandang are also found. is widely spoken as a medium of communication for social and economic interactions. 40 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Fig.1. Map of Taraba State showing Jalingo the Study Area 1. Methods used for the Study A multi-stage sampling technique was used in this study. The first stage involved dividing the study area into Electoral Wards (EW). In the second stage, four EWs were purposively selected, based on population intensity and representativeness of socio- economic characteristics of urban life. Finally, from the four wards, 115 people were randomly selected and used for this study. Data were collected using two different techniques. First, prior to the questionnaire, information was obtained through a reconnaissance survey and in-depth interviews with community stakeholders. These informal techniques were used to identify the major wards with solid waste management problems and to acquire detailed information concerning people's perceptions about solid waste management practices. Then data were also collected through a formal questionnaire. The questionnaire was compiled to collect information regarding various demographic characteristics of people, and their perceptions about solid waste generation, disposal, its effects and management. A descriptive statistical analysis of the questionnaire data was performed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS 22) software. The analysis method used descriptive statistics, primarily cross tabulation, to summarize the data. Results and Discussion Results are presented under three headings. The first addresses various personal and demographic characteristics of the people. The second covers people perceptions about solid waste generation, disposal, and its effects. The last appraises the people perception about solid waste management and practices. 1. Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents MUNICIPAL SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT IN JALINGO 41 METROPOLIS: AN ASSESSMENT OFPEOPLE'S PERCEPTION Table 1. The Demographic Characteristics of Respondents

Sex Respondents Percentage (%) Male 62 53.9 Female 53 46.1 Total 115 100 Age 18-25 15 13 26-35 50 43.5 36-45 40 34.8 46 and above 10 8.7 Total 115 100 Educational Level Non-formal Education 10 8.7 Primary 30 26.1 Secondary 40 34.8 Tertiary 35 30.4 Total 115 100 Marital status Single 35 39.1 Married 60 52.2 Divorced 5 4.3 Widow 15 13 Total 115 100 Occupational status Civil Servant 45 39.1 Business 60 52.2 Others 10 8.7 Total 115 100

Source: Field survey, 2019 The findings in Table 1 shows that of the 115 people interviewed, a larger proportion (53.9%) are male, while 46.1% are female. This means that greater proportion of the sampled respondents were male. The findings with respect to age show that majority of the respondents (43.5%) are within the age bracket of 26-35 years. A significant proportion of the respondents (91.3%) had some form of formal education, with the majority having secondary education. This means that most of the sampled respondents were literate. A greater percentage of the sampled respondents (52.2%) are married and have some forms of occupations. 42 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 2. Respondents' perception about solid waste generation, disposal, and its effects. Table 2. Respondent's perception about solid waste generation, disposal provision and its effects Awareness about Respondents Percentage (%) Solid waste Aware 107 93.0 Not aware 8 7.0 Total 115 100 Disposal provision Aware 97 84.4% Not sure 1 0.8 Not aware 17 14.8 Total 115 100 Effects Agreed 88 76.5 Undecided 17 14.8 Disagreed 10 8.7 Total 115 100 Source: Field survey, 2019 The findings in Table 2 show that 93% of the respondents are well aware about solid waste. Of course, people are acquainted with solid waste from observations of their surroundings, where the main fractions in the waste comprising plastic bags of all sizes and colors were found dotting the landscape. On whether the respondents are aware of the provision for solid waste disposalsite, greater percentage of the respondents, measuring 84.4%, are aware. Also, as recognized from in-depth interviews, most people interviewed confirmed the above findings, when some advocated for the provision for solid waste disposal containers and the need for effective waste disposal and management. The results indicated in Table 2 also revealed that, the majority of the people, 76.5%, agreed that lack of efficient solid waste management practice has negative impact on the environment. During the transect survey and oral interviews, most people interviewed confirmed the above findings, when they stated that, lack of efficient waste management practice often result to health hazard, traffic congestion, unsightliness, unpleasantness, blockage of drainages and loss of aesthetic beauty. This finding explains the general awareness among people about solid waste management practices in the study area. The reasons for such a perception could partly be explained by the presence of large amount of solid waste that is being generated by the municipality, and left generally unmanaged. 3. Respondents' perception about solid waste management To assess how people, perceive solid waste management practice in the study area, people were asked two major questions: 1. How did they perceive solid waste management practices over the years (1= effective, 2= no idea, 3 = ineffective). 2. How do you rate the services of the agency responsible for solid waste management? A =effective and efficient b=ineffective and inefficient. Table 3 shows the perceived responses of the respondents. MUNICIPAL SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT IN JALINGO 43 METROPOLIS: AN ASSESSMENT OFPEOPLE'S PERCEPTION Table 3. Perceived effectiveness and efficiency of solid waste management in the study region How do you perceive solid waste Respondents Percentage (%) management in the study area, Effective 14 19.1 Don’t know 1 0.8 Ineffective 92 80.1 Total 115 100 How do you rate the services of agency responsible for solid waste management Effective and efficient 26 22.6 Ineffective and inefficient 89 77.4 Total 115 100 Source: Field survey, 2019 The results indicate that, above two-thirds (80.1%) of the sampled respondents perceived as ineffective the solid waste management practices over the years in the study area. Most of the people interviewed confirmed the above finding when some expressed the opinion that both public and private institutions have not given due attention to solid waste management. This result, with regard to the ineffectiveness of solid waste management in the study region, followed up similar results obtained by Mpinda, et al., (2016) in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)and are consistent with studies elsewhere in Nigeria (Duru, et al., 2019); Ejati, et al.,(2018); Ike et al.,(2018); Tsunatu & Abdullahi, (2013). On the effectiveness and efficiency of the agency responsible for solid waste management, a significant proportion of the respondents (77.4%) perceived as ineffective and inefficient the services of the agency in the study area. However, based on the information gathered during the in-depth interviews, the agency was effective and efficient in handling and disposing of solid waste. The main reason for the perceived effectiveness and efficiency, according to them, was that they do not see solid waste management practices as a sole responsibility of the agency but rather a collective responsibility. Conclusion The research focuses on an assessment of solid waste management practices in Jalingo town using the inhabitants' perception. The objective of this study was to appraise people's perception about solid waste management in Jalingo using the mixed method of data collection (questionnaires, interviews and direct observations). The findings revealed that a larger proportion of the respondents are male, literate, within the age bracket of 26-35 years, married and have some forms of occupations. The results also shows that majority of the people are well aware about solid waste, and perceived as ineffective and inefficient the solid waste management practices and the services rendered by the agency associated with the management of solid waste over the years in the study area. This paper recommends for the provision of adequate dustbins and skips, including an increase of collection frequency, increasing public awareness, involvement of private sector and separation of bio-degradable and non-biodegradable waste. Similarly, the paper 44 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW argues that a robust waste data base, strict policies and regulation are important for effective solid waste management in the study area.

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AN ASSESSMENT OF THE CONDITIONS OF SCHOOL LIBRARIES IN SEVEN SELECTED PUBLIC PRIMARY SCHOOLS IN NSUKKA LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF ENUGU STATE

Babarinde Elizabeth Titilope, Fagbemi Victoria Yemi Department of Library and Information Science, Faculty of Education, University of Nigeria, Nsuka E-mail: [email protected], [email protected] Phone: 08063410623, 07063426457. and Ojobor, Rebecca Chidimma Nnamdi Azikwe Library, University of Nigeria,Nsuka E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 07036626097

Abstract The study aims at investigating the state of school libraries in Nsukka Local Government Area of Enugu State. From the target population of one hundred and eighteen (118) public primary schools in Nsukka Local Government Area, seven primary schools were purposely selected. Then five (5) respondents from each school were randomly chosen from the seven selected schools which sum of the sample size of 35 used for the study. The study adopted a survey design where an interview method was used to elicit information from the respondents. The findings of the study reveal that school libraries in Nsukka Local Government Area are faced with several constraints among which are lack of adequate funding, insufficient number of teachers, lack of school libraries, lack of trained librarians, etc. However, the study made recommendations on improving the state of public primary schools' libraries in Nsukka Local Government Area in order to achieve the goals and objectives of education in Nigeria.

Introduction A library is an organized collection of published and unpublished books together with audiovisual materials with the aid of services of staff who are able to provide and interpret such material as required, to meet the informative research, educational and recreational needs of its users (Ogbebor, 2011). It can be seen as an agency that contains various information sources of accumulated knowledge and experiences properly organized, preserved and made available to those who need them. Library is an essential tool for learning at all levels. This is because the information contained therein is not only intellectual but of cultural, economic and social inclination which encourages users to learn and continue learning throughout life time. Among the different kinds of libraries is the school library. A school library is a library situated in primary and post primary schools, or tertiary institutions. Its main purpose is to support various educational programmes and to develop students' skills in locating and using information. National Policy on Education (NPE, 2004) stipulates that library is basic to schools and that education requires the library to effectively thrive. Besides, it sees school library as an essential component of school programmes at all levels without which, learning in schools is incomplete. This implies that the school library is an important tool in delivering quality educational services. It is in 47 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW this regard that Dike (1997) refers to the school library as the heart of the school around which the school programmes revolve. In supporting this, Aguolu (2002) acknowledged that school library can make a valuable contribution to learning as it provides instructional materials to enrich the curriculum and gives unlimited opportunities for students' learning. The school library contributes to the achievement of these goals by having varied and suitable collections as well as providing physical and enabling environments that foster development of sensitivity and awareness. Environment in the context of this study is a learning place where learners learn and interact with learning facilities in order to be socialized and face the challenges in the society. Library environment encompasses all the circumstances, people, things, and events around the library and can have potential effects, positive or negative, on the library usage. The design of a library can influence users' behaviour and satisfaction in the same way that the physical environment and organization of a library can. Attitudes of library staff also count as they will make users comfortable or uncomfortable in using library services (Amusa and Iyoro, 2013). Therefore, for realization of school library's objectives, there is need for a conducive child friendly environment. Obviously, the potentials of school library are more pronounced in the developed countries, where school library is seen as an integral part of the school system especially in this era where library has moved from being only repository of books to media centre; providing diverse print and non-print resources to encourage child centred learning and thus make education more interesting. However, the reverse is the case in developing countries like Nigeria where most primary and post primary schools exist with poorly managed library or no library at all due to ignorance, insufficient fund, and lack of school librarians, etc. It is against this background that this paper highlights the report of the status-quo of some school libraries in Nsukka Local Government Area and suggests possible ways of providing child-friendly school library environment for Nigerian children for quality teaching and learning.

General views about the Library and its Environment in Facilitating Learning Library is an integral part of educational institution irrespective of the level. Nwalo in Adeyinka (2010) argues that no system of education is complete without well- equipped library. Similarly, Daniel (2004) observes that the library remains the power house of educational institutions and that an educational institution without a library is like a motor car without an engine or a body without a soul. In the same vein, Smith (2002) opines that the school library is the backbone of functional education without which academic excellence cannot be achieved. It provides valuable opportunities for the school child to acquire the basic goals of education such as development and improvement of the school curriculum, enhancing teaching, making learning experiences more meaningful and rewarding for students and promoting effective use of innovative materials in schools. The foregoing view corresponds with IFLA (2015) that the growth of school libraries parallels the growth in education that seeks to equip students with knowledge to operate within and contribute to the betterment of society. The existence of school libraries is to provide a learning environment that gives access to resources, and access to activities and services to encourage and support students, teachers, and community learning. Environment is an important factor in achievement of goal of any educational programme. People acquire most of their knowledge through the interaction with facilities AN ASSESSMENT OF THE CONDITIONS OF SCHOOL LIBRARIES IN SEVEN SELECTED PUBLIC PRIMARY SCHOOLS 48 IN NSUKKA LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF ENUGU STATE provided in the environment. Gotsch and Holliday (2007) affirm that learning environments are the single most important innovation needed to improve education. They are also of the view that classroom and library environment such as the physical, emotional and aesthetic characteristics of the classroom tend to enhance students' attitude towards learning. School library environment can also be considered as the second teacher/librarian since space has the power to organize and promote pleasant relationships between people of different ages, to provide changes, to promote choices and activities and for its potential for sparking different types of social and affective learning (Okeke 2001). This corresponds with Sever's (1987) assertion that a learning environment consists of a wide set of features that affect learning, the library therefore complements the school by encouraging private study, which is required by students and teachers who want to achieve an academic height. According to Gbadamosi & Omotayo (1995), the extent to which many young people will be creative, informed, acquire knowledge and exhibit the trait of a well cultured individual within their own years will be shaped by the boundaries of the content of the library resources available within the support of the school. They also explain that the school on its own cannot achieve the laudable goals of Nigeria's education without the library. In the words of Achebe (2007), the school library requires three elements, namely, book and non book materials, accommodation and personnel to remain active. Among these elements the personnel has overriding importance because it is the qualified school library professional who needs to carry out the roles of planned programme involving teaching and learning activities that will have impact on teaching of students. IFLA (2015) purports that, the richness and quality of a school library program primarily depends upon the human resources available within and beyond a school library. This is because they work directly with the children and as such make a lot of impact in their lives. In order to meet the varied information needs of the pupils there is need for library building and resources; and since the resources cannot talk, there is need for a match maker, who is the librarian to match the pupils and teachers with the resources available.

The Role of School Library Education and Library are two inseparable/indivisible concepts, both being fundamentally and synchronically related to and co-exist with each other. One cannot be separated from the other. None of them is an end in itself; rather both of them together are a means to an ultimate end. One dies as soon as the other perishes. One survives as long as the other exists. This inter-relation, co-existence, the dependence of one upon the other have been coming down from the birth of human civilization to the posterity through a process of evolution in accord with varied needs, changes, and circumstances of various stages of human life (Ogbebor, 2011). A well-equipped library is a sine qua non for the intellectual, moral, and spiritual advancement and elevation of students, especially those at grass root level of education. It is an indispensable element of the absolute well-being of such students and that of their community/nation at large. Although students can acquire knowledge or information through other sources such as internet, radio, television, museums, and organizations, yet library is the most outstanding of such sources. Libraries make available all the relevant books and other materials almost free of charge, and students from both rich and poor home 49 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW can derive equal amount of advantages from such free service that helps in pursuing constructive education. According to Ojobor (2012), library is becoming more important than ever, particularly at this period in Nigeria when most parents, especially the low income earners, hardly purchase textbooks and other reading materials for their children due to economic hardship. Hence, a well-equipped school library contributes immensely in educating students through the provision of audio-visual resources to concretize abstract concept and extension services such as story hours, lectures, book exhibition, display of motion pictures, models, film strips and sound recording etc. As observed by Ogbebor (2011), these aids offered by library save people (students) from the hackneyed monotony of perusing books, and teach them practically on the spot. Further, school library enriches the knowledge of students in different subject areas, provides awareness to meet their information needs, supports educational, civil and cultural activities of the school and, as well, provides recreational opportunities and encourages constructive use of leisure time. The overview highlights the invaluable roles of library, especially at the foundation level, which serves as a pillar upon which other levels are built.

Methodology The study adopted a survey method of research design. It is basically concerned with current existing situation, attitudes and belief regarding particular phenomena. Babie (1983) observes that “survey research is the best method available to social and educational scientists who are interested in collecting original data for discussing the population observed directly”. Secondly, Kerlinger (1973) says that “the survey research is potentially useful technique in education and it is a valuable means of gathering data, particularly in a research effort comparing groups. This method is, therefore, used in this study to obtain information from the schools regarding the availability and accessibility of school libraries as an environment for learning in Nsukka Local Government Area. The population for the study consists of one hundred and eighteen public primary schools in Nsukka Local Government Area. From the target population of 118, a total of 7 public primary schools were chosen to serve as sample for the study. The advantage of drawing a small sample from a large population is that it saves the researcher the time and expense of studying the entire population (Borg and Gall, 1979:179-180).

Situation of some Selected School Librariesin Nsukka Nsukka is one of the seventeen local government area that constitute Enugu state. The town has one hundred and eighteen (118) public primary schools, among which seven public primary schools were randomly selected and used for the study. The schools under study include: Model Primary Schools (1-4), Agu-achara Primary School, Central School Nsukka, CentralSchool, Ede-Oballa, Union Primary School Nsukka, Community Primary School Nru (1 & 2) and Central School Nru. The choice for these schools is due to the fact that they have school libraries and have gained support from books donated by the Universal Basic Education (UBE). Besides, the Children Centre Library (CCL), University of Nigeria, Nsukka, has occasionally organized training and workshops for the head teachers and other teachers in these schools on the AN ASSESSMENT OF THE CONDITIONS OF SCHOOL LIBRARIES IN SEVEN SELECTED PUBLIC PRIMARY SCHOOLS IN NSUKKA LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF ENUGU STATE 50 importance of school library, the need for using library resources in teaching and learning and strategies to keep the library functioning, etc. Sometimes the training cum workshop will be held in their respective schools, while at times it holds in CCL. The present situation of the school libraries in these schools are discussed below. 1. Agu-Achara Primary School (1 &2): Each of these schools formerly has a functioning library with a full time school librarian that engaged the pupils in library activities like story hour, giving projects, assignment and loaning out books to the pupils. However, the present instruction from SUBEB to assign classes to non-teaching staff due to shortage of teachers has adversely affected the proper functioning of the school library. This is because the librarians being classroom teachers find it difficult to combine the class activities together with that of the library thus the libraries remain dormant. . 2. Central School Nsukka is a school located on the Y axis road of Nsukka town. The school formerly made use of a small room as its library and have a librarian that organized and controlled the library resources. But due to increasing number of pupils in the school, the library was converted to a classroom. That notwithstanding, the librarian continued the library activities in a small corner which is vulnerable to security problem. Despite his effort, the library finally collapsed owing to the instruction of the SUBEB to assign classes to non-teaching staff. This development resulted in a situation where the books are now being kept in locked boxes in head teacher's office. 3 Model Primary School (1-4): These were formally two schools each having its own library. But due to increasing number of pupils, the schools were expanded to four schools in the same compound, each having a separate administration excluding the library. Because there are only two libraries, two schools - Model 1 and 3 share a library, while Model 2and 4 share the other library. Model 1 and 3's library has a teacher librarian that has been involved in library workshops unlike her counterpart who has no knowledge of library although she was doing her best in involving the pupils in different library programmes. The problem with the Model 1 and 3 library started when the head teacher of Model 1 was transferred to another school. The new head teacher saw no reason for keeping the library where someone will sit and be doing nothing while others are busy with class activities. She therefore closed the library and sent the teacher librarian to class on the view that the school does not have enough teachers. A recent visit to the schoolrevealed that the library is now being used for staff meetings. On the other hand, the instruction of SUBEB resulted to non-functioning of Model 2 & 4 library. 4. Central School Nru: This school has varieties of library resources, but a non interested person as the librarian. After so much persuasion from the School Library Team of Children Centre Library of the University of Nigeria, there was a change which resulted in the posting of a new school librarian. The school started making use of their library resources for teaching and learning; and the librarian engaged the pupils to so many library programmes. Unfortunately, the Nsukka Local Government decided to widen the road beside the school and this affected some parts of the school building, including the school library thereby resulting in inadvertently closing down of the library. 5. Community Primary School 1 and 2 Nru: These two schools, especially CPS 1, were among the schools that have the best library resources. CPS 1 had a full time teacher librarian who devoted much of his time and interest in the library activities. Unfortunately, the school building dilapidated; although a new building was built for them by the UBE, yet the new building was too small compared to the population of the school. The pupils are crammed into the classrooms like sardines, no space for them to 51 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW move around, no office for the head mistress and no room for the library. The books and other library resources are packed in an un-organized way to the extent that some of the materials are being mutilated and scattered and consequently the teacher librarian has to be transferred to another school as classroom teacher. Similarly, the part time teacher librarian in School 2 has been withdrawn from the library leading to the closure of the school library. 6. Union Primary School Nsukka: The school formerly had a room as its library. The library was equipped with diverse book collections ranging from fictional, information books and reference collections with a teacher librarian in charge of the library. Due to increasing number of pupils in the school, the school had problem of inadequate classrooms and unfortunately converted the library to a classroom. The teacher librarian was then withdrawn from the library to the classroom. 7. Central School, Ede-Oballa: This is among the schools that benefited from the Universal Basic Education (UBE) programme, by getting access to various materials for the development of their library. The school is also a beneficiary of UNICEF experimental programme. With its resources, the school used to be one of the schools that had library activities to encourage pupils in reading and learning. Recently, due to their dilapidated building, part of the library has been converted to headmaster's office. Besides, with the instruction of the SUBEB, the teacher librarian is now a full time classroom teacher with no time for library activities.

Recommendations For school libraries, especially in Nsukka Local Government Area, to provide the desired information services and support teaching and learning in their respective schools, the study recommends that: 1. The governmentshould realize the contributions of libraries to the quality of education for children and be more concerned on issues of improving primary school libraries. 2. School library should be made compulsory in all schools, and a school librarian employed purposely for its proper functioning and to ensure that the school librarian is being treated equally with the classroom teachers in terms of remuneration and recognition. This recommendation agrees with the words of Elaturoti (2001) that making the appointment of a school librarian a duty post with career prospect will put an end to the persistent poor staffing of school libraries and bring a new dawn of school library development in Nigerian schools. 3. The government should ensure that there is sufficient number of teachers in schools. This will go a long way to stop the withdrawal of the school librarians to classroom due to insufficient teachers. 4. School library should provide an aesthetic and stimulating environment containing a variety of print and digital materials and offer opportunities for various activities ranging from quiet reading to group discussions and creative work. 5. Adequate funds should be provided to keep school libraries current. This will ensure provision of quality literatures both fictional and non-fictional together with other informative materials in the library. Provision of diverse interesting books will enable the students have access to different materials. However, non-book materials such as media resources, puppets, games, puzzles, display boards, drawings and other interesting things in our environment should also be provided if the library has sufficient fund. This will AN ASSESSMENT OF THE CONDITIONS OF SCHOOL LIBRARIES IN SEVEN SELECTED PUBLIC PRIMARY SCHOOLS IN NSUKKA LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF ENUGU STATE 52 create an environment conducive for reading and also make the children feel at home and comfortable. 6. The National Youth Service Corp Scheme should also be posting Youth Corp members, particularly those having library qualification, to school libraries. This will go a long way to revitalize the use of library resources, especially in schools where teacher librarians are in charge of the library.

Conclusion Based on the situation report of the schools under study, the paper concludes that school libraries in Nsukka Local Government Area are faced with enormous problems; among which are lack of substantive school librarians, instruction from SUBEB and lack of proper funding, etc. Inability to overcome these challenges undermined the effort to function and support their respective schools in carrying out their curriculum requirements. This affects the quality of primary education in Nsukka Local Government Area.

References Achebe (2007).Human Resources Factor in the Development of Appropriate Information Literacy Skills of the Nigerian School Child; the Role of the Teacher Librarian in Elaturoti(ed.) Nigerian School Library Journal Vol.6, p.1 Adeyinka, T et al (2010). Student Use of the Library: A Case Study at Akanu Ibiam Federal Polytechnic, Unwana, Nigeria Aguolu, C.C. (2002). Libraries and Information Management in Nigeria Maiduguri: ED- LINFORM, p219. Amusa, O.I. and Iyoro, A.O. (2013). Influence of library environments, instructional programs and user-librarian collaborations on library use by undergraduate students in Nigeria. Chinese Librarianship: an international Electronic Journal, 35. Available at http://www.iclc.us/cliej/cl35AI.pdf Aramide, K.A.& Elaturoti, D. F. (2013). Assessment of Resources inputs and Service Delivery in School Library Media Centres in Nigeria: Implications for Basic and Post-Basic Education in Nigeria School Library Journal Babbie, E. (1983). The practice of social research. Balmont California: Wedsworti. Borg and Gall (1979). Educational research: An introduction. New York: Longman. Daniel, C.I.(2004).Effort Activities at schools' level by Principals, Headmasters, PTA to support provision of library services in school : the case of Abuja Federal Capital Territory. Nigerian School Library Journal 5(1). Dike, V.W.(1997). Issues in school librarianship in the developing countries. In proceedings of the IFLA pre-session seminar on school libraries, caldes de Montbui (Barcelona), Spain, 16-20 August. The Hague: IFLA. 1-13. Elaturoti, D.F. (2001). Personnel requirement for effective school library service in the implementation of Universal Basic Programme in Nigeria. Nigeria School Library Journal, vol.4, nos 1and 2. Erinle, K.(1997).Managing school libraries resources problems in Nigeria: the Kwara State experience. International Journal of Education Management 2(1) Federal Republic of Nigeria (2004). National Policy on Education Lagos: NERDC. 53 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW Gbadamosi, M. & Omotayo, B. (1995). Essentials of library education. Lagos, Omas Publishers Ltd. Gotsch, J. and Holliday, D. Library Environment & Student Study Habit Survey, (Oakdale:DowlingCollege, 1–4 http:/ www.dowling.edu/library/about/dh.html and http://www.dowling.edu/library/about/jg.html. (Accessed January 15, 2007.) International Federation of School Library Association (IFLA2015). IFLA School Library Guidelines. Retrieved fromhttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ Kerlinger (1973). Foundation of behavioural research: Education and psychological inquiry. New York: Rinehart and Winston Inc. Ogbebor, (2011). Library resources and their role in education. Internet material available at http//www.libcreativecommons.org/licenses. Ojobor, R.C. (2012). “Utilization of Telecommunication Facilities in Federal University Libraries in Enugu and . Unpublished MLS project in the Department of Library and Information Science University of Nigeria, Nsukka. Okeke, E.A.C. (2001). International Journal of Education Research 5.98. Institute of Education University of Nigeria Nsukka. Sever, I. (I987), “Children and Territory in a Library Setting,” Library and Information Science Research p.99. Smith, D. (2001). Massachusetts reaches out and spreads the word about library media centres. Book Report (19) 14,10-11. 54

A RECONSIDERATION OF THE ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF LEISURE AND ENTERTAINMENT IN THE TRADITIONAL JUKUN SOCIETY

Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo E-mail: [email protected]

Magaji Peninnah Joseph Department of General Studies College of Agriculture, Jalingo E-mail: [email protected] & Ruth Samuel Agbu Department of History & Diplomatic Studies Federal University, Wukari. E-mail: samuelruth52.com.gmail.com Phone: 08036612187

Abstract Leisure and entertainment are integral parts of any society, differing in forms and meanings, styles and symbols. This is the case in African societies. However, historians have seldom shown much interest in discussing the role of leisure and entertainment in the development of African traditional societies, thus neglecting an essential part of the African history. Consequently, this paper isolates the Jukun traditional society in the Lower Benue Valley and discusses how leisure and entertainment contributed to its development. This paper relies on oral sources, published and digital data to give a holistic analysis of leisure and entertainment in Jukun traditional society. Key words: Leisure, Entertainment, Development, Impact, Traditional and Jukun.

Introduction Leisure is as old as the human society and has been integral part of human life from when man began to live in organized societies. Leisure has always been part of the way of life of Africans, because to them, music, song and dance – leisure activities, go hand in hand and to separate them into distinct categories is virtually impossible. Leisure is also an inherent part of African culture and it is part of their life blood. It is intrinsic to their way of life. Different forms of social activities such as games, music, dance, story-telling, proverbs and so on, which are very entertaining, are performed mostly during leisure time, when the people have returned from their day's work for the purpose of relaxation, amusement, pleasure, enjoyment, education, entertainment and compensation for the energy lost at work. Perhaps, the greatest problem is that, historians have seldom shown much interest in the question of explaining people's use of leisure time. Until recently, most historians have studied the deeds of politicians, generals, intellectuals, and perhaps business men, but the scope of the people's leisure time was considered as “Private” and cordoned off from serious historical inquiry1. To be sure, leisure has had a place in the study of everyday life 55 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW and popular culture, but scholars have usually undertaken this topic for ulterior purposes, such as the study of class, gender, or political change. Consequently, historians have neglected the study of the emergence of modern leisure time and its changing meaning as an activity of intrinsic value. It is on the background above that this paper discusses the role of leisure in Jukun traditional society. There is evidence to show that different types of social activities are carried out during their leisure period and these activities are entertaining, educative and enjoyable. The task of this paper is to locate, collect, analyze and interpret the data from the Jukun perspective, so as to give meaning and understanding to how leisure has contributed to their traditional and individual developments, with the objective of contributing and enriching studies on the social .

Conceptualising Leisure and Traditional Society In historical inquiry, it is fundamental to provide clarification for the basic concepts that form the framework of any study in order to illuminate the substance, pattern and direction of the work. More so, explaining the way and manner in which the concepts are conceived and used in any work makes the discussion comprehensible, thus enhancing its simplicity and understanding.In this paper, leisure and traditional society are clearly explained in their simplest manner to give a clear understanding of the discussion. The meaning of leisure has undergone many changes during the course of the 20th century, “from positivist to post-structuralist paradigms, from Marxism and feminism to post-colonialism and globalization to approaches that emphasized structure and agency, class and culture, natural or global trends in the creation and consumption of leisure.”2 That is to say, leisure is perceived and conceived differently by different people, or there are different ways of understanding leisure by different people. Zeleza notes that, leisure is a phenomenon that is found everywhere, in developed and developing countries, poor or rich communities, yet it assumes different forms and meanings, styles and symbols as it is moulded and marked by the spatial, temporal and social particularities of place, time and society, of geography, history, and social structure3. Leisure constitutes a common feature of social life, but it remains difficult to define. It is created and consumed, but in ways that is complex and contradictory, it is something that we all seem to recognize when we see it. Then, what is leisure? Etymologically, Kraus notes that, the English word 'Leisure' seems to be derived from the Latin word 'Zicere', meaning, 'to be permitted' or 'to be free'. Then from Zicere came the French word 'Losir', meaning, 'free time', suggesting free choice and the absence of compulsion4. Even though there is no universal definition of leisure and there is no agreement on its specific role for the individual, or for the wider society, many scholars have come up with explanations on leisure. Zeleza notes that, to many people, leisure is perceived in terms of time after work, or in relations to particular activities or with reference to a specific quality of experience, or on the basis of its utility for individual or society. Thus, leisure is conceived as residual time, as activities, as freedom, or as functional5. As residual, scholars such as Bammel and Bammel6, Godbey,7 see leisure as that “time left over when the necessities of life have been taken care of.” Leisure is seen as time when one is not involved in an activity for which he receives money. However, this definition tends to ignore or under value the leisure of those outside paid employment, including house wives and the unemployed. Consequently, Dumazedier sees leisure as an activity beyond the necessity of labour and A RECONSIDERATION OF THE ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF LEISURE 56 AND ENTERTAINMENT IN THE TRADITIONAL JUKUN SOCIETY the bonds of the family and society8, for the improvement of skills and the free exercise of his creative capacity. This definition signifies that, leisure is not only non-working time, but also beyond social obligations. Thus, it is conceived as individual's own world, time belonging only to him. Therefore, leisure can be defined as the activities undertaken by individuals for the purpose of pleasure, amusement and enjoyment in their free time. Kraus sees it as that portion of an individual's time that is not directly devoted to work or work – connected responsibilities or to other obligated forms of maintenance or self-care. Leisure equally implies freedom and choice and is customarily usedin a variety of ways, but chiefly to meet one's personal need for reflection, self-enrichment, relaxation, or pleasure9. Zeleza notes that, in addition, such leisure activities can themselves involve paid work. One can play football both for pleasure and as a source of income, as in the case of professional footballers. Similarly, one can go to a football match for fun and out of obligation to watch a child play10. This points to the difficulties of defining leisure activities because any activity may mean different things to different people. Many of the activities defined as leisure are often characterized as playful and pleasurable, but all too often, the emphasis is on active rather than passive leisure, on institutionalized leisure forms such as sports and the arts, not informal or unorganized leisure such as visiting friends, or gardening for pleasure or even sex. To some, leisure implies freedom, a state of being that is intrinsically rewarding, and an end in itself that requires no instrumental justification. Contrary to the foregoing view is the conception of leisure as functional, as a means of achieving desirable objectives for individuals and especially for society either in the name of social control or social service. According to this perspective, leisure is depicted positively as therapeutic or remedial, and negatively as compensatory or sublimatory. Such an approach emphasizes the content and social consequences of leisure, as well as the importance of leisure policies, and rationales used by leisure providers.11 From the definitions, separately, each captures a limited aspect of leisure, but collectively they point to different dimensions of this fascinating and complex social phenomenon. Leisure experience induces psychological and physiological responses and it is developmental, and educational, generate stimulus-seeking behaviour and it is vehicle for socialization, compensation and sublimation for attitudes and activities that cannot find expression elsewhere in social life. Therefore, leisure can be seen as the time social activities are carried out during and after work for the relaxation, enjoyment and pleasure of the people in order to enhance the body system for better performance. These activities come in forms of sports, games, music, dance, song, folktales and others, offering both physiological and psychological therapy. This paper discusses leisure based on African traditional society, a non-westernized African society. By traditional society, it refers to African social activities that were, and are still, performed by the Africans before and after colonialism such as their traditional games, songs and music dances, storytelling and so on. These activities, despite the consequences of colonization, have not been meddled with to a certain level.

The Jukun. The Jukun are presently found in the Benue Valley area of Nigeria, particularly in the region popularly referred to as the region. They are found in Benue, Nasarawa, Plateau and Gombe States, with their largest concentration in Taraba State12. They are classified into different groups such as the Wanu, Wapan, Kona, Kpanzon, as JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 57 well as other smaller groups that are related to them in terms of language (Jukunoid) classification. This paper isolates and describes leisure activities of the Wapan group, in particular, who are found in Wukari, Ibi and Gassol LGAs of Taraba State and in Awe LGA of Nasarawa State. Wukari has been the capital of the entire Jukun people after the disintegration of Kwararafa, and the seat of the paramount ruler of the entire Jukun race, the Aku-Uka.13 Their political organization as examined by writers such as Meek,14 Saad,15 Sukuji16 and Hamman17, among others, indicate that they established a theocratic system of government with the Aku at the helm of affairs linking the entire kingdom with the gods.This structure made the people to refer to their king as a representative of the gods and thus accorded him absolute allegiance. Economically, the Jukun were traditionally agriculturalists who adopted farming as their main stay of the economy, and even into the post-colonial period, despite contact with other cultures, which introduced other means of livelihood. Due to the nature of farming which was tedious, the Jukun needed free time to renew their lost energy. Thus, in the Jukun traditional society, there was leisure time and there were different activities carried out during this time which were entertaining, educating, and therapeutic physically and psychologically.

Leisure in Jukun Society. The Jukun people (Wapan) were predominantly agriculturalists who largely depended on farming for survival. Therefore, their time, traditionally, was classified in accordance to the principle of farming as noted by Meek that: His (Jukun) struggle for existence is unceasing throughout the year. He performs the agricultural operations during the rainy season which lasts for six months, including the preparation for farm during the hot season before the rains and the final work of harvesting the guinea corn after the cessation of the rains covering a period of nine months.18 If out of twelve months, nine were used for work, how about their resting period (leisure) and what activities were carried out during such period? In the remaining three months, the compounds were prepared and other religious obligations and ceremonies which were pleasurable were performed. There were also a variety of social duties which could not have been performed during the period of farming, such as visitations to distant relatives and friends, attending marriage ceremonies and other socio-cultural festivals. Agbu notes that, “apart from the daily leisure time and activities after work, the Jukun, traditionally, had leisure period between the months of February to April of the year, when farming activities had reduced to a minimal level, that is the period of heat”.19 This is to say, on daily basis, they had time for rest during which they performed some socio-cultural activities that were very significant in the development of their society generally and on individual basis, in particular. What were those traditional activities performed during leisure in Jukun (Wapan) society? Among the Jukun (Wapan) society, due to their engagement in agricultural activities, their traditional leisure activities were based on a typical agricultural house-hold, according to their age, and sex. During their leisure period, activities such as games, songs, music and dance, story-telling, proverbs and riddles, traditional wrestling, arts and crafts, marriage ceremonies, naming ceremonies, and thanksgiving festivals at the end of the farming year A RECONSIDERATION OF THE ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF LEISURE 58 AND ENTERTAINMENT IN THE TRADITIONAL JUKUN SOCIETY were carried out. These activities were very amusing, entertaining, educative and therapeutic. Games: Among the traditional games of the Jukun (Wapan) were the traditional draft called Ado, others wereAga, Langa, Vinvin and traditional wrestling called Anga.Ado was a board game played by both male and female, especially during the dry season. However, it was also played during the rainy season after the day's work. The nature and mode of playing the game differed between the males and females. The women used a wooden board, consisting two lines of six holes, while sometimes, the younger females made holes on the ground in place of the board. Four pieces of either nuts or stones were placed in each of the hole, and the first turn player (by agreement) removed the four pieces from any of the holes and starts dropping each stone into the other holes in anti-clock-wise manner. Whenever a player's last piece fell into an empty hole, she stops and her opponent starts her own move. However, if a player's last piece fell on an occupied hole, she collects all the pieces in that hole and continue the round. To determine a winner, a player's last piece must fall in a hole that has three other pieces including her own piece, making it four. Whenever this happens, she collects the four pieces and puts them aside as her “children”. If during the rounds, she completes a four before coming to her pawn, she could claim the four pieces if they were on her side of the board. But if she completes the four on her opponent's side, the later collects the pieces, provided the four had not been completed by her opponent's last piece. This game was played by two players at a time and it was a game of strategy and chance.20 The belief was that, winners did had supernatural aid. Unlike the females, the male's style of playing ado differed. In place of the board, thirty holes were prepared on the ground, arranged in a rectangular fashion, so that a side had six holes while the other had five, and each of the two players employ twelve pieces only, so that, six of the holes are left empty, while the younger boys played with nine holes only (three in each side), each player having four pieces. In this game, the player was to organize the play so that, three of his pieces form a line, and then he could confiscate one of his opponent's pieces. The right to make the initial move at the beginning of the game was a matter of agreement between the two players, but subsequently, the winner of a previous game was entitled to the first move, and who ever made the first move was considered or referred to as the “king”. Ado game was of strategy and chance, and the players had to use their psychological reasoning to win. After twelve defeats by a player, he was considered as a “wife” of the winner. This game played a fundamental role in their societal development. It did not only enhanced their mental capability to calculate and know where to begin and end in order to outsmart a contestant, but it was a form of traditional recreation that promoted reasoning exactitude. Aga was another game played by the young girls. It was a game where young girls made a hole on the ground containing about six to twelve stones produced by the players, mostly two to three at a time. Each of the players was expected to hold a bigger stone which during her turn, she throws up into the air and park out the smaller stones from the hole and push them back leaving a certain number depending on the level of the game before the bigger stone comes down for her to catch. The more accurately a player played, the more she won seeds which were referred to as her “children”. However, if in the course of throwing up the big stone, the player failed to park out and push back the stones as expected or the big stone fells on the ground, the player was considered to have lost the game and her opponent took over. The process of this game was called “kwa-ga” in Jukun (Wapan) language and it JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 59 taught the players how to be accurate and focused in their daily endeavours. A winner of this game was determined by the number of stones a player was able to pick for herself accurately. This game, apart from being very interesting, entertaining and educative among Jukun girls in their traditional society, it enhanced their ability to concentrate and be exact in their domestic chores. It also promoted cordial relationship among the Jukun girls of the same families, compounds, and communities. Through this game, the girls got refreshed psychologically for their subsequent socio-economic activities. The Jukun (Wapan) traditional society also favoured another game called “Adzwe”. Itwas a game of two sides, each consisted of about six youths armed with bows, arrows and spears. A nut or pumpkin was thrown in-between them and they were to shoot at it. The side that scored the greater number of hits was declared winner and had the right to mount the backs of the members of the losing team. On another style, a particular person was to drag a pumpkin tied with rope in a high speed while the other players were to run after it, shooting with their arrows and spears to hit the target. This game was to prepare the Jukun youth for hunting and warfare; it was thus, a training ground for the Jukun youth.21 It involved physical skills and strategy. There was also the “Vinvin” mostly played by young men and children. In this game, two people would place a log of wood on the ground with a sharp edge facing upward while another log of wood with an opening at its center was placed on the sharp edged wood on the ground. The two players sat at the opposite end of the log of wood that is placed on the sharp edge, using their legs to spin the wood to rotate faster and faster. As the wood rotates, they became dazed and some would even fall on the ground. This game, apart from the fun and pleasure it offered, it compensated for the stress of their day's work and corrected the mood of the children and the youths, thus offering them a psychological therapy which prepared them for the subsequent day's work. Wrestling was another popular leisure activity among the traditional Jukun society popular known as Anga, it was practiced by young unmarried men and boys to exhibit their physical strength and skills among their peers in their various communities. This game involved two or more players at a particular time in a physical struggle, each person trying to dominate by throwing the opponent on his back with his head touching the ground. It was a male affair watched by the females, accompanied with musical tones and dances. Traditional wrestling among the Jukun traditional society was popular and its rules forbade brutality and dangerous grip. It forbade physical blow, and once it started to turn into open fight, the elders usually stopped the game.22 Through traditional wrestling, friendship was stiffened among peers and there was always mutual respect among the youths in the community. The game prepared the Jukun youth for any physical combat and for self-defense. Closely related to 'Anga' was the 'Langa', an interesting game that also tested the strength and physical skills of young Jukun men. This was a game of two sides of between two to ten competitors, each person holding his one leg with his one hand behind his buttocks and jumping on the other leg towards a certain target. Each side had a point man who was called the 'king' and he was to be protected as he jumped towards the goal point by his fellow players while the opponents tried to stop him by all means through pushing him to fall as they protected their own king also. Once a player was pushed by the opponent and he losts grip of his one leg, he was considered to have lost out and he was required to stay outside the field of play until the game was over. A side was considered winner only A RECONSIDERATION OF THE ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF LEISURE AND ENTERTAINMENT IN THE TRADITIONAL JUKUN SOCIETY 60 when their king jumped through the opponents and touched the goal point without being thrown down by the opponents or lost grip of his leg held behind his buttocks. Just like the 'anga', the 'Langa' was a game of physical skills and strategy which prepared the Jukun youth towards any physical combat, self-defense and protection of any valuable. These games, as discussed, were very interesting, pleasurable, entertaining, educative and also therapeutic physiologically and psychologically. Note that, due to their socio-economic life traditionally, the Jukun needed to, and lived a healthy and strong life style which through these games, inculcated into them how to defend themselves, their communities and their valuables against invading enemies. It also made them strong and healthy (physically and psychologically), thus provided them the needed physio-psychological therapy which in-turn contributed to their well-being and enhanced their socio-economic productivity. Music, Songs and Dances: These were other social activities performed by the Jukun (Wapan) during their leisure. In almost all their socio-cultural festivals, marriages and naming ceremonies, coronation of traditional title holders, and funeral ceremonies, music, songs and dances were performed with local instruments such as the drums (akun),birizan, waya, Akpati, calabash, harp, flutes and others to produce sweet sounds that altogether made dances very entertaining and educating. Music played the following functions in the traditional Jukun society: i. The inspire Jukun traditional religious worshippers to express their loyalty to their deities and also helped them appease their gods. ii. To inspire communal farmers to compete favourably among themselves through energizing them. iii. To solicit for supernatural assistance. iv. To charge and encourage the soldiers as they engaged in territorial defense and expansion. v. To communicate messages and preache good morals and values to the Jukun people at social gatherings such as coronation, marriages, naming ceremonies and so on. vi. Used as an agent of social control; used to criticize and discourage bad habits in the society such as theft, adultery, prostitution, witchcraft and so on. vii. Used for psychotherapy on people who passed through acute grief, restlessness, extreme fatigue, abrupt change of mood and so on. Thus, music was a curative agent in treating psychological and emotionally induced disorders. One popular example of Jukun songs is: Zhen Wapan nibi ige pu, apu ra cibu yaku bada Apu ra kotsu ba ngyima, apu ra cibu yaku bada Zhen Wapan nibi ige pu, apu ra cibu yaku bada. Translation: Jukun (Wapan) race, come let us plait our hair for this has been from the beginning of Jukun race. This is locust beans and salt; plaiting of hair has been from the beginning of Jukun race. The Jukun had traditional dances such as Ajo-Akishe, Ajo-Niku, Ajo-Bwi, Ajo- Dungbanyin, Ajo-Kovo, Agyogo, Ajo-Garaza, among others. They also had several social masquerades such as Agashi, Akuma, Atukon, Ashama, Aku-Washon and Nyadodo who danced during social occasions to entertain the people. similarly, they had social festivals such as Puje festival. 61 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW Dances were means of enculturation and socialization among people. It safeguarded the traditionally established social and political hierarchy and consequently the standard of behavior and morality within the traditional Jukun society.During these social occasions, singers, dancers and drummers became popular and many young people started relationships that ended in marriages. Storytelling, Proverbs and Riddles: In Jukun traditional society, storytelling, proverb and riddles were also part of the activities performed during leisure for entertaining and educating the younger generation. These were manifested in many ways and were used for many purposes such as interpreting the universe, resolving natural and physical phenomena, teaching morals, maintaining cultural values, passing on methods of survival and praising the creator, among other functions. The Jukun told stories about their gods, their king, brave men and women, leading men and women, terrific people, wise people and so on for the younger generation to learn how to live their lives in the society so as to be acceptable citizens. Through these stories, proverbs and riddles, the elders passed knowledge on their traditions, cultures, values and norms to the younger generation.23 In the Jukun traditional society, storytelling, proverbs or riddles were mostly told after supper (mostly with moon light) when the evening greetings had been done. The younger ones sat around the elderly (males or females) who told stories that were heart touching, entertaining and educative, preparing them on how to live with their friends, relatives and strangers. Similarly, the proverbs and riddles were used in entertaining and educating the younger generation, making them to become critical and analytical in reasoning all the time. Examples of Jukun proverbs and their English meaning include: Adi ta wuwa nde mbu sin dun: Meaning, the moment a woman is satisfied with what she needs at a particular time, whatever that is disturbing you or worrying you will not be her problem again. Tinto tswan nu Gbadu: In life, so many people are faced with much sufferings that are above their capacity or suffering more than expected. Aswe nakin ni Nwuwi: A situation of transfer of aggression to a subordinate consequential of your problem with a superior Byezu Kanken: Sometimes in life even if we cannot stand the challenge ahead of us, we should not just run away but pretend to be bold to the situation, it may not be as hard as we think. Azhii jibu daji yinghen: The children's insubordination or misbehaviour are always the pain of the elderly. Avokun ri baa Nokun ba: Just as the leper's fingers are not disgusting to him while he eats, so some peoples' children and property are to them no matter how bad the society sees them. Beri nde be vonyi dzo agbadu ki fomba: In this life, nothing goes for nothing. One must use something valuable to get what he wants. You can't look for success empty handed. Fyunwo dipa pen vya: The wicked or the evil person does not care or feel the pain of other people. Aba mbyakidia kanshen ba: On seeing something that would put one into trouble, one need to run away from it. No one likes to suffer, so one should be careful not to be involved in things that will lead to trouble. Apyu mba tsun: In life, a child is expected to grow and become greater than his father. However, whenever a child is considered as not successful as his father in the society, he is A RECONSIDERATION OF THE ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF LEISURE 62 AND ENTERTAINMENT IN THE TRADITIONAL JUKUN SOCIETY considered a waste. Thus, fire giving birth to ash. Ka pan jo bu asi ba byu ba: Do not make a friendship like that of yam and palm oil. The combination of yam and palm oil looks suitable, but there is no real intermixture. That is, do not make friend with a person whom you only know superficially. Avin wa kapyen ri wa janjen ba: The first horse that gets to the water will never drink dirty water. Meaning, at all-timea, one need to be serious and promptly. Ka ta afye kizo adun ba: Do not sow your Bambara seed before the Monkey, meaning, one need to keep a secret and never to expose it. More so, examples of Jukun stories told at their leisure time includes: The unfaithful friend; Nine days for the thief; Narrow escape; Betrayal of trust; When the going gets tough …, and others. Betrayal of Trust: There lived a long time ago, a certain man who did not want to offend anybody. He did not want to offend the Aku and Abon and so he decided to go and stay alone in a thick forest. One day, he was surprised tosee Agye, the Hare, in his house. He asked Agye of his mission to his house and Agye said there was no problem, that all was well. I just decided to pay you a friendly visit, said Agye. 'Just to pay me a visit?' Asked the man with fear. 'Yes, just to pay you a visit' said Agye again. The man accommodated and took good care of Agye. After a day, Agye left for his home. The man was happy that Agye has left him. However, not too long, there was a great feast that was about to take place in the town. During the feast, as custom demands, the Aku will grace the occasion. He went into his room to put on his 'Akya', the title regalia, but to his dismay, the box that contained the regalia was nowhere to be found. The Aku was angry and ordered that each person's house should be searched. This was done, but the box could not be found. Agye asked the Aku if the house of the man who claimed that he doesn't want to offend anybody has been searched. The Aku, knowing very well why the man had isolated himself from other people, said it was not necessary to search the man's house. But Agye, the Hare, insisted that the man's house must be searched. 'If something is missing, you should go to look for it, besides a person that is looking for something is like a fool', said Agye. He insisted that the man's house should be searched, that he doesn't trust the man. So the Aku ordered his men to go into the forest to search the man's house. Unknown to anybody, Agye, the Hare, was the one that stole the box which contained the Aku's regalia and hid it in the very room the man accommodated him during his last visit. As the men who were ordered to go and search the man's house were going, Agye also accompanied them. As they reached the man's house, and after informing the man of their mission, they started to search the house. Just as they were still searching the man's private bedroom, Agye called out to them to search the particular room that he was lodged into during his last visit. He was even the first person to enter the room and shouted, 'What is this? What is this? And yet he denied that he didn't know anything about the Aku's stolen box'. The man was shocked and speechless because he didn't know anything about it. Yes, Agye, the Hare, had visited him. He had accommodated him here in this very room. Since Agye left, he had not bothered himself to look into the room. Yes, Agye must have stolen the box and hid it here, just to implicate him. Now, who will believe him that he was not the one that kept the box there? The man was arrested and taken to the Aku's palace. The Aku was surprised at the news that his box was found in the house of the man who said he did not want to offend anybody. It is believed that fire can only be found in the blacksmith's workshop, but now it was found in the 'Sunkpa' where knitting of cloth was carried out. People began to 63 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW laugh at the man, calling him all sorts of unpleasant names. Hot tears began to chase one another from his eyes. Agye made jest of him, saying, 'Mbya Khende waa a nua chi. Avyu' (Look at his mouth, thief). He knows everything and that is why he is crying, look at his mouth, Thief.' On and on Agye insulted the man. The Aku proclaimed that the man should be killed. A day was fixed for his execution, and on the eve of his execution, he pleaded with the Aku to allow him go home and share his assets among his children so as to avoid any conflict among them after he was gone. Agye protested to the Aku that the man should not be allowed to go, that if he is allowed to go, he will run away. But the Aku said he should be allowed to go. The Aku believed he will not run away. As the man was released, he went into his farm. As he was going round the farm, he was crying bitterly. Atsen, the python, heard the cry and came to find out what was it that was making the man to cry so bitterly like that. 'Joro (My friend), what is making you cry like this?' asked the Python. 'I have never seen you so bitter like today' The man told Atsen, the Python, everything that happened right from the time Agye paid him a visit, to how he accommodated and fed him, to his departure, to the visit of the Aku's guards, the discovery of the Aku's box in his house, his arrest and finally his execution the next day as proclaimed by the Aku. 'So my friend, tomorrow I will be executed for a crime I have not committed', said the man to Atsen, the Python. Atsen, on hearing all that the old man told him, took pity on the man and told him not to worry. 'Do you say I should not worry?', the man asked Atsen, the Python'. 'Yes, don't worry. Go back to the Aku's palace, don't try to escape. I will help you. If Agye, the Hare, thinks he is wise, I will teach him not to be creating untold hardship to other people'. Atsen, the Python, told the man that he will bite the Aku's youngest wife who was the Aku's most beloved among all his numerous wives. And that nobody would be able to cure her but the man, and he told him how he will do it. Evening was approaching when he returned to the Aku's palace. He was handcuffed. The Aku's youngest wife was to spend that night with the Aku. She had just finished her menstruation, that evening she was very excited. At every mere talk, she will boast into laughter. That day she felt the time was not moving at all. She wished the night will approach on time so that she will go to the king's room. As the night was approaching, she took her bath admiring her 'jegeda' (waist beads). When it was dark enough to go to the room, she picked her way to the king's room. “Wehhhyohhh!”, there was a painful scream from the Aku's youngest wife. The Aku heard the scream and called out, 'what is it, sweet heart?' Your Highness, I'm bitten by a snake', said the woman in pain. Terrible! Terrible! A snake has bitten the wife of the Aku just at the night that they would want to have each other. It is terrible. The Aku ordered for all the medicine men to treat his wife. All came to administer to her, but the woman was dying. Then the man who was framed up for the stealing of the Aku's box by Agye said he had a cure for the Aku's wife. The Aku ordered for the release of the man from the chain. When he was brought to the dying woman, he told Aku that there was one particular item that he will want to use, but the item was very difficult to find. The king told him that even if it means offering a human being, he will kill one of his children. But the man said it was not a human being. 'Kai!, that thing is very difficult to get', said the man again. 'If I can get it, your wife will recover instantly'. Just mention it, said the Aku, even if it is a human being, I'll kill one of my children', said the king again. 'Kai!, truly it is difficult. Yes, if I can get Agye's tongue, then the entire problem will be solved', said the man. At the mention of Agye's tongue, Agye said, 'Hear him, when has he become a medicine man that he will use Hare's tongue for medicine? He is lying. He is looking for a favour'. The Aku was eager to A RECONSIDERATION OF THE ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF LEISURE 64 AND ENTERTAINMENT IN THE TRADITIONAL JUKUN SOCIETY hear what can be used for a cure to his dying wife. On hearing that Agye's tongue was what they needed, he called on him to come closer. Agye protested that it was not true that the man was a genuine medicine man. However, when he saw that the Aku did not want to listen to him, he said 'even if they should use my tongue for medicine, it is just a bit part of it that will be used' and wanted to take to his heels. As he was about to flee, he was caught on his legs and his tongue was severed from his mouth and was given to the man who added some substance and gave it to the woman who took it, sneezed and recovered instantly from the snakebite. To this effect, the Aku said the man was granted amnesty. The story taught the people that, evil doers and evil deeds would never go unpunished. Thus, it was used as a curative measures against falsity and pretense in the Jukun traditional society. The late Luka Agbu observed that: Different lessons are learnt from Jukun stories such as beingcareful with friends and strangers in all endeavours becausesome people will always want to get favour from the highly placed through gossip against others; we should not plan evil against others because it can back-fire sometimes, we should be careful with friends, for not all friends give good advice and we should always have secret plans in case of danger;we should be wise in difficult situations such as hunger, or war and we should never have sexual feelings for our friend's wives among other lesson. In fact, Jukun stories were lessons for day to day living. Conclusion. Leisure is one such activity of daily life whose systematic study has the potential of deepening our understanding of the dynamics of African societies. Thus, given that, the subject of leisure can be approached from the descriptive angle and observes that, despite the lack of documentation on the leisure activities of the Jukun, they had leisure time and several activities were carried out in such period traditionally such as games (Ado, Adzwe, Langa, Angaetc), music, songs and dances, storytelling, proverbs and riddles which offered pleasure that induced feelings of well-being. They incited pleasure, served up vicarious experiences of decadent wealth as well as taught moral lessons. Furthermore, these leisure activities induced psychological and physiological responses, thus therapeutic, contributing to the development of the Jukun traditional society because of its entertainment and educational importance. However, with the introduction of Colonial rule, Christianity and Westernization, the modern Jukun society has abandoned some of the traditional leisure activities such as the traditional wrestling, the langa, the vinvin, story-telling and proverbs. In their places, they adopted modern leisure activities such as playing football and tennis, watching cinema and videos, involvement in modern musical entertainment, among other. It is vital to note that, the traditional leisure and entertainment activities are equally as important to the modern society and the modern leisure and entertainment activities, if not even more important. Therefore, there is the need for the preservation of the Jukun traditional socio-cultural activities through the re-introduction of the abandoned traditional leisure and entertainment activities. 65 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW References 1. Bammel, B.Leisure and Human Behaviour, USA:W.C Brown, 1992. 2. Cross,G. A Social History of Leisure since 1600. Oxford: Venture Publishing, Inc,1990. 3. Dawuda, A. (81years) Oral Interview at Wukari on 01/06/2016. 4. Dumazedier, J.Towards Society of Leisure, (trans…) E.M Steward. London: The Free Press, 1967. 5. Godbey. G.Leisure in Youth Life: An Exploration. Pennsylvania: Venture Publishing Inc, 1990. 6. Hamman, M.The Middle Benue Region and the Sokoto Jihad, 1812-1869. Kaduna: Arewa House, 2007. 7. Haywood, L.F.K and Bramham, PUnderstanding Leisure. London: Hutchinson, 1989. 8. Jibrin, A. (78years) Oral Interview at Wukari on 01/06/2016. 9. Kraus, R.Recreation and Leisure in Modern Society, 5thed Sudbury, Massachusetts: Jones and Barlett, 2001. 10. Late Rev. Luka, A. Audio Record at Wukari in 1994. 11. Magaji, A. (86years) Oral interviews atWukari on 01/06/2016. 12. Meek, C.K, Sudanese Kingdom: An Ethnographical Study of the Jukun-Speaking Peoples of Nigeria. London: Paul Kegan, 1931. 13. Sa'ad, A, “Pre-Colonial Government and Administration among the Jukun” Inaugural Lecture Series No.38, University of Maiduguri, 1986. 14. Samuel, A. (78years) Oral Interview at Jalingo on 06/06/2016. 15. Sukuji, B, The History of Jukun and Kwararafa Kingdom. Kaduna: Merry-Time Associated Press and Publishers, 1995. 16. Zeleza, P.T, “Introduction; The Creation and Consumption of Leisure; Theoretical and Methodological Considerations”,Zeleza, P.T and Veney, C.R(eds.,) Leisure in Urban Africa. Trenton,NJ:Africa World Press, Inc. 2003 px. 17. M. Hamman, The Middle Benue Region and the Sokoto Jihad… 18. C.K Meek, Sudanese Kingdom…p.391. 19. Dawuda Agbu, 81yrs, Oral Interview at Wukari on 01/06/2016. 20. C.K Meek, Sudanese Kingdom, … p.391. 21. Samuel Adda, 78yrs, Oral Interview at Jalingo on 06/06/2016. 22. Magaji Addakenjo, 86yrs, Oral Interview at Wukari on 01/06/2016. 23. Jibrin Amfani, 78yrs, Oral Interview at Wukari on 01/06/2016. 24. Late Rev. Luka Agbu, Audio Record, 1994. 66

THE MULTIFACETED IMPORTANCE OF ARABIC LANGUAGE IN THE NIGERIAN SOCIETY

Busari, Kehinde Kamorudeen, PhD Department of Religion and African Culture, Faculty of arts, AdekunleAjasin University, Akungba – Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. Phone: 08033548370

Abstract Arabic, the language of Education, Commerce and Politics, whose early history is not very much known, became strengthened with the revolution of the Qur'an, the book of Islam in the Arabiclanguage. The potency of the language became fortified in terms of imaginative capability and communicative adequacy when non-Arabs embraced Islam and used it as the medium of communication, scientific medium and literary expression. It is no gainsaying that Arabic speaking people were the torch bearers of ancient civilization and culture. Therefore, Arabic serves as the medium of transmitting Greco-Arabic lore to the West through the translation of Arabic books into French, Latin and Spanish. Before colonization in Nigeria, Arabic has been the first Non-Nigerian Language known to Nigerians which brought its educational achievements as well as its rich literature to the Nigerians and West African environment many centuries before a single indigenous Nigerian or West African ever spoke an English word or French. The Post-Colonial politics was not favourable to the language as it continuously lacks attention by the Post-colonial governments and policy makers. This paper discusses the contribution of Arabic in the Nigerian society, the language and the Post-colonial politics, Arabic and Social Integration in Nigeria and the need to repackage the Arabic curricular in a way that will introducestudents to career opportunities outside the civil service and teaching profession. Keywords: Arabic language, Colonization, Nigeria, Politics, Post-Colonial.

Introduction Islam has always been connected with the teaching of Arabic Language in non- Arabic speaking countries, Nigeria inclusive. There are still many other reasons for the spread and learning of the language which include historical factors and cultural considerations as explained in the works of Al-Ilory (1991), Dike (1963) and Abubakar (1972). Nigeria, being a leading country in Africa, has relationship with Arab nations both in Africa and elsewhere. Moreso, for diplomatic reasons, Arabic, alongside being an international language, has a role to play in the economy of Nigeria. To strengthen further on the reason for the importance attached to the language is the fact that Islam, a universal religion, does not discriminate. It therefore requires a universal language to unite the adherents together in the performance of their religious rites. The only universal language that serves this purpose is Arabic. In view of the above contributions of Arabic and its place in the world, researches into the new cultural, scientific and technological concepts for Arabic to proceed and retain its relevance in the modern age, have been carried out by many scholars. In essence, Arabic cannot be studied solely as a discipline on its own, especially with the role of the orientalists who have been contributors, in one way or the other, to the international recognition accorded Arabic language in the modern age. The Quran, which is a sacred JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 67 book to Muslims, is expected to be handled with utmost purity (Q56:79). Spiritually and socially, it will be incorrect to treat Arabic a sacred language that should be studied only by Muslims. Being studied by many Muslims neither degrade the language in any way nor disqualify it to have both spiritual and social significance. It is well known that, Arabic, apart from being the mother tongue of many Africans, is one of the well- recognized languages of the United Nations Organization and some other international bodies (Ogunbiyi 1987: 7-8).

Arabic and Post-Colonial Politics in Nigeria. Arabic, the language of the original Arabs who are inhabitants of the Arabian Peninsula, is also the language of the whole of North Africa, Syria, Lebanon and Iraq (H.I. Abdulraheem 2008:9). Ogunbiyi's findings have truly revealed the immense contribution of Arabic to Nigeria and Africa as a whole when he says. That Arabic Language is unparalleled by any other language and its role as a written medium in which much of the Nigerian, nay the African past is recorded, that the past thus preserved in this written medium is a national common heritage, not a sectional one (Ogunbiyi, 1987). It is equally important to state some benefits in which Arabic can promote individuals and exalt a society to be self-reliant. Since the introduction of Arabic in Nigeria, Arabists had excelled in various fields and many of them were the first set of literate elites in the Pre-. In the quest for independence which influenced the Nationalistic struggles of Post world wars, the Richard Constitution was designed for Nigeria in 1945 (Fafunwa, 1995:178). The Constitution stipulated that Nigeria should be divided into three regions: Eastern, Northern and Western regions. This Regional autonomy granted the Northern region a golden opportunity to include the Arabists in the affairs of civil services in the region. Many of them travelled abroad and came back with various degrees and Diploma certificates in Law in Arabic (Galadanci, 1982). Those who could not travel abroad were given the opportunity to receive training in Nigeria and were mentored until they became public and civil servants, judicial officers and tutors in different offices and modern schools. There was a total overhauling of learning and teaching of Arabic through the tutorship of Sudanese Arabic scholars at the School of Arabic studies in Kano in 1934. The Western Region benefited immensely from this development with the establishment of modern Arabic Schools but the beneficiaries of the new system from this region were not treated well like their Northern counterparts in terms of recognition by their own Regional governments. In the year 1952, political parties started to emerge in different forms in the Regions. For example, in the North, Northern People's Congress (NPC) was formed, in the East, National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) and in the Western Region, Action Group (AG) were formed. Egbe Omo Oduduwa dominated Action Group with its headquarters in Yoruba land (Fafunwa 1995:179). The Action Group party formed the first Self Regional government in Yoruba land. The government was Christian- dominated with very few Muslims at the helm of affairs. The party introduced free primary education in 1956, which was an avenue to promote literacy in English and unequivocally for the sustenance of Christianization Agenda of the colonialists (Fafunwa, 1995:180). Missionary agents started their Christianization programme which received patronage from the people of Western Region because of the packaging. THE MULTIFACETED IMPORTANCE OF ARABIC 68 LANGUAGE IN THE NIGERIAN SOCIETY The free education succeeded in graduating converted Christians or nominal Muslims whose Islam has been adulterated. In this situation, Muslims were not well represented in the government positions because of non-availability of qualified Muslims, and those who possessed the qualities were Christianized via school evangelism. It was later realized by Muslims that political power should be utilized to curb the abuse of educational institutions for Christianization. Between 1947 and 1956, there was agitation to form Muslim parties with the aim to request for fair representation in government. This started in Ibadan and Lagos and eventually it led to the introduction of conduct of test for the recruitment of Arabic teachers by the action group government in 1958. Consequently, successful candidates were employed to teach Arabic in Primary schools (Abdul Rahmon 2002: 276). The significance of these Arabic teachers (muallims) was so inconsequential because one Arabic teacher was employed to teach classes one to six in either in a primary school owned by Muslim organisations or government. All efforts by the Muallim (a derogatory name used for Arabic teachers in the schools) were futile in an attempt to teach all the classes effectively. More so, even the proposal made by the Muslims to employ or post Arabic teachers to teach Arabic and Islamic studies in public secondary schools were rejected by the successive governments in the Western region. This practice continued until the promulgation of the “Post primary institution special provision act” in 1974 by General Yabuku Gowon. The decree transferred ownership of educational institutions from individuals and private organizations to government. The consequence of this development was the advantage western education and its medium, English language, had over Arabic. The struggle by the Muslims to level up with the Christian counterparts is still on as the equal accommodation between Arabic and Islamic studies and Christian studies in schools is a mirage which has not been accomplished up till now. From all indications, Arabic is gradually disappearing in schools, particularly in the former western region. Similarly, Islamic studies is fading away due to lack of political will by the south western states' governments. There are other factors that militate against the twin subjects in our secondary schools, which can be attributed to the Muslims themselves. At times, they also behave like a house that is divided against itself for the non-recognition of Arabic by the governments in the south west of Nigeria, largely from a wrong perspective that Arabic is a language for a religion of a set of people called Muslims, which is exclusively meant for them and their children to learn or teach. Consequently, administrators who are less concerned about Muslims and their religion always refuse to spend government funds on a language that is misconstrued to serve only a fraction of the society. However, with the position of Arabic in the world and the benefits of learning it, consideration should be given to the language for it to receive attention and recognition by policy makers and administrators. It is ambiguous and at the same time pitiful that French is being given consideration and favourable attention by adopting it as the second official language while Arabic is being neglected and treated with disdain by governments, especially in the south- western region of Nigeria. The bone of contention is the perception of many policy makers in their assessment of Arabic as a theocratic language which is meant only for the Muslims. It is pathetic to discover that not only non- Muslim policy makers and administrators are showing no interest or enthusiasm about Arabic, but the majority of non- Muslims. Their hatred, 69 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW which is psychological, arises from their belief that Muslims are segregationists. Very surprising and disgusting is the fact that some of the so-called modern Arabic scholars are also of this emotional opinion. Having read about a Christian Arabist who tutored many of our teachers and is well recognized all over the world as an impartial teacher, some of us have witnessed occasions where an Arabic scholar was reacting to unkind remarks by some other Arabic scholars from other states in Nigeria that Arabists who are products are orientalists. This appellation is nothing but a disservice to the discipline as a field of study in the sense that it is to discourage non-Muslims who may have interest in contributing to the language just like the Christian Arabist did at the premier University, Ibadan, and is still exhibiting for the language. The said Christian Scholar displayed character worthy of emulation.

Arabic – Its contributions in Nigerian Society. It is pertinent to highlight some benefits of Arabic language in the Nigerian society. For instance, since the inception of Arabic in Nigeria, Arabists have achieved a resonant success in many areas of development. We found literate elites among Arabists in the pre- colonial Nigeria who contributed to the upliftment of this country, Nigeria. The following are some of the contributions and benefits of Arabic in the Nigerian society:

1. Economy: Among the contributions of Arabic language is the economic influence. For hundreds of years, Nigeria has been one of the African countries that have trade link with Arab nations. The contribution of Arabic in the world trade is noticeable in the language as it features on reading manuals and other commercial activities alongside international languages (Fafunwa1982:55) What is in vogue in the IT (Information Technology) available in Nigeria today is the GSM (global system for mobile communication) handsets which contain Arabic Alphabets, signs and symbols for effective and efficient communication between facilitators and communicators. Invariably, the conversation between friends who speak Arabic language improves the skill level of the users which exhilarate them. Arabists can communicate with broadcasting corporations to enjoy news documentaries, programs, publications, national and international events and exchange ideas. This demonstrates the contribution of Arabic to the society. It has also been discovered that some imported drugs that come to Nigeria accompanies with leaflet prescription for the users. The leaflets are at times written in Arabic alongside other international languages. An Arabist will understand the prescription of such drugs without causing drug abuse to himself and others. Nowadays, Arabic Alphabets have been configured into the current computers and laptops to make typing Arabic language easier and less cumbersome than using old manual typewriting machine which has almost gone into oblivion.

Religion Religion is as important as the existence of human being and life. In some societies, an irreligious person is considered to be irresponsible. This describes how significant religion is in human life. The language of the Qur'an, which is the book of Islam, is Arabic. Without the language, the religion cannot be practiced properly and this is one of the reasons why there are Quranic schools all over Nigeria where Arabic and THE MULTIFACETED IMPORTANCE OF ARABIC 70 LANGUAGE IN THE NIGERIAN SOCIETY Islamic studies are taught concurrently. In this regard, Arabic becomes the second language of every non-Arab Muslims through the study of the Qur'an for his religious activities. Therefore, Arabic has consistently remained the language of Islamic evangelization through the learning of the Qur'an, Hadith and Shariah (the Islamic Law) (Badmos, K.S. 2008:15-23). Another contribution of Arabic to Nigerian society, in particular, and the world in general, is the fact that Islam is a universal religion that does not discriminate based on racist, regional or ethnic differences. A Muslim is welcome in any environment he finds himself. He has to join his fellow Muslims doing worship because the only universal language that is recognized for the spiritual rite is Arabic language (Adeyemi K.A, 2016:429)

Academics/Researches Academically, Arabic language can be used to derive knowledge from various disciplines. It has influenced some Nigerian languages. For example, Yoruba, Hausa and fulfude have borrowed a great number of their words from Arabic language. Takiu Folani (1982:142) asserts that, Arabic education was the first form of education known in Lagos. Musa Abdul (1982:121) also contends that Arabic language was the first form of literacy in the whole of West Africa. The Shuwa Arabs in Bornu state based in Northern Nigeria speak no other language besides Arabic. Tunde Malik (1980:32-33) is of the opinion that some of the prominal suffixes of Hausa language initiate from Arabic. The example of this is KA and KI like Gidan Ka (Your house: Masculine) and Gidan Ki (Your house, Feminine) and Sunan Ka (Your name: Masculine) and Sunanki (Your name: Feminine) which is equivalent to Baytuka and Baytuki in Arabic, “your house masculine and femine” and Ismuka and Ismuki for “your name masculine and feminine” respectively, in Arabic. It is noteworthy to mention that the number of native speakers of Hausa and fulfude who could write their native languages in Arabic characters outnumber those who could do the same by using English character sixty years after British colonization of Nigeria (Oladosu A.G.A.S. 2007:1-15). Also, some manuscripts were recorded by using Arabic but in Yoruba language, especially in the field of medical treatment as explained by Yoruba scholars in Arabic language (Al-lughah 'Al-'Ajamiyyah) (Adeyemi, K.A 2011:111-119).

Arabic and Social Integration in Nigeria. The ability of an Arabist to be involved in all facets of the Nigerian Social life is not arguable. It has to be noted that long before the amalgamation of southern and Northern Protectorates in 1914, Arabic Scholarship had been established in the Northern and South Western parts of Nigeria (Madiebo n.d.3). There is no gainsaying the fact that Arabists were influential and popular till the 20th century but this situation wastampered with by the incursion of the colonialists into Nigeria when they came to explore commercial opportunity to boost their economy in their home – countries. During this exploration, emphasis was put on spoken English and was later introduced as the official language of commerce and administration, while Christianity became the official religion (Fafunwa, 1995:103). Similarly, the curricular in schools favoured Christianity and literacy in English became a sure way to get employment with colonial administrators.You only needed to know how to speak English to belong to the socio 71 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW political caucus and immediately you would be fully integrated and recognized in the affairs of the government. This was a tool to convert Muslims to Christianity, especially the youths and as a result, Arabic became moribund and eventually stopped to play its major role as a means of literary communication (Fafunwa, 1995:103). All efforts to bring Arabic into the fore viz-a-viz social integration is still in progress. Unfortunately, the clog in the wheel of social integration of Arabic, especially in the South –West of Nigeria is multi-faceted. In essence, Arabic is not utilized to a large extent as a means of social integration in the region. If there must be a paradigm shift, there should be a positive change in the government attitude towards Arabic. The theocentric perception of Arabic renders the language as of no practical secular or educational benefit in this modern age. Arabic should be treated exactly like other subjects in humanities that qualify specialists to attain high level manpower for which the higher institutions in Nigeria are designated for. It is important to note that Arabic is not a discipline to turn out graduates to serve only as Alfas and Imams or Muallims, but high –level manpower in humanities. A group of learned people who can tutor Nigerian youth into patriotic and committed citizens who can serve their country with loyalty. The general philosophy of arts disciplines, which include Arabic, is to train graduates to contribute meaningfully to the attainment of national goals and the satisfaction of national need, to instill in them the spirit of self-reliance, self–pride and self–actualization, among others (National Universities Commission, 1989). Moreover, moral decadence in the educational institutions makes it essential for Arabic teachers to add missionary activity to their primary assignment. This can only be accomplished with proficiency in English, which is the Nigerian official language. Many Arabists are found wanting in both written and spoken English which has impeded their capacity for achieving results. Such Arabists become subservient in their duty posts and people make fun of them. It is not out of place to mention that researchers in other disciplines are complaining of the challenges they face in having access to Arabic works by researchers in Nigerian Universities. The University of Ibadan has broken the jinx by instructing Arabic graduates to write their projects/dissertations in English. This is in order, especially in the south –west of Nigeria where a graduate who is deficient in English cannot defend his certificate. The urge by Nigerian government for technological advancement has held them hostage to the extent of being convinced that subjects in humanity are of no or less value. A country without moral education in a doomed one. A right thinking country must not neglect its youths, especially in putting together a curriculum to instill moral discipline in the citizens. It has to be reiterated here that most schools in the south –west of Nigeria have no Arabic teacher. Also, where they exist, the numerical strength of students in the number of classes outnumbers the teachers in the school. However, it is worthwhile to appreciate the contribution of Arabic graduates from Arabworld.It has not been so easy for many of them to integrate into the university system in Nigeria because of their deficiency in English language. Those who managed to further their education in Nigerian Universities end with dent in their spoken English. This is the more reason why many of them go for charitable organizations' jobs and dodge civil service in Nigeria. For this set of people to be relevant in the society, they engage in Da'wah which emphasize some controversial and strange ideas that are extrinsic and less important. THE MULTIFACETED IMPORTANCE OF ARABIC 72 LANGUAGE IN THE NIGERIAN SOCIETY Conclusion Our research so far has shown that the Post-colonial policy and educational policy of the South-West of Nigeria are obviously anti –Arabic. The consequence of those policies is the diminishing attention of students and their parents in the discipline. Parents believe that it is a waste of resources and energy to sponsor their children/wards to study Arabic in University. It is our opinion that the curricular of Arabic should be repackaged in a way to expose students to career opportunities outside civil service and teaching profession. The trend of colonization in Nigeria has made spoken English mandatory in order to fit in well in Nigerian operating system.

References Abdulraheem H.I. (2008) Arabic as an alternative medium of education in Nigeria;Prospects and Challenges, Florescence of Arabic and Islamic studies in Nigeria……… Abdul-Rahmon, M.O. (2002) The Struggle for the Integration of Islamic Education into Western School System in Oyo State. Riyadh: World Assembly of Muslim Youth. Abubakare R.D. (1984) 'The future of Arabic learning in Yoruba land', Ilorin Journal of Education, 4. Abudul –Rahmon M. O. (2008) Perspective in the teaching and learning of Arabic and Islamic study in south –west of Nigeria fluorescence of Arabic and Islamic studies in Nigeria festschrift in however of professor narab O. A Nasiru Adeyemi K.A (2016) The Benefit of learning Arabic language to the Development of the society: Nigeria as a case study. The Heritage of Islam in Nigeria.427-430. Al- Ilori A.A (1985) Al – Islam al- Yawmwaghadan fiNayjiriyah, Agege. Islamic Cultural Printing Fafunwa, A.B. (1995) History of Education in Nigeria, Revised Ed, Ibadan: NPS Education Publishers Ltd. Federal Ministry of Education (1985) National Curriculum for Junior Secondary Schools, Ibadan: Heinemann. Galadanci,S.A.S. (1982) Harakatul-lughatil 'Arabiyyah fi Nayjiriya Cairo DaurlMa'arif. Madiaboo, A. A (n.d) The NigerianRevolution and the Biafran war.Energy fourth dimension Publishing Co. Malik S. (1980) Towards the improvement of the teaching of Arabic as a foreign language Al-Fikr, 32-33. Ogunbiyi I.A (1987) Of non- Muslim Cultivator and Propagators of the Arabic Language. (An Inaugural Lecture). Lagos: 73

THE KONA AND THEIR NEIGHBOURS: A HISTORICAL APPROACH IN UNDERSTANDING INTER-GROUP RELATIONS, 1900 – 2000 AD

Abdulsalami Muyideen Deji, PhD & Edward Nokani Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo. Taraba State, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected] Phone: +234- 8035131526, 08183369417

Abstract The neglect of history in Nigeria has affected various aspects of humanity and the nation as a whole. One of such problems is the problem of inter-ethnic conflicts that always claim thousands of lives and materials worth millions of naira. One may agree that one of the remote factors for such conflicts is trace to lack of tolerance of one another which in turn pave ways for the fading away of the principle of communalism which was hitherto the lifestyles of our parents and grandparents. This topic tends to pin point the historical aspects of inter-group relations among the various ethnic groups inhabiting the river Benue, precisely in the northern part of Taraba state. For effective presentation the author made use of multidisciplinary approach in gathering and analysing the data. The topic reveals that despite the intra and inter-ethnic intrigues being experienced by some ethnic groups, the principle of communalism continues to exist. One of the tools that aided the continuation of such unity is the principle of religion-political doctrine adopted by most of these ethnic groups. Another factor is the spirit of tolerance for one another despite the previous odds. The topic recommends the restitution of such lifestyle in our generation.

Introduction The idea of inter-group relations is a universal phenomenon that cut across states. Many factors account for this phenomenon, prominent among which is the phenomenon of continuous migrations of people in search for more favourable habitats. This informs the assertion by Akombo (2014) that; the history of intermingling and interlocking of society resulted from the unending process of human migration. Consequently, Akombo (2014) further stated that; the idea of tribal lands was nonexistent prior to the colonial period. However, there were highly appreciable levels of cooperation among societies which cut across socio-political and economic spheres of life.1 Thus, the questions of border lines was less considered which, in turn, aided migrations, settlements and inter-group relations. In north eastern Nigeria, waves of migrations over the years paved ways for such relationships. Most ethnic groups lined up in the Benue river bank symbiotically depended on one another for survival. The outstanding factors that encouraged such relationships are traced to political, economic, and religious variables. This played vital role in cementing relationship of the under listed ethnic groups; Mumuy, Wurkun, Jegam, Bachama, Bata, Kunini, Bandawa, Jesi, Minda, Lauhabe, Shomo, Joleh, to mention but few, in the former Muri Emirate as discussed below: JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 74 Kona and The Mumuye The Mumuye are the immediate neighbours of the Kona in the Benue River Bank in what is today northern part of Taraba state, precisely in Lau, Ardo kola, Yorro and Jalingo Local Governments Areas, and part of Adamawa state. Prior to the era of colonial penetration to the Mumuye community in 1909, the Mumuye had no form of central administration. They lived in villages and groups, each of which was independent of the other2. Nonetheless, there was religious tolerance among the clans, villages and even their neighbours. This accounted for the cordial religio-political relations with the Kona, especially between the Mumuye sub-clans of Pugun Yusa, Apawa, Jimleri, Yorro, Zinna, Whaitai, Gongong, Jesi, Minda, Kir, Jegam, Bashan, etc. These Mumuye sub-clans were administered at the clan level by five distinct leaders popularly known among the Mumuye as Panti, including the war chief, rain making chief, agricultural chief, Elders of the communities, and those who emerged as leaders due to their wealth3. No matter their diversity, the relationship between the above clans of Mumuye and the Kona was cordial. It is claimed that the Yusa Mumuye sub-clan adopted their religio- political system from the Kona. For instance, Kukahn maintained that the parents of this Mumuye subgroup migrated from Kona to Yusa for hunting. He mentioned the following people as leaders of Yusa (A); Nambai, Nabateh, Kukawa, Leburah, Nambai, Dunaboh, Somvo and the present leader Kukahn Abang. They established their base in Yusa and appointed a leader who was incharge of political and religious activities. He also stated that these leaders, over the years, were approved by delegates from the Meripai clan of the Kona. The initiation of their young ones was also said to have been presided over by delegates from the Kona palace. During other religious festivals at Yusa people from Kona witnessed the occasions and vice versa.4 The foregoing phenomenon presupposed that the Yusa people are an independent entity appointing their chief without consulting any clan except for the approval of chief of Kona and the clan leader of Meripai to whom they pay allegiance, mostly because of religious affinities. In the same vein, the Kir and Jesi Mumuye subgroups have relationship with the Kishaba clan of the Kona. The Adom shrine of Kishaba clan also exists among the Kir and Jesi. Another Mumuye clan that have relationship with the Kona is the Jenah jimroh village which is the custodian of a religious cult (yazaa) in Kona palace. The appointment of the village head is also approved by the chief of Kona. The Whaitai and Whaidong and other Mumuye clans were politically and religiously influenced by the to Kona, and were answerable to the Kona chiefdom as contained in the colonial report below: I have the honour to further herewith a report on my recent patrol in the Kwana District from April 24th to may 2nd 1917. The patrol was merely an extension of the Gashaka patrol already reported on in my G35 OF 8.5.17 and a copy of the telegram authorising it to be undertaken is attached. There had been several minor disturbances amongst the Mumuyes of the Kwana District a faction fight near Sawa (current Pantisawa) in which 10 men were hit with poisoned arrows, 3 of whom died. A raid by some people of Panti Kajam on an outlying Angwa of Jimlari, a peaceful town on the plains below where they killed one man and wounded another and Highway Roberry by the people of Nyaja.5 The Mumuye in question in the above quotation are mostly of the pugun clan of the Mumuye who are religiously affiliated to the THE KONA AND THEIR NEIGHBOURS: A HISTORICAL APPROACH IN UNDERSTANDING INTER-GROUP RELATIONS, 1900 – 2000 AD 75 Kona and more of play mates of the Kona. There has not been any recorded conflict between the Mumuye and Kona as some may assume until recently when a conflict arose between them as a result of misunderstanding over farmland located in-between Kaudad and Minda. Since Mumuye constitute one of the hardworking ethnic groups engaged in farming, hunting, weaving, craft etc, economic interactions between them and Kona were symbiotically effective. Religious and socio- cultural affinities equally cemented their relationship. Kona and Bachama The Bachama are predominantly found in the present Adamawa state, precisely in Numan and other towns. Their Relationship with the Kona is traced to the encroachments of the Fulani jihadists in the Adamawa area. In an attempt to halt the penetration of the Fulani in his jurisdiction, the warrior leader of the Bachama Makwada, explored the possibility of the machineries that could aid the defence of his state. He therefore embarked on a mission of finding allies for the defence of his state during which he encountered a faction of the Kona community headed by Agribai in a former Kona settlement. Account on this is presented thus; During the reign of Agauwa; The Kona had lost all political cohesion and one group was established under a leader known as Jiribai (Agirbai) at Kindang or Kindong west of Minda. This group was attacked and defeated by the Bachama chief who afterwards proceeded against Agauwa at Shaari. But could not defeat Agauwa instead they made a pact and became friends and it is said that Makwatta advised Agauwa to abandon Shaari (Nahkanizang) which was poorly sited for defence and pointed out the strategic advantages of the hill of (Kahnei or Garu) of Kona. He also impressed him the necessity of building a wall round the town. The later adhered to the advice and built wall round his towns. With the wall, he adopted a hostile attitude towards the Fulani and that the town successfully stood a siege of twenty-five days by the troops of Burba6. Account on this event can still be heard in Kona historical songs. Another version has it that, Makwada and Agauawa established friendly relationship, the latter gave out a virgin to him as a symbol of relationship and that she shall continue to be the custodian of the Bachama cult she is equally seen as a Queen (Mbamto) in Bachama chiefdom. This relationship is evident even up to the present era. The former gave a white horse to the newly consecrated Chief of Kona. By 2003 when the present chief of Kona, Augustine Njenmang, was appointed as Chief of Kona, this mantra was observed. In another development, Lessey reveals that; The Kona, like the other Jukun-speaking groups, have the comrade relationship with the Kanuri the latter taking toll of the former at the New Year. If a Kanuri comes to Kona at the beginning of the year he may make a ring with his finger round the spot on which the chief is sitting and the Latter may not move until he has given a gift to his friendly captor. He further pin- pointed that the Kona are also playmates with tha Bata and Bachama, the Bandawa, the Mumuye of Zinna,and certain of the Wurkun district. There is a special friendship between the chiefs of the Kona and of the Bata. On the death of the former, his satchel is sent to the latter. Vice versa, when the chief of the Bata dies, his horse and satchel are sent as a gift to the chief of the Kona.7 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 76 The relationship between the Kona and Bachama became more strengthened when a faction of Kona which, because of leadership disputes, decided to migrate to the Adamawa area. The two sub clans of Jukun Kona that migrated to Adamawa area here the Janabanibu, Kishaba and few members of the Wurro clans. The reasons for their migration were due to intra political intrigue between Tani and his twin brother, Abari, and more importantly the tyrannical rule, and high rate of punishment meted on them by Abari. Indeed, many people were said to have lost their life in the course of such harsh punishments.8 Another version has it that Abari and Tani [twin] were aspiring for leadership of Kona. Tani refused to inform Abari the fixed date on which the king makers will appoint their leader. Consequently, in the absence of Abari, Tani was selected as the next Kuru. When Abari returned from his journey, upon approaching the town, he heard the sound of drums and when inquired about the sound of drums, he was told that Tani has been selected as the Kuru. Hearing this, he vowed that his face shall not see Tani again. He therefore called on his subjects to follow him to another land. Incidentally, he found himself in Adamawa area. Thus, they were nick- named Bah band, which simply means People in exile. They lived together, inter married and also engaged in symbiotic religious festivities such as Ngura faratoo, a Bashama festival which is celebrated every April.9 During the era of taxation, the Kona of the Numan were more of vassals and as such paid taxes to the Bachama state. The said tax which was at first paid by means of grains was sent to the chief of Sunguna Kada in Lamurde. Lads from the two ethnics where assigned to carry the grain to Lamurde. During such journey, the lads must first of all visit the queen of Baratau before proceeding to Zange, also known as Gamadiwo, which was the Pana- Habe's jurisdiction. Pana- Habe shall then put all the grain on the board or canoe and sailed across to Rugange where the lads rested for a day and then accompanied by Pana Rugunge to the chief of Lamurde to present their annual taxes.10 The reign of Bulokwambek coincided with the era of colonial administration then the coins (Anini,) and kobo and half kobo were introduced. At the community level, it was the Haman Bashama of Lamurde, and later Numan, that had the right of collecting the taxes. During the reign of Zaro, the Chief of Lamurde , the Kona in the Adamawa area relocated from Bête and Zaivak to Kani liuwag, and then to Yau Seing and finally to Buzum Yashi ( food area). The reason for their relocation to Buzum was because of conflict with the Fulani of Gowe and Liushi.11 Much more, the Bashama recognized Kona in some of their festivals. For instance, Haman Bashama sents bow and arrows to the Chief of Bang. This was a symbol of friendship which was only given to the Kona of Bang and no other tribe. Significantly, Bang were a vassal to Lamurde and an arsenal to the Haman Bashama. In the same note, the Chief of Bolki also recognized the Chief of Bang in some of his annual festivals (Lamjibah) which was celebrated every august.12

Kona and The Wurkun The Wurkun are also one of the immediate neighbours of the Kona. They occupy the massif between the Benue valley and region, or between south of the defunct Bauchi Province and North West of Muri Emirate. Presently, the Wurkun massif is in the northern part of Karim-Lamido Local Government Area with more than two-third of its area in Taraba state and the remaining part in Gombe state. The relationship between the Wurkun and Kona is historically traced to the etymological THE KONA AND THEIR NEIGHBOURS: A HISTORICAL APPROACH IN UNDERSTANDING INTER-GROUP RELATIONS, 1900 – 2000 AD 77 concept of the word Wurkun. According to Haruna, one of the versions of Wurkun traditions of origin is that, the word Wurkun is a Jukun word (kum-means hill), and the whole term Wurkun simply refers to people that settle on the hill. He further reveals that the Wurkun trace their migration from Gwendon in the north-eastern part of Nigeria in about the middle of the 18th. They claim to have arrived together with the Kona with whom they intermarried.13 This version is synonymous with the Kona version of migration. Indeed, he further reveals that the Kulung clan of the Wurkun has one version of origin that traces their origin through one Kona man by name Mbur, hence, the name Bamburu, which simply means the decendants of Mbur. This is also synonymous with Yakubu Landan's assertion which also maintains that the Kulung clan of Wurkun are Kona of the Mbur (Ba-mburo) decent. He maintains that due to separation from them in the other side of river Benue bank, they have been influenced by other clans of the Wurkun. However, religious affinities and playmate-ship continue to exist between the Kona and Wurkun.14 Another back up version of Jukun and Wurkun relationship is traced to religious term use by the two various ethnic groups line up in the Benue bank. For instance, the term Mam cuts across the Piya and Kulung. The Wurkun refer to it as Gapphara, which was said to have been adopted from the Wurbo clan of Jukun. Haruna equally reveals that, there is the Wurkun ancestral cult of Akku, a sub group of this cult, Jughe, communicates in Jukun language or dialect. There are, indeed, some Jukun elements in the Wurkun culture.15 Be what it may, the two ethnics co-existed peacefully over the years. Religiously, both party gave special recognition to one another in every religious and social festivities. Much more, whenever there was misunderstanding between them and even other tribes, either party could serve as arbiter in resolving the problem.

Kona and The Fulani Historically, the Fulani (Kiri) that brought some turning points in the communities along the Benue river bank were said to have come from Shellin led by Hamaruwa, Burbayero and Hamadu Tibati, the sons to Malam Usumanu. Reasons adduced for their penetration were mostly for the propagation of Islamic faith and, most importantly, to establish their political hegemony. At first, their influences were more dominant in the old Muri, Bakundi, Mutum Biyu and later Jalingo. Relationship between the Kona and the Fulani was best understood based on the emergence of the Emirs of both old and new Muri. The nature of their relationship was sometimes good and sometimes bad. Three main factors accounted for the bad phase of their relationship as follows; misunderstanding based on religious presentations, principle of political dominations, and frequent resistance of the Fulani by the Kona, as discussed below: Religiously, the methods adopted by first emirs were unfriendly to the Kona. They skipped the first stages of jihad (jihad of the mind) which is based on self-purifications, conviction and diplomatic approaches in presenting Islam. Instead, they first presented the later part of jihad which was more of warfare, hence the resistance. Politically, the early emirs placed more emphasis on establishing their political hegemony rather than presenting Islam to the people. They embarked on political war against the Kona state. For instance, Hamarruwa's attack on Kona is presented by a colonial source thus; in the reign of Jausani the Kona of Akuro (Kuro) had to defend themselves against the Muri Fulani under Hamaruwa or Modibo who had installed himself at Gowe. According to one account, the Kona were driven out of Akuro by the Fulani.16 According JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 78 to another source, they abandoned Akuro in consequence of a pestilence. The Kona then established themselves at the old site of Kona, not far from the present town, where they remained under three successive chiefs; Seikuru, Nokya and Nomiri Seikuru.17 It is important to note that the Kona had established their political hegemony in the area cutting other groups could not tolerate the encroachment of the Fulani, hence the resistance against the jihadist. All effort made towards conquering the Kona was to no avail until during colonial penetration when Kona state was finally subdued. However, despite the intrigues between the Kona and the Fulani, there existed cordial relationship among them. For instance, in order to re-cement relationship with the Kona, the then emir of Jalingo, Umaru, paid courtesy visit to the then chief of Kona, Kuru Shumen due to two main reasons. He wanted to know why the Kona continued to resist the Fulani leadership and, most importantly, refused to be converted to Islamic faith. The answers presented by Shumen were: We kept on resisting the Fulani because previous Fulani leaders of the emirate were not diplomatic in their approaches as you now did. Instead, they mostly embraced warfare. If they had presented themselves peacefully like you, most of us could have accepted your faith. Nevertheless, with your peaceful approach, I shall continue to be at peace with you and for your faith, most of my people have already been traumatized and only peaceful approach could convert them.19 Since Umaru adopted peaceful, he became not only one of the peaceful leaders in the Muri emirate, but also during his reign few Kona were converted to Islam.20 Another dimension of Kona-Fulani relationship was inter-marriage. For instance, Moddibo Hammaruwa, one of the emirs of old Muri, was said to have married a kona lady whose decendants are found in Jauro Chapo in Ardo Kola Local Government Area. Bukkari, an Emir in old Muri, although reigned for 6 months, was also peaceful to the people, especially the Kona. Similarly, Muhammadu Nya (Jatau), although waged series of war on the Kona, yet he was said to have legitimately married Kona of Jemuri and also Ichen. Muhammadu Mafindi, Hassan, Usaini, and Siddi the sons to the Galadima grew up in Kona Garu under the care of Kuru Agwaru. Jatau, the father to Mafindi, kept them under the care of Agwaru to avoid been attacked by his brethren while he was on a mission of jihad in Ala, Abise, Ikom, etc. He legitimately married Ashakhie Wawui, the daughter to Kuru Yinu, Zabunu Basinu, the daughter to Kuru Jausani, and Jiri-Apeh of the Kishaba clan of Kona. He also married Saikai from Bah-whai clan of Kona. His Kona friend that masterminded his marriage with Ashakkhie was Biyau from Murbai. The children of Mafindi with the above women were: Ashakkhie who begot Mama-shitube (twin), Jauro Sajo, Jauro Sulai, Jauro Halilu and Goggo Sadiya. Jiri-Apeh begot Nenni Lushi. Saikai begot Joda and Zabunu begot Jauro Kadiri, Bunu Basiru, and Addah Gulle21.

Kona and Kiyu /Shomo These ethnic groups are predominantly found in a number of villages such as; Karim Maundi, Karim Tawa, Wudanpi, Garo, Gaita and Ngoruwa in Karim Lamido Local Government Area. They are also found in Tau, Lamurde and Lathai in Ardo Kola Local Government Area. Other places include; Jalingo, Bakin Tudu in Gassol Local Government Area. Similarly, they are found in Bantaje in Wukari Local Government Area, Mgbai in Lau Local Government Area, all in Taraba state and Ngurure in Adamawa State22. Historically, their socio-political, economic and religious affinities guaranteed their collective study. As afore said, they lived in the same communities and as such symbiotically related in most aspects of lifestyle. Economically, due to their location at the THE KONA AND THEIR NEIGHBOURS: A HISTORICAL APPROACH IN UNDERSTANDING INTER-GROUP RELATIONS, 1900 – 2000 AD 79 Benue river bank, they embraced agrarian cultivation, rearing of domestic animals and fishing which guaranteed commercial ventures with other neighbouring ethnic groups. Religiously, they initially embraced idol worshipping; the Kiyu and Shomo people, being members of the Jukunoid family, had been worshipping idols as their original religion. Their gods or idols were generally referred to as chitar. They believed in only one God who is commonly known as Mwa (creator). They also believed in various spirits which were regarded as sacred. Hence, dead persons were treated with care and respect because they believed on reincarnation of the dead. The religious belief of the Kiyu and Shomo was synonymous with the Kona and it was said that the Kona religiously influenced Shomo religious practices;' The tradition and custom of Shomo state was that, as soon as a village head was appointed, Lawi (Buhoru) from Kona will pay a visit to congratulate him. The village head, after the visit, woukd make a return visit to Kona where he would be given a present in form of Mayafi in appreciation of the visit. As a result of this, Shomo people respected Buhoru more than other deities23. However, due to laxity in maintaining diplomatic relationship by the two ethnic groups, especially by the Kona, they later embraced the leadership of the Emir of Muri. This traditional practice which was in existence prior to the penetration of the jihadists has now become a mirage to the Kona and Shomo. Information in respect of the Shomo recognising the leadership of the Emir of Muri is presented thus; Immediately when Mohammadu Mafindi died all the non- Muslim leaders were summoned to the palace of the Emir in Jalingo. However, Kushi who was the Shomo leader was said to have been ill-advised by the Kona not to honour the invitation. This made the Fulani to view the action of Kushi to be insubordination, hence was put to death24. Ajiya further blame the Kona for what he regards as misleading the Shomo by saying; It was later seen that if Kona people had not deceived or misadvised, Shomo the later would have been recognised and appointed village head earlier than the time of Ahmadu Mapiu. With the murder of their leader (Kushi), Shomo signed a truce of understanding, recognising Fulani as their overlords. Since then, the Fulani in turn have recognised Shomo and have given them the right to select any prince for appointment as village head whenever the position is vacant.25 The big question to ask at this juncture is, whether it was the advice of the Kona which stopped Shomo from honouring the Emir's invitation, hence his assassination? For one, the recognition of overlords of Emir of Muri was not only among the Shomo, other tribes within the Muri area did same without bloodshed, why should Shomo be said to have a different experience and treatment?

Kona and The Kunini Kunini is a town in Lau Local Government Area of Taraba State. The area is inhabited by the Kunini people and other ethnic groups. They are mostly farmers, and also engage in fishing and hunting. Historically, the Kunini, like the Yusa, said they migrated from the Kona area to the present Kunini for hunting, fishing and farming purposes. One of the Kunini clans traces decent from Wurro clan of Kona and as such they initially spoke Kona language. However, the penetration of other tribes to Kunini resulted in the distortion of JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 80 their language thereby forcing them to adopt the Kunini dialect, although they occasionally speak and sing in Kona dialect up to date26. Politically, the newly selected chief of Kunini (Kuh) who was more of a religious leader though appointed by the Kunini traditional King makers was finally approved by the Chief of Kona. This was because; they are religiously affiliated to Kona and recognised Kona as the centre for religious and political affairs. For instance, during religious festivals, especially the initiation of the young ones to adulthood, the chief of Kona sent representatives, and representatives from Wurro clan must witness the festivals. The former most bring a spear, wipe (cane), hide, (animal skin), Tobacco, and traditional oil. The Kunini equally presented fish, spices, tobacco, etc, to Wuru in Kona. They also had the grace of not paying the charges without being maltreated during initiation festival in Kona. The Kunini are also custodians of a shrine in Kona palace27. This is further supported by Chula; the two communities, Bandawa and Kunini, often travelled to Kona and be initiated in the ritual cult where they would return to their groups as priests but continuing to look to Kona for spiritual guidance28. Chula, in quoting Saad, further stated that; Kona was important for its control of Mam, a cult which was widespread among the people of middle Benue region. Groups such as Mumuye Karimjo, Munga, Bandawa, Nyeh, Winlau (Lau Habe) looked to Kona for the supply of Mam cult27. Mathew, in support of Chulla, said; Kunini, Karimjo, Kona, Bandawa, Jegam Shitu, Lau Habe, Jimlari, Shomo, Kiyu, Minda, Yusa, Monga and Kir partook in the Aku festival (Kona) after every seven years in Lau Local Government Area29.

Conclusion Conclusively, inter-group relations have been a dynamic factor in propelling the growth of African societies. The growth of Kona Chiefdom cannot be attributed to its leaders or internal influences alone, but also to some external influences. For instance, economic undertaken and socio-cultural relations have greatly cemented interstate relationship. Trade activities were carried out across the villages which, in turn, encouraged inter- ethnics interactions that also encouraged socio-cultural relationship such as marriages, religious festivities, etc. For instance by virtue of religious affinities and unionism, the Wurkum ethnic group became an important playmates of the Kona. Ambassadorial relationship was also prominent between the Bachama and Kona. The Queen (Mbamtoh) of Bachama land had to be a Kona lady that took care of the most important cult of the Bachama. She remained the custodian of the cult till her death. Relationship between the Kona and the Fulani was at first riotious but after the war, normalcy continued. Indeed, they later regarded themselves as playmates (Kawu). Religiously, the Mumuye and Kona have many things in common, such as idol worship polygamy, and almost all aspects of religious practices were synonymous, especially the initiation of young ones to the Cult. This and other related societal activities such as marriages were symbiotically shared. All the aforementioned factors contributed to the harmonious relationship between the societies along the River Benue Bank and paved ways for less inter-ethnic crisis. However, the penetration of the European colonialists later altered the harmonious pre-colonial relationship of the aforementioned ethnic groups. For instance, the principle of divide and rule and the indirect rule system brought a gap between the Fulani and the Kona. THE KONA AND THEIR NEIGHBOURS: A HISTORICAL APPROACH IN UNDERSTANDING INTER-GROUP RELATIONS, 1900 – 2000 AD 81 References 1. E Akombo, the genesis of the Tiv-Jukun rivalry in former Wukari federation; interrogating the colonial factors, Macro Net Publishers, Jalingo 2014. 2. P M Dong etal, the Mumuye Contemporary History and Culture, Published by Makad Association, Jalingo, Tarabe, 2008 p52. 3. P M Dong etal , the Mumuye Contemporary History and Culture, Published by Makad Association,Jalingo,Taraba,2008 p52. 4. K Abang 80 years, traditional chief priest of Yusa (A); the relationship between the Yusa people and the Kona, 20/07/2020 5. NAK Adamawa Province Note on Kona District, Muri Division, Inclusion of in Jalingo District Snp 17 p5. 6. S L Price, Adamawa Province, Anthropological study of Kona Tribe,Article K.3187 P8 7. S L Price, Adamawa Province, Anthropological study of Kona Tribe Article K.3187 p5 8. N Alpheret, (72) years, the history of Kona of Numan and their neighbours, 6/02/2019. 9. N Alpheret, (72) years, the history of Kona of Numan and their neighbours, 6/02/2019. 10. N Alpheret, (72) years, the history of Kona of Numan and their neighbours, 6/02/2019. 11. N Alpheret, (72) years, the history of Kona of Numan and their neighbours, 6/02/2019. 12. N Alpheret, (72) years, the history of Kona of Numan and their neighbours, 6/02/2019. 13. S A Karim the History of Kiyu and Shomo IDBN Enterprizes, Jos Nigeria, 2004 p1 14. S A Karim the History of Kiyu and Shomo IDBN Enterprizes, Jos Nigeria, 2004 p 41. 15. S A Karim the History of Kiyu and Shomo IDBN Enterprizes Jos Nigeria 2004 p40. 16. S L Price Adamawa Province, Anthropological study of Kona Tribe, Article K3187 P 7. 17. S L Price Adamawa Province, Anthropological study of Kona Tribe, Article K 3187 p 7. 18. A H M Kirk Greene, Adamawa Past and Present an historical approach to the development of a Northern Cameroons Province, Oxford University Press London,1958 p154. 19. Y Ladan, (87) years Islamic Scholar, Oral traditions on the history of Kona. 26/01/2018. 20. Y Ladan, (87) years Islamic Scholar, Oral traditions on the history of Kona. 26/01/2018. 21. S A K a r i m t h e h i s t o r y o f K i y u a n d S h o m o , I D B M Enterprizes,Jos,Nigeria,2004,p1.

22. S A K a r i m t h e h i s t o r y o f K i y u a n d S h o m o , I D B M Enterprzes,Jos,Nigeria,2004,p1. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 82 23. S A Karim the history of Kiyu and Shomo,IDBM Enterprzes,Jos,Nigeria,2004,p1. 24. S A K a r i m t h e h i s t o r y o f K i y u a n d S h o m o , I D B M Enterprzes,Jos,Nigeria,2004,p1. 25. Mathew Kunini (56) years Traditional priest of Kunini, Oral tradition on relationship between Kona and the Kunini, 27/07/2020. 26. Mathew Kunini (56) years Traditional Priest of Kunini, Oral tradition on relationship between Kunini and Kona, 27/07/2020. 27. A C Bilyamin a history of the Bandawa people of former Muri Division of Taraba State, 1817-1960. 28. A C Bilyamin a history of the Bandawa people of former Muri Division of Taraba State, 1817-1960. 29. A C Bilyamin a history of the Bandawa people of former Muri Division of Taraba State, 1817-1960.. 83 THE MANAGEMENT OF STUDENTS' CRISIS IN NIGERIAN UNIVERSITIES DURING MILITARY RULE, 1971-1999

Ajala, B. Luqman, Ph.D Department of History and International Studies, Al-Hikmah University, Ilorin. E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract The study investigated the conflict management strategy employed by authorities (university or government) in resolving students' conflicts in Nigerian universities during military rule from 1971-1999. The study looked into the effectiveness of the strategies in restoring peace on university campuses. The research adopted a mixture of historical and case study methods in data collection and analysis. Three universities out of 79 public universities were selected as case studies for the research. These included: The University of Ibadan, University of Ife (Obafemi Awolowo University) and Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. From the findings, most students' conflicts in the selected Nigerian universities were resolved through the application of force and closure. Students' crises in the selected Nigerian universities during military rule under General from 1971-1975 were resolved through physical force. The strategy of force and closure was adopted to resolve the nationwide violent student demonstrations in 1978 (Ali Must Go) during General Olusegun Obasanjo military administration. The strategy of force was applied in managing the nationwide violent students' demonstrations in 1984 during the military regime of General Muhammadu Buhari. The conflicts generated by students in the Nigerian universities in 1986, 1988, 1989, 1992 and 1993 during the military regime of General were also resolved through force/closure. Similar strategies were adopted by General Sanni Abacha military government in 1995 and 1996. The intervention strategy for students' crisis, invariably, acted as impetus to the crisis. Therefore, authorities should find alternative means for resolving conflicts generated by students in the Nigerian universities rather than the use of force and closure. Keywords: students' conflicts, Nigerian universities, military rule, arguably, closure

Introduction This research investigated the conflict management strategy employed by authorities (university or government) in resolving the crises generated by students in Nigerian universities during military rule from 1971-1999. The study also looked into the effectiveness of these methods in restoring peace on university campuses. Like in similar studies, findings in Bamisaye's research reveal that in the resolution of student crisis in Nigerian universities, authorities pointedly relied more on application of coercive force, repression, and closure. By meeting force with force, authorities, government in particular, often depended on police/soldiers as immediate answer to student crises in the universities, which assumed repeated invasions of campuses by security agencies (Balsvik, 1998). In his own commentary on this, Segun Okeowo (the last President of NUNS) had this to say: the history of student struggle in Nigeria was a history of “tears, batons and bullets for Nigerian students in the hands of trigger-happy Law Enforcement Agencies in Nigeria” (Okeowo, 1988: 89-90). In the literature, scholars have linked authoritarian management style to the militarisation of the Nigerian body polity during the military rule in which governance was found in dictatorship leading to frequent crises in the universities during the period. “In this JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 84 dimension”, Olaniyi (2012: 224) observed “as copycats, authorities in Nigerian universities too adopted dictatorial styles, with resultant student crises on campuses”. According to ASUU (1987), in resolving conflict in the universities, authorities remained inflexible by sanctioning authoritarian attitude and abhorred dialogue as well as consultation on issues. Arguably, Adaralegbe (1991) drew a parallel distinction between a military regime and a civilian government, both in their styles and behaviours. The salient aspect of his study, however, as concerned our research, was related to the fact that university administration lost their autonomy and consequently often received instructions from the government. According to this scholar, the democratic setting in the university system was subjected to dictatorship. Studies had equally confirmed that during military rule in Nigeria, university administration became subordinated to the state in many respects, as witnessed in the appointment of university Vice-Chancellors; rationalisation of courses/department; termination of university staff by military government without due process; removal of university Chief Executives by military fiat. Similarly, university education suffered a great setback during military rule in Nigeria as military government reduced expenditure on university education. As a result, the university environment got deteriorated both in facilities and equipment and general welfare of students. Adaralegbe (1991) argued that universities in Nigeria lost their autonomy and academic freedom under military rule. The scholar supported his position with ASUU's 1978 verdict on “The University Crisis and the Mohammed Commission Report and the White Paper”. ASUU, in the release (1978), wrote that: The emergence of Military Administration in Nigeria had brought in its wake increasing interference in the Affairs of the universities on the part of the government. On the charge against the Military Government by ASUU, Adaralebge continued, “the Union criticised the government of interfering in matters of student discipline; government directive/order to members of academic staff to vacate their living quarters (both in 1973); imposing VCs of its choice on universities; unilateral decision by government to introduce tuition fees and withdrawal of subsidy of feeding and lodging of university students; announcement by the military government through the NUC threefold increases in feeding and lodging fees to students, thereby causing the student disturbance of 1978” (Adaralegbe, 1991: 69-70). During military rule in Nigeria, the relationship between university (staff and students) and government was less cordial as dialogue was often repudiated in the system; the use of brutal force and repression in finding a solution to crisis was always the order of the day.

Discussion and Case Studies When University of Ibadan students embarked on a week-long demonstration on campus over food/cafeteria matter in 1971, evidence in the literature confirmed that the university authorities without any recourse to dialogue or negotiation with the students employed force in resolving the crisis. Indeed, investigation conducted on the incident by Ojo (1995) revealed that the university Chief-Executive, Professor Adeoye Lambo, in the attempt to find a solution to the problem, ordered students to vacate the campus. The fact had it further by Ojo, that when the student's demonstration persisted; the police was later called in by the Vice-Chancellor to end the crisis. On this account, the strategy employed by the university authorities, rather than ending the crisis, escalated it. This became evident as student demonstration degenerated into violence that witnessed armed police THE MANAGEMENT OF STUDENTS' CRISIS IN NIGERIAN 85 UNIVERSITIES DURING MILITARY RULE, 1971-1999 shooting at demonstrating students on campus, killing a student, Kunle Adepeju. Thereafter, a Panel of Inquiry, headed by Justice Kazeem, was constituted by the military government of General Yakubu Gowon. It is a view in this research that the university authorities did not find it expedient to address the main issue in conflict, which was about poor quality food by the cafeteria Manageress. On another occasion, the crisis generated by university students when the National Youth Service Corps scheme (NYSC) was introduced to all Nigerian university graduates by the Gowon's regime in 1973 was reportedly ironed-out by coercive force. By so doing, the military government under General Yakubu Gowon deployed armed policemen to stop the nationwide student demonstrations. However, this conflict management strategy of relying on force to resolve crisis on campus had often time produced the same result. As in this case, rather than solving the problem, the intervention by armed police worsened the situation, as students and police clashed, resulting in serious injuries on the part of students. Again, as police intervention in the crisis failed to produce the desired result, the military government of General Yakubu Gowon ordered closure of all universities in Nigeria. In a related development, as had been reported in studies, the military government under General Yakubu Gowon applied closure as a means to end the crisis generated by University of Ibadan students during Kunle Adepeju's 3rd memorial anniversary in 1974 (Sanda, 1991). However, the genesis of this crisis was traced to disagreement between the university students and the police, as students embarked on a public rally against the police instruction that had earlier banned the rally from holding, in which police and the students clashed. In dealing with this crisis, it was reported that the police unleashed terror and brutalised the students, which ultimately generated student protests in other universities. As in most cases, in the aftermath of student protests in these universities, Ojo reported “the government ordered closure of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, , University of Ife (Obafemi Awolowo University) and University of Benin” (Ojo, 1995: 46). In 1975, when university students in Nigeria staged violent demonstrations against the state over the postponement of the transition programme to civil rule, the military government under General Yakubu Gowon responded by shutting down the following universities: University of Ibadan, University of Ife (Obafemi Awolowo University) and University of Lagos for nine weeks. Nonetheless, this particular crisis was caused by government announcement that shifted the transition programme which was expected to return Nigeria to civil rule by the end of the year, and ultimately terminated the military government under General Yakubu Gowon. Against this development, the university students embarked on violent demonstration against the state. However, the approach of government which had forcefully closed the universities was aimed at ending the anti-government demonstrations by students in these institutions. It is important to state here too that the university students engaged themselves in demonstrations during this period over two important issues. The state was disturbed by student demonstrations against prolonged military rule in Nigeria under General Yakubu Gowon and disenchantment with government in the fight against corruption, especially corrupt practices in government circle. In the internal conflict between students and authorities of University of Ibadan during the 1975/76 session, it was reported that the university authorities banned student unionism on campus. In the analysis of this conflict, Ojo reported that when the above JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 86 measure had failed to produce the desired result, by bringing back peace on the campus, as students continued to protest and took law into their hands, the university authorities again employed various measures that included: ban on campus politics and other Students' Union activities; dissolution of the Students' Union; frozening of its accounts and the imposition of the dawn to dusk curfew on the campus. Citing Ojo's (1995: 46-47) narration in this case, “the university authorities, as a last approach, finally invited the police on campus to end the crisis”. “In the aftermath of this crisis, the author stated “the university authorities expelled the Students' Union President and other officials from the institution”. Commenting on the way the government reacted to the student crisis of 1978 “Ali Must Go” which resulted from nationwide violent student demonstrations, Sanda (1992: 34) in a study reported that “government resort to force in dealing with the crisis, by deploying armed troops to curtail the student demonstrations”. The view expressed above by Sanda was also corroborated by Yusuf in a narration about the crisis situation at Ahmadu Bello University during the 1978 “Ali Must Go” saga. Yusuf in this study observed that the armed police and soldiers who were ordered by the government to intervene in the 1978 crisis engaged the demonstrating students on campus, killing some students and unleashed terror on the university (Yusuf, 2005). On this subject, Ojo was of the opinion that government took some measures, which as he said repressed the student demonstrations, citing the incident at the University of Lagos where armed police engaged armless students and opened fire on the demonstrating students on campus, thus killing a student and injuring others. In finding a lasting solution to this crisis, other measures taken by the government to restore peace on campuses in the country included: the proscription of the activities of the National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS); forceful closure of all higher institutions in Nigeria and expulsion of some student leaders from the universities (Yusuf, 2005). In resolving student crisis at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, in 1981, when the university students embarked on violent demonstration on campus over food, it was revealed in the literature that authorities in the institution invited the police on campus to stop the demonstration and thereafter forced the institution to close. Reporting this incident in a commentary Black (2005:85) said: “Armed security personnel were invited by authorities of Ahmadu Bello University to quell student demonstrations over shortage of rice during the 1980/81 session, leading to the death of a student and eventual closure of the university”. Expressing similar opinion on this case, Ojo (1995: 50) had this to say: “as student demonstration degenerated, the police were invited on campus to intervene in the crisis, which led to the death of two people, as the police opened fire on the demonstrating students”. It was also mentioned by this author that at the end of the student crisis, the university authorities embarked on punitive expenditure by expelling thirty students and about 165 students were rusticated from the institution. The strategy of police intervention was also applied in the student crisis that ensued at the University of Ife (Obafemi Awolowo University) in 1981 when the Students' Union leaders led the students to demonstrate against the gruesome murder of their colleague, a female undergraduate student, Bukola Arogundade, who was beheaded outside the university campus for ritual. “Initially, Aluede (1995) argued, “the students had embarked on a peaceful procession to the police station and the Ooni's palace to demand for the head of Bukola Arogundade”. In the process, the police attempted to stop the peaceful procession leading to confrontation between the students and the police. The THE MANAGEMENT OF STUDENTS' CRISIS IN NIGERIAN 87 UNIVERSITIES DURING MILITARY RULE, 1971-1999 police used tear gas and weapons on the students, witnessing the death of three female students (Aluede, 1995). In an independent opinion on the crisis, the Academic Staff Union of Nigerian University-Ife branch (ASUU-Ife, 1981) expressed the view that “the attempt by authorities to suppress peaceful student demonstration over the murder of their colleague, Bukola Arogundade, involved the police action that resulted in the death of six more students of the university”. Meanwhile, an Investigative Panel was later constituted by the government to look into the crisis. In an attempt to end the crisis generated by Nigerian universities in 1984 when students demonstrated against government policy that introduced tuition fees and cancelled cafeteria system/feeding in all the federal universities in Nigeria, evidence in the literature revealed that the military government under General Muhammadu Buhari adopted force as a means to resolve the student crises. “In ending the crisis”, Iwere (2005:34) argued, “the government ordered soldiers to take over university campuses and banned all student assemblies”. Documentary evidence on this crisis revealed that the military government forcefully closed down all federal universities in Nigeria in the attempt to end the student crisis across the nation, which had witnessed violent student demonstrations against the state, when government abolished meal subsidies and introduced tuition fees in all federal universities (Ubani, 2005). As regard the conflict-management strategy used in resolving crisis involving students of Ahmadu Bello University and the University Management in 1986, the Nigerian Tribune reported thus: “The Vice-Chancellor, Professor Ango Abdullahi, in the attempt to end the week-long violent student demonstrations invited police on campus”. The report continued, “rather than solving the problem, this action resulted in the mayhem of 1986 on the university campus, as armed police/soldiers and students engaged themselves in battle leading to the death of many students on the university campus, causing similar reactions by students in other higher institutions in the country (Nigerian Tribune, 1986: 1). In another observation on the incident, Etadon said this: “This event provoked reactions by students from other universities in Nigeria who subsequently embarked on violent demonstrations. In response, the military government ordered the closure of all universities and higher institutions in Nigeria (Etadon, 2013). In his own observation, Aluede (1995) remarked that in the enforcement of discipline on students, the Vice-Chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University, Professor Ango Abdullahi, exercised his power by expelling the Students' Union officials that triggered student unrest on the campus. However, the military government set up General Abisoye Panel to investigate the immediate and remote causes of the crisis. In addressing the student crises caused by IMF-inspired (SAP) fuel price increment in April 1988, the government ordered the military to engage the students and stop the violent demonstrations which had spread across the country. In the final analysis, when government had realised the fact that the crisis remained unabated, it ordered closure of all universities and higher institutions in Nigeria for six months (Sanda, 1991). Meanwhile, information had it that the student demonstration was to protest the sudden increase in the pump price of petroleum, the withdrawal of government subsidy on petroleum and the resultant increase in the cost of transportation. In 1989 when Nigerian students protested the introduction of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), the military government ordered troops to end the demonstration as the students protests across the country degenerated into violence. On the order of government, soldiers in the operation opened fire on the demonstrating JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 88 students and killed some students in Lagos, Benin-City and Port Harcourt. Not done yet, government also closed down all universities and higher institutions in Nigeria for six months, when the situation had degenerated into big crisis, as police/soldiers and students clashed, leading to the death and casualty of many students all over the places (Aluede et al, 2005). In 1992 when Nigerian students staged violent demonstrations to oppose the government decision to accept $150 million loan from the World Bank, the government ordered the expulsion of the student leaders from the universities for organising the demonstration. Similarly, in response to the student crisis of 1992 when Nigerian students demonstrated against the state over the implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) that included the devaluation of Nigerian currency (Naira), government ordered the security personnel to stop the demonstration. On this crisis, Aluede, et al (2005:18) observed thus: “the action of government included arrest and prosecution of student leaders under decree 48 of 1986”. All universities and higher institutions in the country were closed for months. Similarly, the crisis generated by university students and others in the wake of 1993 annulment of the presidential election by the military government under General Ibrahim Babangida on June 12 was responded to by ordering the military and police to engage the demonstrators. However, in dealing with this crisis, the government action involved the rolling out of military tanks and firearms against the demonstrators who were protesting the cancellation of the internationally adjudged free and fair election of June 12, believed to have been won by late M. K. O. Abiola. In furtherance, the annulment of the presidential election in June 1993 subsequently threw up Chief Ernest Shonekan as the Head of Interim National government (ING) in the same year. By 17 November 1993, General Sanni Abacha became the new Head of State in Nigeria when he announced the resignation of Chief Ernest Shonekan who was foisted on the nation in the aftermath of the annulled June 12 presidential election. Against this development, Nigerian students took to the streets and protested the military takeover. As a result, the entire period of General Sanni Abacha military rule witnessed persistent student crises as university students collaborated with civil society organisations like National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), Campaign for Democracy (CD), Democratic Alternative (DA) and other opposition groups and challenged military dictatorship in Nigeria. Meanwhile, in the resolution of these crises, General Sanni Abacha's military regime adopted brutality and repression as means to deal with demonstrating students and opposition groups in the country. As a result of incessant students' unrest in Nigerian universities, particularly in 1995, General Sanni Abacha military government side-tracked university administrative structure and appointed Sole Administrators to run the affairs of some federal universities. As a point in case, General Mamman Kotangora was appointed as sole administrator of Ahmadu Bello University in November 1996 as a result of the persistent students' crises in the university. As a dictatorial regime, the government move was aimed at full control of students and university staff. Similarly, the government's reaction to crises rocking university system during this period often ended in closure of affected institutions in Nigeria. In 1996, the military government of General Sanni Abacha took repressive measures to suppress students' opposition to the undemocratic transition programme skewed to serve the interest of the military regime. During the period, many university THE MANAGEMENT OF STUDENTS' CRISIS IN NIGERIAN 89 UNIVERSITIES DURING MILITARY RULE, 1971-1999 students and other pro-democracy activists in Nigeria were arrested and detained for several months for campaigning against the transition programme.

Conclusions From the findings of the study, it could be concluded that the conflict management strategy of students' conflicts in the selected Nigerian universities during military rule involved the application of coercive force and closure. The intervention by armed security officials in students' crises often witnessed confrontation between students and the police/soldiers which often resulted in mayhem and casualty on the part of students. Such examples were: the University of Ibadan students' crisis of 1971, where a student was killed and many sustained various degrees of injury; the nationwide students' crisis (Ali Must Go) 1978; University of Ife (Obafemi Awolowo University) students' crisis of 1981; Ahmadu Bello students' crisis of 1986; the nationwide student demonstration of 1986 (anti-SAP riot); the June 12, 1993 students' demonstration. Similarly, it is established in this research that no Crisis Management Team was established to handle the outburst of students' crises in the Nigerian universities during military rule. Most student conflicts that snowballed into crises in the selected Nigerian universities at that time were mismanaged by authorities (university and government). In the management of these crises, however, authorities often applied wrong methods. These, in effect, escalated the crises.

Recommendations Since we are now under democracy, it is a considered opinion in this research that authorities should find alternative means for resolving conflicts generated by students in the Nigerian universities rather than the use of force and closure. The best alternative to the strategy of force and closure as the means to deal with students' crises in Nigerian universities should be in the context of peace and conflict studies. A holistic approach which involves the blend of peace strategies aimed at addressing a difficult conflict. Similarly, the management of student crises in Nigerian universities should be at three levels of preventions, intervention, and postventions. The prevention of student crises in Nigerian universities should be focused on preventive strategies that aim to deter the eruption of students' conflicts in the universities. The intervention strategy of student crises in Nigerian universities should be focused on intervention strategies that aim at settling, managing, and resolving, the crises in the aftermath of their occurrence. This comprises conflict settlement; conflict resolution; conflict management, which are intervention strategies. The postventions effort should involve the resolution of student crises in Nigerian universities in the longer-term with a view to transforming the bases of students' conflicts rather than the immediate removal of the causes of the crises.

References Adaralegbe, A. (1991).University Administration Under Military Rule. In Sanda, A. O (ed),Understanding Higher Educational Administration in Nigeria. Ibadan: Facts Finder, p.69-91. Aluede, O. O., Jimoh, B., Agwinede, B. O. and Omoregie, E. O. (2005). Students' Unrestin Nigerian Universities: Looking back and forward. Journal of Social JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 90 Science vol. 10. 1, p.17-22. Aluede, O.O. (1995). Factors Influencing Students' Unrest in Tertiary Institutions in Edo State of Nigeria. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Benin. ASUU (1987). ASUU and the 1986 Education Crisis in Nigeria. ASUU-Ife (1981). Report of the Administrative Inquiry (by ASUU) into the Police-Student Clash on Sunday, the 7th of June at Ile-Ife. Balsvik, R. (1998). Student Protest – University and State in Africa 1960-1995. Forum for Development Studies. Vol. 25, Iss, 2, p.301-325. Bamisaye, O. A. (2010). Conflict Management in the Governance of the University of Ibadan from 1976-2005. An Unpublished (M.Phil) Thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Ibadan. Black, A. (2005). Reminiscences from Ahmadu Bello University. In B. Beckman and Y. Z. Ya'u (eds.), Great Nigerian Students: Movement Politics and Radical Nationalism. CRDK Kano and PODSU Stolkholm: Akademitryck, Sweden, p.73- 88. Etadon, F. I. (2013). Campus Conflict Involving Students' and University Management in Nigeria. International Journal of Education. vol. 5 No. 3, p.333-343. Iwere, N. (2005). Reflections on the Nigerian Student Movement. In B. Beckman and Y. Z. Ya'u (eds.), Great Nigerian Students: Movement Politics and Radical Nationalism. CRDK Kano and PODSU Stolkholm: Akademitryck, Sweden,p.29- 41. Nigerian Tribune. ABU Crisis: Five Member Panel Set up – Dare Oyewole. May 27, 1986, p.1 Ojo, J. D. (1995). Students Unrest in Nigerian Universities: A Legal and Historical Approach. Ibadan, Nigeria: Spectrum Books Ltd. = Okeowo, S. (1988). Students' Unionism in Nigerian University Campuses: A Course or Blessing. In A. U. Kadiri (ed),25 Years of Centralised University Education in Nigeria. Lagos: NUC, p.89-97. Olaniyi, R. O. (2012). “Nigeria is not a Banana Republic”: Student Unionism and Police Brutality in Nigeria, 1978-1998.In Albert, I. O. (ed),A History of Social Conflict and Conflict Management in Nigeria. Ibadan: John Archers, p.218-235. Sanda, A. O. (1992). Managing Nigerian Universities. Ibadan: Spectrum Book Limited. Sanda, A. O. (1991). Violent Student Protests, Government Response and Death on Nigerian Universities Campuses. In Sada, A.O. (ed),Understanding Higher Educational Administration in Nigeria. Fact Finders International, p.92-104. Ubani, C. (2005). Recollections from an Interlude of Struggle. In B. Beckman and Y. Z. Ya'u (eds.),Great Nigerian Students: Movement Politics and Radical Nationalism. CRDK Kano and PODSU Stolkholm: Akademitryck, Sweden, 128- 134. Yusuf, A. A. (2005). Academic Freedom, Institutional Autonomy, and Social Responsibility. In B. Beckman and Y. Z. Ya'u (eds.),Great Nigerian Students: Movement Politics and Radical Nationalism. CRDK Kano and PODSU Stolkholm: Akademitryck, Sweden, p.42-53. 91 LOCAL GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN BRASS LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF BAYELSA STATE, 1999-2010

Larry, Steve Ibuomo, PhD Department of History and Diplomacy, , Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State. E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 08030745300,

Abstract Local Government is seen as that level of government that takes government closer to the people and the machinery that engenders development in the rural areas. It makes it possible for the masses to participate meaningfully in government. It gives the people a government they can call their own, a government that has the knowledge of their problems and interest. To this end, therefore, this study examines the extent to which resources available to Brass Local Government Area are utilized to meet the developmental needs of the Brass people. The study reveals that Brass Local Government has not been able to effect meaningful rural development and this is due, partly, to the fact that revenue accruing to the LGA has been underutilized and squandered by the officials of the local government. Put differently, Brass Local Government has not been able to contribute meaningfully to rural development due, largely, to corruption, mismanagement of funds, lack of accountability and transparency. The methodology applied in this study is the secondary type. The data were collected mainly from journals and books and the study is descriptive and analytical.

Introduction Over the years, Governments have thought it necessary especially, in democracies, to take government closer to the rural and local people. In recent years, this idea has craved more attention following the bottom-to-top notion of development strategies. Consequently, Local Governments have been seen as that level of Government that takes Government closer to the people at the grassroots and at the same time, that machinery that engenders development in the rural areas. Local Government makes it possible for the masses to participate meaningfully in government. The federal and even state governments are usually far away from the communities that most of them hardly feel part of it until general elections. Local Government today is a household name common to both urban and rural dwellers. The reason is that it is the nearest government to the people. Odenigwe (1984) defines Local Government as “the part of government of a nation or state which deals mainly with matters of concern to the people of a particular place”. Local Government is a unit of government established by law to administer the functions of government and see to the welfare and interest of the local dwellers. Local Government guarantees a situation in which the local people can elect their representatives that can make decisions on matters relating to the interest of their communities, and make rules and policies governing their local affairs, raise funds from internal and external sources in their area of jurisdiction (Odenigwe, 1984). Thus, Local Government gives the people a government they can call their own. One that has the knowledge of their problems and their interest. Local Government also JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 92 acts as a vehicle for the articulation and promotion of local interests. According to the United Nations Division of Public Administration cited in Ibaba (2005), Local Government is “a political subdivision of a nation which is constitutional by law and has substantial control of local affairs including the power to impose taxes or to exact labour for prescribed purposes. The governing body of such entity is elected or otherwise locally selected” (Okoli, 2005). A complementary reason for the creation of Local Government is rural development. This was stressed by Adedeji in his lecture at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, when he stated inter-alia, “of the three tiers of Government, Federal, State and Local, the Local Government provides the greatest scope for grassroots development because it touches the lives of the people most intimately” (Adedeji, 1985, Larry, 2019). This is to say that Local Government enables the people to respond to the services and development activities in the rural communities. The Federal Government in 1976 structured and organized the Local Government System to make it developmental. In the famous 1976 Local Government reforms, the government declared that, “Local Government reforms had the objectives of improving life in the rural areas through effective revenue mobilization and getting more people involved in decisions affecting them” (Federal Government of Nigeria, 1976). The 1976 Local Government Reforms guidelines as incorporated into the 1979 and 1999 constitutions attributed many functions to Local Government. Equally, the 1976 Local Government reforms were aimed at entrusting political responsibility to where it is most beneficial with the hope that the reforms would ensure the principle of participatory democracy and political responsibility to every Nigerian (Larry, 2019). Therefore, Local Governments exists to perform rural developmental functions. However, in recent times, its performance in the rural developmental function is questioned. Thus, this study examines how Local Governments have contributed to development in rural areas, using Brass Local Government as our case study.

Evolution of Local Governments Administration in Nigeria Local Government administration in Nigeria predated colonial rule as each of the separate entities that make up the country had a unique but relatively effective system. The Hausa/Fulani North were ruled by Emirs and adopted the emirate system but the territory was divided into districts and villages for ease of administration under the control of district or village heads. The Oyo Empire was ruled by the Oba/Alafin assisted by a council of chiefs (Oyomesi) that had its head as Bashorun. TheAreOnaKakanfo was the military head stationed outside the capital of Old Oyo to avoid distraction. Towns and villages were under the control of local Obas and village heads that were subservient to the Alafin (Akinjogbon and Ayandele in Ikime (ed) (1980), Larry, 2018). Kyenge (2013) and Denga (2003) alluded to a decentralized administration in the Ibo societies where there was lack of centralized head but largely based on compound, village, and clan administrative system (Larry, 2018). British rule came with Lugard introducing indirect rule system with the amalgamation of Northern and Southern Protectorates in 1914. The system revolved around recognizing the importance of local participation as a base for grassroots democracy. In this arrangement, there was disproportionate sharing of power between the traditional rulers and the British administrators. This eventually gave birth to the Native Authority System of local government administration that was introduced as contained in LOCAL GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT 93 IN BRASS LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF BAYELSA STATE, 1999-2010 the Native Ordinance of 1916. The system was very successful in the North, relatively successful in the West but a near total failure in the East (Larry, 2018, Larry, 2019). Reforms were brought to the system through the Local Government Ordinance of 1950 leading to elected councils with a three tier structure like the British pattern. The structures were the counties, districts, and local councils. Apart from national reforms to the system that cut across the country, the respective regional governments also introduced some reforms thereby leading to different paces of development of local government systems. For instance, reforms in the Western Region did not start until 1952 when it promulgated the Local Government Law of 1952 while in the East, with the enactment of the Local Government Law of 1955, it repealed the 1950 Ordinance. Both the Eastern and Western authorities had three years tenure while 75% of the members of the councils were elected (Aina, 2006, Ezeani, 2004 and Larry, 2019). At independence in 1960 through 1966, the East and the West enacted the Local Government Law of 1960 which spelt out distinct structures for the system. In the North, the Native Authority Law No.4 of 1954 continued to be in operation till 1966 when the military took over power. In 1967, the administrative structure of Nigeria changed with the creation of twelve states from the existing four regions. Military Governors dissolved all the existing local government structures, each of the federating states enacted an edict to govern local governments while some large divisions and districts were created from the old arrangement. In 1971, the conditions of service of local government staff were harmonized with those of civil servants at the state level to attract high caliber of staff (Aina, 2006, Larry, 2019). The most fundamental reforms in local government administration came with the 1976 Local Government Reforms as local government was accorded the third tier status. In addition, the Guidelines for Local Government Reforms were realized while there was also the establishment of the Local Government Service Commission, Local Government Peace and Security Committee and recognition was accorded the position of the traditional rulers as advisers to the councils. To further improve on the 1976 local government reforms and entrench local democracy,the Dasuki Panel was set up in 1984 to review the local government system. The Panel made far reaching and wide ranging people oriented recommendations for a virile local government system (DasukiReport, 1984). Unfortunately, the Panel's recommendations as well as the Government White Paper on them were eventually not implemented (Larry, 2019).

Brass Local Government Area in Historical Perspective The name Brass, according to E.J. Alagoa (1999 and 2005), was given to the natives who lived and transacted business on the Rivers Nun, Brass, and St. Nicholas. The European traders observed that the natives were hard and difficult bargainers who often used the word “Barasin”, which means “let go” or “leave it”, which implied that if the price of the product is not acceptable, the buyer (European) should leave (Ama-Ogbari, 2014). This invariably indicated a decision not to receive lower prices. Following this development, the early European traders nicknamed the people as the “Barasin” people, which, with the passage of time, was converted to Brass. Subsequently, the name became prominent with Twon, which is a town at the mouth of the river. It was at this settlement that the early European traders built their “factories” and store houses. It was also in this area that the British established their administrative headquarters where the Vice Consul of the Brass Division settled during the last decade of the 19th century (Ifiemi, 2007). JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 94 The entity now known as Brass Local Government Area was a Division comprising Nembe, Ogbia, Epie-Atissa and Eastern Ijaw clans in the then Port-Harcourt Province. The composition of the Division at that time clearly depicted the ethnic and cultural similarities of the people who lived in these clans. Brass Local Government Area was created in 1976 following the introduction of the Guidelines to Local Government Reforms that heralded a new system of local governments in the country. The new local governments as a third tier of government was established by the then Rivers State Local Government Edict No.8 of 1986, which took effect from 3rd September, 1976 (Ifiemi, 2007). On January 1991, Brass Local Government Area was split into two, giving rise to Ogbia Local Government and the original Brass Local Government by the then Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida. Again, in 1996, when Bayelsa State was created, Brass Local Government Area was split into Brass and Nembe Local Government Areas. Brass LGA is made up of about two ethnic nationalities: Nembe and Akassa. It is also pertinent to note that these groups have been living together for centuries. The Brass man is loving and accommodating. There are about five dialects that are spoken in the local government area. These are; Nembe, Akassa, Egweama, Liama and Beletiama. Like every other LGA in Bayelsa State, English language is the official language in Brass LGA. Pigin or 'broken' is also widely spoken in the area (Ifiemi, 2007). The people of Brass LGA are very distinctive in the expression of their cultural heritage. In Nembe, Akassa, Egweama, Liama, and Beletiama, the various masquerade and dance clubs in the area took part in the Annual Nigeria Festival of Arts and Culture, and also the 2nd World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture in 1977 (Ifiemi, 2007). The culture of the people is well preserved in the area of burial rites, wrestling, oracle consultation and practice, marriage ceremonies, and traditional beliefs. Brass Local Government Area has been playing an enormous role in terms of commerce and industry in Bayelsa State. The local government which is blessed with several oil wells is also home to a functioning crude oil export terminal. Presently, the Brass LNG alongside other multinational oil companies and commercial banks are located in Brass. The mainstay of the economy of the people of Brass is fishing. In addition, the people of Brass Local Government Area are known to be good in commerce, transport services, carving, weaving, etc. Administratively, the present Brass Local Government Area comprises ten wards. The major towns in the area are; Twon-Brass, Akassa, Okpoama, Ewoama, Odioama, Beletieama, Liama, Diema, Fantuo, Egweama, Igbabelai, Sangana, Konko and Ibidi. Twon-Brass is the headquarters of the Local Government and it is bounded on the west by Southern Ijaw LGA, east by St. Bartholemew River and is widely transversed by numerous fresh and salt water rivers, creeks and rivulets. On the south, it is bounded by the Atlantic Ocean and north, by Nembe Local Government Area (Ogbari, 2014, Larry, 2019).

Local Government Administration and Rural Development in Brass Local Government Area Development is a composite phenomenon. It is a many sided concept, defying a single and linear conceptual clarification. Development has both non-economic and economic components. From Todaro,s standpoint, development should be perceived as a multidimensional process involving the re-organization of the entire economic and social systems. In addition to improvements of incomes and outputs, it typically involves radical LOCAL GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT 95 IN BRASS LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF BAYELSA STATE, 1999-2010 changes in institutional, social, and administrative structures as well as popular attitudes, and in many cases, even customs and beliefs (Todaro, 1977). The definition above stresses that development is geared towards the positive and holistic transformation of the lives of individuals in a country in its entirety. Development, in essence, must therefore represent the whole gamut of change by which an entire social system moves away from a condition of life perceived as unsatisfactory and toward a situation or condition of life regarded as materially and spiritually better. In his contribution, Kim Kyong Dong posited that development is a social transformation which is basically aimed at a more egalitarian distribution of social goods in the society. These goods include education, housing, health services, electricity, and participation in decision making which can enhance the better living condition of the people (Dong, 1998). Inherent in the above definition is the fact that, development is man centered, i.e. man either in rural or in the urban is at the centre of development. For Dudley Seer (1983), development is more a process of reducing poverty, unemployment, and inequality. He holds the view that when these variables are reduced or on the decline, such a nation has attained development. He raises some fundamental questions relating to the meaning of development when he asserts as follows: The questions to ask about a country's development are, therefore, what has been happening to poverty? What has been happening to unemployment? What has been happening to inequality? If all three of these have been declined from high levels, then beyond doubt, this has been a period of development for the country concerned. If one or two of these central problems have been growing worse especially if all three have, it would be strange to call the result “development” even if per capita income doubled (Dudley, 1983). On the other hand, rural development has been defined by Diejomach (cited in Onokehoraye and Okafor, 1994) as “a process of not only increasing the level of per capita income in the rural sector, but also raising the standard of living of the rural population. This definition goes on to observe that the standard of living depends on a complex of factors such as food and nutrition levels, health, education, housing, recreation, security, among others. Rural development has also been defined as the outcome of a series of quantitative changes occurring among a given rural population and whose emerging effects indicate in time a rise in the standard of living and favourable changes in the way of life of the people concerned. According to UmaLele (1975), “rural development implies improving living standards of the mass of the low income population residing in rural areas and making the process of their development self-sustaining”. The comprehensive aspect of this view is that, it stated three underlying elements of rural development which are; improving the living standards of the mass of low income population, mass participation, and making the process self-sustaining. Bringing this to Brass Local Government Area, the Local Government has embarked on some projects, in order to develop the people residing in the area. Consequently, this study will concentrate on projects executed from 2003 to 2007. Among these projects was the construction of a concrete road linking the secretariat. The project commenced on the 18th of September, 2003. On the 20th of October, 2003, the project on the completion of a 3 bedroom flat in Twon-Brass was awarded and a stipulated date of completion was fixed for 11th of December, 2004. There was another project for the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 96 completion of a Health Centre in Twon-Brass. This project was to be completed on the 21st of September, 2004. At Egweama, a project on the construction of a Health Centre was embarked on the 21st of October. There was also the construction of a six classroom block at Liama which began on the 21st of October, 2003. This project was targeted to be completed on 30th May, 2005 (Larry, 2019). There was also the construction of a concrete road at Okpoama which commenced on the 16th of December, 2003 and now completed. This Local Government also embarked on the reactivation of electricity at Imbiriki and Consulate in Twon-Brass. On the 18th of February, 2005, the construction of Senior Staff Quarters 1 and 11 in Twon- Brass was awarded. The Council also constructed a concrete foot bridge at Minibie in Akassa and a Neighbourhood Water Scheme at Liama, Khogo and Oginibiri. There was also the supply of three generators to these communities to service the Water Scheme. The Local Government also embarked on the furnishing of the Legislative Hall and another Water Scheme at Akebelekiri and Odiama respectively (Larry, 2019). These projects, as explained above, are projects Brass Local Government has embarked on from 2003 to 2007 in its bid to contribute to the development of the people inhabiting the area. This is in addition to the regular payment of staff salaries. Brass Local Government is financed by the Federal Government through statutory allocations from the Federation Account. With regards to revenues accruing from the Federation Account, available data indicate that Brass Local Government received a yearly allocation of about Two Hundred and Sixty One Million, Four Hundred and Ninety Two Naira (#261,461,492.00) for the year 2003 (Revenue Allocation to Local Governments, Office of the Accountant General, 2004) and its total capital expenditure for that year was forty one million, one hundred and thirty three thousand, six hundred and thirty six naira (#41,133,636.00). The expenditure was on projects carried out by the LGA which included: I. The construction of concrete road from Marine Road to the Secretariat at a cost of six million, six hundred and forty thousand, four hundred naira (#6,640,400.00). ii. The completion of three bedroom flat at Twon-Brass which cost Five million, seven hundred and fifty nine thousand, one hundred and twenty four naira (#5,759,124.00). iii. The completion of a Health Centre at Twon-Brass at the cost of five million, seven thousand (#5, 7,000.00). iv. Completion of Health Centre at Egweama that cost seven million, twenty seven thousand, five hundred and thirty naira (#7,027,530). v. The construction of concrete road at Okpoama at seven million, nine hundred and twenty four thousand, four hundred naira (#7, 924,400.00). vi. Reactivation of electricity at Imbiriki and Consolate, Twon-Brass at the cost of seven million, six hundred thousand naira (#7,600,000.00). vii. The construction of six classroom blocks at Liama which costs seven million, five hundred and nine thousand (#7,509,000), etc (Department of Works, Brass Local Government Area). Looking at the allocation and expenditure for the year 2003, there is a difference of two hundred and twenty million, three hundred and twenty seven thousand, eight hundred and fifty six naira (#220, 327,856,00) but for the payment of staff salaries. For the year 2004, the total allocation was six hundred and fifty four million, LOCAL GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT 97 IN BRASS LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF BAYELSA STATE, 1999-2010 eight hundred and sixty nine thousand, two hundred and thirteen naira (#654,869,213.00) (Revenue Allocation to Local Governments, Office of the Accountant General) and the expenditure for that year was eleven million (#11,000,000.00). The project executed was the construction of concrete foot bridge at Minibie, Akassa at the cost of eleven million naira. The difference from this allocation and expenditure is six hundred and forty three million, eight hundred and sixty nine thousand, two hundred and thirty naira, sixty kobo (#643,869,213.60) (Department of Works, Brass Local Government Area). In the year 2005, the total allocation was eight hundred and seventy two million, three hundred and eighty six thousand, six hundred and forty nine naira, thirty kobo and the expenditure on projects was twenty nine million, six hundred thousand naira (#29,600,000). The projects executed include: I. The construction of the intermediate staff quarters at Twon-Brass for eight million, three hundred thousand naira (#8,300,000). ii. The construction of the senior staff quarters 1 and 11 at the cost of seven million (#7,000,000). iii. The construction of a neighbourhood water scheme at Liama, Khogo and Oginibiri that costs three million, six hundred thousand naira (#3,600,000). iv. Supply of three generators that cost five million, four thousand (#5, 4,000,000), neighbourhood water scheme at Akebelekiri, Odiama which costs two million, four hundred thousand naira (#2,400,000). The difference for this year was eight hundred and forty nine naira, thirty kobo (#842,786,649,30) (Revenue Allocation to Local Government, Office of the Accountant General, Department of Works, Brass Local Government). From the foregoing, it is glaring that Brass Local Government has not been able to utilize the monies accruing to her from the federation account during the reporting period to uptimally impact on the lives of the people of the LGA. For instance, in the year 2003, the allocation was #261,461,492.00 while projects executed amounted to #41,133,636.00. There was a total difference of #220,327,856.00 which alone, minus the payment of staff salaries, would have been enough to carryout serious development projects. Unfortunately, these monies are not accounted for due to lack of transparency and accountability.

Assessment of Development Patterns in Brass Local Government Area Rural development is an observable and measurable rise in the quality of life of the people resident outside the urban areas and a corresponding increase in infrastructural status of such non-urban areas. Rural development gained international recognition in 1956 when the United Nations adopted a new definition for it as follows: “community development where several strategies should be adopted to achieve this objective”. Laying more emphasis on the UN adoption on rural development, Niyi Osoba opines that, “this is the process by which the efforts of the people themselves are in consonance with those of governmental authorities to improve the socio-economic and cultural conditions of the communities”. That is, community development consists of participation by the people themselves in an effort to improve the level of living and the provision of technical and social services in ways which encourage initiative and self-help. Furthermore, community development serves a political purpose by setting to achieve an atmosphere in which government and the people will cooperate to achieve development. To this end, Local Government is seen to be the best strategy for the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 98 development of the rural areas. Writing on this, Bola and Bamidele point out that: Local Government in any political structure represents grassroots administration and by extension, better placed to accelerate rural development. Rural development is the process of improving the standard of living of the population residing in rural areas. Such enormous task requires a permanent institutional structure with legal power to initiate and implement programmes with developmental consequences. Like most Local Governments in Nigeria, one major problem with Brass Local Government is the non-participation and involvement of the benefiting rural population during planning and implementation of the packaged programmes that will transform the rural people. The rural people are not given a sense of belonging. In Brass Local Government Area, decisions of programmes and projects are taken or decided at the top before communicating it to the rural population. Due to this, the Blue Print Approach to development programmes can be used to explain the underdevelopment of Brass Local Government Area. The Blue Print Approach to development programmes talks about a group of experts and professionals (planners, administrators and researchers) who sit together, deliberate on the critical needs of the rural people, evaluate the resources available, decide on the projects, tasks, and programmes, and proceed to site to execute the programmes with or without the active participation of the rural population (Ikejiani- Clark and Okoli, 1995).This approach to rural development has failed to transform the abject conditions of the people of Brass LGA. In Brass LGA, there is poor conceptualization of rural development projects and programmes. Furthermore, there is often no link between the intended beneficiaries and the projects. Judging from the available data, embezzlement of funds meant for development is the major factor that has affected development in Brass Local Government Area. Funds are embezzledor diverted into private purses or other activities not beneficial to the people. This is due to the high rate of corruption on the part of the local government officials who ensure that there are lots of loopholes in the coordination of the projects as well as low enlightenment and literacy levels on the part of the inhabitants of the LGA.Consequently, the underdevelopment faced by Brass Local Government Area could be attributed to the simple fact that monies realized by the local government were not put into effective use for the execution of developmental projects in Brass.

Conclusion Based on the findings on this study, it is evident that Brass Local Government has not been able to effect rural development to the rural people of Brass and this is due, partly, to the fact that the programmes and projects embarked on were executed without the full participation of the people. The money accruing to Brass Local Government Area has been underutilized and allegedly squandered by the local government officials. Furthermore, these projects that were embarked upon had no realistic link with the beneficiaries. The policies and programmes that led to the realization of the projects were not transparent as the local government officials lacked accountability. Therefore, Brass Local Government has not contributed effectively and efficiently to rural development, due largely to corruption, mismanagement of funds, lack of accountability and transparency. In the light of the foregoing, it is advised that communities be involved in the planning of rural development projects and transparency and accountability be strengthened in the LOCAL GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT 99 IN BRASS LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF BAYELSA STATE, 1999-2010 LGA. More so, efforts should be made at educating the rural populace to enable them participate effectively in making policies and decisions in the LGA.

References Adedeji, A. (1985), “Administration for Local Government Development: Where From?, Government at the Grassroots in Nigeria”. National Conference, Institute of Administration, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. Aina, D.A., “State and Local Government in Nigeria: The Changing Scene, From Native Administration, Divisional Administration to Council Managership and Local Government” in Aborisade, O. and Aransi, I.O. (2006) (eds), StateandLocalGovernments in Nigeria: TheChangingScene. (USA: Calawba Publishing Company). Alagoa, E.J. (2005), AHistoryoftheNigerDelta. (Port Harcourt: Onyoma Research Publishers). Alagoa, E.J. (ed)(1999), TheLandandPeopleofBayelsaState:CentralNigerDelta. (Port Harcourt: Onyoma Research Publishers). Ama-Ogbari, O.C.C. (2014),TheStoryofBayelsa:ADocumentaryHistory. (Yenagoa: El- Mercy Global Resources). Bola and Bamidele cited in Chukwunoye, E.C., “Rural Development: The Role of DFFRI in Rivers State”. Retrieved online, July 25, 2020. Brass Local Government, Department of Works, 2007. Dasuki Panel Report on Local Governments, 1984. Denga, D.I. (2003), Local Government Administration in Nigeria: Past, Present and Futuristic Projections.(Calabar: Rapid Educational Publishers Limited). Dong, K.K. (1989), “Towards a Sociological Theory of Development”, Journal of Rural Sociology, Vol. 4. Dudley, S. (1983),TheMeaningofDevelopment:TowardsaProgressiveNigeria. (Port Harcourt: Truimph Publications Ltd). Ezeani, E.O. (2004), LocalGovernmentAdministrationinNigeria. (Enugu: Zik-Chucks Printing Press). Federal Government of Nigeria (1976), Guidelines for the Reform of Local Government in Nigeria. (Lagos: Federal Government Press). Ibaba, S.I. (2005), FoundationsofPoliticalScience. (Port Harcourt: Amethyst and Colleagues Publishers). Ifiemi, J. (2007), “Local Government Administration and Rural Development: A Study of Brass Local Government Area”. Unpublished Ikeyiani-Clark and Okoli, F.C. (1995), Local Government Administration in Nigeria: Current Problems and Future Challenges. (Lagos: Logos Academy Plc). Ikime, O. (1980), Ground work of Nigeria History. (Ibadan: HEBN Plc). Kyengi, I. (2013), “Listed Indiscipline, Misplaced Priority, Unskilled Staff, Financial Challenges and Autonomy in the Local Government System”. Retrieved online, September 14, 2017. Larry, S.I. (2018), “Nigerian Union of Local Government Employees (NULGE) As a Machinery in Local Government Administration in Nigeria”, Port Harcourt Journal of History and Diplomatic Studies, Ignatius Ajuru University of Education, Rivers State, 5(3).155-169. Larry, S.I. (2019), “Local Government Administration and Development in Bayelsa JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 100 State, 1996-2012”, PhD Thesis, Department of History, University, Makurdi, Benue State. NiyiOsoba cited in Akpe, A.E. and Olumide, A. (1967), Policies, Strategies and Constraints to Rural Development in Nigeria. (Ibadan: Spectrum Books). Odenigwe, G.O. (1984), ComparativeLocalGovernment. (Ibadan: Penguim Books). Office of the Account General, “Revenue Allocation to Local Governments”. http://www.oagf.gov.ng/disbursement, 2004. Okoli, M.U. (2005), Local Government Administrative System, An Introduction and Comparative Approach. (Onitsha: Abbot Books Ltd) Onokehoraye, A.G. and Okafor, F.C. (1994), RuralDevelopmentandPlanningforAfrica. (Benin: Uniben Printing Press. Todaro, M. P. and Stephen, C.S. (2011) EconomicDevelopment. (Harlow: Pearson). Todaro, M.P. (1977), EconomicsforaDevelopingWorld. (London: Longman). Uma, L. (1975), CommissionofEnquiryintotheCreationofNewLocalGovernmentAreas. (Owerri: Government Press, Imo). 101

KUTEB PROVERBS: AN ASPECT OF ORAL LITERATURE

Elisha Musa Department of French Taraba State University Jalingo E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 08184217841

Yahuza Usman Musa Departement of Languages and Linguistics Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 08037329263 & Azinni Vakkai Department of Languages and Linguistics Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 07030627770

Abstract Oral literature in Kuteb language is full of proverbs. It could be story telling, open theatre, traditional songs, poetry, among other ones. Proverbs express wisdom and aim at teaching moral attitude, warning and entertaining. It is generally considered to be a means of forewarning the listeners(s) or reader(s) against indiscretion, among other vices. literature could be used also for amusement. The Kuteb people who situate in the northern part of Nigeria use proverbs as a means of promoting morality in their society. They use proverbs freely as a condiment to spice speeches. This article therefore tends to draw attention to the way and manner the Kuteb people present the aspect of oral literature for the wellbeing and cohesion of their society.

Introduction The Kuteb people so love proverbs that they use them almost in their everyday life. One finds proverbs here and there at every occasion. For instance, in a normal discussion between two or more people, in a formal meeting, traditional, religious or socio-political occasions. Proverbs reassure, console, intimidate or threaten listeners as the case maybe. They convey praise as well as injury. Proverbs penetrate into the mind of one, thus transform one morally. They entertain, surprise and advise on conformity with societal value for a harmonious living. This shows that proverbs are part of Kuteb, nay, African life where they are used for every purpose. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 102 Understand the Concept of Proverb The definition of proverb depends on how one looks at it. In this work, a proverb is defined as a short saying or piece of folk wisdom that emerges from the general culture rather than being written by a single, individual author. Proverb always uses metaphor of creative imagery to express a broader truth. Gabriel Yegh Abaa sees proverb as form of moral conclusion (71). According to him, it is interested in what is implied as well as in what is explicitly said. A proverb asks man to make himself a mirror of things to look into for learning, understanding and eventually to partake in the knowledge of who expresses it. Chinua Achebe, in his Things Fall Apart, sees proverb as a condiment that gives a good spice to a speech (12). Proverbs can be said to be complementary to speeches in this case. According to I.S. Senghor, ''a proverb is an illustration of a principle of practical morals'' (17). According to him, proverbs constitute some veritable references without which man will have no morals. They are expressions of knowledge in informal education, and tools to warn against indiscretion and other vices. André Jolles calls proverb ''a wise fine word'' (127). He further says, it is something important in the speech of an African.

Where, When and How a Proverb is Used in Kuteb Language When a proverb is placed in the beginning of speech, it is called an appetizer or avant gout. In this case, the speaker wants to draw listeners attention to what he is going to say. In Kuteb language, proverbs hardly begin a speech. However, some Kuteb songs start with proverbs. For instance “Inung ti somtswa tuku ti na nung ye puti awú”. This literally means: “The bird making noise in the leafy tree has been discovered.”It could be the members of the family or the community who has been causing trouble or death in the family or the community. This song is sang and the discovered member(s) will be ridiculed to avoid future occurrence. The discovered member could be a wizard or witch, robber, some body who chases people's wives, etc. When a proverb is placed in the middle or at the course of a speech or story, it serves as a catalyst to reactivate action. Kuteb proverbs come mostly in the middle or at the course of speech, for instance, “urwam mbae Mbususu.” Which literally means urwam gives birth to Mbususu. Urwam and Mbususu are both birds which look alike but urwam is wiser than Mbususu. Mbususu is so foolish that it can be captured by small children especially when pursued in the morning. However, urwam cannot be caught easily. This proverb means a child is not as brave as his father. This is then said to ginger the young ones to be hard working and brave as their parents. Sometimes Kuteb proverbs come at the end of the speech or tale. In this case, they serve as moral lesson of the speech or the tale. For instance, “Afu à si mbae ti nyang iraen Kwa itong kya tong ti fu fxen”. This literally means, if you are a child that eats correctly, strength your ear and hear the elders advice, which means a word is enough for the wise. The real meaning is that a wise child listens to the advice of elders. This type of proverb could be used to close a story or speech in which some young ones have been stubborn in the community. This could used after several warnings to be assured that the young one follows the advice or warnings to promote morality in the society. How proverbs are used depends on the speakers. A Kuteb proverb could be explicit (very clear), for instance, “Ishi inzwo u ben Iyir be”. This literally means a broom cannot make a bunch. Meaning two heads are better than one. In this case, the speaker wants his KUTEB PROVERBS: AN ASPECT OF ORAL LITERATURE 103 listeners to work together as a team thus aiming at solidarity. A Kuteb proverb could also be implicit (difficult to understand) and could only be understood better in the middle of the speech, tale or the story. Or at the end. For instance, “Mbae chi fe mbae Pwen be”, literally meaning: guinea foul cannot resemble bush fowl. The real meaning is like father like son, which real meaning is, the child resembles his father. It is after a long listening to the speech or story before one will understand who is the father and who is the son.

Some Kuteb Proverbs and Their Literally and Real Meanings In English Language. Since it will not be possible to present all the Kuteb proverbs in this paper, few are presented here with their literal meanings, and some of them with their equivalent or near English version given by their side. 1. Unzu u tswir wú itse uru wu be This literally means: mouth cannot reject its owner. Real meaning; No matter offensive one is, one will still defend one's self. 2. Nda nying ú zwe wu izwe wu be. Literal meaning: A woman with long clitoris knows herself Real meaning; guilty conscience, i.e, the offender knows himself 3. Mbaepxu ti zwir sang pu wu usuk iraen. Literal meaning: A black dog has entered kitchen. Real meaning; no cooking in the kitchen today. 4. Inji a nung wú inzwi wu be awu ú minn wú utú be. Literal meaning: An elephant, before swallowing a calabash, knows that it can pass through it anus. Real meaning; Before creating a problem, make sure you have the solution. 5. Utu ú zwaen ú sku si ti inzwi wú. Literal meaning: A ripe palm fruit most fall around the palm tree that yields the fruits not around another tree. Real meaning: The relatives of an opportuned person should first start enjoying him not outsiders. 6. Nda nda wa rubur u bwin uwum inyi. Literal meaning: Give a rubur woman gift and use your teeth to harvest. Real meaning; Giving all you have and regreting later. 7. Utam ú shap ú kukwen Literal meaning: Utam (a type of tree) growing freshly and becoming matured Real meaning; I was strong when young but weak now because of old age. 8. Uzwo kpang yi atso be. Literal meaning: All hands are not equal Real meaning; People are not all the same 9. Iyi num ukwe Literal meaning: A chief may have everything but may lack a needle Real meaning; No matter how rich one is, one may still lack one common thing. 10. Ukub fakang me ti ukwa/uzwen. Literal meaning: Bone hook in my throat Real meaning: I have been confronted with problems that I must solve. 11. Utong-waen ú wae skep wú itse kuru wu be JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 104 Literal meaning: Okra can never be taller than the owner. No matter how tall it is, the owner must bring it down and remove the fruit. Real meaning: A child can never be wiser than his father. 12. sila u mber wú izwe be. Literal meaning: Sila will not waste his energy. Real meaning: I can't work for idlers to eat. 13. Ukóm ú munn wú ukwa be. Literal meaning: A corpse must not fill a grave to the brim. Real meaning: The food provided for masses cannot be easily enough. 14. ikyang ú tso wú ti u keaen be. literal meaning; No smoke without fire. Real meaning: In every problem there must be a cause. 15. Itxwen ndabndindab u siba nae tswa kang ti ufen. Literal meaning: No matter how erective the pennis is, it must rest in the scrotum. Real meaning: No matter how tough one proves he must obey the superior 16. Inzwi ti pupang ú minn wú ande be Literal meaning: Running water doesn't down one but stagnant one does Real meaning: A vocal person doesn't harm but an ineloquent person does. 17. Ucwo wakaen ú pwa wú isa be. Literal meaning: Milling stone of the poor doesn't mil sand but food. Real meaning: No matter how poor one is, God must provide for one's living. 18. Kakum ti kum ikyin Rimampupwen ti urwa ikyin wu. Literal meaning: It is God that drives away the flies of a donkey without tail' Real meaning: It is God that is the helper of one without helper. 19. Isir nzo u ra wú ukum be. Literal meaning: One day cannot make a dead frog to be rotten. Real meaning: One should be patient for a day more. 20. Ikyir si ande ti ú kumm uzwo. Literal meaning: Yam yields much for a person without hands to harvest it. Real meaning: Opportunity for a person that can't make use of it 21. Urwa ú twen wu ndeti mbub a yib pú ifean be literal meaning: a blind man doesn't step on fire twice real meaning: an experience person should not repeat a mistake 22. Mbukwen tara ike tara ikwen. Literal meaning: Cock crows in all localities. Real meaning: There are defenders in all localities. 23. Usir ti itu zwaen yi be ukwab u chi wú kiraen bae? Literal meaning: When palm fruits are not ripe don't monkeys eat? Real meaning: In the absence of everything there must be an alternative. 24. Urwa twen ka pu wú wae zwen Literal meaning: Fire has burn up to a swampy area. Real meaning: When a person who doesn't feel pain and hunger feels them. 25. Iji kóm sku ti izwo iya mbae. Literal meaning: The umbilical cord of a newborn baby removed in the mothers hands. Real meaning: When something spoils in the owners hands. 26. Mbakwen u chab wen wú mbae wú be. 105 KUTEB PROVERBS: AN ASPECT OF ORAL LITERATURE Literal meaning: Hen never tramples its child to death. Real meaning: No matter how angry one is, one can't kill the younger ones 27. Sae ayib urwa Literal meaning: Looking at one with fire eyes. Real meaning: Looking at one with hatred. 28. Ter inyae skep fu isung fu be Literal meaning: Don't run faster than your shadow. Real meaning: Let things be done orderly. 29. Úkúmm tso utu nyika. Literal meaning: Frog climbs tree today. Real meaning: When one who has not been succeeding succeeds in one thing. 30. Ichi nung ye pu wu iji txae Literal meaning: Guinea fowl has discovered the traps. Real meaning: A 'u' turn after discovering traping matters . Conclusion conclusively, proverbs are aspects of Kuteb oral literature. They serve as instructions to the listeners and provide for deep understanding of a language. Proverbs are meant to have an edifying effect on the young as well as the aged. They threaten, intimidate, assure or console the listener on the situation at hand. Generally, proverbs form part of African life and are very crucial during speech making or story telling. The speakers use proverbs as very important tools to face challenges confronting them in life. Finally, proverbs in Kuteb aim at correcting individual as well as community, creating the solidarity among members of Kuteb society for further progress.

References 1. Adeiyongu, Akosu. Aspect of Tiv poetry. Published paper in the department of English University of Jos, 1987. 2. Abraham. R.C. The principle of the new york A.U, 1940 3. Achebe Chinua. Things fall apart. Ibadan, Heinemann, 1958. 4. Agbedo Chris U. Language and mind. An introduction to psycho-linguistic: Nssuka Resources Consults 2003. 5. Bergsma, Harolds and tales Tiv tell. Ibadan. Oxford UN. Press, 1969. 6. colin Roland. Litératur africaine d'lier et de domain. Paris: Presence Africaine, 1958. 7. Diop Birago. Les nouveau contes d'Ahmaduo kourma paris: Presence Africaine, 1957. 8. Dzungwe, L.M. English and Tiv for every usage. Markurdi onaive press. 9. Irambiya Moses. Innocents, The Epitome of peace: Life and time of Ukwe Ali Ibrahim Zarto II, Jos: Mildland Press, 2002. 10. Eyongtah, T. and Brian R. A History of Cameroun Longman Group, LTD, 1974. 11. Finnegan, Ruth. Oral literature in Africa: Oxford University Press, 1970. 12. Mgbe S.U. The Story of Kuteb: Zaria: Gaskiya Corporation Press 1973. 13. he Story of Kuteb and their neighborhood of Southern Gongola State. Ibadan: Star Press, 1981. 106 THE IMPACT OF MAJORITY AND MINORITY ISSUES IN THE POLITICS OF DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICAN STATES SINCE THE 1960S: THE CASE OF NIGERIA

Ayibatari, Yeriworikongha. Jonathan & Dodiyovwi, Oyovwi Osusu, PhD Department of History and Diplomacy Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Phone: +234-8137687570, 08035436451

Abstract This paper is focused at examining the impact of majority and minority issues in the politics of development in African states. The relationship between majority and minority agitation and its impact on the overall development of states in Africa cannot be over emphasized. It is our finding that Africa has, so far, lagged behind in the race to development as a result of so many factors among which scholars have over the years identified to be factors related to corruption among leaders, poor policy implementation and many others. However, the attention of scholars has not been drawn to the very fact on the majority and minority issues that has posed a major challenge to developmental issues in Africa. Hence, this work is out to briefly examine some of these issues, and to recommend the way forward for the reduction and, perhaps, eventual eradication of such challenges. However, this work uses Nigeria as a case study in its analysis. Keywords: Majority, Minority, State and Development

Introduction Majority and minority tensions and agitations are an important feature of the on- going struggles to resolve major national questions in Africa, and Nigeria in particular. As evidence showed, over the years, there had been incendiary instances of minority conflicts and agitations all over African countries such as the campaigns for economic restitution and ecological rehabilitation by oil bearing communities in the Niger Delta and the struggles for self-determination and cultural integrity by various groups in Africa. Since independence, ethnic minority leadership groups and communities have reacted to the abuses, excesses and iniquities of the Nigerian state system which is mainly controlled and dominated by the major ethnic groups in the politics of governance. However, the ethnic minorities have, over the years, through a combination of peaceful and violent campaigns for wide-ranging political reforms agitated for fair treatment for their people by the government. For instance, in the Niger Delta, the oil bearing communities have sought economic and political concessions from the Federal government through peaceful domestic demonstrations and protestation, the mobilization of international support and sympathy for the ecological concerns of these communities and the violent disruption of the operations and installations of state backed multinational companies in the oil sector. The political strategy of the minorities, for instance, has so far consisted mainly of fatally violent uprisings or rebellions against the traditionally entrenched political, cultural and economic hegemony of Hausa settler communities and JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 107 the Fulani emirate system. However, official responses to these ethnic minority ferment have assumed some fundamental contours and dimensions which are re-distributive, re-organizational and regulative or repressive in nature. Re-distributive state responses to ethnic minority grievances have involved making revisions in federal revenue sharing arrangement to accommodate and assuage the strident claims of such people who are host communities to natural resources of which Nigeria is our focal point of reference. The review serves a good example to ensure that a significant proportion of economic resources obtained from such localities are given to them. Re-organizational policies here include the creation of new units of constituents, federally funded, state and local authorities in response to the ethnic minority demands for autonomy, participation and decentralization. Reflecting the inadequacy and failure of its re-distributive and re-organizational policies, the Nigerian state has over the years resorted increasingly to regulatory or repressive strategies of ethnic minority containment. These regulatory measures have included the proscription or banning of ethnic minority associations, confinement, detentions, arbitrary conviction and or imprisonment without fair trail in most cases of out- spoken ethnic elites, the violent suppression by military forces, of protests, demonstrations and uprisings by ethnic minority communities and official declaration of ethnic minority agitations for autonomy or self-determination as seditions or treasonable felony punishable by the death penalty. These intimidatory and regulatory responses to ethnic minority grievances, however, merely reflect and compound a profound crisis of state legitimacy and federal governance in Nigeria in order to mediate or moderate this crisis and enhance the capacity of the Nigerian state to pursue and promote non-repressive and accommodative policies of inter-ethnic equity, repro-city and amity. This paper focuses on the resultant negative effects of the minority and majority crisis on the development of African countries, and Nigeria in particular. It has been observed that most of these minority and majority related issues in Africa have over the years threatened the very existence of some states in the continent. At times this makes some states to become ungovernable thereby leading to institutional break down among others. All these are most times traceable to a growing wave of religious fundamentalism and ethnic minority communal agitations (Varshey, 1992). To this end, this effort has the following interrelated objectives. i. To determine the major sources and features of ethnic minority and majority problems in Africa, and Nigeria in particular. ii. To examine the nature, impact, strength and inadequacies of current public policies on ethnic minority problems in Africa, and Nigeria in particular. iii. To establish a relationship between minority agitations and its developmental implications in Africa. This work is organized around two major hypotheses which are summarized as follows: i. There is a significant relationship between minority agitation and attempts at state development. ii. Minority agitation is a catalyst to both enhancement and retardation of development.

The Nature of Minority Agitations In Politics Minority agitations have long been recognized as one of the more fundamental threats to institutional stability, political order and state cohesion in multi-ethnic societies THE IMPACT OF MAJORITY AND MINORITY ISSUES IN THE POLITICS OF 108 DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICAN STATES SINCE THE 1960S: THE CASE OF NIGERIA of the third world (Diamond, 1987). However, authors have differed in their interpretations or explanation of the sources and nature of these conflicts. Depending on the analytical inclinations of particular authors, and on the specificities and dynamics, of particular conflict situations, minority conflicts have been attributed variously to emotional power of 'primordial givens' or cultural ties, the struggle for relative group worth, mass-based resources competition, electoral mobilization, elite manipulation, false consciousness and/or defective political institutions and inequitable state policies (Diamond, 1987; Doornbos 1991). Generally, an ethnic group is regarded as a social collectivity whose members not only share such objective characteristics as heritage, core-territory, ancestral myths, culture, religion or political organizations but also have some subjective consciousness or perception of common descent or identity. On the other hand, there seems to be a consensus among scholars that minorities are culturally distinctive and relatively cohesive groups which occupy a position of numerical inferiority and/or socio-political subordination vis-a vis other cultural sections in the society (Amersfooht, 1978). Another source holds that minorities are groups that are: Numerically inferior to the rest of the population of the state, in a non-dominant position, whose members posses ethnic, religious or linguistic characteristics differing from those of the rest of the population, and shows, if only implicitly a sense of solidarity directed towards preserving their culture, tradition, religion or language (cited in Roland 2008). In the words of Hans Van Amersfoot (1978:228-232) in Roland (2008), ‘'minority groups differ according to whether they are geographically concentrated or dispersed, whether they seek participation in, or isolation from, the wider political system and whether the policies of the majority group are designed to achieve the emancipation, continued subordination or elimination of such minorities. Whatever may be their specific contexts or dimensions, however there can be little doubt that minority problems represent the most common, disruptive and explosive examples of ethnic conflict situations that have over the years contributed to the negative effects of state development in the continent of Africa since independent''. Interestingly, Gurr (1993) identifies several conditions that have contributed to the animation or mobilization of ethnic minority grievances since 1945. These conditions include:a. Unequal treatment of minority groups or communities by dominant or 'mainstream' groups. b. Competition with other groups for access to power in new state(s). c. The contagious effects of ethno-political activism elsewhere. d. Patterns of state building; political power and economic development that channel communal energies into protest or rebellions. e. The emergence of new ethnic minority elites who are willing to, and are in response to changing political developments, opportunities and resources, Gurrr and his associates perceive ethnic minorities in a broad sense. They however define minorities as communal groups which experience systematic discrimination in a state and have taken political actions in support of their collective interest. Using this general definition, Gurr (1993) distinguishes five types of ethnic minority groups which are as follows. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 109 a. Ethnic nationalist: These are relatively large rationally concentrated people who historically were autonomous people and who pursued separatist objectives at some times during the last half-century. Examples of ethno-nationalists include the Quebecois of Canada, the Kurds of Iraq, Turkey and Iran, and the Basques, Bretons and Corsicans of Spain and/or France. b. Indigenous people: These are conquered descendants of the original inhabitants of a region who typically live a preindustrial existence in peripheral regions, practice subsistence agriculture or heading, and have cultures that are sharply distinct from those of dominant groups. Examples of indigenous people include native Americans, Australian aborigines; the Mason and san of South-Africa, Nagas and Santals in India and Dayalts in Northern Borneo. Some other indigenous people, such as Kurds, may also be cross-classified as ethno-nationalists because they have developed a sense of nationhood and have supported separatist movements during the last century. c. Ethno classes are ethnically or culturally distinct peoples usually descended from slaves of immigrants, with special economic roles, usually of an inferior states. Ethno classes in advanced industrial societies include the Muslim minority in France, blacks in Britain, the United States, Latin America. In the third world, however, ethno classes sometimes are economically advantaged, but politically restricted merchants and professionals, like the Chinese of Malaysia and the residual European and Asian minorities in eastern and southern Africa. Common to most ethno classes is the demand for more economic opportunities or public services and greater political participation. d. Militant or politicized sects are communal groups whose political status are centered on the defense of their religious beliefs. Militant sects include Islamic minorities in societies dominated by other religious traditions (such as the Turks of Germany, the Muslim Albanians of the former Yugoslavia, Arabs in Israel, and Malay Muslims in Tailand), the antagonistic Sunni, Shi and Druze communities in Lebanon, the Shi groups in Sunni dominated Iraq and Saudi, Copts in Egypt, Bahdis in Iran, Catholics of Northern Ireland, the central Asian Muslims of the former USSR, and Kashmir's and Sikhs in India. Virtually, all of these politicized religious communities can be cross classified as indigenous peoples ethno nationalists, ethno classes or even communal commanders. e. Communal contenders: These are culturally distinct groups in heterogenous societies in which no single groups constitutes a demographic minority of the population and virtually all group held or seek a share in state power. Gurr and his collaborators however, classified communal contenders into two main groups. They are advantaged communal contenders and that of disadvantaged communal contenders. According to them, advantaged communal contenders are those culturally distinct groups with political or economic advantages over other groups in a heterogeneous society. On the other hand, disadvantaged communal contender; are those groups who are subject to political or economic discrimination or both in most cases. In societies where communal contenders predominates, political power at the center is often based on shifting intergroup coalition. These coalitions use a mix of concession, and repressions to maintain their dominant position. Most African societies, including Nigeria, are dominated by communal contenders. However, Suberu (2003) has observed that, the key draw back in Gurr's categories is that they are not mutually exclusive. Any given ethnic group can be cross-classified into two or more of the categories delineated by Gurr. A more relevant frame work for discourse is that provided by Kumar Rupesingle (1987) who isolates the following features of many THE IMPACT OF MAJORITY AND MINORITY ISSUES IN THE POLITICS OF 110 DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICAN STATES SINCE THE 1960S: THE CASE OF NIGERIA ethnic conflicts in the modern world, especially the third world, which, indeed, is our focus area. i. They are protracted social conflicts which are long drawn out social processes which continue with a demand for economic restitution. In such conflicts, it is most times very difficult to distinguish between needs, interest and security. ii. They involve a conflict between the periphery and the center in which a dominant and hegemonic ethnic group or coalition controls the central state apparatus at the expense of peripheral ethnic sections. Some scholars in this case prefer to use the concept of the internal colonialism to drive home their arguments.

Minority Agitation, Radical Political Change And Its Developmental Impact No doubt there is a major relationship between radical political change and minority agitation in the states where they manifest themselves, and all of these can have a positive or negative development effects on the society. Minority agitations can lead to radical shift in policy (either to more liberalism or authoritarianism) by the central government. The agitations of the various groups can also lead to the disintegration of the polity, which in most cases can lead to cession out of an existing state to form a state of their own, for example, Biafra-Igbo and Niger-Delta Ijaw agitations for separate states. In consideration of the first form, Theodore (1964) and Keller (1983) argue that it is possible to identify three forms of state policy shifts on the claims and activities of ethnic minority who are host communities of vital mineral resources producing communities. As we have stated above, some of the state response to the agitations are mainly redistributive, reorganizational and regulatory state polices or responses. Redistributive policies are state decisions that consciously dispense valued resources to one group at the expense of other claimants to state resources. On the other hand, reorganization policies refer to state efforts to restructure or reconfigure political or administrative institutions and relationships in order to accommodate group demands or strengthen the efficiency of centralized state power. On one hand, regulatory policies entail the mandatory imposition of sanctions or restrictions on individual or groups that are perceived to pose a threat to state cohesion and maintenance of state order. It is pertinent to state here that minority agitations can take any of the following forms of which the case of the Niger Delta of Nigeria is used as a case study. i. Peaceable domestic demonstrations and representatives. ii. Mobilization of international support. iii. Violent disruptions of the operations and installations of oil companies. iv. Writing memoranda to government by community leaders, for example, Ogoni bill of right. v. Hostage taking of both local and foreign industrial workers. However, from all indications, minority and majority issues are mainly anchored on seeking equity, by the minority over the control of basic natural resources. Also, the degree of equity exhibited by the central government is reflected in the force with which the agitation is carried out.It is natural that the greater the control of the state on the natural resources, the greater the agitation by the aggrieved stakeholders (minority). This will still bring us to the case of the Nigerian state. Over the years, the major demand of the Nigerian oil rich region of the Niger Delta has been the right to control their God given resources (crude oil). However, it suffice to state here that the basis of this demand is the pre-oil revenue sharing formula in Nigeria whereby each of the three former regions controlled the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 111 resources produced in their respective areas, and merely paid taxes to the federal government: cocoa was produced by the west: and the resources from it were used to offer scholarships to their indigenes and also other institutions like the Oduduwa investment company was established. Groundnuts, hides and skins were produced in the north, and the proceeds were primarily committed to the welfare of the northern indigenes. In the same vein, palm oil, kernel and coal were produced in the eastern part of Nigeria, and the proceeds were primarily benefited by the communities concerned. In consideration of the above evidence, the more the federal government insists on controlling oil resources, the more the escalation of the concerned minority agitation. However, government has taken steps to embark on moves that will seemingly address the problems of the agitations of the minority groups. One of such moves is what is considered as the pacification approach, by trying to create more constituent units or parts of the agitating group. However, the more the state organizes the aggrieved minority groups, the greater their agitation. A key feature of Nigeria federalism is the decisive role that state and local government play in facilitating the access of territorial communities to federal developmental patronage. This, however, is brought about by the complete dependence of the state and localities on federal oil revenues as well as continuing emphasis on the standard of inter-unit equality in distributing financial resources and infrastructural opportunities to the nation's constituent communities and segments. All the states in the Niger Delta have benefited from this organizational policy in order to enhance their access to federal resources, and thus compensate for the exploitation and expropriation of the resources of the units by the central authorities. Nonetheless, minority agitation has contributed unabated, for example the creation of Bayelsa state from the old Rivers State and Delta State from Edo State only added violent dimension to minority agitation (Roland, 2000).

Repressive Policies of Government The more repressive policies the state evolves against minority agitation, the greater the agitation. This is evident in that, over the years, African governments have taken various repressive stands against minority group agitations. However, evidence shows that most of the repressive policies against such groups have never put an end to it. Rather, such repressive stands have aggravated the agitation and consequently escalated the problems. The first major instance of the use of regulatory sanction against ethnic minority agitators in the Niger Delta under Babangida administration occurred with the promulgation of decree NO.21 of May, 1992. The decree empowered the Head of State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to dissolve and proscribe any association of individuals of three or more persons, which, in his opinion, is formed for purposes of furthering political, religious, ethnic, tribal, cultural or social interest of a group of persons or individuals contrary to the peace, order and good governance of the federation. Among the eight specific associations mentioned as dissolved under schedule to the aforementioned decree was the association of minority oil producing state (AMOS). Yet, this has not reduced the space of minority agitations in the country.

Developmental Implications of Minority Agitations The issue of development is perhaps the most critical issue facing not just the developing world but the international community as a whole. This is because THE IMPACT OF MAJORITY AND MINORITY ISSUES IN THE POLITICS OF 112 DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICAN STATES SINCE THE 1960S: THE CASE OF NIGERIA development is the critical instrument in the eradication of poverty, and poverty is central to the problem of crime and terrorism in today's global environment. The war against crime and terrorism, both domestically and internationally, can only be successfully prosecuted if an effective war against poverty and its correlates of disempowerment, frustration, anger, bitterness, social alienation and many others is waged. No doubt, African is today faced with a problem of a lot of severely unsolvable developmental problems of which the issue of minority agitation has not been given proper attention as a serious challenge to developmental efforts in the continent.

What Then Is Development?? Although this is not a place to dwell on the issues of development and underdevelopment, as these concepts has over these years generated a lot of heated scholarly debates among critical thinkers, we shall briefly consider which development is all about, being that it is central to our discussion. The concept of development has had varied interpretations by various scholars over the years. However, Todaro's (1981) conception of the term is perhaps the broadest based and we reproduce it here. Development, in its essence, must represent the entire gamut of change by which an entire social system turned to the diverse needs and desires of individuals and social groups within that system moves away from a condition of life widely perceived as unsatisfied factory and towards a situation or condition of life regarded as materially and spiritually “better”. (Todaro 1981:70). In specific terms, development in line with Todaro (1981) can be conceived in terms of three interrelated conditionalities or core values. The first has to do with the material imperative of life sustenance. In this perspective, development has to do with the sustainable improvement of the ability of a given socio-economic system to provide the basic needs of its members. These needs include good food, decent shelter, good health, productive education and a clean and sustainable environment. The second is self-esteem. Here, we are talking of a sense of worth and self-respect of not being used as a tool by others for their own ends Todaro (1981:71). Todaro's (1981) third core development value is that of freedom form servitude, as he avers: Freedom here is meant to be understood in the political or ideological sense (e.g the free world). But in the more fundamental sense of freedom or emancipation from alienating material conditions of life; and freedom from the social servitudes, of man and woman to nature, ignorance, other man and women, nursery institutions and dogmatic beliefs: (Todaro, 1981: 71). Fundamental to the above conceptualization of development, is the ability of man to productively manipulate his environment, physically, humanly and perhaps spiritually in such a manner as to maximize the well-being and welfare of his entire society (Okowa 1996, 2005). In summary, development for any given society entails the achievement of Okowa's (2004) tripod of empowerment, that is, economic empowerment, political empowerment and social empowerment. This tripod of empowerment is the ultimate objective of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals and Target (Okowa, 2005). JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 113 Minority Agitation And Impact On Development Having clarified the concept of development, we now turn our attention to how much impact minority agitations could have on the efforts by government to bring about development in their respective societies. Without gain saying, every rational being will agree to the glaring fact that agitation of any kind will have negative or positive impact on the affected society or community. This, however, depends on the nature and degree of the agitation being embarked upon by the aggrieved persons. However, in order to do a proper analysis of the impact of minority/majority agitations, we would once again use Nigeria as a case study and use the agitations of the minority group of the oil bearing community of the Niger Delta. God in his infinite wisdom has endowed the Niger Delta with the natural resources base with which to conquer the difficult terrain of the region. Unfortunately, the Nigeria state controls the exploitation and expropriation of the resources without considering crucial need to develop the region from where the resources are derived. Similarly, the rapaciousness and ulter indifference exhibited by the oil companies as regards the natural environment of the Niger Delta region has been such as to have led to a serious and continuing degradation of the environment and livelihoods of the indigenes of the area. However, it is worthwhile to point out here that the agitations of most minority groups could take different forms ranging from political, economic, environmental and as well as cultural discrimination. In the case of the Niger Delta region of Nigeria, their agitations are both economic and political, and as well as environmental, which however is often common to most other agitations of minority ethics groups elsewhere. For example, as late as 1997, Nigeria was still flaring as much as 73.0% of its gas production, (Wami, 2006). This was by far the highest in the world. The level of indifference to the environment of the Niger Delta region as indicated by the above figure is illustrated by comparing it with other OPEC countries, the relevant figure for Algeria was 4.8%, Indonesia 5.5%, Qatar 0.0%. (Wami, 2006). Indeed, the figure second to Nigeria is 15.6% for Saudi Arabia, (Wami, 2006). From the foregoing, the greatest problem to the development of the Niger Delta, and by extension Nigeria as a state, is indeed the Nigeria state structure. As least as constituted for now, as long as the Nigeria state remains as presently constituted, where whoever “captures” it automatically captures the resource and the environment of the Niger Delta, then there is no real hope for the development of the region and by extension Nigeria. To put the development of the Niger Delta in the hands of the Nigeria state, the Niger Deltans themselves believe strongly that it is like putting the rehabilitation of rape victims in the care of the rapist. The rape will simply continue as it is happening in the Niger Delta. Okowa (2007) argues that for any serious development to begin in the Niger Delta, the control of the resources and the environment of the region must be returned to the indigenes of the region. Let the communities which stand to suffer from the direct negative impact of environmentally unfriendly oil production practices be in control of the oil companies. The interesting point really is that, in the case of Nigeria, the Yoruba are fully in control of their rich cocoa producing land. It is a none contestable fact that the land use act has not alienated the Yoruba from their God given fertile cocoa producing land. Similarly, the Hausa/Fulani are in full control of their God-given and oil-money enriched vast Savannah land. The state of Nigeria has not alienated the Hausa/Fulani from their vast land resources. This is how it should be in a capitalist federal system. The activities of the Nigeria state against the minority groups of the Niger Delta THE IMPACT OF MAJORITY AND MINORITY ISSUES IN THE POLITICS OF DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICAN STATES SINCE THE 1960S: THE CASE OF NIGERIA 114 region is believed to be criminal, human and certainly ungodly. It is colonialism in its naked state. Development for the Niger Delta is impossible in this kind of “cat and mouse” federalism. As a result of the “criminal” activities of the Nigerian state against the minority groups of the Niger Delta, the people of the region, especially the youth, have, over the years, resorted to various forms of violence to draw the attention of sympathizers to their plight, both domestic and international. Over the years, as a result of the numerous problems confronting the people of the area, a growing number of angry warlords” has started to emerge. Also growing is the number of their recruited or dependent youths, artificial shrines and spillages, agents, lawyers, and collaborators within the oil companies. The above situation has over the years degenerated or escalated into a proliferation of gangs (sometimes criminally - oriented warlords) tampering with oil field installations and other oil facilities, culminating ultimately, but sadly, into hostage taking and ransom demanding. According to Mofia (2007), by the mid-1990s, well over a hundred gangs and groups, many which were at the time independent of their former warlords, with fierce and lethal antagonism and rivalries, have now appeared on the scene. A sizeable percentage of these gangs and buccaneers now possess the added destructive element of hard drugs and sophisticated weapons in their inventories.

Summary and Conclusion We have so far discussed the issues of minority and majority agitation and its developmental implications in Africa, using mainly Nigeria as our focal point of discussion. As we have earlier pointed out elsewhere in this work, that most minority agitations arise from marginalization and exploitation of ethnic major (s) against minority group(s), just as the case of Nigeria. In the case of Nigeria, if the federal state does not want to remain increasingly fraudulent, oppressive and illegitimate political association in the eyes of the oil-producing minorities, there is option available. We must be true to the ideals of federalism. In which case, we must go back to the very beginning of the federal system of government in which the sacred covenant agreed upon by all the parties to the Constitutional Conference in the late 1950s before independence, on the formula for revenue allocation after a thorough review by the fiscal commission. The recommendations of the Commission were embodied in the 1960 Constitution. It says simply that; “there shall be paid by the federation to each region a sum equal to 50 percent of the proceeds of any royalty received by the federation in that region, and also 50 percent of any mining that rents derived by the federation during that year from within the region”. It is only by keeping to the path of federalism as laid down by the founding fathers can we achieve peace and tranquility in Nigeria. The same could also be adopted by other African states as most minority agitations are expressions of one grievance or marginalization or the other. Like elsewhere in Africa, violent protest and agitations by minority ethnic groups have over the years led to the destruction of properties worth millions of dollars and ultimate loss of lives. Of course, it is a truism that most of these protest and destruction of lives and properties, kidnapping of company workers, closure of companies and many other forms of public disturbances have slowed down the pace of development not only in Nigeria but Africa at large. Various state policies of African countries are most times geared towards the exploitation and marginalization of minority ethnic groups in their respective states. Such policies result in under developing such minority ethnic groups and regions, while the ethnic major groups develop at the expense of minority ones. This trend is, indeed, an evil in Africa. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 115 References Amersfoot, Minority as a Sociological Concept, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 1,2 (April) (1978) pp. 218-234. Afagha, P. 'The impact of the Colonial Economy on Intergroup Relations among the Communities in the Lower Cross River Basin of Nigeria” in J.M. Mangut and T. Wuam (eds) Colonialism and the Transition to Modernity in Africa. Markurdi; Aboki publishers. (2012). Balabanor, Todor Raumund Dietz, Eastern and Western Energy Prospects.” Dismantling the Command Economy in Eastern Europe, Peter Havlik Ed. Westview Press. Bouldero (1991). Diamond, “Issues in the Constitutional Design of a Third Nigeria Republic”. African Affairs, (1987). 86, 343 (April). Doornbos, M. “Linking the Future to the Past: Ethnicity and Pluralism”, Review of African Political Economy. (1992) No 50, pp53-65. Ojukwu Chris. Oluwole, Oni Ebenezer. “Ethnicity and political Transition Programmes in Nigeria, 1960-1999''. (2016). Journal of African Elections, 15. Osha, Sanya, “Birth of the Ogoni Protest Movement''. (2006). Journal of Asian and African Studies” Vol 41. Gleason. G. “The Federal Formula and the Collapse of the USSR” (1992). The Journal ofFederalism 22,3, (summer), pp. 141-163. Gurr. T.Minorities at Risk: A Global View of Ethnopolitical Conflicts, Washington DC, United States Institute of Peace Press.” (1993). Keller E. “The State, Public Policy and the Mediation of Ethnic conflicts”Donald Rotchild and Victor Olorunsola (eds) State vs. Ethnic Claims. African Dilemmas, Boulder, Co. Westview Press (1993). Suberu R. Ethnic Minority Conflicts and Governance in Nigeria. (2003) Spectrum Books Ltd. Ibadan. Todaro. M.P Economic Development in the Third World (2nd Ed) (1981) London Longman. Enemugwem. J.H, “Significance of the Niger Delta to the Development of Nigeria. A Ph.D Dissertation Submitted to the Department of History and diplomatic studies, University of Port-Harcourt (2000) 116 THE POLITICS OF THE 19TH CENTURY JIHAD AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF DONGA CHIEFDOM

Iliya Ibrahim Gimba & Nwagu Evelyn Eziamaka Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo E-mail: [email protected], [email protected] Phone: +234-8164 7516 52, 08036009650

Abstract The jihad of the 19th century in the Middle Benue Valley region pushed into the South-east and South-west of present day Taraba State. It also took over a large chunk of part of the Kwararrafa Kingdom. However, the jihad could not have a grip over Wukari town, the new and the last capital or headquarter of the Kwararrafa kingdom. On the contrary, Donga Chiefdom was established on the authority of the Sokoto Caliphate. Donga Chiefdom was therefore supposed to be an Islamic state or chiefdom established within the Kwararrafa Kingdom. Ironically, this was not so. This paper is set out to discuss the reason why Donga Chiefdom collected the Jihad flag, the significance of the jihad flag and the role of the Chamba and Jahun of Donga in the furtherance of the Jihad and spread of Islam. The paper consults published books, archival materials, journals, to mention but few, in order to arrive at the reasons Islam was not so firmly established in Donga Chiefdom.

Introduction The 19th century in Northern Nigeria was characterized by the activities of the Othman Dan Fodio's jihad which led to the collapse of many kingdoms and some smaller Chiefdoms, particularly in the North-central and North-eastern region of present day Nigeria. Donga Area was not exempted from this development. The role of the Chamba in the entire phenomenon was very outstanding. This paper, therefore, is particularly about the Chamba and Jahun of Donga and the role they played in the above episode. Donga Chiefdom was established as part of the Sokoto Caliphate around 1855. Prior to the colonial period, Donga town was the headquarters and seat of the Chamba chief, “Gara”, and the Jahun. There were other ethnic groups in Donga town like the Kpanzu “Jukun” and Kentu “Ichen”. In the course of Chamba migrations into the Middle Benue Valley region in the early period of the Modibbo Adama Jihad activities in the Adamawa region, they made a short stay at Gankwe village in the present day Donga Local Government Area, and also Zenoa (Jenua) village of Ussa Local Government Area. The Donga Chamba continued to Arufu in Wukari Local Government Area, then moved to Ganako on the bank of river Benue close to present Ibi Local Government Area. It was from Ganako that the decision to go to Sokoto for the Jihad flag was reached by the Chamba ruling family. However, the stopover by the Chamba emissary at Bauchi led to the formation of a military relationship with the Jahun people at Bauchi on the instruction of Ibrahim Yakubu. It was this relations that eventually saw to the establishment of Donga JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 117 Chiefdom which had its border with Wukari, and the Mandated Territory of Gayama.

The Search for a Permanent Home Garkie Shimbura was in Ganako and had the feeling of having a permanent home in order to stop the nomadic type of life. To actualize this objective, the Chamba tradition in Donga maintains that, Garkie therefore instructed his son, Nubumga, to go and find a place where they would make a permanent home so that they could stop wandering around and settle. Nubumga, being a smart gentleman that was so close to the masses and had a connection even with strangers, got an information about the jihad and how non Fulani leaders who pledged their allegiance to Sokoto were supported and permitted to establish Chiefdoms that were free from attacks by the Jihadists. Nubumga responded to this opportunity, which he considered golden, and told his father that he had heard from traders how “Shehu Sakkwato was giving flags to people and anyone who collected the flag became important, and if his town was a village, it would grow into a city” (Meek, 1950:18). His father saw the idea as brilliant, and endorsed it for his son to go on. After obtaining his father's blessing, Nubumga began a journey to Sokoto with some troops, leaving behind some people to guard his father and the rest of the people. He crossed the river Benue and camped at Kogin Dinya, intending to go to Sokoto. But his father, Garkie, sent a message after him, that he was under attack by “Lamido Kuso of Jibu, a Fulani chief who reigned from 1847-1853” (Hamman, 2007:139). Nubumga came back and the Jibu attack was repulsed with Lamido Kuso suffering a great loss. Afterward, Nubumga decided to cross his father and his people to Kogin Dinyi. It was at Dinya that Nubumga took off again for Sokoto. In the course of the trip, he stopover at Bauchi during the reign of Ibrahim, the son of Yakubu I (1847-1879). In Bauchi, Nubumga was told that Ibrahim was on his way to a battle known as Tabulla (Garbosa, 1923:19). Without hesitation, Nubumga went and met Ibrahim Yakubu. Ibrahim asked Nubumga of his mission and he replied that his intentions were three: to go to Sokoto and obtain a jihad flag, to greet Ibrahim (that is, present a gift to him), and to obtain the permission from Ibrahim to stop over before proceeding to Sokoto (Meek, 1950:331). After the discussion, Ibrahim asked Nubumga to go and rest since he believed he must have become tired from the long journey he had embarked on. Surprisingly to him, Nubumga refused and joined forces with him, and in the war, Nubumga was said to have been injured three times. It is important to note that Nubumga's performance in the war earned him much respect and favour from Ibrahim. After the war, Ibrahim described him as a gallant soldier and told him not to go to Sokoto any longer. That, he (Ibrahim) would give him the Jihad flag in his capacity as the representative of the Shehu in Bauchi. Ibrahim then called one of his commanders that had a troop from Jahunawa ward named Barde Karijo, and asked him to take his troops and assist Nubumga in a series of wars until Nubumga established a place of his own. Nubumga, in addition to the troops, was given 30 horses (Meek, 331). Having received the flag and the authority to establish his own territory, Nubumga and his followers, together with the Jahun warriors, left Bauchi and came to Dinya at Ganako. He informed his father about all that took place in Bauchi. From there, Nubumga, his father, the Jahun warriors and all the people moved towards the East and rejoined the other people (Kola) whom they had left at Gankwe. Nubumga's intention was to revenge for what his kinsmen there did to him and his father at Gankwe, and to attack Jibu under Lamido Kuso (Hamman, 2007:139). THE POLITICS OF THE 19TH CENTURY JIHAD AND 118 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF DONGA CHIEFDOM In order to accomplish his mission against Jibu, Nubumga and his father, together with the people, crossed the river Benue. It is important to note that on reaching Jibu for the attack, there were already some Jahun in Jibu who were loyal to the chief of Jibu and also were among the Jibu army. The Jahun elements who were among the Jibu troops on hearing that Nubumga had collected the jihad flag from Ibrahim of Bauchi and among his people were their kinsmen, at night, they sneaked to Nubumga and immediately changed their loyalty from Lamido Kuso to Nubumga and together they attacked Jibu killing Lamido Kuso in 1853 ( Meek, 1950:139). The killing of the chief of Jibu was so easy to the joint forces of Nubumga and the Jahun soldiers because the Jahun already had the knowledge of the Jibu territory and the strength of their army which they used for their advantage. It was from Jibu that both the Chamba and Jahun proceeded to where Donga is situated today. In the course of their migration to present day Donga, Nubumga's father, Garkie, who had become too old wanted no more wars but peace. He therefore wanted to settle amongst the Kola people in a walled town. However, Nubumga's refused living amongst them on the pretext that the population was too large. Consequently, he, with the people and his father, moved to a place south of the Kola people and camped there. Not too long, in Nubumga's camp, there was shortage of food and this compelled his followers into stealing the crops of the Kola people. Those caught by the Kola people were either killed or enslaved. Among those killed was one of the leading men in Nubumga's camp, a Hausa man from Kano named Muhammadu Dogo (Garbosa, 1923:22). It is imperative to state that Muhammadu Dogo was very instrumental in the successes registered in Nubumga camp right from Zenowa in present day Ussa Local Government. He was responsible for guiding the Chamba to Bauchi. It is relevant to state that the killing of Dogo triggered off the war that Nubumga had in mind against the Kola people. The Kola were defeated and they deserted their town and founded Suntai, while Nubumga and his father with their people founded Donga town. The name Donga is derived from Donzomga (Meek, 1950:333), coined after the death of Garkie. It is important to note, also, that the movement of the Chamba, led by Nubumga, to Bauchi resulted in their meeting the Jahun in Bauchi where they became allies and together established Donga town with their chief and a standing army command. Though they became allies when they first met, conflict later broke out between them in Donga during the reign of Gargbanyi I since each of them was politically and militarily independent. No matter whatever later became of their relationship, their joint military campaign led to the establishment of present Donga town and even the Donga Chiefdom.

Nubumga, Donga and the politics of the Jihad flag The justifications of Ibrahim Yakubu of Bauchi (1847-1879) asking Nubumga Donzomga and his entourage not to go to Sokoto for the Jihad flag could be found in a similar development within the larger Sokoto Caliphate in the emirates of Gombe and Adamawa. The founders of the emirates of Bauchi, Gombe, and Adamawa all collected their flags directly from Shehu Usman Dan Fodio in Sokoto and were charged to continue with the Jihad and also to give flags to those that wanted to establish sub-emirates in furtherance of the jihad. Worth of note is the fact that Modibbo Adama was given the jihad flag directly by Usman Dan Fodio as the leader of the jihad in the land of the east. And with this new symbol of authority, that is, the jihad flag, Modibbo Adama was indirectly given the powers “to give subordinate flag to the Arboen to pursue the jihad in their respective areas, and he was JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 119 appointed the intermediary between them and the Shehu in Sokoto” (Abubakar, 1977: 49). Therefore, by implication, this investiture was the same with those that got their jihad flag from Sokoto to give out flags in the name of the Shehu to those that were close to their emirates. An example of those places that were not given the jihad flag directly from Sokoto to go and wage the jihad was the case with Gombe during the reign of Buba Yero who attempted giving flag to one of the Fulani clans known as Bundang who tried to break free from Modibbo Adama of Adamawa whom they helped to fight his jihad. This act was an attempt to shift their loyalty from Adamawa to Gombe. Sa'ad Abubakar noted that “…they possess another subsidiary flag for the jihad which was given to them by Buba Yero of Gombe” (1977:77). It was unusual for such a flag to be granted by Gombe, as it was an encroachment into another emir's territory. But worthy of note is the fact that Gombe was next door neighbor to Bauchi and the news of this visitor to the emir of Gombe might have come to the Emir of Bauchi, Ibrahim Yakubu, and their intentions known to him. In the case of Nubumga's sudden acceptance to travel to Sokoto for the jihad flag, one may be tempted to speculate that apart from the said information he had from the traders on how the jihad flag made prosperity faster by whoever had it, probably news of their fellow Chamba man who was very active in the jihad campaign under the authority of Modibbo Adama must have reached them too. The Chamba Chief who formed part of Modibbo Adama's expanding emirate became “…a Chief with the title Damashi, and was commissioned to make wars in the area. Damashi proved to be the most successful conqueror when he subdued the Mumuye, and expelled the Tolla Chamba” ( Abubakar1977:74). It was therefore not a surprise that the Emir of Bauchi, Ibrahim, willingly and hastily offered to give the jihad flag to Nubumga for a jihad in Donga. He was impressed the more by Nubumga's performance in the Bauchi war. Hence, the Sokoto journey ended in Bauchi.

The Jihad Flag and the establishment of Donga Chiefdom It was believed that whosoever had or collected the Jihad flag had the authority and blessings of Usman Dan Fodio to go and found or establish an emirate or carve out territory won through a battle in order to establish an Islamic state. It is also in history that most of the leaders of the Jihad were at one time at Sokoto and were well vast in the Islamic religion. Notable among these people were Seku Ahmadu of Masina, and Alhajj Umar of Futa Jallon who, after spending some time in Hausa land, went home to wage Jihad in their areas. For instance, “In 1852, after spending forty days of meditation, Al-hajji Umar received the call to 'sweep the country' and launch his jihad” (Ajayi, 280). Others were Modbbo Adama of Adamawa, Yakubu of Bauchi and Buba Yero of Gombe. They too were at Sokoto and were well vast in the Islamic religion. Comparatively, therefore, those that collected the jihad flag were well learned Muslims unlike the one in Donga who was not a learned Muslim nor a scholar. The question now is; what was the motivating reason for Donga to go seeking for the jihad flag. The answer is obvious. First, Donga was to come under the friendship of the Usman Dan Fodio's expanding emirate. Meaning, Donga will not suffer direct attack on her territory from any jihadist. Second, they were told that the flag once received made a town to prosper and grow. For instance, “...they heard from traders the story of how the Shehu of Sokoto had been distributing flags and that whoever got one would prosper politically and otherwise” ( Hamman, 2007:136). It was this words that encouraged Shimbura's son, Nubumga Donzomga, who immediately prepared and set out to meet with the Shehu. THE POLITICS OF THE 19TH CENTURY JIHAD AND 120 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF DONGA CHIEFDOM Therefore, it became clear to understand the main motivating factor behind the Donga Chamba for collecting the jihad flag was for the expansion of territory and the growth of their capital. Ironically, Islamic religion which was the acclaimed driving force behind the jihad was absent in the concept of Donga receipt of the jihad flag. Therefore, the significance of the jihad flag to Donga's was solely the establishment of the Chamba Chiefdom, and not even with the nomenclature of an Emirate. This was also evident in the subsequent wars of expansion as no records of either the war was fought as part of the furtherance of the Usman Dan Fodio's Emirate or to force the different people into becoming Muslims. In fact, the non-active participation of Donga in the jihad caused the Fulani of Muri Emirate to make an encroachment into Donga's territory. Another aspect was Donga's alliance with Wukari, a Jukun kingdom whose occupants, to the Fulani jihadist were non-Muslims and unbelievers whose territory was supposed to have been attacked and taken over and converted to Islam. But the Donga Chamba who were presumed to be part of the Usman Dan Fodio's Emirate did not fight directly nor took part alongside the Fulani on their attack on Wukari during the reign of “Agbumanu, the Chief of Wukari, between 1848-1866” (Fremantle, 1972:37). It is a historical fact that Donga Chiefdom was established with the authority of Ibrahim Yakubu (1847-1879), the Emir of Bauchi; the Fulani representative of Usman Dan Fodio in Bauchi. Their collection of the Jihad flag from him implied that Donga, in one way or the other, had become part of the expanding emirate of the Fulani Emir of Bauchi. That is to say, from time to time, Donga had to send greetings to Bauchi in form of tribute in slaves and other items. One of the Donga Gara in describing Donga's attachment to Bauchi claimed that, “he is quite independent of any body but pays complimentary tribute to the emir of Bautshi (sic), a powerful emir whose territory lies to the east of Muri”(Hamman, 2007:159). It is also relevant to know that at that period, the Fulani Jihadists were already encroaching into the Jukun and Chamba territories. Therefore, by the 1850s, the Muri Emirate had already been established with some sub-emirates such as Jibu, Bakundi, and Gassol under its authority. Even though these sub-emirates were in some ways hostile to the central authority, nonetheless they played a leading role in the vast territory acquisition of the Muri Emirate (Hamman, 2007:113). The emerging quest for territorial acquisition threw Donga into a dilemma of loyalty. Since Donga was far away from Bauchi than the Muri Emirate and her sub-emirate of Gassol, it was more convenient for Donga to align with the latter, especially for security purposes. Moreover, with time, Gassol and, later, Muri began to block Donga from sending tribute to Bauchi. Donga even seemed to appreciate the emerging trend in her loyalty. But it was not easily severed essentially because, while the loyalty to Bauchi was borne out of mutual respect, her loyalty to the sub-emirate of Gassol, and later directly to the Muri emirate, was out of fear. In the wake of the emerging trend, between 1851to 1852, the sub-emirate of Gassol invaded Donga territory not minding that Donga was supposed to be part of the emirate of Bauchi. In fact, some of the captives were from the royal family. Hamman noted that, Donga was attacked on the eastern and southern parts. Besides, Nyivu (Gindi Dutse), also in Donga, was said to have been attacked by Hammadu. The attack led to the capture of Gbunyela, a younger brother of Garbasa I, the chief of Donga, who was the chief's representative in the village. Those captured were taken to Gassol as prisoners of war. However, Garbasa later sent his son, Bileya, with ten slaves to be paid as ransom for JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 121 Gbunyela and his family (Hamman, 2007:116-7). Even though Donga was supposed to be a Muslim town where the royal family members were predominantly Muslims than any other Chamba clan, the royal family members were not saved the pains of attack not only into their Chiefdom, but were also captured as slaves by the Fulani Jihadists. Whatever arguments and counter-arguments that might have ensued following this development, what is obvious was that Donga was not spared in the later phase of the jihad

The Political Organization ofDonga Chiefdom After the collection of the jihad flag from Bauchi, it was expected naturally that the newly established chiefdom or principality of Donga will at least adopt some, if not all, of the political, judicial, and religious aspects of the Othman Dan Fodio's Caliphate. But Donga, under their Chamba ruler, thought otherwise. They continued in their traditional political administration devoid of the influence of Islam. Their chieftaincy title and other title holders, for instance, were given in their native dialect. In the judiciary, there was no any sharia or khadi court system that was introduced in the entire Chiefdom. Justice administration started from the home, through the title holders before finally reaching the Chief. And for religion, although Islam was practiced largely among the Jahun, however, among the Chamba, it was mainly practiced by very few from the royal family. The majority Chamba and the other ethnic people in Donga were traditionalists. Therefore, Islam, through the jihad, did not make any appreciable impact in Donga Chiefdom, be it in the form of political institution or religion. The influence was very minimal as a result of the coming of the Europeans, and later the Christian missionaries. The head of the traditional political institution and administration of Donga Chiefdom was known, and is still known, by the name or title of Gara. He was in charge of the political administration as well as the judiciary. In the case of the judiciary, he was like the present day judge of the Supreme Court whose judgment is final. The office of the Gara was strictly reserved for the Sama clan of the Donga Chamba and is hereditary till date. The Gara was assisted by a council of elders. Prominent among them were the Council of the King makers which comprised five men, Gbana, Kpaghati, Kuni, Tigye and Nya'a. Next to the Gara in authority in the Donga Chiefdom was the Gbana, a member of the Council of Kingmakers and at the same time the Chairman. As part of his duty, the Gbana deputised and also acted whenever the seat of Gara was vacant until when a new Gara was elected by the Kingmakers. The title ofGbana belonged only to the Gbana's family. In fact, the office, like the office of the Gara, was a hereditary one. Selection into the office ofGbana “had to receive the formal approval of the Gara” (Intelligence Report, 1935:14). It is very important to note that the politics behind the Gbana who was a non Sama to act whenever the Gara was absent or death was simple. This was done in order to prevent any one of the Sama member gaining closer access to the throne unless he was elected. Also, the royal family was comfortable with the Gbana, bearing in mind that since he was not from their line he could not use the opportunity to become the Gara. Next in importance to the Gbana in rank was the Kpaghanti, Commander of the armed forces. This office was open to all Chamba with the exception of the Sama clan. Next to Kpanghati was the Nya who was a war commander and assisted by two other field commanders, Gangum and Galim who acted as assistants were not members of the Council. It is important to know that in situations where the Gara went to war front, it was the duties of Kpanghati and Nya to make sure that the Gara returned home safe and sound. THE POLITICS OF THE 19TH CENTURY JIHAD AND 122 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF DONGA CHIEFDOM Next in rank to the Kpanghati was the Kuni, a prince whose mother was of the royal blood from her father. The office was not hereditary. It went to anybody from that line of relationship with the Sama clan. It was occupied through election by those whose mothers were of the Sama royal blood. Kuni had the trust of the Gara, and since he was his sister's son, he was always closer to the Gara. The Tigye was next to the Kuni. His role to the Gara was advisory (Garbosa, 1923:35). Next to the Kuni was the Council of kingmakers whose mandate was to select any succeeding Gara. Apart from the Kingmakers, there were other titles of importance in Donga Chiefdom. Among such was the Mbala-kuru who was the representative of the female members of the royal family. Gban-lera was the Band master. Worthy of note is the fact that the Chamba in their political set up made no room for the royal Sama children to be represented in the Gara's palace until their intercourse with the Fulani. Following the contact with the Fulani, a new office or title was introduced called the Yerima, which is not a Chamba word. The office was contested by the Sama only and those that were to do the election were elders among the Sama clan coming from individual families. The main mandate of the Yerima was to represent the interest of Sama prince (Garbosa, 1923:35). Thus was the complete picture of the Donga Chiefdom which owed its origin from long traditions of their history right from their days in the region or the territory of Modibbo Adama to the relationship with the Emir of Bauchi, Ibrahim Yakubu (1847-1879), and perfected up to today. This political organization is still maintained in Donga Chiefdom, even though with some slight modifications to meet the modern situation.

Conclusion The pattern and nature of the jihad undertaken by the Chamba of Donga in the mid-19th century differed greatly from the ideals of Othman Dan Fodio's; Jihad whose primary aims were to reform the practice of the Islamic religion, to spread the religion to places where it had not previously reached, to also bring most of the areas conquered under a single administration and to guarantee free movement of people and goods.

However, the Donga Chamba only used the advantage of the jihad to achieve their aim of establishing a Chiefdom, and also to come under the friendship of the other emirates and Islamic principalities, while not carrying the flag to further the jihad and spread Islam. Indeed, their tactics paid them since the acceptance of Islam by those in the royal family helped in the reduction of direct attack on the Donga Chiefdom with the exception of the one carried out at Nyivu. The sudden appearance of the Europeans in 1880s within the area helped to stop the further push of the Fulani jihadists into Donga Chiefdom. This singular incidence served as a savior for Donga from the forces of the Fulani jihadists. 123 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW References Abubakar, S. The Lamibe Fombina. A Political History of Adamawa 1809-1901. Zaria: ABU,1977. Ajayi, J.F.A. and Espie, I. A Thousand Years of West African History: A Handbook for Teachers and Students. Ibadan: Thomas Nelson, 1965. Fremantle, J.M. Gazetteers of the Northern Provences of Nigeria, Vol. II. The eastern Kingdoms. (Muri). London: Frank Cass, 1972. Garbosa, M.S. (Gara Donga) LabarunChamba da Alamuransu (Ms 1923). Professor Abdullahi Smith's collection, Arewa House, ABU, Kaduna. Hamman, M. The middle Benue Region and the Sokoto Jihad 1812-1869. The Impact of the Emirate of Muri. Kaduna: Arewa House. 2007 Meek, C.K. Tribal Studies in Northern Nigeria Vol. I. New York: Humanities Press, 1950 National Archives Kaduna,” Intelligence Report on the Donga District of the Wukari Division of the Benue Province 17th July,1935.” 124 PANACEA TO THE PLIGHT OF WIDOWS IN OUR CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY: A MULTI-DIMENSIONAL APPROACH

Ukoha Igwe Sunday, PhD & Uche Ufondu Department of Religious Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Management and Social Sciences, Federal University of Kashere, Gombe State E-mail: [email protected] Phone: +234-8035804713, 08035526645

Abstract Widows have always been the most vulnurable and helpless in Africa, and this vulnerability has over the years increased. In our country Nigeria where there is high level of unemployment with the fact that the husband is mostly the sole breadwinner of the home, immediately death takes him out of existence, his widow finds herself in state of poverty and other extended family problems that could arise. To make things worse and compounded for the widows arises. traditional ways of caring for them and their children. In a situation where the widow is uneducated and has not learnt any trade or handwork, she falls at the mercy of the late husband's brothers and uncles. The problem of catering for herself and her children in areas of shelter, feeding, clothing and paying for the education of her children becomes more difficult. Some widows would have to endure the unbearable and unimaginable emotional turmoil, deprivation, sorrows and abuse at the hands of their relatives and society. Due to the wrong treatment being given to widows in our society, I hereby see the need to deal with some important ethical issues in respect to widows in the contemporary society through this write up. It is believed that, the recommendations proffered in this paper will help to correct the cruel and brutal treatment given to widows in most African society. Keywords: Plight, Widows, Contemporary, Society.

African Traditions as they affect Widows It is not an overstatement to assert that widows faced all manner of ill-treatment in most African societies. This unfortunate phenomenon is associated with the traditions of most African societies especially as they relate to the administration of the human and ill- treatment and the attendant effects manifest in various forms and categories as outlined and discussed below.

Forceful Adoption of Widows by bereaved husband's Relative The practice of adoption of widows as wives in the African societies simply means that the widow could easily be remarried within a matter of few months by a relative, along with her late husband's family to bear children in his name. In most cases, this is done with or without approval or consent of the widow. For instance, among the "Urho&Y. and "Itsekiri" tribes of Delta State of Nigeria, the widow may be forced into such a marriage regardless of whether she is interested in the man or whether he already has a wife or several wives. Her refusal to marry one of the late husband's relatives could mean losing the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 125 properties and wealth she has labored with her husband over the years of staying with him. Similarly, by her refusal to marry from the late husband's relatives, the regard and recognition she once had from her husband's family is withdrawn. Consequently, the widow, in her helpless state, will have no other option than to accept and comply to what the husband's family requires from her (Oscmene, 1989),

Force accusation of widows for the death of their husbands. In some African societies, the widows are not only falsefully accused of killing their husbands, but are also forced to, immediately, surrender all properties belonging to her with the idea that they are responsible for their husbands' death. This is most especially when a widow has not been able to give birth to a child or male child (IkengaMetuh, 1985). In such circumstances of grave accusation, during the burial of her husband, she is treated like an outsider or as a mere spectator. She is also made to have some major financial cost of the funeral rites and ceremonies. She is forced to take care of all expenses to be made by those performing the rituals. Among the Effik in Cross River State of Nigeria, widows face very traumatizing experience. They are expected to cry loudly three times a day publicly whether they like it or not. They are also prevented from eating and must remain indoors until the period of mourning for their husbands is over. They immediately takeover complete parental responsibility for her children after the mourning period. In addition to the trauma, they perceived as a taboo to other males and living husbands, as well as considered a threat to some couples, especially by being and also suspected of adulterous living. All these maltreatments make widows to suffer a lot of pains. neglect and hopelessness (Kunhiyop. 2008).

Sexual Abuse of Widows It is sad to state that before sexual abuse begins, in the name of tradition, widows are seen as being impure potential source of danger and defilement and so a cleansing ritual would have to be done on them. Among other dehumanizing ritual, they are required to bath naked before the people during the funeral ceremony. After this ritual, they are compelled or forced to have sexual intercourse with their husbands' relatives in order to prevent "the spirit of the deceased coming to seek sexual union, believed to be possible and dangerous". Without this ritual there will be not blessed by their husbands' families and will not receive their permission to enter into a new sexual relationship (Kunhiyop, 2008).

Enslavement and Unhygienic Rituals for Widows In many African societies, widows faced all manner of dehumanizing experiences or treatment following the death of their husbands. In some societies, for instance, they faced such traumatic accusations such as being accused of causing the death of their husbands. The most traumatic is that they are not given any chance for defence, which is why in most of such societies, they are treated or considered to be witches. Under such grave suspicions, they are asked to perform an unhygienic ritual that demands them to drinking the water used to wash their husbands' corpses. To prove their innocence, they drink the unhygienic water that could result to serious emotional problem and health hazard. Akutk'r (2009) corroborates how Estako ethnic group of Edo state Would force the widow to swear at a shrine if she is accused of killing her husband. PANACEA TO THE PLIGHT OF WIDOWS IN OUR CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY: A MULTI-DIMENSIONAL APPROACH 126 Panacea to the plight of Widows: The Christian Perspective The Christian way of dealing with widows is based on what the Bible says. Treatments that are appropriate in relation to widows as recorded in the Bible will help to guide and minimize the dehumanizing treatment widows encounter in many African societies. This could be achieved in the following Biblical percepts:

Defend and Plead the Course of Widows Unlike in the traditional way of treating widows, God is the defender of widows and He has instructed those who follow Him to protect and plead the course of widows. He clearly states that He will judge those who abuse them (Deut 10:18; 24:19-21) and also insisted that widows should share in the religious feast and offering. Christians are to give high priority to the needs or and plead their case as recorded in (Isaiah I : 17).

Punishment for Mistreatment or Widows God, the creator of the whole universe is not happy with those who abuse widows. This explains why He declares in Exodus 22: 22-24, that, His anger will be aroused to the extent of killing who so ever that mistreat widows and Will also make their Wives to taste the bitter pills of widowhood. One should understand that God is not man that says what he cannot and may not do. If God has said he will punish those who mistreat widows, it should sound as a strict warning to all who read and hear His word.

God commands us to Care for Widows Every Christian has it as duty to care for widows because God says so. Failure to care for widows means failing in our Christian service to God and humanity. In the Old Testament, Job associates maltreatment of widows with "sins to be judged", and as a mark of being "unfaithful to God" (Job 31:6-18, 28) Similarly, in the book I Tim 5: Paul the Apostle said the Church, as body of Christ, should care for and render help to widows who are poor and in need of help. What this also implies is, Godliness involves care for widows. Invariably, a widow in the traumatic state of the African traditional practice can hopefully find solace from the Christian set up, since God commands us to care for the Widows (Proverbs 15:25). Permission for Young Widows to Remarry: This is not a compulsory injunction. It applies mostly to the young widows who cannot hold themselves. Consequently, instead of falling into sexual immorality, such widow permitted to remarry. According to Paul the Apostle, (l Corinthians 7:39), "if the married woman's husband dies, then she may marry again, but only if she marries a Christian". This, however, does not allow her to marry anyhow. She must be sure the man is a Christian to avoid sad experiences that could bring about regrets and emotional stress.

Approaches Adopted by the Contemporary Society to Remedy the Plight of Widows The contemporary society has great role to play for the remedy of the plight of widows. This is because the widow in her helpless state or condition needs help and support. Some of the ways the contemporary society can be of help to her are discussed below.

Legislation for Widows Right In the Old Testament we see how God had to make some laws that would help to provide for the survival of widows. So too the government should be encouraged to introduce laws and regulations that will protect the rights of widows. The rights to secure or own her husband's properties should be enacted. Except in a case where the late husband has willed his JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 127 belongings, the properties should be handed over the widow and her children. Although, some places have the laws, they are widely ignored. The abuse of such laws should be reported to the authority concerned for proper investigation. We should also strive to enact laws that forbid widows from being forced to engage in funeral rituals and practices that are against her religious beliefs. The existing provision under Decree No 102 of 1980 that covers widows should he revived (Marx, 1972).

Education of the Society about the Plight of Widows Both the Church and society have very important role to play in the education of the society about the plight of widows. The Church should engage in educating the society on the right ways to treat widows Through seminars, the Church educate members about the need to prepare wills that would help to guard how properties should be shared should death occurs. The widow should also be educated to love and serve God better. She should also be encouraged not see herself as an abandoned and rejected person in the society. To achieve this, the widow should also be guided to areas she could gain access to employment, schooling and medical treatment. The economy should generally be restructured in a way that the widow will become self- dependent. The economy should make provision for "women to have access to sources of livelihood rather than depending on their husbands. By and large, the society should be encouraged to help in social adjustment of widows (Anyebe, 1985).

Moral and Material Support for Widows during and after the death of their husbands A level of respect should be given to widows in involving them in the planning of their husband's funeral. Rather than first listening to the husband's relations, she should be consulted to know her mind in respect to where and when and how to bury their husbands. The Church should stand to intervene and restrain any act of abuse on the widow from the husbands' relatives. Living them to be oppressed by their husbands' people would unfair. Equally very important, after the burial of their husbands, the Church and well-wishers need to help widows have access to good ways of earning a livelihood. Without material support to the widows, they may resort to prostitution. The Church therefore needs to take deliberate steps to assist the vulnerable widows. Starting small scale businesses for them will go a long way to reduce their vulnerability to immoral ways of earning a living.

The use of Traditional Counseling Methods of Widows Traditional counseling methods are diverse, depending on the type of society. However, the immediate approach is the traditional grief counseling which has to do with an indigenous way of helping widows to cope with emotional and psychological stress and to get adjustment to the new situation in life (Idyyorough, 1998). Similarly, Behanna (1964) also said that. the traditional grief counseling is an alternative therapy which helps the widows to re-integrate, withdraw and assimilate the reality of widowhood through painful process of adjustment. To counsel the bereaved traditionally, information appraisal, placement, follow-up, 'A- evaluation and guidance services are needed. In most cases the counselors formalize appropriate tools or procedures to help discharge effective counseling strategies. Many psychologists describe traditional grief counseling as "that system born out of time in order to enable widows to adjust and adapt to their fortunate condition (Bromely, 1974). PANACEA TO THE PLIGHT OF WIDOWS IN OUR CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY: A MULTI-DIMENSIONAL APPROACH 128 Conclusion From all findings, it is very evident that widowhood is a horrible and bitter experience in any traditional African society. Widows passed through bitter experiences such as seizure of husbands' assets, dejuction, forceful adoption by relation by relatives of the bereaved husband, branding as witches, being forced to undergo, some dehumanizing rituals among many other untold inhuman conditions. The problems widows pass through should overlooked by the contemporary society. Widows need care and financial assistance. This is where the Church must come in to lead by example using Biblical injunctions. It is not arguable that the Bible has clearly spelt out how widows should be treated. There are even curses to be pronounced on those who maltreat widows and orphans. The Bible even allows young widows to remarry so that they do not become moral and financial nuisance to the body of Christ. Apart from the Church, the society also has great role to play to remedy the plight of widows. To aid the widows, there should be socio-cultural programs that will make the widows to feel belonging to the contemporary society. The traditional way of treating widows should be corrected and used as a medium to offer good counselling and necessary support to positively impact the lives of widows in the society. Before these measures are adopted, and even in the course of the process, all possible measures should be employed to help the widow recover from emotional breakdown and psychological problems incurred from the loss of their husbands and maltreatment experience from husbands' relatives by way of being branded as witches and, as such, subjected to some dehumanizing rituals and practices. In conclusion, widowhood is the most devastating state of life which requires coping capacities and social adjustment to make life better for them in the contemporary society.

References Akubor, E.O (2009). The role of religion in Nigeria Building and Nigerian Situation: A Historical Perspective. Seminar Paper presented Ike Faculty of and Social Sciences, , 15"! October. Anyebe, P.A (1985), Customary Law: The war Without Arms. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publications. Bohanna, p. (1964), Tiv ofCen1raI Nigeria. London: International African Institute. Bromeley, D B. (1974). Psychology of Baltimore; pengium. Idyorough, AE. (1998). Social Adjustment of Widows i" Area ofBenue State. unpublished Thesis Submitted to theDepartment ofSocioIogy University ofJos. Ikengarnetuh, E, (1985). African Religions in WeslernConeeprua/ Scheme' Problems of Interpretation: Ibadan: Pastoral Institute. Kunhiyop, W.S. (2008). African Christian Ethics. Nairobi, Kenya Ward love publishers. Lawa of Federal Republic of Nigeria (1979), Decree No 102, A7g3-1791. Lagos; Government Press Marx, K. F. (1972). preface a contribution to theCriIiqueofpoliricui economy In Marx, Engels and Lenin (1972) Historical Materialism: A Collection. Moscow: progress Publications. Oscmene, M. (1989, 27d' July). Oral Interview, Held at Aghor. Mike Osemene Isa DeltanIgbo man Working in Isele-ukuDio 48 Years Old. Webster, M. (2006). Dictionary and Thesaurus for Sfuden,'s: Springfield: Published by Federal Street Press. 129 THE IMPACT OF CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC ON THE RELIGIOUS AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES IN NIGERIA

Luther AnumTimin Department of Religion and Cultural Studies Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Phone: +234805068221 & Rimamsikwe Habila Kitause, PhD Department of Christian Religious Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. E-mails: [email protected] & [email protected] Phone: +2347038577775,

Abstract The Coronavirus a pandemic has had diverse of negative impact on all spheres of life across the world, including Nigeria. This study focuses on the impacts of the coronavirus pandemic on the religious and socio-economic activities in Nigeria. The study adopted descriptive and analytical approaches in relating to available data. It was found out that the outbreak of coronavirus has caused more harm than good occasioned by the various lockdown strategies put in place by government at all levels to contain the spread of the virus which have unleashed untold hardship and lots of inconveniencies on the citizenry. Also discovered was the fact that the upsurge of COVID-19 pandemic punctuated in the world a new lifestyle of maintaining social distancing and observance of personal hygiene like frequent hand washing, use of hand sanitizer and wearing of face masks with lots of discomforts as well as obeying the stay-at-home order against people's wishes as a matter of individual responsibility against the pandemic. This paper submits that the earlier Nigerians take positive steps by observing all the precautionary measures, the safer they are in escaping being contracted with the dreaded and deadly Coronavirus that is currently ravaging the world. Keywords : Coronavirus, Impact, Nigeria, Pandemic, Religion

Introduction The Coronavirus pandemic, also known as COVID-19, was caused by the SARS- CoV-2 virus which became a public knowledge in December 2019 in Wuhan city in Hubei Province of China and was declared officially by World Health Organization (WHO), on March 12, 2020 (Mckibbin and Fernando, 2020). COVID-19 is a contagious disease which spreads from person to person with grievous consequences. Records show that Coronavirus has affected over 210. So far, there have been confirmed cases of 12,322,395, with 556,335 deaths as at July 11, 2020 (World Health Organization (WHO), 2020). In Nigeria, there have been confirmed 31,323 cases, with 709 deaths and 12,795 recovery cases as at July 11, 2020(WHO, 2020).COVID-19 poses a significant public health risk to the world and thus is considered to be only a global pandemic, but a phenomenon of public health emergency (WHO, 2020). The Coronavirus pandemic has had greater impacts on both the religious and social life of people in various ways. These include the cancellation of large group worship JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 130 services of various faiths as well as the cancellation of pilgrimages to holy lands and sites around the world (O. Daniel, personal communication, June6, 2020).Equally, social gatherings of different kinds have been or suspended or shutdown such as cultural festivals, marriage ceremonies, burials, and many other gatherings like markets and schools, among others. The most worrisome aspect of the spread of COVID-19, in the case of Nigeria, is that it has surfaced on the Nigerian soil wrecking great havoc in every sphere of life. Unfortunately, Nigeria as a country lacks social welfare programs that would adequately cater for the poor and vulnerable citizens who are being affected daily by the upsurge. Equally, the fear of financial and economic collapse among the citizenry has spurred many to panic buying, hoarding of foreign currency by individuals and businesses for speculative reasons, flight for safety, households stocking up of essential food and commodity items, business organizations asking workers to work from home to reduce operating costs and downsizing of the workforce are some of the immediate effect of COVID-19 in Nigeria. On top of these ugly developments are number of precautionary measures such as quarantines, social distancing or in some cases total lockdown in some region or countries around the world being put in place by WHO to contain the spread of the virus. These preventive measures no doubt distort different social and religious activities in the country. It is against this backdrop that this study humbly focuses on examining the impacts of Coronavirus pandemic on the socio-religious activities in Nigeria with a view to discovering and bringing to lime light the effects of the pandemic in Nigeria. This study beams its searchlight on Benue and Taraba States in the Middle-Belt of Nigeria.

Popular Concepts Associated with the Coronavirus Pandemic The most commonly used concepts in the Coronavirus Pandemic are: Pandemic, Social distancing, Isolation and Quarantine as outline and discussed below: Pandemic: This is an outbreak of a disease that occurs over a wide geographic area and affects an exceptionally high proportion of the population (Merriam-Webster, 1993). According to WHO, A pandemic is the worldwide spread of a new disease”. An influenza pandemic occurs when a new influenza virus emerges and spreads around the world, and most people do not have immunity (A. Mbem, personal communication, May9, 2020). Pandemics are generally classified as epidemics first, which is the rapid spread of a disease across a particular region or regions (Geddes & Grosset, 2010). Social Distancing: This is also called physical distancing. It is a set of non- pharmaceutical interventions or measures taken to prevent the spread of a contagious disease by maintaining a physical distance between people and reducing the number of times people come into close contact with each other(Harris & Adhanom, 2020). It typically involves keeping a certain distance from others (the distance specified may differ from time to time and from country to country) and avoiding gathering together in large groups. Social distancing measures are more effective when the infectious disease spreads via droplet contact (coughing or sneezing); direct physical contact, including sexual contact; indirect physical contact (e.g., by touching a contaminated surface); or airborne transmission (if the microorganism can survive in the air for long periods)(Harris & Adhanom, 2020). Isolation: The Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines Isolationas completely alone. Isolation is also defined as the separation of sick people with a contagious disease from people who are not sick. It is “A state of separation between persons or groups and a feeling of being disliked or alone,” (etymology.com). THE IMPACT OF CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC ON THE RELIGIOUS AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES IN NIGERIA 131 Quarantine: The word quarantine comes from quarantena, meaning, "forty days", used in the 14th–15th-centuries Venetian language and designating the period that all ships were required to be isolated before passengers and crew could go ashore during the Black Deathplague epidemic (Benedictow, 2005). According to Jimeno (2020), quarantine is a restriction on the movement of people and goods which are intended to prevent the spread of disease or pests. It is often used in connection with a communicable disease and illness. Factors Responsible for the Spread of COVID-19 There are various factors that are responsible for the spread of COVID-19 in the entire globe. Among these factors are the following: i. Overcrowding Overcrowding is the condition where more people are located within a given space than is considered tolerable from a safety and health perspective which will depend on current environment and local cultural norms(Gray, 2001).Overcrowding is one of the basic factors responsible for the spread of COVID-19 in Nigeria. Scholars have analyzed their effects and reported that the epidemic's intensity is significantly influenced by crowding, with epidemics in densely-populated cities lasting longer and having a more significant overall incidence. It is noted that “crowding enables more widespread and sustained transmission between households leading incidence to be more widely distributed in time” (Gray, 2001). COVID-19 is transmitted via airborne droplets. ii. Fear and Anxiety/Phobia Many people are understandably health anxious in this current context, particularly as the number of COVID-19 cases is increasing. This worry about health can make people feel that one needs to be 'on duty', looking for early signs of the virus and constantly suspecting any new changes in the body. The role of attention is a subtle yet powerful contributor to the onset and maintenance of anxiety. For example, if one is looking for signs of breathing difficulty, one is likely going to notice some symptoms and react badly to it which may be unconnected to Coronavirus. Additionally, it is normal for the human body to experience a range of physical sensations from time to time which are more likely to go unnoticed. However, if we are on the lookout for early signs of trouble, normal fluctuations in bodily sensations will be noticed and reacted to with fear and anxiety, which further stimulates physical symptoms and trauma associated with anxiety. Added to this, if you are on guard for early signs of the virus, it will also be likely that you will misinterpret other body reactions as signs of it. For example, spring is a time when many people have seasonal allergies. The stuffiness that comes with high fever and the accompanying sneezing could easily be misinterpreted as signs of COVID-19.Fearhas the tendency to attract the virus when one gives up on his faith of being protected by the unseen hands of God.

Stigmatization Since the emergence of COVID-19, there have been instances of public stigmatization among specific populations, and the rise of harmful stereotypes. Stigma occurs when people negatively associate an infectious disease, such as COVID-19, with a specific population. In the case of COVID-19, there are increasing numbers of reports of public stigmatization against people from areas affected by the epidemic. Unfortunately, this means that people are being labeled, stereotyped, separated, and/or experience loss of status and discrimination because of a potential negative affiliation with the disease. For instance, one of the nurses in Grace Cottage Hospital, Makurdi, the Benue State Capital in JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 132 Nigeria, was shown a very negative attitude when her landlady discovered that she was among the personnel assigned to take care of Benue State first suspected case or patient, Mrs Susan Okpeh, who arrived the state from the United Kingdom. The tension around her made the lady to flee to her parents in the village for fear of stigmatization. She was later taken back to the State Action Committee on COVID-19 and quarantined and later released after tested negative with the virus. The question worth asking is: what would have happened if she had contracted the virus before fleeing home to meet her parents and siblings, her family too would have contracted it? Given that COVID-19 is a new disease, it is understandable that its emergence and spread cause confusion, anxiety and fear among the general public. These factors can give rise to harmful stereotypes and further spread of the virus.

Lack of Adherence to Personal Hygiene Safely managed water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) services are an essential part of preventing and protecting human health during infectious disease outbreaks, including the current COVID-19 pandemic. One of the most cost-effective strategies for increasing pandemic preparedness, especially in resource-constrained settings, is investing in core public health infrastructure, including water and sanitation systems (Aregbeshola& Khan, 2010). Good WASH and waste management practices, that are consistently applied, serve as barriers to human-to-human transmission of the COVID-19 virus in homes, communities, health care facilities, schools, and other public spaces. Safely managed WASH services are also critical during the recovery phase of a disease outbreak like COVID-19 to mitigate secondary impacts on community livelihoods and wellbeing.

People's Beliefs and Practices/Religiosity Religious beliefs and practices are also some of the major factors behind the spread of COVID- 19. This hinges on the fact that some so-called religious people have some religious misconception which makes them relegate the practice of social distancing and others which will help in curtailing the spread of the virus in the society. A practical case in Benue and Taraba States is where some mosques refused to observe the lock down strategies imposed by Government at all levels until they were forced by the law enforcement agents to do so. This attitude portends danger resulting to further spread of the virus. The refusal by some of the Muslims who believed that nothing can stop them from attending the juma'at prayers on Fridays by flagrantly ignoring the observance of social distancing culminated to physical protest which resulted in wanton destruction of properties worth millions of naira, including a police station, in Katsina State (Sanusi,2010). All these beliefs and practices are major factors that can contribute to the spread of Coronavirus in the society.

Lapses on the Part of the Government The government is the biggest mechanism that can be used in curtailing the spread of COVID- 19. This is hinged on the various policies and enactment of laws and support on their part to the citizens. Failure or any shortcoming on their part can facilitate the spread of the deadly virus. Broadly, there are three identifiable agenda of the Federal Government in the fight against COVID-19 in Nigeria, namely: restriction order (Lockdown) which should include the closure of borders, distribution of palliatives to poorest of the poor, as well as testing and treatment of COVID-19 patients. THE IMPACT OF CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC ON THE RELIGIOUS AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES IN NIGERIA 133 More functional capacity of the Nigerian government is optimally yet to be discerned in the social welfare through the distribution of palliatives to poor and vulnerable citizens. Thus, the queries on the palliatives not getting to the poor and vulnerable groups might, to a very large extent, be circumvented. Also, the organized capacity of the government should be well-mapped out as against the distribution processes seen via social media in some states. This would enable the delivery of the palliatives to the doorsteps of the poor and vulnerable. The absence of all these will make the citizens want to go out in search of what to eat so as to survive rather than dying of hunger. Specifically, on restriction order, it becomes highly imperative to step up local security outfits as established across rural communities in Nigeria to assist in confining citizens to their homes during the period of the pandemic so as to curtail the virus transmission. This seems evident in few urban communities, but little or no enforcement of this lockdown has been activated in the rural communities where the current fear of virus transmission appears most anticipated. Impact of COVID-19 on Social Lives The spread of Coronavirus has disrupted a lot of social activities in the world, including Nigeria, with attendant adverse consequences on various classes and activities in the society. This includes the following sets of people: Families Coronavirus pandemic has both infected and affected social life in Nigeria. For the first time after a long period of time a lot of families have been confronted with a lot of restrictions and just have to adjust to the new realities. Keeping a job and earning a living have become uncertain, especially for those who are already in a precarious situation, leading to greater levels of stress and anxiety. Furthermore, limiting access to normal daily activities, not just going to work, but normal social interactions with others provokes mental health issues, and weakens physical health for those who already struggle to maintain good health and wellbeing. Lots of families are finding it difficult to feed. According to T. Ikuma, (personal communication, April9, 2020), members of families who have victims of Coronavirus live in fear, anxiety and stigma. He also added that the feeling and fear of either losing the family member worries them. Daniel also added that families of health workers who are involved in tackling the spread of the pandemic find it difficult spending time together with their families as most of them spent their time in the isolation centers and hospitals. Internally Displaced People and Prisoners The situation of COVID-19 pandemic is particularly worrisome for prisoners and the internally displaced persons who are in cells and in the camps and are experiencing greater mental health effects having been deprived of external social contacts for a longer period of time. Children are also affected by social isolation and mental health issues this may provoke. For those who are already experiencing loneliness, the social distancing required to stop the pandemic only furthers their feelings of social isolation from the society which they were displaced from. Feelings of loneliness and social isolation heightened by the current public health crisis can have severe health consequences for a number of socio-economic groups also. T. Adzenda (personal communication, May 9, 2020) stated that anxiety and apathy as well as loneliness, are some of the mental health consequences that will persist long after the pandemic ends. He reiterates that while the increased feelings of depression and stress lasts especially during a time of uncertainty, many other negative impacts on public health may JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 134 result thereby increasing people's vulnerability to poor health and weakening society as a whole.

Marriages The emergence of COVID-19 pandemic has caused a lot of obstruction to marriages. Many marriage ceremonies were postponed and even those that were allowed to go on, only very few persons witnessed them or attended. In doing so, observances of social distancing were strictly maintained. The pandemic has had both positive and negative effects on the relationship and survival of marriages. It is asserted that couples who are able to maintain good communication gap and be supportive and responsive to each other throughout the COVID-19 crisis will likely remain together and possibly feel more connected for having weathered the storm (O. Tersoo, personal communication, May 15, 2020). However, couples who have difficulty communicating and effectively supporting each other may feel less happy with their marriages and possibly be more likely to separate or divorce thereafter. In addition, poor and lower-income couples are apt to be at higher risk for marital distress and dissolution, given that they are more likely to experience greater losses and hardships. In addition, the divorce rate is already higher for these couples compared to middle-and higher-income couples (Neff & Karney, 2005).

Cultural Festivals The COVID-19 pandemic has had a sudden and substantial impact on the arts and cultural heritage (GLAM) sectors. The global health crisis and the uncertainty resulting from it profoundly affected the organization of festivities by these important sectors. This has adverse effect only on the sectors but on employees and consumers of such service. Arts and culture sector organizations attempted to uphold their (often publicly funded) mission to provide access to cultural heritage to the community; maintain the safety of their employees, collections, and the public; while reacting to the unexpected change in their business model with an unknown end. Through the first quarter of 2020, arts and culture sector organizations around the world progressively restricted their public activities and closed completely due to the Coronavirus pandemic. This included libraries, archives, museums, film and television productions, theatre and orchestra performances, concert tours, zoos, as well as music and arts festivals (Eric,2018).

Sporting Activities The COVID-19 pandemic has caused the most significant disruption to the worldwide sporting calendar since World War II. Across the world, and to varying degrees, sports events have been cancelled or postponed. Spectators have no games to watch and players have no games to play. Not surprisingly, COVID-19 has also suspended the sporting calendar, with professional leagues everywhere suspending their activities to limit the spread of the virus. Even the Summer Olympics, typically one of the world's most- watched sporting broadcasts, has been pushed back a year. T. Shimma (personal communication, June9, 2020) stated in a survey that the Coronavirus outbreak has decimated the sporting schedule and affected some of 2020's biggest events. A range of sports have had to take action to prevent the spread of the virus, with Euro 2020 put on hold for 12 months and postponements also hitting domestic THE IMPACT OF CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC ON THE RELIGIOUS AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES IN NIGERIA 135 football in England and Scotland.

Burial Ceremonies Burial ceremonies have been limited due to the spread of the Coronavirus. For instance, if a loved one passes away, there is guidance available for the mourning, burial/cremation process. This applies to both COVID-19 related and non COVID-19 related deaths. Many of our religious and cultural practices have had to be restricted at this time due to the risks presented by the COVID-19 pandemic. According to A. Aondoakaa (personal communication, June 9, 2020), government has placed rules to curtail the spread of the virus in such a way that burial or funeral rites should be private and only a maximum of 10 people apart from people needed to officiate at the funeral service, grave diggers and so on) should be in attendance and social distancing must be practiced at all times.

Impact of COVID-19 on Religious Activities Religious activities suffered severely at the wake of the 2019–2020 Coronavirus pandemicin Nigeria. The lockdown strategies imposed on religious organizations by government at all levels negatively impacted on the religious arena in various ways engendering quick responses from different quarters. Relief wings of religious organizations have dispatched disinfection supplies, powered air-purifying respirators, face shields/masks, gloves, Coronavirus nucleic acid detection reagents, ventilators, patient monitors, syringe pumps, infusion pumps, and food to affected areas. Other churches have offered free COVID-19 testing to the public. Adherents of many religions have continued to gather together to pray for an end to the COVID-19 pandemic and for those affected by it as well as for wisdom for physicians and scientists to combat the disease. Specifically, the following areas have been very impactful during the COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria: Religious worships It has been noted that Nigeria is one of the world's most religious nations and the happiest, despite their low standing on most of the standard indices of development. In fact, they say, Nigerians are the happiest because of the hope that religion provides. Conventional religious practices are widespread, from regular attendance at churches and mosques and private reading of the Bible and the Koran. More than fifty years ago, the Nigerian government declared that the number of adherents to Christianity and Islam was on the rise. It is really difficult to give the relative size of the two religions in figure. But the two are really larger than African Traditional Religion (ATR). These religions have different religious ceremonies to observe which attract millions of adherents at each gathering(Roth, Andrew; Phillips, Dom; Walker and Shaun, 2020). Unfortunately, the attendance to the church, mosque and other religious gatherings are no more since the COVID-19 pandemic surfaced. The Federal government issued stay- at-home orders to contain the spread of COVID-19, starting on March 30, 2020, for Lagos, Ogun state (a suburb of Lagos), and Abuja, the national capital and further extended it to all the states in the federation. President Buhari recently extended them for another two weeks. The order made social distancing mandatory and was enforced, sometimes brutally, by the army and the police. State governors on their own authority have largely imposed the same restrictions on the rest of the country. All churches and mosques were closed, and parades were banned, including all other mass events that Nigerians love, such as weddings JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 136 and funerals. Mainstream Muslim authorities, represented by the Nigerian Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs (NSCIA), have said they will follow the Federal government's restrictions on meetings and movements and instructed members to do the same. As observed by Umezu (2020) and O. Audu (personal communication, June6, 2020), people who overlooked the government lockdown rules were penalized for it. However, there is much relief now that most of these measures have been relaxed significantly due, in part, to government's inability to adequately provide the enabling environment to continue to observe or enforce the measures.

Weddings The phenomenon of Coronavirus pandemic has put so many weddings on hold indefinitely across the country leaving intended couples with the option to have a virtual ceremony instead. B. Aondosoo (personal communication, June8, 2020) asserts that before the pandemic, wedding seasons usually would have been in full swing but, as a result of the virus, there were postponement here and there which dashed the hope of many couples to observe their big day. Weddings that were cancelled few days to it recorded lots of wastages as preparation for the wedding had reached 90% conclusion with wedding cakes in place and uniforms sawn to add colour to the wedding cannot be kept for too long or indefinitely.

Crusades The meaning of crusade has changed over time. Crusades have been military expeditions that begun in the late 11th century, organized by western European Christians in response to centuries of Muslim wars of expansion. Their objectives were to check the spread of Islam, to retake control of the Holy Land in the eastern Mediterranean, to conquer pagan areas, and to recapture formerly Christian territories; they were seen by many of their participants as a means of redemption and expiation for sins. Between 1095, when the First Crusade was launched, and 1291, when the Latin Christians were finally expelled from their kingdom in Syria, there were numerous expeditions to the Holy Land, to Spain, and even to the Baltic; the Crusades continued for several centuries after 1291. However, the concept of crusade in our temporary time simply refers to the conglomeration of Christians for religious or spiritual activities. Such gatherings vary in sizes, by the main purpose still remains the advancement of the course of Christianity. In recent times, such gatherings have become unprecedented in the history of Christianity in Nigeria. However, since the outbreak of Coronavirus pandemic crusading has declined rapidly and there are no more crusades held by the churches or any religious gathering any more as a result of the spread of the Coronavirus pandemic

Health and Psychological Impact of COVID-19 Tackling the pandemic and preventing its further spread is vital for society, but such measures do not mean there should be a collapse in social contact. The impact of isolation and loneliness should not be under-estimated. Developing effective interventions, including prevention measures, is not an easy task during a public health emergency when priorities have to be redefined and public spending has to be urgently reallocated; but consideration of these issues now can widely contribute to limiting the long-term effects of the current crisis. In his opinion, A. Mbem (personal communication, June9, 2020) maintains that the COVID-19 pandemic sweeps across the world causing widespread concern, fear and THE IMPACT OF CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC ON THE RELIGIOUS AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES IN NIGERIA 137 stress. Regarding older people and also those with underlying health conditions, having been identified as more vulnerable to COVID-19 can be extremely frightening and very fear-inducing. On a positive note, there are many things that older people can initiate themselves or with the support of a career of the disease, if needed, to protect their mental health at this time. These include many of the strategies that we are advocating across the entire population, such as undertaking physical activity, keeping to routines or creating new ones, and engaging in activities which give a sense of achievement. Maintaining social connections is also important. Some older people may be familiar with digital methods and others may need guidance in how to use them. Once again, the mental health and psychosocial support services and other services that are relevant to this population must remain available at this time.

Impact of COVID-19 on Economic Activities The COVID-19 pandemic has affected the global economy in two ways. One, the spread of the virus has encouraged social distancing which led to the shutdown of financial markets, corporate offices, businesses and events. Two, the rate at which the virus was spreading and heightening uncertainty led to the flight of many for safety which reduced investments among investors (Ozili and Arun, 2020). There was a general consensus among top economists, especially Gita Gopinath and Kristalina Georgieva, that the Coronavirus pandemic would plunge the world into a global recession (Aregbeshola, 2016). There are five main ways through which the COVID-19 pandemic spilled over into the Nigerian economy. One, the COVID-19 pandemic has affected borrowers' capacity to service loans, which gave rise to depletion of banks' earnings and eventually impaired bank soundness and stability. Subsequently, banks were reluctant to lend as more and more borrowers struggled to repay the loans granted to them before the COVID-19 outbreak (Aregbeshola, 2016). Two, there were oil demand shocks which was reflected in the sharp decline in oil price. The most visible and immediate spillover was the drop in the price of crude oil, which dropped from nearly US$60 per barrel to as low as US$30 per barrel in March. During the wake of the pandemic, people were no longer travelling and this led to a sustained fall in the demand for aviation fuel and automobile fuel which affected Nigeria's net oil revenue, and eventually affected Nigeria's foreign reserve. Three, there were supply shocks in the global supply chain as many importers shut down their factories and closed their borders, particularly China. Nigeria was severely affected because Nigeria is an import-dependent country, and as a result Nigeria witnessed shortage of crucial supplies like pharmaceutical supplies, spare parts, and finished goods from China. Four, the national budget was, and is, also affected.

Recommendations The following recommendations are offered for immediate consideration: I. Social distancing and isolation strategies and laws should be adhered to and obeyed so as to curtail the spread of the Coronavirus. ii. Churches should also adhere and support the government efforts to curtain the spread of the virus iii. Individuals and the society should involve in activities that can be adapted to local contexts to reduce the mental health effects of the pandemic. iv. Proper attention should be given to those in isolation centre so as to get rid of their loneliness, anxiety and panic thereby improvingtheir well-being preparatory to returning JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 138 to their daily normal lives. v. Governmental and non-governmental agencies should support the society with palliatives in other to support the people, particularly the most vulnerable.

Conclusion COVID-19 pandemic has caused a lot of damages and setbacks to the world, and Nigeria in particular, socially, religiously, psychologically and economically. The paper unraveled that the most worrisome dimensions of the pandemic are the ever increasing death tolls globally with traumatizing effects; resulting to more damaging health challenges in Nigeria. As revealed, religious institutions such as churches and mosques have been closed down in quick response to lockdown strategies imposed by the government to contain the spread of the virus thereby forcing these institutions to adapt different coping strategies to survive. Socially, due to stay-at-home directives, activities such as trading, schooling, weddings, burials, and marriages, among several others, have been suspended indefinitely. Equally as unraveled, people are daily being burdenened with the tasks of adapting new lifestyles of maintaining social distancing and observing of personal hygiene like frequent hand washing, using of hand sanitizer and wearing of face masks which are really inconveniencing. This paper submits that the earlier Nigerians take positive steps by observing all the precautionary measures, the safer they are in escaping being contracted with the dreaded and deadly Coronavirus that is currently ravaging the world.

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141 AN ASSESSMENT OF CHALLENGES OF THE SUDAN UNITED MISSION (S.U.M.) MISSIONARIES IN EVANGELIZING AMONG THE ALAGO PEOPLE: LESSONS FOR TODAY'S CHURCH LEADERS

Oyiwose, Ishaya Owusakyo Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Faculty of Arts, Nasarawa State University, Keffi Nasarawa State

Abstract Missionary activities in Nigeria were carried out by different missionaries. The Sudan United Mission (S.U.M.) is popular for bringing the Christian faith to the people of Alago. The activities of the missionaries of the Sudan United Mission left impact that continues to be relevant to the Christian Church today, especially in the work of evangelization to the ends of the earth. This paper assesses the challenges faced by the S.U.M. missionaries in evangelizing the people of Alago with a view to appreciating them on behalf of the contemporary Church. Findings show that the current Church faces the same challenges that battled the early missionaries. Analytically, this paper recommends that Church leaders can tap lessons from the experience of the sum missionaries to make their evangelistic efforts fruitful in our contemporary society.

Introduction The Gospel of Jesus Christ has continued to penetrate different lands and climes since the first missionaries stepped foot in Nigeria. While the history of planting the Gospel was not smooth as it was punctuated with numerous difficulties, the Church in Nigeria today can always look back to appreciate how far the Gospel has impacted on the entire gamut of the country. Different missionaries brought the Gospel to Nigeria and their impact in the areas they first settled have remained monumental in history. One group of such missionaries that cannot be forgotten in a hurry is the Sudan United Mission (S.U.M.). The exploits of these missionaries, especially among the Alagos, have remained one of the glorious songs of evangelization in North Central part of Nigeria. From their efforts, the Alago community that used to be predominated by African Traditional Religion and Islam now enjoys a dominant Christian presence. Since the missionaries completed their Church planting mission and left the remaining work to indigenes of Alago, there have been a lot of changes in the dynamics of Christian missionary activities within the community. Besides the traditional Christian denomination, other missionary groups found in Alago a fertile ground for planting their own Churches. Today, Alago can boost of many Christian denominations professing the faith Christian. Although times have changed, the work of evangelization has continued unceasingly with new challenges for the Church. Within the purview of this work, an attempt is aimed at assessing the challenges faced by the S.U.M. missionaries in Alago and how these challenges have remained of enormous help to the contemporary Church in its efforts to better position itself in the spread of the Gospel to the ends of the earth. This is the concern JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 142 that preoccupies this discourse.

The Alago of Nasarawa State The Alago people are predominantly found around the geographical area known as the Old Native Authority in the present day Nasarawa South Senatorial District, Nasarawa State. They are the dominant ethnic group found in Doma, Keana and Obi Local Government Areas. They are also found in Lafia and Nasarawa Local Government Areas of Nasarawa State. Historical narratives concerning the ancestry of the Alago people have it that the Alago, Jukun, and Idoma were all part of the famous Kwararafa Empire. However, the Alago people broke away from the Jukun of the present day Taraba or Wukari, north of the Middle Benue plain. When the Alago and Idoma lived in this area, they were part of the Kwararafa confederacy which was multi-ethnic in composition. History reveals that they (Alago or Kwararafa) originated from Yemen in the Middle East. The groups comprise the Jukun, Igala, Idoma. Iyala (Ogoja), Egbira, Goemai among others, who migrated from the Middle East in phobia of religious crisis. Temple advanced that “there is a theory that the Alago are of Jukun descent based on the similarity of the Alago language and that of the Jukun, but it seems more likely that their country was under dominion and that the two races inter-married. It is probable that they were of Igara tribe, a section of whom left Atagara near Idah in about the year 1232 AD” (26). Corroborating Temple's view, Meek states that “the Alago people originated from the Jukun of the modern Wukari division, north of the Benue plain, a considerable distance from the present Alago land” (39). While they were still part of Kwararafa confederation, the people now referred to as Alago were collectively known as the salt people, while at Wapanor Apa. Until the time of their departure from Atagara or Idah following chieftaincy and land dispute, the group had not adopted the collective name of Alago. The name Alago emanated from the notable event that trailed the final dispersal and settlement of the people in their present independent abode. It is the name of the people as well as that of the language spoken by them. Worthy of note is the fact that the history of the Alago people carries one basic fact: that the people inhabiting all the Alago settlement did not come at the same time to establish their abode. Though they are one people with common ancestry, they arrived differently in bands and were led by different leaders (Meek 40).

Nature of S.U.M. Missionary Activities in Alago Land The history of the S.U.M. in Alago land is related to the Evangelical Reformed Church of Christ (ERCC). ERCC, with its headquarters in Alushi, Nasarawa state, Nigeria, was established through the effort of a young Zealot who was born in Wiesbaden, German, whose name will always be remembered as an important pioneering motivator of mission work among the Alago people. He is Dr. Hermann Karl Wilhelm Kumm, who was moved by the spirit for missions in October 1895 through a speech delivered by J.J. Edward concerning the need for mission work in North Africa (Maxwell 21). Through Kumm's connection with the mission in South Africa, it was possible to extend the mission to new areas through which the Christian faith came to Alago land. The missionary activities of the S.U.M. in Alago land began in Keana when Mr. A.S Judd and his team went to the northwest across the River Benue (Tett 30). Mr. Hosking started translation work on St. Mark's Gospel to Alago language, but after his demise, the work AN ASSESSMENT OF CHALLENGES OF THE SUDAN UNITED MISSION (S.U.M.) MISSIONARIES IN EVANGELIZING AMONG THE ALAGO PEOPLE: 143 LESSONS FOR TODAY'S CHURCH LEADERS was continued by Mr. S Brailsford and was completed by Mrs. Judd. From here, the work was extended to Agwatashi, Obi, Assakio and Agaza. The S.U.M. missionary activities took different forms among the Alago. As it was usual with many other missionary endeavours in the whole of Africa, evangelization went beyond preaching the word of God. For the missionaries, evangelization was also civilization. Civilization here meant opening the eyes of the people to new ways of doing things and affording them opportunities they never had before. Consequently, the S.U.M. added to their trade the provision of social amenities to the people of Alago. Thus, apart from the spread of the Gospel, some of the key areas the S.U.M. could be remembered for include the followings: Health Services: S.U.M Missionaries actively involved in the provision of health services to the people. They established dispensaries at Randa, Ancho and Kagbu (1930-1940); Kango, Alushi (1941-1950); Murya, Kanje, Agwatashi, Keffin-Wambai and Anjida (1951- 1960); Daddare, Rukubi, Gwantu, Konvah and Ungwan Ibrahim (1961-1970); Karmo, Gidan Mai Akuya, Jibiyel, Akwanga, Agamati, Keffi, Uggah and Ungwan Pa 1980-1990 (Affiku 36). These health centres have contributed immensely in the provision of health services to the people. They, indeed, also complemented the health services provided by the government, even up to date. Prior to government diversification, the missionary health facilities became the main source of health services around, especially in Mai Akuya, Assakio, Obi, Daderre, Agwatashi, Kanje dispensaries. Educational Services: the SUM Missionaries were equally involved educational activities. They established schools among the Alago. According to the reports of the ERCC Education Directorate, the schools that were established included both theological and secular schools. The first Bible school that was established by the ERCC was CBTS, Kango, in 1940, followed by CBTS, Anchor; CBC, Murya, and Obi Bible School, now Obi Pastors College, between 1950 and 1960. Ayu Bible Institute, now ERCC Theological Seminary, ERCC School of Health and Mada Hill Secondary School were established between 1961 and 1970. Between 1981 and 1990, the following schools were added: CBC Akassa; CBTS, Agwatashi; CBTS, Arugbadu; and CBTS, Ninga; ERCC, Secondary School; Azuba and ERCC Secondary School, Fadan Karshi, were established between 1991 and 2000. ERCC Secondary School, Obi; ERCC Shalom Secondary School Agyaragu, ERCC Secondary School Assakio, ERCC Secondary School, Bukan Sidi; ERCC Secondary School, Duglu, and ERCC Secondary School, Karmo, were established between 2001 and 2010. From 2011 to date, there has been the establishment of the ERCC Secondary School, Uggah, and many ERCC Nursery/Primary schools, as well as ERCC Women's Vocational Training Centre, Alushi, specifically to help widows acquire basic skills on entrepreneurship, and ERCC School for the Deaf, Akwanga (ERCC Education Directorate Report 3-5). As of July 2014, the report of the ERCC General Secretary revealed that, in addition to Nasarawa State, the Church has congregations in places such as Kaduna, Plateau, Benue, Bauchi, Niger, Kogi, Lagos, Ogun, Rivers, Delta, Imo, Anambra, Abuja and Niger Republic (5). Conferences: Through intensive missionary and evangelistic activities, the mission has won numerous converts. Similarly, it has established many Churches and Conferences. At present, the Church has at present eleven conferences namely, Murya Conference, Assakio Conference, Lafia Conference, NasarawaEggon Conference, Akwanga Conference, Abuja Conference, Randa Conference, Gimi Conference, Kango Conference, Keana Conference JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 144 and Keffi Conference (ERCC 2014 Constitution 4). The minutes of GCC meeting held in November, 2013, put ERCC membership at approximately 1.640, 093 million (13). The minutes of the EC meeting held in February, 2014, show that ERCC had about 383 Local Church Councils (LCCs), many missionaries, evangelists, trained pastors and a total number of 532 ordained ministers (7). Looking at the foregoing history, one can, from all deductions, conclude that the growth was generally not very profuse.

Challenges faced by the S.U.M. Missionaries in Alago Land One of the challenges was the attitude of the Christian missionaries that brought the gospel to the region. For instance, we even though the gospel first came to Keana among the Alago people in 1916, it was recorded after a decade that there were only two worship centres with only 45 church members. One reasons why people were reluctant to give their lives to this new faith was the fact that the missionaries, on arrival, were so overwhelmed by the opportunity to evangelize so much that they did not take into account the need to study the nature, customs, social and traditional decorum of the people (Manga 3). This anxiety and ignorance made them to undermine the people's traditions hindered them from properly utilizing the advantage accorded to them to propagate the gospel. The above assertion was evidenced in the article by a former missionary, Ivan D. Hepburn, entitled, “Mohammedans and Pagans at Keana”. Hepburn claimed that the indigenous Alago people followed the ways of their fathers” (154). Corroborating this, Farrant who was SUM Secretary shared similar ideas when he reported as follows: “The gospel has come to this people bringing the news of the 'Unknown God'. Sofar none has left his idols to accept Him, but the assault does seem to have shaken faith in the old things...when are we to see these people made bold by the Holy Spirit, renounce their idols and accept Christ the Saviour?” (48). It is evident here that for about seven years (from 1916 to 1923), the missionaries engaged in a fruitless effort in the region as no single soul was public brought to Christ. Seeming Accusation of Inconsistency on the Side of the Missionaries: According to Emmah, one reason for slow pace of conversion among the indigenous people of Keana was that “the missionaries were not consistent in what they taught” (118). Emmah notes that in 1917, Mr. and Mrs. W. Brailsford went on their furlough and returned with a new missionary, Miss Janet Ayliff. Hence, the local people concluded that he had married two wives whereas they were taught to have only one wife. This was mere, but very costly, accusation which affected the people's response to the gospel. In otherwords, suspicion and unfounded accusations on the part of the people slowed down the rate of their acceptance of the gospel. Misconception Based on Cultural Beliefs of Alago the People: The indigenous people's misconception of the missionaries perhaps was influenced by their cultural beliefs. Alago people and, indeed, many African peoples practise polygamy and the family inheritance system. One could use diabolical means to eliminate a brother in order to possess his belongings. With the death of Hosking, ten days after the arrival of Brailsford with Ayliff, the Alago people suspected foul play. Therefore, the rumours spread among the Alago people, and this undermined their preaching to marry only one wife and abstain from witchcraft. AN ASSESSMENT OF CHALLENGES OF THE SUDAN UNITED MISSION (S.U.M.) MISSIONARIES IN EVANGELIZING AMONG THE ALAGO PEOPLE: 145 LESSONS FOR TODAY'S CHURCH LEADERS Whatever were the reasons, far beyond these, the pace of mission work was not greeted with the expected progress at Keana. Sequel to the foregoing, by 1925, the SUM reduced Keana Station to an outstation at Randa, but visited the station regularly from Randa and Wana. At this point, AlakuAchuku, one-time cook to a number of missionaries, was appointed to assist in taking care of Keana station (Emmah 119). Persecution and strong attachment to traditional religion by the Alago People: The challenge of persecution came from the adherents of traditional religion. According to Farrant, the greatest challenge that confronted SUM in Alago land was persecution from the adherents of traditional religion. Farrant stated that the Alago people had a fetish religion which was similar to that of the Jukun people who were aristocrats and animistic among those tribes in the Northern part of Nigeria that were highly conservative and resistant to the gospel. In fact, the Alago were so bent to their traditional belief that they resisted Christianity in the first instance”. In the ERCC book entitled: “A Century of God's Grace – 1916-2016,” it is recorded that the Alago people “followed the ways of their fathers” (Emmah42). Corroborating this position, Farrant decried the lack of acceptance of the gospel message by the Alago people in a piece entitled: “Keana in Perspective,” thus: “The gospel has come to this people bringing the news of the unknown God. So far none has left his idol to accept Him, but the assault does seem to have shaken faith in the old things. When are we to see this people made whole by the Holy Spirit, renounce their idols and accept the saw war” (43). The resistance to the gospel in Keana was so discouraging that the missionaries to leace in search of the station which would produce more yielding people. Even though the Randa and the Wana people who were commonly called Mada Mission Station were the next station, the Keana Station was not completely closed down due to the desire to convert the pagan Alago people. It became an outpost station which gave the missionaries the opportunity to visit the people from time to time. When the Sudan United Mission opened the Mada Hills Station and the work was yielding fruits rapidly, they started expansion up to Lafia and among the Migili (Koro) people until they reached the other part of Alago people, particularly the Alago people of Agwatashi. Even here they still met this resistance the Agwatashi people due to traditional and cultural beliefs. But the good aspect of it was that there were few of the Alago pagans who later converted to Christianity. People like Agbo Okugya, Dangana Agyeno, Iyiwose Amirikpa, Oyigbenu Omame, Adokwe Agyekonye, Yakubu Efu abandoned paganism and embraced Christianity. These young converts did not find it easy among their people as new converts, for they were accused of sabotaging their traditional religious rites. All of them had their bad experiences either among their family members or in the community collectively. In spite of that, most of them resisted these attacks. Those who were not able to resist, gave up and returned to fetish beliefs while some of them were Islamized. Elijah Oyigbenu gave account of this in his book entitled: “The Story of Agwatashi” that “every Sunday, during worship service, Oyigbenu's mother, Oladi, would carry a gourd to the threshold of the Church and ask her son to fill in the gourd with the breast milk she fed him with to maturity. This threat continued, but with the intervention of the pastor, Oyigbenu held to his new faith. Eventually, he became a leading religious and socio-political figure among the Alago people” (81). The young converts were denied kin mates vigils in their respective communities. Whenever they attended a Christian assembly, they would be severely disciplined and chased out from their homes, leaving them without choice than JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 146 to take refuge in the gospel. Language Barrier:Another challenge of the SUM missionaries was language barrier. Oyigbenu stated the fact that the European and South African white missionaries discharged their evangelical functions in a community that was “unenlightened” and “illiterate.” This speaks volumes of their determination and depth of sacrifice. The medium of communication with the locals was the Hausa language. The missionaries always had five months Hausa language training at Zaria before moving into their target communities. Although the main medium of communication was Hausa, there were touches of the English language too. In the same light, Hausa was introduced as a language of instruction in the schools (84). The difficulty of communicating in Alago language forced the missionaries to learn Alago language first before they started a project on the Gospel according to Saint Mark. Mr. Hoskin took the boldness to start this project and along the way, he died not so long from the start. Mr. Brailsford continued the work. He was not also able to complete it even when the missionaries decided to move the missionary station from Keana to Randa. At Randa, and to and fro Keana, because the zeal of evangelizing the Alago people was in them, they continued with the gospel project in Randa with the help of the six Alago boys. Mr. Judd completed the work in Randa in July, 1928, and it was sent to the British and Foreign Bible Society for publication. The Christians in Randa contributed eleven pounds to help with the work of publication of the gospel to ease evangelism among the people (Fifty Years 11). Sicknesses and Deaths:Tropical sicknesses which were alien to the body systems of the white missionaries caused some setback to the SUM activities among the Alago people. The sicknesses to the death of some missionaries. For instance, Hoskin died in 1917 and was buried there in Keana. Rev I.V Hepburn also died on the 24th of September, 1937, and was buried in Wana. This caused very serious setback to the gospel among the Alago people. Similarly, indigenous converts also fell sick and died. For instance, Mallam Agbo Okugya, the first convert in Agwatashi who embraced young men from other tribes who came looking for jobs in Agwatashi, died briefly after he complained of severe abdominal pain two days after arrival in Agwatashi from Awonge for holidays. The missionaries were contacted and he was taken in a Land Rover with the intention of conveying him to general hospital Makurdi which was the nearest hospital then. Unfortunately, due to the bad and deplorable nature of the road coupled with heavy rains, the journey was delayed. On reaching Murya from Agwatashi, Mallam Agbo's condition became very helpless. He personally begged to be allowed to rest in Murya. The missionaries did all they could to save his life, but it was not possible. An interview with Manasseh revealed that Mallam Agbo Okugya died after comforting his caring wife and son who were with him at that time. After he prayed for himself, he requested that they pray for him and the request was passionately granted. The content of his prayer was taken from Peter 3:18 (Orogu Jonathan who later became the paramount chief of Owena). Mallam Agbo requested passionately that he should be buried in Murya. His last request was granted, but with much concern by his sisters, nephews and cousins. Mallam Agbo died in 1957 and was buried in Murya as he requested. His own children were then still very young and far away in different schools. The most elderly daughter was already married to Pastor YakubuEfu. Cultural Barrier:Culture is a social behaviour and norm found in all human societies It is considered a central concept in anthropology, encompassing the range of learning AN ASSESSMENT OF CHALLENGES OF THE SUDAN UNITED MISSION (S.U.M.) MISSIONARIES IN EVANGELIZING AMONG THE ALAGO PEOPLE: 147 LESSONS FOR TODAY'S CHURCH LEADERS phenomena that are transmitted through social learning of human society. It is the knowledge of a particular group of people, encompassing language, religion, cuisine, social habits, music and arts. The early missionaries made certain mistakes out of ignorance because they were not acquainted with the culture of the Alago people. They had not been properly trained in cross-cultural communication skills. So they had limited cultural understanding of the people they came to evangelize. They were fond of relegating anything indigenous or African, referring to it as heathen and fetish. Maybe because of the fact that they were influenced by romanticism, the missionaries also lived separately from the people. Sometimes, they lived far away from the people in walled houses well-secured; at other times, guarded by dogs, thus making their abode, impenetrable to the indigenes. The results, of course, are obvious as Christianity was seen as a foreign religion, to be attached to half-heartedly and deceitfully. That led to hypocrisy among some new converts. Nominal Christianity and syncretism (mixing Christianity with tradition religion) became the order of the day (Clement 17). However, with time, these mistakes were corrected and there was understanding among the missionaries and the indigenous people. This yielded better acceptance than the first attempt in Keana. Here, the gospel message redefined the traditional religious mystical power of the people to the extent of tackling with the aid of medical sciences, such sicknesses attributed to witches and wizards were controlled through prayer and medical treatment by the missionaries. This encouraged many people to renounce their traditional beliefs for Christianity. For instance, Mallam Okugya Agbo who was the first boy to accept Christianity in his age group was the only male child of his parents. Unfortunately for his parents and the community, Agbo burnt all his protective charms openly. His father was advised to curse him. But the father turned down this advice with an excuse that it would be wrong to curse a “dead person”, trying to save his son. Later, with the enthusiasm found in him, the missionaries decided to train Agbo Okugya with other young converts, who in turn trained others. They stayed in their local communities to continue with their normal activities, yet served as evangelists to among the locals. Cohesive and informal worship took a formal dimension such that the gospel brought about a gradual disintegration of some traditional values that were helpful for maintaining peace, tranquility and unity among the people. Those early coverts were hedged with the 'dos' and 'don'ts of the Christian faith that were thought to be superior to those in African religious traditions. To some extent, some converts did not see any reason for associating themselves with traditional and community activities any longer since their faith contradicted other forms of beliefs. Consequently, the missionaries and the indigenous converts faced series of challenges, but the maturity with which the Church handled such incidence brought fruitful development in the later years so much that even children of the opposite faith benefitted from the coming of the Sudan United Missionaries. This is because they were at advantage of joining the children of Christian converts to go to missionary schools around. Some of these schools include; S.U.M Primary School, Agwatashi, Mada Hill Secondary School, Akwanga, among others. The Challenge of Funding:The Sudan United Mission had no sponsoring Church body, so there was no fund coming from overseas to support the Church. As such, the Church raised financial support locally through the following ways: Sunday Offering: Offerings were collected from members during Sunday Service. In fact, the missionaries did not adequately teach the members how to give offering. This JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 148 may be because of the nature of the people they met in the first place, not wanting to burden them with the issue of money first bearing in mind that their primary mission was to evangelize the people. Still on this, the missionaries never wanted the people to have different conception about their coming, seeing the fact that they themselves had poor backgrounds. So whatever was collected was judiciously and properly used for the services of God. But basically, the money collected from Sunday offerings was not enough for what was needed in sponsoring the Churches. Tithes: Tithes from church members were encouraged by the missionaries to give one tenth of their income (harvest) since the members were more of farmers. Tithes were given during harvest mostly, during the raining season harvest and also during dry season harvest. The few working class civil servants were also encouraged to pay in a tenth out of their monthly salaries. Members were also asked to get ready for financial contributions. Anytime there was a project, a demand is made upon them. Even at this, the returns were not always enough. Fund Raising: Fund raising was another source of raising money to support the Church projects. Where demands were not met through aforementioned sources, members were encouraged to do Church community farming so as to get money to facilitate serious development for the Church especially erecting Church buildings or the Pastor's house. They could even go far to the extent of going to one another's farm for pay to look for money to meet their demands. Such projects were carried out on the farms of members who were better farmers in need of the help of members for monetary compensation. Interdenominational Barriers: The two missionary groups that first came to Alago land were the Sudan United Mission and the Roman Catholic Mission. While the S.U.M had already found it footing before 1930, the R.C.M came around this time. Efforts were made to establish the R.C.M in Doma, Keana, Assakio and Agwatashi but they ended up in fiasco. The reason being that, the ruling Lafia Kanuri did not want the establishment of other religions apart from Islam and the indigenous religions. As a result of this, the authorities in Lafia authorised for the disbandment and demolishment of mission schools and Churches. Osana Sabo of Keana was ordered to implement this directive or have himself dethroned. Consequently, he went round all Alago communities where mission schools operated and handed down the closure order. Thereafter, the R.C.M came under this colonial feud and sledgehammer. But the SUM in Agwatashi continued to operate under the advantage of the ,British government (Oyigbenu 87). The second phase of the Roman Catholic Mission came up during the reign of OsohoAlose Era. This time, the R.C.M was able to gain sympathy from the then new ruler. The RCM started by establishing a Primary School.By the sympathy of the Osoho Era, all title holders were compelled to donate at least, one pupil to be admitted into the newly established school. As a result of this, the school started with a good number of pupils. The community then began to see R.C.M school as their property. Among the pioneer pupils of this phase were Mr. Mark Ogbole, David Oji, Joseph Inarigu and Innocent Dangana.While the community saw the Roman Catholic school as their own property, they repudiated the Sudan United Mission as renegede and rebellious group of people. The consequence of this perception was that the S.U.M school was starved of pupils, which resulted in the mission reaching out to other surrounding areas to recruit pupils (Oyigbenu 88). Another unhealthy attitude of the community towards the Sudan United Mission resulted in a number of unpleasant social developments. The Christian communities were AN ASSESSMENT OF CHALLENGES OF THE SUDAN UNITED MISSION (S.U.M.) MISSIONARIES IN EVANGELIZING AMONG THE ALAGO PEOPLE: 149 LESSONS FOR TODAY'S CHURCH LEADERS factionalized along denominational lines that made social interaction at all levels between children of the Roman Catholic Mission and the Sudan United Mission detestable. The cleavages were so strong that it was abominable to conceive of prospects of marriage between member of both denominations. In fact, it is on record that the first interdenominational marriage to be contracted was that between Innocent Dangana, a Catholic and Oshumoshu Adokwe, a Protestant. It was not an easy and smooth matrimony, but it provided a lifeline for subsequent interdenominational marriages as well as unrestricted playfield for both the Catholics and Protestants. Paradoxically, the first offspring of this controversial marriage, a female, Belinda Innocent Dangana, is happily married to a Protestant husband, an apparent providential exchange (Oyibenu 89). Therefore, the aforementioned irregularities in the understanding between the RCM and SUM converts, respectively, brought about interdenominational conflict until it was resolve late by the uncontrolled affections that emanated by the young men and women who eventually got married to each other, irrespective of their denominational differences. Similarly, the acquired education in schools that were established by the two missionary bodies, and because of this enlightenment, they migrated from their initial mindset to a better understanding of their interpersonal relationship which could not be marred by their denominational differences.

Lessons for the Church Leaders of Today Judging from some of the challenges underscored above, a number of lessons could be learnt by the contemporary Church in order to keep the work of evangelization going. First, the attitude of the missionaries impacted a lot on the people's faith. The new converts found in these missionaries models of the Christian life. However, when their lifestyles contradicted what they taught, the converts were disappointed. This implies that the faith of the members depends so much on the Church leaders and the type of life they lead. Perceived sexual immorality was one of the problems the people had with missionaries. Oke concurs to this when he notes: “Many religious leaders are known to engage in financial fraud and sexual immorality” (92). The same problem seems to be evident in the Church today as there are cases of sexual abuses and assault arising from Church leaders. Oderinde observes that “there are scores of one misconduct or the other about ministers of the gospel in the recent time, if it is not a Pastor burning the hand of a child suspected of having a witchcraft spirit, it would be another Pastor in a sex scandal with a member's wife…” (29). Tanu compares the sins of ministers today with the sins of the sons of Eli as she notes that children and women are being defiled by the priest who is supposed to be their guiding parent and spiritual leader often leading to abortions (252).To keep the Christian faith formidable, Church leaders must be leading examples in terms of morals. This is one of the challenges facing the Nigerian Church today. There is also the need for a better disposition towards the people's culture. Culture is what defines our identity and makes us who we are. To be removed from our culture is to deprive us of our authentic nature. Church leaders have the responsibility of making the Gospel of Christ entrenched in the people without removing them from their culture. This is where they need proper training in the theology of inculturation. According to Kanu, citing Walligo, inculturation means the honest and serious attempt to make Christ and his Gospel of salvation ever more understood by peoples of every culture, locality and time.... It is the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 150 continuous endeavour to make Christianity 'truly feel at home' in the cultures of each people” (237). Through inculturation, it is expected that the Church leaders should make us truly Christians and truly African. In the theology of inculturation, the Gospel of Christ speaks to human culture, permeating them and in the process healing them of their evil and promoting their good. To be a Christian does not imply that we abandon our cultures. It simply means that we bring our cultures to Christ who is capable of perfecting them. Ecumenical efforts need to be intensified by the contemporary Christian Church. This is because interdenominational biases wound the body of Christ which is supposed to be a symbol of unity in the world. The level of antagonisms and unhealthy competition is appalling among Christian Churches today. Church leaders are engaged in heated fight with one another. Unfortunately, these are the things today's media fancy. Thus, they continue to scandalize the world, making it look as if the God they were witnessing to was a divided God. Church leaders must continue to prove to the world that Christians may be denominationally diverse, but united because they are paying allegiance to the one Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ. Finally, the Church leaders must devise new means of funding to lay off burden from the shoulders of their members. This is necessary because of the current trend of commercializing the Gospel of Jesus Christ common in Christian churches. Often the Church leaders have been accused of enriching themselves by feeding on the poor members of their Churches. In a society where poverty is acute, it is disheartening to over- labour the masses who find in the Church the only place for solace and succour with heavy financial involvements. Today, Church leaders have devised different means of squeezing monies out of the pockets of their members. Avenues such as tithes, seed sowing, tree planting and the like are used by Church leaders to extort their members. Giving is supposed to be free and not the product of compulsion.

Conclusion The missionaries must be commended for the tremendous work they did in bringing the Good News of Jesus Christ to areas that had not known the faith. Although the process of seed planting was not easy, they did not relent in their effort to introduce the faith to people who were culturally different from and already had an indigenous religion. The work of the missionaries brought a lot of changes to societies the missionaries settled. It is upon the foundation they laid that the Church of today has continued to build on. Assessing the challenges these missionaries faced is pertinent for Church leaders today because in some fashion, these challenges still persist with differing magnitude. African Church leaders must learn important lessons from the experiences of those missionaries to enable them better deliver to the Church today that is plagued by different shades of challenges.

References Clement, A.H et al. Cross Cultural ChristianityBukuru: ACTS, 2011. Emmah, D.M. et al (ed.). A Century of Grace. Akwanga: ERCC, 2016. Kanu, Anthony I. “Inculturation and the Christian Faith in Africa.” International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 2:17 (2012): 229- 240. Web. 20 Aug. 2020. Maxwell, J. Lowry. Half a Century of Grace: A Jubilee History of the Sudan United Mission. London: Sudan United Mission, 1954. Print. Meek, C.K. A Sudanese Kingdom.London: Oxford University Press, 1931. AN ASSESSMENT OF CHALLENGES OF THE SUDAN UNITED MISSION (S.U.M.) MISSIONARIES IN EVANGELIZING AMONG THE ALAGO PEOPLE: 151 LESSONS FOR TODAY'S CHURCH LEADERS Oke, O. P. “Curbing the Menace of Corruption for Good Governance: The Role of the Religious Leaders”. Religion and Good Governance in Nigeria. Ayantayo, J. K., O. A. Dada and H. K. Labeodan. Ibadan: Samprints& Graphic Co., 2012: 87-98. Print. Oderinde, Olatundun A. “Ethical Misconduct among Nigerian Church Leaders in the Context of 1timothy 3:1-7”. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences. 4:17 (2014):27-32. Web. 13 Aug. 2020. Oyigbenu, E.P. The Story of Agwatashi; Jos: Evan Press, 2006. Print. Tanu, A. (2012). “Prophet Nathan's Ministry: A Model in Church Governance for Contemporary Pastors in Nigeria”. Religion and Governance in Nigeria. Ed. Ayantayo, J.K., Dada, O.A., &Labeodan H.A. Ibadan: Department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan, 2012: 249-255. Print Temple, C. L. Notes on tribes, Provinces, Emirates and States of Northern Provinces. London: Frank Cass, 1965. Print. 152 UNDERSTANDING BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN AFRICAN CONTEXT

Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD Department of Religion and Philosophy University of Jos, Nigeria [email protected] & Na'ankwat Y. Kwapnoe Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies University of Jos, Nigeria [email protected]

Abstract This work enlightens Africans on the role archaeology as a discipline has been playing in understanding the Biblical text and also discusses Biblical archaeology from an African context. It becomes necessary for Africans to be engaged in Biblical archaeological discussions since the study of archaeology has moved in the late twentieth century from a preoccupation with chronology and architecture to a sociological concern, where historical sites and modern discoveries are expanding Biblical evidence and proving the authenticity of the events in the Bible. This work adopted historical method to survey archaeological and historical findings in relation to Biblical archaeology with the ability to understand it in the African context. Understanding this work would make Africans in the modern world know their place in time, place and circumstances that enable us to more fully understand and appreciate the Bible and accurately interpret it for our time. This would also create an enabling environment for the Department of Religious Studies and the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies in our various universities to interact and correlate ideas on the historical reliability and authenticity of the Biblical stories. Keywords: archaeology, ancient Israel, Africans, Biblical archaeology, Bible, culture

Introduction Archaeology uncovers past human material remains and interprets them in order to understand the human past through a series of scientific and systematic processes and techniques. The results from archaeological works can be used to benefit the modern world and this has been engaged to meet such aim. This field of study has many branches, one of such branches is Biblical archaeology. The Bible contains ancient and reliable historical records of world's events and those of Ancient Near East as well as Asia Minor. Biblical archaeology, as with all modern-day scientific fields, benefits from advances in technology and development of new techniques. Chronologyis very paramount in Biblical archaeology, being an application of scientific principles together with the utilization of refined techniques in radiocarbon dating,which enablesBiblical archaeologists to obtain a clearer picture of Biblical events (Hoerth 2). Understanding archaeology in Africa becomes problematic because many Africans are not conversant with and are uninterested in the events of the past. Africa is endowed with cultural heritage but it is not adequately equipped to preserve them for posterity. These cultural items are being destroyed without considering their historical significance in the future. Blending the Bible with the field of archaeology becomes easy but many Africans do not find such an enterprise interesting. Many works written in the field of Biblical archaeology are foreign to many Africans, making it difficult to understand the historical premises of the Bible from such archaeological evidence. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 153 This work aims at enlightening Africans on the role archaeology plays in understanding the historical reliability of the Bible as an ancient document. It also exposes what archaeology means and what Biblical archaeology is. The work enlightens the usage of the Bible to understand archaeology and also how to use archaeology to understand the Bible. Africans need such blended understanding of archaeology and the Bible to understand the relevance of both disciplines and how they can enhance knowledge in the Departments of Religion, Archaeology and Heritage Studies in our institutions.

What is Archaeology? There is hardly an agreed definition of archaeology among scholars. For example, Renfrew and Bahn define archaeology as a sub-discipline of anthropology which studies past societies primarily through their material remains – the buildings, tools and other artefacts that constitute what is known as material culture left over from former societies (11-12). Archaeology is a historical discipline in the broadest sense. It can, and does discover and document political events; it also, and probably more importantly, provides the data of social history, the physical, economic and cultural factors, which normally give rise to and shape the political events (Tushingham 7). However, Drewett argues that archaeology is its own discipline with its own theory, method and aims. It can provide data for Anthropology or History but it is not a sub- discipline of these disciplines (1-2). Archaeology studies past human material remains whether lost, buried, forgotten, fragmented or intact, not just its remains because some archaeological sites like the Great Wall of China, the Stonehenge of England or the Parthenon in Athens, Greece are not lost or buried. As a discipline, Archaeology has borrowed and adapted techniques, methods and theories from other disciplines but made them its own. It has its own method of studying buried landscapes, its own method of excavation and evolved its own theoretical basis for the interpretation of the past through the study of material remains. Therefore, archaeology is a broad discipline with a time-depth back to the beginning of human existence up to just before now, geographically, it covers the earth's surface to the moon and space (Drewett 2). However, not all material remains are of the same value to the archaeologist. Drewett describes the work of archaeologists thus: “archaeologists therefore, locate rubbish in the landscape, carefully select and record that rubbish and then, through the analysis of that rubbish and the application of a variety of theoretical perspectives, produce a story about the past” (3). He argues that archaeologists cannot reconstruct the past because it is gone forever but they create a series of stories or interpretations about what the past may have been like through the collection of many facts. The archaeologists' method of collecting facts about the past and putting it in context whether environmental, ethnographic, zoological or Biblical has birthed many branches of the discipline. It is in this light, that archaeologists can collect facts (material remains) about the Biblical past and put these material facts within the context of the Bible in order to understand, confirm/interpret facts about the Bible. This corroboration can be called Biblical archaeology.

Locating Archaeological Sites Archaeologists have an interest in discovering archaeological sites because they constitute the scenes of past human activities and are the major research grounds for 154 UNDERSTANDING BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN AFRICAN CONTEXT archaeologists. However, many archaeological sites have been discovered accidentally including prominent sites like the terracotta army of China's first emperor, discovered by farmers in 1974 and the Lascauxcave paintings of France.Many other sites have been unearthed accidentally through farming, fishing and diving activities and through the construction of roads, dams and buildings (Renfrew and Bahn 72). A famous example of accidental or chance discovery occurred in 1947 when a shepherd boy in the hills about 10 miles south of Jericho, just west of the Dead Sea, was tending his sheep. One of the sheep was climbing up in the hills so he threw a rock to scare it down. The rock ended up going into a cave and he heard a smash that sounded like the breaking of glass. He went up to investigate and found a broken jar that contained a scroll. The cave also contained many other jars. The boy took a piece of the scroll to antiquities dealers in Bethlehem and Jerusalem hoping to sell them. The antiquities dealers were astonished; the pieces of scroll were the oldest pieces. In spite of these accidental discoveries, archaeologists have a systematic approach to locating archaeological sites. These include the following:

Existing Local Knowledge or Oral Records Archaeological sites can be discovered systematically through existing local knowledge from many sources. This is because not all archaeological sites were lost in the first place, some were abandoned while some were lost only to the archaeologists but known to the local people. Local knowledgeis a major source of information to archaeologists on the location of sites.Local people such as farmers have helped in the discovery of many Mayan and African sites.Local knowledge also exists in the heads of local people and local archaeologists. This knowledge is passed through oral tradition which exists among local population. The tradition surrounding a particular site can assist in identifying a particular Biblical location. Indigenous peoples that live around a site, such as Bedouins who travel to seasonal locations, or people that permanently live in an area pass stories about locations down through generations. It is these stories that can then help an archaeologist locate a site. One problem with oral tradition and stories is that often times, there can be two or three different locations claimed to be a certain place. For example, there are multiple places identified as Cana of Galilee. Previous archaeological works can also provide knowledge of archaeological sites within an area. This includes references from old and recent field works and the information from field works are used to form a local, regional or national record done by archaeologists working in that area. These Sites and Monuments Records (SMRs) provide readily accessible information on existing sites (Drewett 31-32). However, this record of archaeological sites is not readily found in most parts of the world in a digital form which makes this form of existing knowledge readily inaccessible. Nevertheless, the parts of the world where Biblical events occurred have attracted a lot of archaeological research and has a branch called 'Classical Archaeology'. This provides leading information on and expose yet to be researched sites relevant to Biblical archaeology. Local documents in form of 19th century travellers' accounts, Sites and Monuments Records (SMRs) and unpublished form constitute important sources of existing knowledge which can help in the location of archaeological sites. Existing knowledge exist in unpublished forms, like collections of artefacts in museums. The challenge with this form of data is that they may have more or less precise information about the location of the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 155 finds, depending on their mode of collection (Drewett 33). For example, many local records and unpublished materials exist on Biblical locations which can be helpful in the location of archaeological sites within the area.

Documents There are a wide range of documents available to archaeologists working in the historic period in form of archival materials, scrolls, court documents,maps and sometimes pictures that contain historical or archaeological information. These documents serve as a major source for the location of archaeological sites. Particular sites can be found from descriptions in historical writings. However, documents must be used with caution because they can sometimes omit some existing sites and may provide inadequate information about the actual location of sites (Drewett 33-37). In Biblical archaeology, the Bible is a major document that serves as a link or clue to archaeological sites which when further researched can either confirm or change what we know about the biblical past. “Much of modern biblical archaeology concerns itself with the search in the Near East for evidence of the places, as well as the people and events, described in the Old and New Testaments. Treated objectively as one possible source of information about Near Eastern sites, the Bible can, indeed, be a rich source of documentary material, but there is certainly the danger that belief in the absolute religious truth of the texts can cloud an impartial assessment of their archaeological validity. Much research in Biblical archaeology involves attempting to link named Biblical sites with archaeologically known ones, an effort spurred on in the 1970s by the discovery at Tell Mardikh (ancient Ebla), Syria, by an Italian team, of Bronze Age writing tablets that refer to Biblical cities” (Renfrew and Bahn 73). Toponomy, which is the study of place names within a region, is a branch of lexicology. Place names are an important source for the location of archaeological sites. However, this is not straightforward and the form of names change over time. They also indicate a general area rather than provide specific information about past settlements, but they provide helpful information from where reconnaissance or survey begin (Drewett 36- 37). There are 475 places that are named in the Bible, of the hundreds of locations that have been identified, some names have been preserved exactly, or close to what is used in the Bible. For example, Jerusalem has continuously been occupied since before the time of Joshua, through David, Jesus and on through today. The name has stayed the same throughout history.

Reconnaissance This is primarily actual fieldwork adopted by archaeologists to locate archaeological sites (Renfrew and Bahn 72) and it includes ground and aerial reconnaissance. These are deliberate methods adopted by archaeologists to find surface archaeological indicators which suggest the presence of past human activities visible through the remains of artefacts and monuments. It adopts the following methods: Ground reconnaissance involves field walking, systematic survey work involving careful sampling procedures often used in the location of archaeological sites. The method has been in use since the days of antiquarianism. Although considered by many scholars as being very slow, it is considered to be thorough and it is mostly carried out on foot, mules, horses or motorized transport (Sharer and Ashmore 577-600). In Biblical archaeology, the use of place names and other written documents provide clues for further research such as 156 UNDERSTANDING BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN AFRICAN CONTEXT field walking (reconnaissance) in order to locate biblical sites. Aerial Reconnaissance is a systematic survey done by archaeologists to locate sites typically through the use of aerial photographs. Archaeologists use aircraft to search the ground for traces of former sites and past landscapes. Aerial photography is the earliest remote sensing tool archaeologists use in searching for new archaeological sites. Remote sensing involves any techniques which capture geographic data by sensors at some distance from the surface being recorded. The main elements of remote sensing are aerial photography, satellite images and geophysics. Data gathered through remote sensing can be adapted to key elements of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) (Drewett 37-42). The importance of aerial photography in archaeology was first recognized during the First World War. Aerial photography is the process of recording what an observer sees from the aircraft through photographs. To be visible as a shadow site, some of the archaeology must have variable height to cast a shadow. Any site with humps and bumps, like banks or ditches, has the potential to show as a shadow site. The conditions, however, must be right. Firstly, there must be some sun, and secondly it must be low enough to cast a shadow

Geophysical survey Geophysical surveying techniques are part of the major elements of remote sensing techniques which include aerial photography and satellite images. It is a non-destructive method of site investigation. General Pitt-Rivers first used an earlier type of geophysics as early as 1893 but the first use of instruments to record geophysical data was done by Professor Richard Atkinson in 1946 at a site in Dorchester. This technique involved hitting the ground with the end of a pick axe and listening to variations in the returning sound. A dull thud might indicate a ditch fill (which is sometimes an indication of past human activities), while a ringing sound might indicate an underlying solid geology in the ground (Drewett 50). Geophysical survey can be used even in Biblical setting to locate long lost archaeological sites.Its techniques include resistivity, magnetometry, ground-penetrating radar, acoustic reflection and thermal sensing.

Chemical survey This is a different way of locating human activity in the landscape. This is done by locating changes in soil chemistry resulting from human occupation. It has been calculated that 100 people, carrying out a range of domestic and farming activities, deposit about 124 kg of phosphorus into the landscape annually (Drewett 55-56). All living things absorb phosphorus and then discard it as organic waste. Past human activities can be detected in areas through the concentration of phosphorus generated from human waste and most waste is likely to be disposed of at or near centres of activity. This scientific method, like geophysical survey, can be adopted to locate sites in Biblical locations that were not captured in documents, accidentally discovered or located by reconnaissance. Locating archaeological sites is not the end product in archaeological research, rather, it is a means to an end. As contained in the definition of Archaeology by Drewett (1- 3), locating sites is a means to further research in order to interpret or understand human past. Therefore, the location of archaeological sites related to the Bible helps us to corroborate data from the Bible and archaeological evidence in order to understand the Bible, better interpret the Biblical past or to answer various research questions. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 157 Using the Bible to Understand Archaeology The Bible is many things. It is a book of history, reflecting both an earlier stage of oral transmission and the later sophisticated, self -conscious recording of events selected on the basis of an accepted philosophy of history. It is a book of religious thought, embodying a substratum of early belief and practice shared with neighbouring peoples, the sometimes revolutionary statements of its prophets, and the logical and dogmatic assertions of a fully developed theology. It is a book of ethics which by folk-saying, stories, proverbs and specific code, propounds and defends a standard of acceptable conduct. It is a literary work, containing prose and poetry of a very high order (Tushingham 6). The Bible is a very important tool for understanding Archaeology. Biblical archaeology is a fascinating science which unravels the past and authenticates the history of the written records. It fills the gap in Biblical history and helps us understand difficult passages and confirms the truth of the Bible. Archaeology has helped eradicate false theories and assumptions. According to Tushingham, “Biblical archaeology, therefore, can provide a setting for events which are recorded in the Bible and sometimes explain why these events occurred as they did. In this way, the often succinct narrative of the Bible can be fleshed out” (7). Biblical archaeology serves merely to add confirmation and perhaps some colour- to the traditional Western view of history and the Judeo-Christian ethic. To other branches of Archaeology, largely defined on a geographic or cultural basis (the archaeology of Central America, China, Egypt or Greece), Biblical archaeology is suspect as a form of special pleading. In fact, Biblical archaeology has become so pejorative a term among archaeologists, generally, that there is a strong tendency for Biblical archaeologists to call themselves Palestinian archaeologists (Tushingham 5). In relation to the Old Testament, it has confirmed the ability to write in ancient times, worship and cultures, which helped confirm the events mentioned about the patriarchal period, Egypt, Joshua's conquest, the period of the kings (Tambiyi 148-9; see Unger 1-30). The New Testament covers only about fifty years as opposed to about fifteen hundred in the Old Testament. Further, the New Testament is largely limited to the immediate Mediterranean world; the Old Testament, by contrast, covers the whole of the Middle East (McRay 20). Biblical archaeology exists not as a separate discipline, but as a field of inquiry within the general discipline of archaeology. Despite the significant progress which Biblical archaeology has made in recent years, Davies believes that Biblical archaeology had failed not only in its historical agenda but also in offering any alternative sense of the Biblical narratives about the past, because it had, explicitly or implicitly, decreed that the truth of the Bible was essentially historical truth, and hence its narratives were to be read literally. This defect was avoided elsewhere through the postulation of Israelite 'tradition' or 'traditions', which were not necessarily always historically reliable. Such an approach permitted archaeological data to be evaluated somewhat more critically in assessing the historicity of these written 'traditions' (3). Davies added that in any case, the collapse of 'Biblical archaeology' and its associated 'Biblical theology' means that quite a different agenda is required for the historian seeking to make use of Biblical narratives about the past. To begin with, the degree of discrepancy between the archaeologically reconstructed account of 'Israelite origins' and the Biblical stories of a pre-monarchic era suggests a substantial gap between the story's setting and its composition (4). Davies presented some valid evaluations of the state of Biblical archaeology but his arguments cannot account for the valid historical sites and remains 158 UNDERSTANDING BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN AFRICAN CONTEXT which have been excavated in modern times (4). Biblical archaeology really begins with the Sumerian civilization of about 2500 BC. To date, numerous sites and artefacts have been uncovered that reveal a great deal about the ancient Mesopotamian culture. One of the most dramatic finds is the Sumerian King List, which dates to approximately 2100 BC. This collection of clay tablets and prisms is most exciting because it divides the Sumerian kings into two categories: those who reigned before the "great flood" and those who reigned after it. The lists are also dramatic because they include the ages of the kings before and after the "great flood," which show the same phenomenal life span changes mentioned in the Bible. Actually, records of a global flood are found throughout most ancient cultures. For instance, the Epic of Gilgamesh from the ancient Babylonians contains an extensive flood story. Discovered on clay tablets in locations such as Nineveh and Megiddo, the Epic even includes a hero who built a great ship, filled it with animals, and used birds to see if the water had receded (see Genesis 7-8). What has been discovered in Biblical lands is strongly supportive of the Bible. To date, over 25,000 sites in biblical lands have been discovered that verify the accuracy of the Bible (“Archaeological evidences” 2). There are nine different present day countries involved when looking at Biblical archaeology (Israel, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Turkey, Greece, Italy, Iraq, Egypt, Ethiopia, Mount Sinai and Iran). Some of these countries listed are unsafe and not very hospitable. There are many cases of insecurity in most of these countries, discouraging foreign visits and making it difficult to conduct archaeological expeditions. Israelis are doing much in Israel. In 1967 when Israel recovered the West Bank, they began to reconstruct their past through archaeological expeditions. Moshe Dayan who used to be Israel's Minister of Defence was also an avid archaeologist. Moshe Dayan is well known for his military accomplishments in the 1948 War of Independence, the Suez Campaign, the Six Day War and the Yom Kippur War. He was also instrumental in the signing of the 1978 Camp David Accords (“Archaeological evidences” 2). The Bible mentions many different peoples such as the Romans, the Greeks, the Galatians, the Cretans, the Jews, the Samaritans, the Philistines, the Hittites, and the Egyptians. In studying Biblical peoples, the goal is to discover any evidence of these civilizations. The period of time for the Old Testament starts with Creation in Genesis 1:1 and runs through the return from exile in Babylon.

Using Archaeology to Understand the Bible Archaeology has been an important tool to the understanding of the Bible. Many people forget that the Bible is an ancient book, written from the cultural context of the ancient people. Some of the names of places and sites mentioned in the Bible have almost gone into extinction. However, archaeological excavations of these sites and places have given light into Biblical places and sites and unveiled the cultural experiences of the people of the ancient world. This makes archaeology a very significant tool for proving the authenticity and historical reliability ofBiblical stories through the thousands of evidence discovered. A lot of Biblical scholars have stated the relevance of blending archaeology and the Bible. One of such erudite scholars is R. T. France. In his work, France argues for Christian evidence outside the New Testament and laid much emphasis on the evidence in the New Testament and the place of archaeology in the understanding of Jesus and the Gospels which would be “to try to sift through the claims and counter-claims of historians, JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 159 apologists and sceptics, and to establish a responsible historical basis for our assessment of the man who, on any showing, has affected the course of history more than anyone else who ever lived” (168; Tambiyi 18). In a similar thought with France, Donald Bridge, in Why Four Gospels? attempted to defend the authenticity of the Gospels when he stated several reasons why the Gospels can be trusted. To Bridge, extra-Biblical witness, archaeological evidence, eye witnesses' accounts are valid reasons (19-25; Tambiyi 22). A similar work is Blomberg's Jesus and the Gospels. This book is a good document for the understanding of the life of Jesus. Blomberg proves that the Gospels are accurate in stating the life of Jesus as found in the Gospels from his birth to the crucifixion. He states the reliability of the Gospels based on archaeological evidence, non-Christian writers, post-New Testament Christian writers and the testimony of the entire New Testament for the understanding of the historicity of Jesus as presented in the Gospels (381; Tambiyi 23). Some scholars also rely on a critique of non-canonical texts for early textual layers that possibly give evidence for the historicity of Jesus. They use the archaeology of Israel and the analysis of formative Jewish literature, including the Mishna, Dead Sea Scrolls, New Testament (as a Jewish text) and Josephus, to reconstruct the ancient worldviews of Jews in the first century Roman provinces of Judea and Galilee, and only afterward investigate how Jesus fits in. They tend to view Jesus as a proto-rabbi, who announced the Kingdom of Heaven (Tambiyi 83). Archaeology has also been used to show evidence to disproof the death and resurrection of Jesus in the Gospels. The film-makers Cameron and Jacobovici claim to have amassed evidence through DNA tests, archaeological evidence and Biblical studies that the ten coffins belong to Jesus and his family. It took twenty years for experts to decipher the names on the ten tombs. They were: Jesua, son of Joseph, Mary, Mary, Mathew, Jofa and Judah, son of Jesua (Tambiyi 126). Such effort has been disqualified by scholars of religion using Biblical evidence. Similar line of thought is found in efforts to attribute a wife to Jesus in recent idiosyncratic discoveries, which are proving the ascendancy of Mary Magdalene in scholarly works. A more recently published work is Simcha Jacobovici and Barrie Wilson, The Lost Gospel: Decoding the Ancient Text that Reveals Jesus' Marriage to Mary Magdalene. But the problem has been the place of proofs. Recently, the fields of archaeology and Textual Criticism have devoted efforts in search of evidence. In September 2012, Karen King, a Divinity professor at Harvard University has claimed to have discovered a Coptic fragment of the fourth century in which Jesus made reference to his wife. King presented a paper at the International Association of Coptic Studies in Rome on Tuesday, September 18, 2012 making public a fragment of papyrus that explicitly claimed Jesus had a wife while on earth. She titled the fragment, The Gospel of Jesus' Wife (Tambiyi 128). It is evident that modern scholarship is searching for a wife for Jesus. This attitude of searching for a wife for someone is foreign to Western culture but fits the African context where parents or relatives search for a wife for a mature African man (Tambiyi, “Mrs Messiah?”).

Importance of blending the Bible and Archaeology Below are some importance of blending archaeology and the Bible, which Africans need to be familiar with: 1. Archaeology has enlightened our understanding of the geographical setting in which some Biblical events occurred. Good examples of passages would be when Jesus was going into Jericho (Luke 18:35), when Jesus was coming out of Jericho 160 UNDERSTANDING BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN AFRICAN CONTEXT (Mk 1-:46) he healed blind Bartimaeus. Archaeological excavations show that Jericho flourished at different periods of history and that itsCentre varied by as much as several times (McRay 17). 2. Archaeology has contributed to our understanding of the religious milieu of the New Testament world. The extensive gnostic library that was found at Nag Hammadi in Egypt in 1945 has provided us with new information regarding heresy in the early Church and about the nature of the canon of the New Testament at this time (McRay 18). 3. The results of archaeological excavations help to constrain the imaginations of scholars who would mythologize the New Testament (McRay 18). 4. Archaeological excavations often recover the evidence necessary for reconstructing the Biblical text (McRay 19). There are recent manuscripts which have been discovered and have helped shed light on the Biblical texts. For example, Colt, Oxyrhynchus, John Rylands, Chester Beatty, Bodmer papyri, etc. These Greek manuscripts have been dated to the first quarter of the first century to mid-third century. 5. Archaeology aids and contributes to the understanding of papyrology, palaeography and collating of ancient manuscripts (Bird 133) applied as textual criticism, which decides the reliable reading among many other readings of the variants which some of those archaeological discoveries have created. In the field of textual criticism, and with the archaeological discoveries in this century, one understands that numbers of manuscripts have been discovered and they have become available extant and reliable Biblical manuscripts. That means “extant” in the twenty-first century could mean so many manuscripts which have been discovered and are vetted by respected scholars in the field of palaeography and have been dated, approved and adopted. 6. Also, archaeologists help to provide useful historical information in dating process. Historical methods of dating play a vital role in dating ancient manuscripts with historical significance. There is also the use of Carbon 14 to date discovered Biblical manuscripts, though this method of dating damages a sampled portion of the manuscript. 7. To supply proofs for a particular portion of the Bible, discoveries have to be made (Clark 27-8; McRay 351-75). According to Millard, “Archaeology teaches us to respect the written records of the past. For servants of the Living Word, it brings valuable assistance in understanding it better, and a reminder of the human condition: men and their ideas are like grass...but the word of our God lasts forever” (12). 8. Archaeology plays a significant role in providing the discovered documents but most archaeologists do not have the distinctive skills for deciphering and analysing the documents. Such knowledge is necessary and must be connected with linguistic critical studies for one to have a working knowledge of Bible related languages. 9. Archaeology is highly linked with Biblical history because it deals with events of the past and ancient Biblical manuscripts. It calls for the study of the manuscripts as discovered and it transcribes the letters to derive a meaning out of the intended documents of the past. 10. Archaeology sheds light and inspires the understanding of the Gospels and the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 161 entire New Testament. The discovery of manuscripts and versions of documents became a boost to textual studies of the Bible. During the time of Jesus, it has confirmed the value of the things and personalities mentioned in the Gospels. It establishes the Biblical record to be genuine, dismissing all sorts of criticisms and foolish arguments with factual evidence (Peckham 89-109). Luke's Census revealed Caesar's decree and that Quirinius was the governor of Syria which William Ramsay affirmed (Boyd 175; Tambiyi 149).The Titulus Venetus revealed a census took place in Judea and Syria in AD 5-6 which was within the time of Augustus (23 BC-AD 14). In June 1968, a discovery revealed the nature of the crucifixion that was common to the time of Jesus at Palestine. Ancient Jewish burial ground was discovered one-mile north of the Old Damascus gate and about 35 Jews were buried there. Vasilius Tzaferis discovered that these Jews might have died about AD 70 of which the skeleton revealed some died violent deaths and a person was killed with an arrow (Tzaferis 38-59). The discovery of Yohanan Ben Ha'galgol, whose name was written on the stone of ossuary in Aramaic has parallels with the events recorded in the Gospels (Jn. 19:31-32), though some scholars had criticized the entire findings (Zias and Sekeles 22-27; Habermas 174-175; Tambiyi 149). Archaeology has helped affirm the Gospels and the entire New Testament. 11. Craig L Blomberg says, 'Archaeology can demonstrate that the places mentioned in the Gospels really existed and that customs, living conditions, topography, household and workplace furniture and tools, roads, coins, buildings and numerous other “stage props” correspond to how the Gospels describe them. It can show that the names of certain characters in the Gospels are accurate, when we find inscriptional references to them elsewhere. Events and teachings ascribed to Jesus become intelligible and therefore plausible when read against everything we know about life in Palestine in the first third of the first century' (Williams 7).

The importance of Archaeology in comprehending Biblical events In summary, there are Five Values that the study of archaeology provides: 1. Illumination: Archaeology helps to illuminate the people and places in the Bible by providing background information and shedding light on what the world was like during the time of the Old Testament. The Bible is not a full and complete record so the customs, clothing, religion and travel for some of the people in the Bible are sometimes not known or fully understood. Archaeology provides information about the customs of the people, their clothing, material objects, economy; it uncovers information about their trade routes, types of travel, occupations, housing, government and religion. All of this extra Biblical information relating to illumination provides a context for understanding the Old Testament. 2. Supplementation: The Bible is not a complete record of man's history even though it begins with Creation. It only comes down to the life of Jesus Christ and the early Church. The Bible deals with a history of God's working among the Jewish people and the doctrine of salvation through His Son. However, there were many other historical events which took place at the same time outside of what God records in His Word. Archaeology helps to supplement understanding of the entire historical situation surrounding the Bible. 3. Confirmation: Archaeology confirms the historical references made in the Bible. 162 UNDERSTANDING BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN AFRICAN CONTEXT Many scholars questioned the existence of a Roman Governor with the name Pontius Pilate, the procurator who ordered Jesus' crucifixion. In June 1961, Italian archaeologists led by Dr. Frova were excavating an ancient Roman amphitheatre near Caesarea and uncovered a limestone block. On the face is an inscription, which is part of a larger dedication to Tiberius Caesar and clearly says, “Pontius Pilate, Prefect of Judea.” This is the only known occurrence of the name Pontius Pilate in any ancient inscription. About a century ago, British archaeologist, William Ramsay (1851-1939), focused on the book of Acts in an attempt to show it was historically inaccurate. His quest did not turn out as he expected. After decades of research in what is today Israel and Turkey, he carefully retraced the steps of the apostles as described in the book of Acts and shocked the intellectual world when he announced he had converted to Christianity. His confessed change of mind was in great part to his surprise of the accuracy he found in Luke's narrative in Acts. After decades of examining the historical and geographical details mentioned in Acts, Ramsay concluded: “Luke is a historian of the first rank; not merely are his statements of fact trustworthy, he is possessed of the true historic sense... In short this author. 4. Translation: A fourth value of archaeology is in the translation of the Biblical text. This is especially true for the Old Testament, which is written in Hebrew. Hebrew is a Semitic (Northwest Semitic) language. Semitic means a descendant of Shem. Because there are other Semitic languages similar to Hebrew, translation is helped every time ancient tablets are found and translated. How this helps in the clarification of rare Biblical words, words that are sometimes used only once or twice in the Biblical text. When these same rare words are found in a similar Semitic language there is a better understanding of how the word should be translated. There are also cognates, words that are very similar. 5. Correction: Archaeology has corrected many of the cynical ideas, false notions, and incorrect claims of Biblical critics. For example, it used to be claimed that the Biblical references to Abraham could not possibly be historical because camels are mentioned when Abraham sent his servant to find a bride for Isaac. When they returned, the Bible says that Rebekah was on a camel. Some Biblical critiques said that this was not possible because camels had not yet been domesticated. Therefore, Abraham is not a historical character. Archaeology, however eventually uncovered inscriptions that showed, even before Abraham, camels were clearly domesticated animals. There are several aspects of Biblical archaeology which need to be considered. These have to do with ancient law and culture, formation of ancient Israel, the house of David and the ancient kingdom of Israel as discussed below: Ancient Law & Culture: Biblical archaeology continues with the great military civilizations of ancient Mesopotamia and their ultimate impact on law and culture throughout the region. One significant finding is the Law Code of Hammurabi, which is a seven-foot tall, black diorite carving containing about 300 laws of Babylon's King Hammurabi (Hammurapi). Dated to about 1750 BC, the Law Code contains many civil laws that are similar to those found in the first five books of the Bible. Another finding at the ancient city of Nuzi near the Tigris River uncovered approximately 20,000 clay tablets. Dated between 1500 and 1400 BC, these cuneiform texts explain the culture and customs of the time, many of which are similar to those found in the early books of the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 163 Bible. Ancient Israel: Biblical archaeology then turns to the evidence for the early Israelites. The Merneptah Stele (also known as the Israel Stele) is a standing stone slab measuring over seven feet tall, containing carved hieroglyphic text dating to approximately 1230 BC. The Egyptian stele describes the military victories of Pharaoh Merneptah and includes the earliest mention of "Israel" outside the Bible. Although the specific battles covered by the stele are not included in the Bible, the stele establishes extra-Biblical evidence that the Israelites were already living as a people in ancient Canaan by 1230 BC. In addition to the Stele, a large wall picture was discovered in the great Karnak Temple of Luxor (ancient Thebes), which shows battle scenes between the Egyptians and Israelites. These scenes have also been attributed to Pharaoh Merneptah and date to approximately 1209 BC. The Karnak Temple also contains records of Pharaoh Shishak's military victories about 280 years later. Specifically, the Shishak Relief depicts Egypt's victory over King Rehoboam in about 925 BC, when Solomon's Temple in Judah was plundered. This is the exact event mentioned in 1 Kings 14 and 2 Chronicles 12. Outside Egypt, we also discover a wealth of evidence for early Israelites. The Moabite Stone (Mesha Stele) is a three-foot stone slab discovered nearDibon, East of the Dead Sea which describes the reign of Mesha, King of Moab, around 850 BC. According to Genesis 19, the Moabites were neighbors of the Israelites. The stele covers victories by King Omri and Ahab of Israel against Moab, and Mesha's later victories on behalf of Moab against King Ahab's (2) descendants (2 Kings 3). The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser is a seven- foot, four-sided pillar of basalt that describes the victories of King Shalmaneser III of Assyria. Dated to about 841 BC, the Obelisk was discovered in the ancient palace of Nimrud and shows Israel's King Jehu kneeling before the Assyrian king in humble tribute (see 2 Kings 9-10). The House of David and Solomon's Temple: Biblical archaeology covering ancient Israeli kings and culture received a huge lift in 1994 when archaeologists discovered a stone inscription at the ancient city of Dan, which refers to the "House of David." The House of David Inscription (Tel Dan Inscription) is important because it is the first ancient reference to King David outside the Bible. Specifically, the stone is a victory pillar of a King in Damascus dated about 250 years after David's reign, which mentions a "king of Israel" (probably Joram, son of Ahab) and a king of the "House of David" (probably Ahaziah of Judah). Another important finding is the House of Yahweh Ostracon, which is a pottery shard dated to about 800 BC that contains a written receipt for a donation of silver shekels to Solomon's Temple. Written approximately 130 years after the completion of the Temple, this appears to be the earliest mention of Solomon's Temple outside the Bible (“Archaeological evidences proving the accuracy of the Bible”3).

Africans and Biblical Archaeology There is need to familiarize Africans with the field of Biblical archaeology. The Department of Religious Studies and the Department ofArchaeology and Heritage Studies need to understand the meeting point in order to promote knowledge in these disciplines. Critical scholarship has dominated the minds of many people over the centuries and raised many questions about the Bible which only archaeology has the capacity to clarify. African scholars deserve to be informed that God allowed the higher criticisms on the Gospels and the Bible generally for the purpose of expanding the knowledge of God and the society. The higher criticism with its historically critical method has helped establish an overall attitude toward the Old Testament and the historicity of the Gospel materials and expanded 164 UNDERSTANDING BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN AFRICAN CONTEXT the understanding of Jesus in the New Testament. Affirming this, Daniel Rops observes, “The use of historical method, in conjunction with the remarkable discoveries of archaeological research, of comparative semantics and textual criticism has, for more than half a century now, greatly enlarged the scope of the study of Jesus” (275).The slap on the Gospels and the entire Bible by the higher critical scholars in the West has caused many people in the West to fall back and check the Gospels and portions of the Bible to see the reality of the things they believe. This led to a revival in the study of the Gospels for better spiritual developments (Tambiyi 176-7). Africans need to know that for the Biblical archaeologist, the crux of the problem lies in the area of history and theology. Both Judaism and Christianity are historical religions, that is, they claim that the existence of God, his nature and his activity, are evidenced in history, and not only in nature. As a result, history and theology are inextricably mixed and the scholar or layman who desires to prove the Bible true must not only demonstrate that the events recorded are conformable with the events known from other sources (including archaeology) but also that the Biblical philosophyof history, which has selected and interpreted these events but discarded or disregarded other events, was right in so doing. In other words, it is not merely the historicity of the Bible which must be demonstrated; it is the credibility and reliability of the Bible's interpretation of a selectedset of crucial events (Tushingham 7). The Biblical archaeologist must therefore spread himself over a broad area, comprising more than one culture, and over some three thousand years of history at least. Whatever his field of specialization, whatever his personal interest, his profession can be accounted Biblically, if the elucidation of the Bible remains as the focal point of all his research. Such an approach is defensible and needs no apology; in fact, it is no more tendentious than other branches of archaeology which are organized on cultural rather than strictly geographic or historical lines. The prehistoric archaeologist no longer confines himself to early Europe. He is vitally interested in the discoveries being made in South Africa, in Iran, in Indonesia, Nigeria or China. If the new findings or discoveries of early man in these areas are relevant and they are, the prehistoric archaeologist must know them all and bring them within his synthesis. The mediaevalist also, both historian and archaeologist, must be as interested in what was happening in the Middle Ages in Turkey and the Near East as he is in what was happening in Western Europe (Tushingham 6). There is also the need for an advanced Biblical archaeology in Africa, which would take seriously the frontiers of Biblical criticisms (higher and lower) and expand and reconsider the various Biblical stages; an independent means of verification, improvement and correction of its critical reconstruction. Instead, confronted with the re-emergence of the Biblical stage, places, ruins, and names, Biblical archaeology made two fundamental mistakes: rejecting the conclusions of Higher Criticism and overturning its basic principle on the dating of sources. Instead, it took the view that, effectively, because Elsinore Castle can be seen and visited, Hamlet is a figure of history and Shakespeare a historian. Textual analysis was abandoned and instead Biblical archaeology set itself to search for evidence that the Biblical story was after all, quite true, and not the critical historical reconstruction derived from it. The goal of archaeology became its premise (Davies 2-3). African dimensions for this quest should not ignore text-critical studies and historical critical questions in their contextual frameworks. This would make Africans to have a clear view of Biblical and historical realities which would contribute immensely to the growth of these disciplines in Africa. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 165 Conclusion There is a binding nexus between archaeology and the Bible which needs to be known by many Africans. Understanding Biblical archaeology from an African context would shed light on the Bible and make African archaeologists to engage and join the global community in search of more historical realities of Biblical sites and names. Archaeology has no direct bearing on theological questions such as whether Jesus was divine as well as human. What archaeology can reveal is what people in the past believed about whether Jesus was divine as well as human. Such beliefs, both positive and negative, can be seen in their paintings, their mosaics and even their graffiti as expressed by Williams (9). Many African Biblical scholars should appreciate the field of archaeology and its discoveries and consider the Bible to be a useful tool for historical discoveries. They should engage it, in light with the African archaeologists, to expand the understanding of the Bible in Africa as countries and kingdoms such as Egypt and Ethiopia, Timbuktu, Abyssinia and North Africa generally. Departments of Archaeology and Heritage studies in our various institutions should ensure that Biblical archaeology is explored as being the only field, which provides authentic historical records of events of creation of the world and human development throughout history. Departments of Religious Studies and Divinity as well as our seminaries should also ensure that archaeology, and Biblical archaeology in particular, is taught to expand Biblical knowledge and ascertain and confirm Biblical faith as revealed in the historical parts of the Bible. This departmental harnessing of ideas would strengthen the study of the Biblical past in Africa and such would be expanded to study cultural and historical past in Africa.

References “Archaeological evidences proving the accuracy of the Bible” http://www.israelite.net/biblicalarchaeology.pdf Accessed 5th January, 2020. Bird, Michael F. “Textual Criticism and the Historical Jesus.” Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 6 (2008): pp. 133–56. Blomberg, Craig. Jesus and the Gospels. Nottingham: Apollos, 2009. Boyd, Robert. Tells, Tombs, and Treasure. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1969. Bridge, Donald. Why Four Gospels? Ross-Shire: Mentor, 1996. Clark, K. W. “The Effect of Recent Textual Criticism upon New Testament Studies.” The Background of the New Testament and Its Eschatology.W. D. Davies and D. Daube eds. Cambridge: The Cambridge University Press, 1964, pp. 27-51. Davies, Philip R. “1 Samuel and the 'Deuteronomistic History”', in C. Edenburg and J. Pakkala eds., Is Samuel Among the Deuteronomists? Current Views on the Place of Samuel in a Deuteronomistic History. Atlanta: SBL, 2013, pp. 105-118. Davies, Philip R. The Origins of Biblical Israel (LHBOTS, 485). London: T&T Clark, 2007. D a v i e s , P h i l i p R . “ A N e w ' B i b l i c a l A r c h a e o l o g y ' ” https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781315690773/chapters/10.4324/9781315 690773-2Accessed 2rd January, 2020. Davis, Thomas W. Shifting Sands: The Rise and Fall of Biblical Archaeology, New York: Oxford University Press, 2004. Dever, W. G. The Lives of Ordinary People in Ancient Israel. Where Archaeology and the UNDERSTANDING BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN AFRICAN CONTEXT 166 Bible Intersect. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2012. Drewett P. L. Field Archaeology: An Introduction. London and New York: UCL Press/Routledge, 1999. Finkelstein, I and N. A. Silberman. The Bible Unearthed. Archaeology's New Vision of Ancient Israel and the Origin of Its Sacred Texts, New York: Free Press, 2001. Finkelstein, I. The Archaeology of the Israelite Settlement, Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1988. Fleming, D. E. The Legacy of Israel in Judah's Bible: History, Politics, and the Reinscribing of Tradition, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012. France, R. T. The Evidence for Jesus. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1986. Graves, David E. Biblical Archaeology: An Introduction with Recent Discoveries that Support the Reliability of the Bible(Vol. 1). Moncton, New Brunswick: Electronic Christian Media, 2015. Habermas, R. Gary. The Historical Jesus. Jophlin, Missouri: College Press, 1996. Hoerth, Alfred. Old Testament Archaeology: An Exploration of the History of Civilization of Bible Times. Abingdon, Oxon: Candle Books, 2008. Hubschmann, Caroline. “Searching for the 'Archaeologically Invisible': Libyans in a Dakhleh Oasis in the Third Intermediate Period” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 46 (2010), pp. 173-187. Introduction to Biblical Archaeology” https://truthnet.org/pdf/Biblical- Archaeology/Introduction-biblical-archaeology.pdf Accessed 18th October, 2019. Jacobovici, Simcha and Barrie Wilson. The Lost Gospel: Decoding the Ancient Text that Reveals Jesus' Marriage to Mary the Magdalene. San Francisco: HarperCollins, 2014. McRay, John. Archaeology and the New Testament. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker, 1991. McRay, John.The Kregel Pictorial Guide to New Testament Archaeology: An Exploration of the History and Culture of the World Jesus Knew. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Kregel Publications, 2010. Millard, Alan. “How Can Archaeology Contribute to the Study of the Bible?” Evangel 9:1 (1991). Peckham, Colin. The Authority of the Bible. Kaduna: Evangel Publication, n.d. Provan, I., V. Phillips Long and Tremper Longman III. A Biblical History of Israel. Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2003. Renfrew C. and Bahn P. Theories, Methods and Practice. London/United Kingdom: Thames & Hudson Ltd.,1991, 1996 & 2001. Rops, Daniel. Jesus and His Times. New York: Image Books, 1960. Sharer R. I. and Ashmore, W. Fundamentals of Archaeology. 1979. Tambiyi, Gideon Y. “Mrs. Messiah?: Modern Scholarship Searching for a Wife for Jesus” https//:gideonyohanna.wordpress.com/2014/11/13/mrs-messiah-modern- scholarship-searching-for-a-wife-for-jesus/ Accessed 26th October, 2019. Tambiyi, Gideon Y. “Recovering Matthean Text of the Holy Family in Africa: A Coptic and Greek Textual Analysis” PhD Dissertation at the University of Jos, 2018. Tambiyi, Gideon Y. The Historical Jesus and African Christianity. Kaduna: Tubase Print, 2019. Thompson, T. L. Early History of the Israelite People. Leiden: Brill, 1992. Tu s h i n g h a m , A . D . “ H o w B i b l i c a l i s B i b l i c a l A r c h a e o l o g y ” JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 167 https://gospelstudies.org.uk/biblicalarchaeology/pdf/ajba/01-1_005.pdf Accessed 18th October, 2019. Tzaferis, Vasilius. “Jewish Tombs at and Near Givat ha-Mivtar” Israel Exploration Journal 20 (1970), pp. 38-59. Unger, Merrill F. Archaeology and the Old Testament. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 1954. Williams, Peter S. Digging the Evidence: Archaeology and the Historical Reliability of the New Testament. London: Christian Evidence Society, 2016. Witherington III, Ben. The Brother of Jesus. The Dramatic Story and Meaning of the First Archaeological Link to Jesus & His Family. With Hershel Shanks. Updated and expanded edition. San Francisco: Harper Publishing Company, 2003. Zias, J. and E Sekeles. “The Crucified Man from Givat ha-Mivtar: A Reappraisal” Israel Exploration Journal 35 (1985), pp. 22-27. 168

THE CHALLENGES OF THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT SYSTEM IN NIGERIA TODAY: THE NEED FOR AUTONOMY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE

Saleh Omar, PhD Department of Sociology Federal University, Kashere, Gombe State. E-mail: [email protected] Phone: +234-8036321034, 07037494295.

Abstract In the ongoing debates over “restructuring” Nigeria, Local Government issues have featured prominently. As a matter of fact, Local Governments have been central to all 'national debates' in this country since the promulgation of the 1979 Constitution. This, perhaps, underscores the importance of the Local Government System in the Public administration of our Federal system. With respect to Local Governments, four basic positions have emerged in these debates. The first of these is that Local Governments should be scrapped completely since they have proved to be grossly ineffective and something of a drain on the resources of the nation. The second believes in the retention of the Local Government System, but with a reduction in the number of LGAs with a view to reducing the cost of governance. The third, which is the opposite of the second, is that Local Governments should remain, but their numbers should be increased to cater for an expanding population and the needs of communities that still feel marginalized at present. Finally, there is the argument that the current system should be retained in any future structure but with greatly enhanced autonomy. The paper used these positions as its research questions. Content analyses of published works and Internet resources were the main techniques used in the collection of data. Our analysis of the data led us to the conclusion that, with greatly enhanced autonomy and greater obligation to good governance, the existing 774 Local Government Areas in Nigeria could effectively and efficiently serve the purposes for which they were established. Key Words: Local government Area; Local Government Council; Local Government System; Challenges; Autonomy; Good governance.

Introduction Administratively, Nigeria is made up of 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs), 36 States and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), which also houses Abuja, Nigeria's capital city. For convenience, the country is also divided into six geo-political zones, (South-East, South-Soth, South-West, North-Central, North-East, and North-West), although this does not have a formal standing in law. The evolution of this fairly elaborate structure has always involved the interplay between geo-political, economic and demographic considerations. The 774 Local Government Areas of Nigeria are not evenly distributed among its 36 states and the FCT. Their numbers vary widely. Leaving aside the FCT which has 6 Area Development Councils, Kano State has the highest number of LGAs with 44, while Bayelsa has the least number of 8.1 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 169 The objectives and Functions of Local Governments. In general, the objectives of Local Government are geared towards enhancing the participation in decision-making, management of local resources, designing, implementing, monitoring and controlling schemes and programmes that aim to improve the standards of living of the people of a locality. Since they operate at the “grassroots” level, Local Governments are also expected to reduce bureaucratic bottlenecks and establish the foundations for a sustainable democratic culture in both political and economic management. As one commentator has observed: Local Governments are created with the ultimate goal of bringing government closer to the people at the grassroots. In Nigeria, the local government reforms aimed both to accelerate development and to enable the local population participate and hold those in power accountable for their governance roles.2 The functions of the Local Government Councils include the following-: 1. The formulation of economic planning and development schemes for the Local Government Area; 2. Collection of rates, radio and television licenses; 3. Establishment and maintenance of cemeteries, burial grounds, and homes for the destitute or infirm; 4. Licensing of bicycles, trucks (other than mechanically propelled trucks, canoes, wheel barrows and carts); 5. Establishment, maintenance, and regulation of slaughter houses, slaughter slabs, markets, motor parks, and public conveniences; 6. Construction and maintenance of roads, streets, street lightings, drains, parks, gardens, open spaces, or such public facilities as may be prescribed from time to time by the House of Assembly of a State; 7. Naming of roads and streets and the numbering of houses; 8. Provision and maintenance of public conveniences, sewage and refuse disposal; 9. Registration of all births, deaths and marriages; 10. Assessment of privately-owned houses or tenements for the purpose of levying such rates as may be prescribed by the House of Assembly of a State; 11. Control and regulation of: (i) outdoor advertising and hoarding; (ii) movement and keeping of pets of all descriptions; (iii) shops and kiosks; (iv) restaurants, bakeries, and other places for sale of food to the public; (v) laundries; (vi) licensing regulation and the control of the sale of liquor… (vii) the provision and maintenance of primary, adult and vocational education; (viii) the development of agriculture and natural resources, other than the exploitation of minerals (ix) the provision and maintenance of health services; and (x) such other functions as may be conferred upon a Local Government by the House of Assembly of a State.3 1. Conceptual Clarification. In every day parlance, the term “Local Government” is used interchangeably with “Local THE CHALLENGES OF THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT SYSTEM IN NIGERIA 170 TODAY: THE NEED FOR AUTONOMY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE Government Council” and Local Government Area”. In reality, the three refer to distinct, though interrelated aspects of the entity concerned. According to one source-: “A local government is a form of public administration which, in a majority of contexts, exists as the lowest tier of administration within a given state”4..In this sense, the word 'government' in the phrase 'local government' is similar to the 'government' in State government, and Federal government, and all three refer to a public administrative structure. In the same vein, Local Government Council is akin to the Federal Executive Council or the State Executive Council, and they all refer to the executive arm of their respective governments. Local Government Area denotes a distinct, physically demarcated geographical territory. The sum total of the various components taken in their totality of interactions and interconnections constitute the Local Government System.5 Good governance is also expected to be a part and parcel of governance and administration, particularly at the local level, where reduced bureaucratic mediation exposes politicians and top civil servants to close public scrutiny. According to one source- : Good governance has 8 major characteristics. It is participatory, consensus oriented, accountable, transparent, responsive, effective and efficient, equitable and inclusive and follows the rule of law. It assures that corruption is minimized, the views of minorities are taken into account and that the voices of the most vulnerable in society are heard in decision-making. It is also responsive to the present and future needs of society.6 2. The Challenges of Local Governments With such laudable objectives and well-articulated role as defined in their officially documented functions, Local Governments should have become the foundations of development, if not nationally, then at least, at the grassroots. With the vast agricultural and human resources located in our rural areas, at least a “green revolution “should have occurred and ushered in our industrial age. So-called surplus labour in the rural areas could have been absorbed into newly established agro-based industries thereby easing rural- urban migration and the pressure on the meager social services in the cities. The “push” factors that are alleged to attract the most able-bodied rural dwellers to cities –the social services- could have been established in our villages on a more sustainable basis. As opposed to the Native Authority System (which was another kind of local government system under colonial rule) which served as an agent of an oppressive feudal aristocracies allied to the colonialists, these democratically elected Local Government Councils were chosen by the people, and should have served the people better than they actually did. Good governance ought to have been their watchword, rather than the corrupt and autocratic methods of their predecessors. Within a decade of the “democratic” Local Governments, it became clear that things were getting worse, not better, and that the high hopes in the new system had been misplaced. It took the new Councils no time at all to establish their credentials as a class of very corrupt politicians. Mainly made up of senior and middle ranked serving and retired civil servants, poor and greedy, the Chairmen, Councillors and Cashiers wasted no time in transforming stealing into an art. Many Chairmen, Supervisory Councilors, Secretaries, and Cashiers did not even reside in their Local Government Areas of posting but in the semi-urban towns and cities where they expended their ill-gotten wealth lavishly. The politicians even resorted to creating unviable local government areas to increase their 'catchment areas' and JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 171 'spheres of influence'. Their honeymoon was however short-lived. The military coup d'état of December, 1983, halted the madness briefly, only for it to resume after the overthrow of General Buhari's regime in 1985.Thus, notwithstanding the flowery language in which they are couched, local government reforms in Nigeria, from The Native Authority Ordinance of 19167 to the Local Government Reforms of 19768, have always involved conflicts of interest between different classes and social strata. Up to independence in 1960, the main contending interests were the Traditional Institutions struggling to defend its waning privileges, and an ascendant colonial administration aided by an incipient bureaucratic petty bourgeoisie, trying to establish Indirect Rule.9 In 1976, the fight was between the then declining Traditional Rulers, and the Military allied with civilian Politicians. The exclusion of traditional rulers from politics led to the formation of separate, largely ceremonial Council of Traditional rulers, by the Military Government.10 Today, many observers have identified the following as the basic problems with our Local Government System-: a. lack of corresponding reviews of the Local Government Laws to keep them in step with the general, periodic, reviews of the ; b. legality; c. inadequate finances; d. undue interference from the State governments; e. corruption; f. poor leadership; g. lack of autonomy; h. creation of too many local government areas.11 It is very much the feeling of many stakeholders (ALGON and NULGE, and NFIU in particular), observers and commentators, that the Local Government System in this country is currently undergoing a profound crisis, and that only a drastic intervention by government may prevent a total collapse of the System with the well-known negative consequences that are sure to follow. 3. The Research Problem On the bases of these identified shortcomings, the following recommendations have been made by key players in the System to the Federal Government-: 1. That Local Governments should be scrapped altogether to save the country from further wasteful expenditure; 2. That the number of Local Governments should be increased to cater for the expanding population and the needs of those who still feel marginalized; 3. That the number of Local Governments should be reduced to cut overhead and other costs currently incurred by the Federal Government; and, 4. That the Local Government System as presently constituted, should be retained but with greatly enhanced autonomy. 4. Research Questions. Based on the positions identified above, the following research questions were posed with a view to finding answers that may address the crisis and chart a way forward for the Local Government System for now and the near future. THE CHALLENGES OF THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT SYSTEM IN NIGERIA 172 TODAY: THE NEED FOR AUTONOMY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE RQ 1: Would the scrapping of the Local Governments resolve the problems currently afflicting the Local Government System in Nigeria? RQ 2: Would increasing the number of Local Governments in the country resolve the crisis currently being experienced by the Local Government System in Nigeria? RQ 3: Would reducing the number of Local Governments in the country mitigate the problems of the Local Government System? RQ 4: Would granting the Local Governments full autonomy resolve the problems of the Local Government System in Nigeria today?

5. Methodology. (a) Centre-Periphery relations: A Theoretical Framework. Several theoretical approaches have been used in Local Government Studies. Key among them are the Democratic Participatory Theory, Locality Theory, Elite Theory, Group Theory, and Public Choice Theory. According to some advocates of Democratic Participatory Theory-: The tenets of the school is [sic] that local governments are created in order to encourage participatory democracy and serve as the training ground for recruitment of leaders, provide channels of self-government and political education at grass root level.12 This view is with the stated objectives of the architects of the Local Government system in Nigeria, namely the Military. It is, however, one-sided and misleading. In the first place, historically, local governments are known to have existed in pre-capitalist societies and in contexts which were far from being 'democratic' in the sense in which the concept is understood today. There was no power vacuum in the localities that made up local government areas, and in most cases rural communities were characterised by gemeinschaft relations of personal, family, and communal ties which favoured politically conservative ideologies and values rather than progressive ones.13 These communities were moreover feudal enclaves controlled by well-connected feudal aristocracies. Seeing the local government reforms as a handout, therefore ignores the intense conflict of interest between the Military top brass and their bureaucratic and political allies on the one hand, and the traditional rulers and their landlord allies on the other. Secondly, this perspective on the reforms ignores the economic interests involved. It was the fight over landownership in the rural areas that led to the enactment of the Land Use Decree in 1978, thus effectively wresting the power overland to anew, emerging Local Government Bureaucracy, controlled by the Military and land grabbing agricultural merchants and landlords. This conflict of interest over land has continued right to the case of the deposition of the Emir of Kano, Muhammad Sanusi II in March, 2020. The other theories mentioned suffer from the same defects as the democratic participatory theory in that they emphasise this or that aspect of the local government system, rather than take a wholistic view of the situation. For a more comprehensive and useful insight, we turn to the Marxist Theory of Local Government. According to one author-: When analyzed within Marxist theory understandings [sic], local governments can be considered as a body of administrative, political, social, and economic relations which are defined in a certain spatial scale based on uneven development of capital accumulation.14 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 173 In other words, the economic dynamic of uneven development results in the urban areas becoming the centres and the rural areas the peripheries of a socio-economic structure characterised by disproportionalities, imbalances and inequalities. This is the root cause of the backwardness and underdevelopment of our rural areas in this country today. The massive wealth produced in our rural areas is expropriated by the rural landlords and taken to the cities to build infrastructure and to be reinvested in other areas of economic activity. Of course, as applied to the local government system, the rural-urban metaphor has its limits, and some may argue that not all cities are local government headquarters, and that not all local government areas are rural. This may be true, but the same dynamic will eventually reassert itself, thereby rendering the former city a suburb and the former village a new urban centre.15 Moreover, when a metropolitan city becomes a whole local government area, it is bound to be broken up into a municipal centre and satellites, with the same consequences.16 Only such a perspective can facilitate an understanding of the negative, defining demographic characteristics of the rural areas in this country. It allows us to understand why poverty and economic backwardness are rampant in the rural areas. It also explains the near absence of the social services such as safe drinking water, electricity, decent housing, motorable roads and healthcare services. It also enables us to know why literacy rates are so low and why infant mortality rates are high. And it is these that constitute the 'problems' of the local government areas which politicians of all hues promise to 'address' during their rare visits to their “ancestral homes” during electioneering campaigns. In political terms, the local government areas, far from being the idyllic settings we take them to be, are actually arenas of social conflict of various kinds –economic, social, and political. The now familiar conflicts between nomadic pastoralists and cultivators, over landownership, within fishing communities, and between different political elites, all take place within these localities with significant external causes and consequences. Local government politics-their creation and adjustments, their policies and shortcomings, all belong here. It is this approach that was adopted for the study. (b).Techniques of Data Collection. Using the above questions as guides, three techniques of data collection were employed to generate the information required for a deeper examination of the problems of the Local Government System in Nigeria. A content analysis was undertaken of available published materials (books, journals, newspapers, bulletins, records, e.t.c.) relevant to the study. Information obtained from these sources was augmented by oral interviews with LG officials such as Chairmen, Secretaries, Councillors and Finance officers, where possible. Discussions were also held with available officials of ALGON and NULGE. The information so generated was analysed and used to answer the research questions.

6. Presentation and Discussion of Findings. This section of the paper now tries to respond to the research questions in the light of the evidence gathered in the course of the study. This is done by first restating the research question and then critically discussing the answer. RQ 1: Would the scrapping the Local Governments resolve the problems currently afflicting the Local Government System in Nigeria? Those who answer this question in the affirmative are not necessary disgruntled people who oppose the existence of Local Governments in principle. They are a pragmatic people who base their arguments and conclusions on reasonable and THE CHALLENGES OF THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT SYSTEM IN NIGERIA 174 TODAY: THE NEED FOR AUTONOMY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE plausible economic analysis of the Local Government System and its long-term prospects. Three or four such economic arguments would suffice to make the point here. In the first place, only few Local Governments in Nigeria today are economically viable. The promised economic transformation of the rural areas has not happened, and most of Nigeria's Local Government Areas remain the peripheries of the state and federal government centres. They remain predominantly agricultural with little or no industrialisation, with “hoe-and- cutlass” techniques still dominating production. Secondly, rural poverty is still rampant with near-total collapse of infrastructure such as roads, and the social services-such as water and electricity supply, health care and decent housing. Thirdly, the Local Governments have, as business ventures, been an abysmal failure. They have been unable to break even, and many have had to depend on loans and grants from the state and federal governments to even pay salaries. That is why Local Government workers are one of the least paid and are almost always owed many months' salaries in arrears. Viewed within the broader national economic framework, they argue that Local Governments are an economic burden on the states and the federal government, and this should no longer be tolerated. They should be scrapped. On purely technical grounds, such an argument cannot be faulted. But it must be remembered that, at the various points of their creation, all the 774 Local Government Areas in Nigeria were deemed economically viable, since economic viability was, and still is, one of the key requirements for the creation of a Local Government Area. That the Local Governments have performed so poorly since their creation is a management issue over an investment that has already been made. Scrapping them could be even more expensive than retaining them and the issue is not only an economic issue. So scrapping the Local governments may not necessarily resolve the problem of good governance at the local, grassroots level. On the contrary, it may even aggravate it. RQ 2: Would increasing the number of Local Governments in the country resolve the crisis currently being experienced by the Local Government System in Nigeria? This question is somewhat superfluous, since well- defined criteria for the establishment of Local Governments already exist. The reasons for the calls for the creation of more Local Government Areas are likely to vary from state to state. But demands for the creation of new Local Government Areas that meet the criteria should have no problem in achieving their goals. But where the demand for a Local Government Area is based on a primordial, sectarian, or selfish personal sentiment only, it should not be allowed to succeed. Technically, however, increasing or reducing the numbers of LGAs cannot be a panacea for the problems of the Local Government System. It is, therefore, not a very useful option for the resolution of the crisis in the Local Governments in Nigeria today. RQ 3: Would reducing the number of Local Governments in the country mitigate the problems of the Local Government System? To the extent that it may reduce the cost of governance, reduction in the number of Local Government Areas may or may not positively impact the situation of the JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 175 Local Governments in Nigeria today. Where the numbers are reduced and all the other criteria are held constant, such an action may lead to a reduction in the cost of governance if what is spent in reducing them is less than what would be spent in retaining them. A case-by-case study should show which would be in the best interest of the System. RQ 4: Would granting the Local Governments full autonomy resolve the problems of the Local Government System in Nigeria today? Local Government Autonomy has always been a vexed issue, and the contenders in the debates include not only local interest groups, but also highly placed government officials from the State and Federal governments-the other players in the three-tier government structure of the country. It may be well to start here with the actual meaning of the phrase “Local Government Autonomy”. One dictionary has defined autonomy as “the quality or state of being self-governing; especially the right of self-government”.17Given such a definition, it is rather curious that some of the actors, particularly the States, are always appalled and apprehensive whenever the word is uttered in the debates on Local Governments. This is notwithstanding the fact that in both the 1976 Decree and the Constitution Of The Federal Republic Of Nigeria (Promulgation)1979 in which it was first enshrined, the issue of Local Government Autonomy was clearly spelt out as follows-: “The system of local government by democratically elected local government councils is under this Constitution guaranteed”.18 The issue of Local Government Autonomy was an important element in the new democratic dispensation for at least three reasons. In the first place, it tried to lay a solid foundation for the democratic system that was to come into effect in 1979 by entrenching the democratic principle and practice of periodic elections into public office. Prior to this reform, entry into the local authority system, the then Native Authorities (N.A.s), was through nominations and selection from privileged members of society by the traditional rulers. Secondly, it created the possibility of local authorities that can control the destinies of their localities, rather than having them managed for them from outside. Thirdly, and most importantly, it laid the grounds for real grassroots development insulated from the vagaries of development policy characteristic of the Nigerian state. Had the Local governments been allowed to fully grow on the basis of this reform, the situation of our localities would have been much different and better. Instead of allowing the reforms to mature, those who felt threatened by it-the traditional rulers, the bureaucrats at both the state and federal levels, and conservative politicians and parties-launched a counterattack which began with the February 13th, 1976, coup d'état that led to the assassination of General Murtala Mohammed and slowed down the general progressive/populist stance of the Military Government since the July 29th, 1975, coup.19 Since then, there has been a progressive erosion of the autonomy of the Local Governments and the whittling away of the democratic gains made under the Murtala/Obasanjo regime. Some of the mechanisms employed included the usurpation of the statutory functions of the Local Governments through the establishment of Ministries and specialised agencies such as the Ministry of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs (which was scrapped in 1988 and replaced THE CHALLENGES OF THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT SYSTEM IN NIGERIA TODAY: THE NEED FOR AUTONOMY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE 176 with the Bureau for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs in some states), and the Universal Basic Education Commission which took over the management of primary Education all over the country. In other respects, unconstitutional means were used to displace existing structures with a view to further consolidate the powers of the state governments. The federal electoral body, (FEDECO, INEC) was replaced by the euphemistically called the State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC) charged with the responsibility of allocating positions to persons favoured by the governor, rather than conduction free and fair elections. Indeed, in due course, elections themselves were suspended, elected Local Government Councils illegally dissolved, and replaced by Caretaker Committees composed of cronies of the state governor. Even when and where elections into the Local Government Councils were held, the Secretary, the principal administrative officer, was appointed by the state Governor. The state Governors have also taken it upon themselves to dissolve or reshuffle and reconstitute Traditional Councils in very visibly partisan and unpopular ways, thereby eroding the remaining, marginal credibility of the traditional institution and its role in mobilisation for community development and peace building.20 Finally, the state Governors set up the State Joint Local Government Account (SJLGA) into which federal and state allocations for Local Governments are paid, but are firmly and single-handedly controlled and managed arbitrarily by the state Governors, contrary to the constitutional provision of joint management.21 It should, therefore, not come as a surprise that the state Governors are so bitterly opposed to the idea of granting financial and administrative autonomy to the Local Governments in this country. This opposition is particularly striking and interesting because for once it has transcended the traditional party lines and brought out quite dramatically, the massive corruption that has been perpetrated by state governments in this country for many decades now. The same state governors who campaigned for the establishment of State Police are now also opposed to financial autonomy for the Legislature and the Judiciary in their respective states!

Conclusions Granting full financial and administrative autonomy to the Local Governments is the only way to halt, if not reverse, the massive deterioration in the conditions of life of the overwhelming majority of the population of this country. It may also be the only feasible check on the gradual but visible drift towards political anarchy, social dysfunction, and economic and cultural decay in Nigeria today. Enhancing the autonomy of Local governments would be a good step in the right direction and may facilitate the eradication of the ills afflicting the vast majority of the people of Nigeria that live and exist in the rural areas. It must, however, be kept in mind that the country, Nigeria, too, needs more financial autonomy from the advanced capitalist countries of the world to enable it pursue an independent and sovereign path of development. Enhanced autonomy must be accompanied by an increased obligation to good governance on the part of those who control and exercise power at all levels. Without this, no amount of autonomy will free our people from the shackles of poverty, deprivation, and oppression. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 177 Recommendations. Whatever potential defects implementing financial and administrative autonomy for the Local Governments in this country may have, the followings are some obvious benefits for the people of Nigeria-: 1. The concept of 'autonomy' is very close to, but not synonymous with 'autarky'. While both refer to the issue of independence, the latter implies a boundless, complete, independence, separation, and self sufficiency, autonomy aims to achieve a more limited kind of freedom from certain kinds of interference, usually political and administrative, from other entities with which it cohabits. Autarky in governance became extinct with the invasions of non-European lands over five centuries ago which signaled the beginning of the modern Age of Globalisation. In a country as diverse as Nigeria, autonomy can only mean limited freedom to act independently of central authorities in a way and manner that further the overall good of the country. Since the Amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorates and the Colony of Lagos in 1914, the Nigeria Area has increasingly become integrated economically, politically, socially, and even culturally, notwithstanding the immense diversities in these areas of human endeavour. It is this unity in diversity that has informed the adoption of a federal system of government and a federal Constitution since the Lyttleton Constitution of 1954. Devolving more financial and administrative power to the Local governments would reduce the influence of political middlemen and godfathers and, thereby, strengthen federalism. 2. Local Government autonomy is also likely to weaken secessionist tendencies as the creation of states has done in the South-East and South-South in recent times. Granting fiscal autonomy to Local Governments in states such as Lagos which budget of hundreds of billions every year will definitely shift public focus inwards, rather than blaming the Federal Government for every problem. 3. Residents of Local Government Areas are more likely to be familiar with the felt needs of the people rather than those looking from afar. 4. Local Governments are also likely to be more efficient and effective in policy formulation, implementation, monitoring, and evaluation. 5. Local Governments are better able to mobilize the populace for specific government programmes than are state and federal governments. Their affinity with the traditional institution ensures that they always have their “ears to the ground”. 6. Their being in close contact with the people increases the visibility of government as a whole and tends to reduce the negative perception of government being always “at the top”, or “far away”. This also increases transparency of government actions. 7. Local Government autonomy also tends to reduce bureaucratic bottlenecks and incessant delays in the implementation of government programmes and projects.

References 1. Compiled from “States and Local Governments of Nigeria”. Retrieved from www,wadoo.org./NigerDelta/Nigeria_Facts/States_LocalGovtAreas.html.Retrieved on 01-06-2020. 2. “View of local government administration in Nigeria…”.Retrieved from https:/epress.lib.uts.edu.au.>journal>index.php>cjig>article., on 20-06-2020. 3. Federal Military Government of Nigeria, (1989).Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,(Promulgation) Decree1989.Section 7,fourth schedule, part 1: THE CHALLENGES OF THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT SYSTEM IN NIGERIA 178 TODAY: THE NEED FOR AUTONOMY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE “Functions of a Local Government”.Lagos:Ministry of Information and Culture.P.15. 4. Wikipedia. “Local government areas of Nigeria”. Retrieved at https:/en.wikipedia.org./wiki/local_government _areas_of_Nigeria, on10th April, 2019. 5. The concept of system is here understood to include not only the components mentioned but also their interactions and interrelation both within and with the state and federal governments. In the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,(Promulgation) Decree 1989,the “Local government system” is covered in the 10 paragraphs in Section 7,under the same title. See Ibid. Pp 15-16 6. United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, ( E S C A P, n . d . ) . ” W h a t i s G o o d G o v e r n a n c e ? ” . R e t r i e v e d f r o m https:/www.unescap.org>sites>default>files>good-governance. 7. The Native Authority Ordinance of 1916 was introduced to unify the Native Authority System for both the northern and southern colonial territories two years after their amalgamation. 8. The Federal Military government of Nigeria, (1976).The Local Government Reform Decree No.13.Lagos: Ministry of Information and Culture, Printing Division. 9. This was achieved through the Native Authority Ordinance Act of 1916 referred to in7 above. 10. That the Council of Traditional Rulers was largely ceremonial is attested to by the fact that in the part II, Section 8 of the Constitution where its functions were spelt out, there is a second paragraph which states as follows-: “Nothing in this Schedule shall be construed as conferring any executive, legislative or judicial powers on a traditional council.” The Federal military Government of Nigeria, (1989).Constitution \of The Federal Republic of Nigeria,( Promulgation) Decree 1989.Lagos: Federal Ministry of I n f o r m a t i o n a n d C u l t u r e , P r i n t i n g D i v i s i o n . 11. InfoguideNigeria. (2020). “10 Problems of Local Government in Nigeria and Solutions”. Retrieved from https://infoguidenigeria,com/problems-local-government/...” on 4th June, 2020. 12. Alao, D.O., Osakede, K.O.,&Owolabi, T.Y.(2015). “Challenges of Local Government Administration in Nigeria: Lessons from Comparative Analysis.” , in International Journal of Development and Economic Sustainability, Vol.3,No.4.Pp. 61-79. 13. Historical evidence suggests that rural areas have on the whole been more the bastions of reaction and conservative thinking than otherwise. Even with the great revolutionary upheavals of recent times-from the Bolshevik Revolution of1917 in then backward Russia to the Peasant wars of the 20th century, transforming the mindset of the rural population has always been a Herculean task, usually requiring a revolution. 14. Bozkurt, Engin. (2011). “The Critical Analysis of Local Government Experiences in Turkey: The Case of Hozat Municipality”.[A thesis submitted to the Graduate School of Social Sciences of Middle East Technical University, in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in the Program of Urban Policy Planning and Local Government.] P.vi 15. A mix of high urban growth rates and administrative changes has affected the fortunes of some cities adversely, and some positively: The creation of Abuja and the Federal capital Territory has adversely affected the administrative status of Lagos to the benefit of Abuja Municipal and its area councils. In the same way, many ancient cities in Northern Nigeria such as Zaria have lost their administrative significance through the creation of states and local governments. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 179 16. Lagos Metropolis has 16 local government areas, Ibadan Metropolis 11, Kano Metropolis 6, and Port Harcourt, 5.Retrieved at www, citypopulation.de/Nigeria.html., on5th June, 2020. 17. Merriam-Webster, retrieved from 5th June, 2020. 18. The Federal Military Government of Nigeria, (1989).The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, (Promulgation) Decree 1989…Op.Cit. 15 19. The people-oriented stance of the Murtala regime is probably what angered the feudal and bureaucratic elements who, in all probability supported the Dimka coup d'état. After all, Dimka himself accused Murtala of being a 'Communist' in the coup broadcast of February 13, 1976. 20. The governors' 'arguments' in opposing local government autonomy have become even more transparently selfish and crude with their recent opposition to financial independence for the state legislatures and the state judiciaries. What most of the governors want is the continuation of their personalized one-man totalitarian dictatorships. 21. What the Constitution says in Section 7,paragraph 8 (a) and (b) are -: (a) the National Assembly shall make provisions for the statutory allocation of public revenue to Local Governments in the Federation; and (b) The House of Assembly of a State shall make provision for statutory allocation of public revenue to Local Governments within the State. The SJLGAs which have been established to manage these revenues for the development of the Local Governments have been converted into personal current accounts by the state governors. Thus, the ongoing tussle between the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit, (NFIU) and the Nigeria Governors' Forum over the management of this account. 180 THE CONTRIBUTION OF KANO TO THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OFNGURU DURING COLONIAL PERIOD 1935-1960

Lawan Jafaru Tahir, PhD

& Sheriff Garba, PhD Department of History, Damaturu E-mail: [email protected], [email protected] Phone: +234-8065555527, 08032104918

Abstract There is no doubt Kano as an old city in Nigerian history had been one of the earliest commercial centres. Almost all northern parts of present day Nigeria and even outside had either benefitted or indirectly enjoyed the potentialities of Kano in the course of its economic development. One of such northern economic centres since colonial period is Nguru District, presently an independent emirate. Nguru had become a strategic economic location and centre of the north-eastern district state. The most contributing factor which came directly via Kano was the extension of railway line to Nguru in 1929. Nguru as a commercial centre had been blessed with economic potentialities which led to the production of export crop commodities in large quantities such like groundnut, cotton, hide and skin, etc. These were the major colonial interest, which Nguru served as an alternative exploitative centre. Throughout the colonial era, railway served as the major means of transportation of, most, agricultural raw materials from the far north to the south for exportation to Europe. This paper aims at critically examining the main contributions of Kano to the economic development of Nguru both in the colonial and post-colonial periods. However, special reference will be given to the development and contribution of railway line in shaping the economic destiny of Nguru and particularly the growth and development of markets and merchants that transformed the town to compete with major commercial centres in Nigeria. Keywords: Kano, Nguru, Economy, Contribution, Colonialism, Export Commodities.

Introduction Historically, Kano has remained a centre of commerce and industry. Way back to the 14th century, Kano was one of the greatest melting pots of economic activities all over Africa south of the Sahara. The relevance or importance of the town to the Hausa states was that of a supplier and consumer of social commodities necessary for human survival. Presently, Kano is one of the most populated states with about 9,383, 682 (6. 702) according to the 2006 census in the country1. Kano people had specialized in weaving, leather work, dyeing as well as Iron smelting which served as export commodities to neighboring empires and also viz-a-vis imported raw materials such as cotton from Zaria and Nguru, Kola nuts from Akan in the Old Ghana Empire, etc, several centuries ago. However, not only Nguru, which is the case study of this paper, but almost all northern part of Nigeria had benefited from the earliest economic fortunes of Kano. The most interesting part of it all is that, Kano still serves as the busiest commercial center in present day Nigeria. Today, with exception of Lagos, probably, many people consider Kano as the main operating centre in terms of export and import commodities. It should be noted that as far JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 181 back as the era of colonial period, expatriates like Lebanese, Arabs, etc, had settled in Kano for business, which compelled them to become permanent indigenes because most of their children born have no knowledge of any country apart from Nigeria. The contributions Kano has continued to make since colonial period to the economic development of Nguru is, indeed, of paramount importance. Even today after more than five decades with attainment of political independence, the people of Nguru have no any other place to go and buy all social and economic commodities necessary for life apart from Kano. Kano has, therefore, become a mother of economic fortunes for the merchants of Nguru for more than a century. These inter-economic relations with Kano has enabled Nguru to produce giant business tycoons like late A. Albishir, Inuwa Mai Ruwa, Inusa Mai Hajja who were all product of mass influx of merchants into the area from Hausaland either through railway or penetration of merchants from Damagaram (present day Republic of Niger) who heavily depended on Nguru in terms of the supply of basic commodities.

Economic Potentialities of Nguru During Colonial Period Nguru as a District during colonial period had a very long history, originating from the Old Safewa Dynasty of Borno. The town was established way back to 1635 when the then Borno Empire established principalities to further protect its vast territory. The posting of Galadima Mai Makintami led to the formation of the town with standard army and socio- ecoonomic and political organization2. The geographical nature of Nguru town had helped in making it attractive for economic and commercial activities since 17th century. Among the leading economic activities that boasted the town in terms of marketing activities included: farming, fishing, cattle rearing and harnessing diverse human, agricultural and natural resources. The influx of people into Nguru to co-exist with the Major tribe that dominated the town at the initial stage, the Mangas, in search of economic fortunes had contributed immensely in turning the town into a melting pot of commercial centre in the whole north-eastern district and later in the whole northern Nigeria3. By 1920, the whole of northern Nigeria was brought systematically under colonial rule. One of the major links of communication and transportation used by the colonial authority was the connection and extension of railway line in the whole country starting from Lagos. These two networks had led to the rapid growth in value and volume of agricultural exports. Nguru District, because of its economic potentialities as buttressed above, had attracted the attention of colonial authority. And thus, by October 1929, the British administration appointed a District officer to the town. And by the beginning of the second quarter of 20th century, railway line linked to Baro via Kano eventually terminated at Nguru. What appeared to have been very interesting for the colonial authority was the political set up they met in the town. Just like other northern emirates, Nguru was under the political hegemony of Borno for more than three hundred years. So, the nature of the political and economic organization and the system operating under the leadership of the Galadima who was the head of the District was convenient for the British to impose colonial economic system. Thus, between 1930 to 1960, political and economic life of the people Nguru was determined by the collective interest of the British colonial masters who eventually turned the economy of the area to the dimension they wanted. THE CONTRIBUTION OF KANO TO THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 182 OFNGURU DURING COLONIAL PERIOD 1935-1960 The Contribution of Kano to the Economic Development of Nguru As discussed in the above, Nguru had been a centre for economic activities. This implies that Nguru was, or is, not a closed town because by nature of economic law any market needs consumers and suppliers to enable it function properly. Consequently, apart the Manga, the original settlers of Nguru, the second people that settled in Nguru were the Hausa speaking people who mostly came from Hausa land and particularly Kano. These Kanawa contributed immensely in booting commercial activities in Nguru. What appeared to be an interesting economic history about Nguru was the volume of production of agricultural commodities in Nguru such Groundnuts, Cotton, Hide and skin, etc, in addition to various commodities made by villagers around the town. Kano, on other hand, was known to be a home of weaving, iron smelting, dyeing etc, which constantly patronized Nguru Market in diverse ways4. Apart from buying the agricultural commodities produced in Nguru in large quantities, Kano supplied Nguru with textile and leather material which contributed in no small measure in booting the economy of the town. Eventually, big indigenous merchants emerged in Nguru, in addition to expending the town and its revenue base.

Agriculture and Its Contribution to The Growth and Development of Nguru Agriculture has remained the main economic activity of the people of Nguru since pre- colonial period. The major crops produced in the area were millets, beans, groundnut, cotton, etc. With the advent of colonial rule, the volume and quantity of the production these commodities increased by the day because of two relative factors. One, because of the high demand of consumption by the increasing growth in population around the area. Secondly, the high demand by the colonial authority to meet their target of export commodity. Invariably, the eventual establishment of the colonial administration in the area entirely brought a new dimension to the whole agricultural activities5. One important point of consideration as far as development of agricultural activities of Nguru was concerned was the influence on the types of crops to cultivate. Livestock or cattle rearing equally contributed to the growth of Nguru. This was because the growth in the quantity of livestock was so vital to the colonial interest because it served as an avenue for realizing the amount and quantity of meat, hides and skins which actually was much desired to enable the European industries to function beneficially. By 1929, E.K. Featherson maintained that the comparative figures for livestock were as follows: Cattle Camels Sheeps Goats 3718 165 17357 37418 What appeared to have triggered the development of the market in Nguru was the high demand for cash crops, particularly industrial raw materials such a cotton, meant to facilitate the growth of European industries. Raw materials like groundnuts, cotton, hide and skin, cocoa, Arabic gum, dried meat, etc. were encouraged to be produced by local farmers. Consequently, by 1940, Nguru alone was exporting over 147,000 tons of several raw materials, whereas the North-East region in general produced up to 2,049 tons. These, and other factors, revolutionized the agricultural sector in Nguru6. It is imperative to note the introduction of currency (money) by the colonial administration was a boost not only to the colonial administration, but equally an important factor for the development of Nguru. This development facilitated many things. Firstly, it enhanced the introduction of taxation as well as the collection of tax. Among other effects, it boosts the revenue base, which enabled the colonial system to run its administration as well as JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 183 provide some services to the people. Secondly, it promoted the production of export crops by the native. Waziri, I. M. testified that the monetization policy had really developed the colonial economy and cash flow to government without much financial implication for the colonial authority.

Railway Line and the Effect on Nguru There is no doubt railway project was officially launched in Nigeria in 1912 during the era of colonial rule. It is also a fact that railway was the main source of transportation that linked almost all the strategic economic locations of the country. This was done with the view to facilitate the smooth distribution and shifting of goods to appropriate locations. Initially, the different railway terminal points were operating separately, but later Frederick Lugard merged the Lagos terminal with that of Kano to become Nigerian railway, that is, the North-South economic merger7. Later, two main principal trunks, Lagos to Nguru as well as Port-harcourt to Maiduguri with several branches, were extended. Between 1896 and 1901, railway line construction took a serious dimension, because the British had engaged in constructing roads and railway-lines from the southern coast to the interior of present day northern Nigeria. Before the extension of transportation network, the presence of Europeans around Nguru area or Kanem –Borno in general was marginal. But no sooner were roads and rail lines constructed than the Europeans started to move inland. However, it was from Kano the line to Nguru was extended between 1928 and 1929. Thus, Nguru being situated in the extreme south-west of the district, only two and half miles of railway line stretched in the town8. The linkage of Nguru to the Kano railway line was the singular development that brought enormous economic benefits and advantage to the town. Apart from the influx of trader from different parts of the north, including from neighbouring countries like Niger, more business outfits eventually developed in Nguru, which resulted in the expansion of the town. One of the multiplier effects of its development was the emergence of wealthy indigenous merchants as earlier mentioned.

The Economic impact of the Kano-Nguru Terminal to Nguru The development of railway line in Nigeria emerged with the development in the production capacity and volume in the agricultural sector in the country. Although during the pre-colonial period, agriculture was mostly for subsistence purposes, later with the colonial occupation and economic arithmetic, the production became beyond consumption level9. One of the major development associated with increase in production in the agricultural sector was the extension of the railway transportation network to all the length and breadth of the Northern region and Nigeria in general by the colonial administration. In September 1907, the British government approved credit of 2million pounds for the development of transportation system in Nigeria. The main reason was to cut expenses, improve communication, and reduce time and cost, as well as transportation of good from one centre to another. Thus, the rail was extended to cover Baro-Bida-Zungeru-Zaria, and most importantly Kano to Nguru because of the volume and quantity of the export commodities usually loaded from the two terminals. With the development of railway line connected to the strategic commercial centres, commercial activities and the establishment of what is popularly referred to as “colonial economy” was fully actualized. However, the institutionalization of the colonial economy THE CONTRIBUTION OF KANO TO THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OFNGURU DURING COLONIAL PERIOD 1935-1960 184 had attendant negative consequences on the native. For instance, instead of market forces determining prizes, the colonial master were the sole determinants of what to produce, when and how, as well as the volume of the production and the price in general. This development ushered in an economic system which was largely, if not solely, for the interest of the colonial country, Britain. Even the banking system that was eventually introduced was designed to naturally favor the colonial interest10. Kano-Nguru rail line also contributed not only to boost the colonial economy terms convenience and security in the networks in the transportation of goods, but also was a great remedy to the dilapidated road networks in the area linking the two major commercial centres in the area. The roads linking these centres were dilapidated and almost impassable during rainy season. In fact, prior to the construction of railway line, Kano to Nguru road was a very stressful adventure to embark upon by both traders and others. Therefore, the construction of railway terminal really helped and facilitated the movement of goods to the commercial centres in the area, or to neighboring towns, most importantly Kano that had the highest number of consumers with more than 70% risk free trading11. The Kano-Nguru rail line facilitated the rapid and heavy movement of goods from Nguru to Kano in the colonial era. The line enhanced the transportation of large quantities of cash crops from the area to the seaports where they were eventually exported to Europe for manufacturing and other advantages.

Nguru Railway line connected 1930 from Kano Furthermore, the Nguru railway terminal facilitated the establishment of the Nguru abattoir where dried meat was uploaded in tons by colonial authority to Kano for further exportation. According the general survey, there were different twelve (12) stations that the train from Nguru to Kano stopped and reloaded goods and picked passengers on daily basis. Among the towns along the way from Nguru to Kano included the followings: Birniwa, Garin Gabas, Malam Madori, Gagarawa, Kaugam, Majiya, Taura, etc. However, all the aforementioned towns were largely small scale markets that depended largely on the goods brought from Nguru for both domestic and commercial purposes. Among the goods carried by the train mostly at that time included cattle, potash, groundnut, sesame, etc. On the other hand, the merchants from Nguru on their way back usually bought, in return, different commodities for commercial purposes. Prominent among such commodities included wearing materials, women clothes, shoes, bags, and all other fashions that could not be made in Nguru. It is important to note that the colonial authority was absolutely in-charge of preparing the time-table for the movement of trains. The authority usually changed the time table from time to time depending on the colonial that economic benefits and interest. The table below is the reflection of the schedule of train movement from Kano to Nguru as from 23rd March, 1931. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 185

UP. DOWN. Sundays, Wednesdays and Fridays. Mondays, Thursdays and Saturdays. Arrival Departure Kano … “ 8.00 Nguru Arrival Departure 7.45 Jogana … “ 8.40 Birniwa … “ 8.30 Zakirai … “ 9.30 Garin Gabbas … “ 9.20 Dabi … “ 10.04 Mallam Maduri … “ 10.19 Ringim … “ 10.59 Kaugama … “ 10.58 Taura … “ 11.36 Gagarawa … “ 11.47 Majia … “ 12.29 Majia … “ 12.26 Gagarawa … “ 13.06 Taura … “ 13.19 Kaugama … “ 15.46 Ringim … “ 14.01 Mallam Maduri … “ 14.34 Dabi … “ 14.56 Garin Gabbas … “ 15.22 Zakirai … “ 15.23 Birniwa … “ 16.13 Jogana … “ 16.18 Nguru … arr. 17.00 Kano … “ 17.00

Source: E. M. BLAND, General Source: E. M. BLAND, General Manager's Office, Ebute Metta Manager's Office, Ebute Metta Terminus, Terminus, 9th March, 1931. 9th March, 1931. What appeared to have been an interesting economic turn over to Nguru and environs was how all the villages surrounding Nguru would converge on Wednesday, which has been the weekly market tradition of the town since pre-colonial period, to purchase most of the goods brought from Kano by the local merchants12. Thus, the people of Nguru became trading partners with Kano for several decades. The table below shows the breakdown of some commodities supplied to Kano from Nguru indicating the rapid growth in the demand and supply between the two commercial cities. Supply from Nguru to Kano Commodities 1947 1949 Potash 4, 760 tons 6, 160 tons

Dried Meat 547 tons 712 tons

Cattle 324 tons 532 tons

Groundnut 4, 881 tons 8,956 tons

Cotton 24 tons 24 tons

Total 10, 536 tons 16,084 tons Source: Borno Province Annual Report 1947 THE CONTRIBUTION OF KANO TO THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 186 OFNGURU DURING COLONIAL PERIOD 1935-1960 Supply from Kano to Nguru Goods 1975 1977 1980 Cloth materials 10 tons 13 tons 17 tons

Shoes 700 pieces 1200 pieces 1600 pieces Women materials 12 tons 15 tons 17 tons

Provisions 5 tons 10 tons 20 tons

leather mat 10 tons 12 tons 13 tons Other necessities 2 tons 5 tons 7 tons

Total 736 1, 255 1674 Source: Nguru District Market Dairy Report 1984 However, from the two tables above, one could see the rapid growth in the demand and supply of these commodities by the Kano merchants, which were heavily supplied by the booming Nguru market, as well as the demand and supply in the case of Nguru. This tradition continued for more than six to seven decades before the collapse of railway line in the post-independence period as a result of the action by the local bourgeoisie who introduced trailers and lorries in the transportation of goods. One serious issue of concern as far as the goods supplied to Nguru from Kano was the competition in the purchase of the goods from the neighboring villages and cities. From the east of Nguru were the two major markets of Gashua and Gaidam which were linked to Nguru since in the colonial period. To the northern part of Nguru were the major local markets of Mayori and Kumaganam, which stretched up in to the Republic of Niger. Thus, the supply from Kano to Nguru was indirectly a supply to even international markets or demands. It should be noted since the pre-colonial period, the Seifawa Dynasty of the Borno Empire had stretched beyond Damagaram in present day Republic of Niger. Nguru, since 1630, had been one of the established principalities of Kanen Borno Empire and thus the long trading relationship between the two areas was not a new thing with the advent of colonial domination of the area.

Conclusion This paper attempts to explain the history of inter-state economic relations between Kano and Nguru in terms of commercial activities and how Kano has been very instrumental in nursing and nurtured the spirit of economic life of the people of Nguru since the pre- colonial era till date. The relationship between the two had been economic and cultural because with the connection and development of railway line, later, out of the former 100% Manga speaking people of Nguru, eventually became more than 40% of the population. This was largely as a result of the movement of people from Hausaland, particularly Kano, through the railway transportation. It is pertinent to note that till date, since the establishment of colonial rule in the late 19th century, and the consolidation of colonial authority in Nguru in the early 20th century, the people of the area are so much accustomed to buying their goods or commodities from Kano. A survey has shown that more than 95% of basic materials sold in Nguru are directly purchased from Kano. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 187 On the whole, therefore, the economic history of Nguru cannot be fully substantiated without an in-depth analysis on the contribution of Kano to the gradual development of commercial activities in Nguru. Just like how Kano became a melting pot of commercial activities in northern Nigeria, so Nguru was considered as the centre of economic activities in the north-eastern region between 1930 to almost late 1980s. What appeared to have led to the gradual collapse of this economic centre was the gradual collapse of the railway line. But despite that, the people of Nguru still continue to rely on Kano through road transportation for their business transactions.

Reference 1. A, Sa'ad (1980) “The northern province under colonial rule 1900-1959”, in Obaro Ikimi (ed) Ground work of Nigerian History Ibadan 1980. 2. B. K.Featherstone, Assessment report on Nguru District of Borno Province, 3. I M. Waziri, (2008) Colonial Export Trade of Borno Province, Northern Nigeria: 1902-1945 Apan I publishers Kaduna, Nigeria. 4. J. Lawan (2008) Nguru Under Colonial rule: a case study of an economy of north- eastern District state. A final project submitted to the Department of history University of Maiduguri 2008. 5. N.A.K. Mainprof D/ 27/1930. 6. G. J. Leather Assessment Report on Nguru of Borno Provinces N. A. K. SNP 10 Acc. No. 2589/1919. 7. M, M. Shehu (2016) Socio-economic and political History of Nguru in perspective. Al-mumtaz publishers Keffi, Nigeria. 8. N.P.A.R. (19320 Northen Nigeria Provincial Annual Report, Kaduna Government Printer. 9. Nguru Local Government information department file number NLG/6/104. 10. P. G. Butcher, Annual Report on the province for the year 193 National archives Kaduna (hereafter N. A. K. ) 25730 Vol 1 11. Y, B. Sanda. (1994) “The history of Nguru: A political and economic analysis” C 1900-1983. A final year project (B.A.) submitted to the department of History University of Maiduguri 1994. 12. Y, Muktar. (1986) “Impact of French and British colonial administration on western Borno 1900-1945” (M.A. thesis) department of History University of Maiduguri. 188

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIAL NETWORKING SITES (SNSS) AND ITS IMPLICATION ON STUDENTS' EDUCATION IN FEDERAL COLLEGE OF EDUCATION ZARIA

Attah Jonathan Social Studies Department, Federal College of Education, Zaria, Kaduna State, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Phone: +234-8067447419

Abstract There is no doubt that the proliferation of Social Networking Sites (SNSs) in the educational sector in Nigeria has gained wider acceptability and usability and is also becoming probably one of the most important communication tools among students in colleges and universities campuses. Today, this innovation has empowered students to refine their skills and communication capabilities in their quest for knowledge. Thus, within the SNSs, facebook, twitter and others are most patronised. This research, used a multi-disciplinary methodological approach. This involved the integration and usage of several sources of information which cut across the discipline of History and other related disciplines for the purpose of corroborating the data obtained. The researcher used both primary and secondary sources. The paper explores the usage of SNSs among students and the influence it has in their behavior and academic competence. However, careful observation on the impact of SNSs reveals that, it leads to several problems among the college students ranging from higher disorder of reasoning skills, psychological disorders to health challenges such as depression and anxiety, an issue that has impact on the students Grade Point Average (GPA) as a medium of evaluating success or failure. Consequently, the multi-disciplinary approach used in data collection, interpretation and presentation of data, thus gave way to a presentation that is not only historical but also descriptive and analytical in nature. It is against this backdrop that the study recommends; that students should use the sites wisely and constructively in order to abstain from the act of addiction to internet, and that SNSs designers should reorganize (redesigned) their sites in order to include a limited number of hours a subscriber can spend when surfing the net. Keyword: Development, Implication, Social Networking Sites (SNSs), and Education

Introduction The involvement of social networking sites (SNSs) on the aspect of social needs of a man has become a major communication strategy for most, if not all, people in the last decade. SNSs have gradually transformed and rapidly changed the medium of public communications, relations or the manner in which programs are organized and managed. Thus, Eethan and Kuhanesan (2014) observed that, social networking has taken the world towards a rich communication society with facebook, twitter, LinkedIn and myspace being the most popular social sites providing the electronic communication within the society. These web sites are often called social networking, simply because they allow communication with buddies effectively, cheap, and very fast. Thus, they enhance bond between people and have the possibility of improving student's participation in learning JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 189 process, particularly where introverted students are involved. Therefore, the addiction to these SNSs among Nigerian students in tertiary institutions and Federal College of Education, Zaria, in particular has some tremendous effects in ruining their academic life. It is against this background that, this paper explores the possible influence of SNSs on the educational process among students in the Federal College of Education, Zaria, paying particular attention to students' deficiency in moral behavior and academic competence.

Methodology In an attempt to achieve the basic objectives of this research, a multi-disciplinary methodological approach was used. This involved the integration and usage of several sources of information which cut across disciplines for the purpose of corroborating the data obtained. The researcher used both primary and secondary sources. In the use of primary sources, extensive field work was carried out in the study area (Federal College of Education, Zaria) stretching over a period of six (6) months, which involved gathering, interpreting and analyzing the data collated. Open Group Discussions (OGD)were conducted with a number of informants (Students and their Guardians) across the study area. This was for the purpose of arriving at more valid conclusion. The sample population for the Discussions were randomly selected among the people (informants) within the age bracket of 18 to 65 years. This study recognized the importance of oral sources of information in historical reconstruction and used such data collected to corroborate secondary data. The study used secondary sources which included published books, journal articles and other materials. These materials provided useful information necessary for a valid conclusion on the subject matter. However, in as much as these materials were useful, they were not devoid of pitfalls, hence were used with utmost prudence. Consequently, the multi-disciplinary approach used in data collection, interpretation and presentation, thus gave way to a presentation that is historical and descriptive in nature.

General views about the Impact of SNSs on Students The study of the influence of SNSs among Nigerian students becomes imperative considering the level of poor academic performance and moral decadence in the society. Ayodele, Mosunmola, Senanu, Gbega, and Aderonke (2015) opined that, social networking generally can be referred to as the interaction of people using various social media platforms with the absence of geography and time barriers. It is an alliance of individuals into specific set of potential groups or subdivisions of SNSs which allows individuals to express their thought to other users (Thuseethan and Kuhanesan 2014). Thus, it serves as a platform of promoting and disseminating news and ideas throughout the world. This is why Das and Sahoo (2014) argued that, people join SNSs because it gives them the opportunity to express their views, a feel of independence, and self-esteem. Generally, SNSs refer to those internet-based services that promote online social interaction between two or more persons within a bounded system for the purpose of friendship; meeting other persons, and or exchanging information; contain a functionality that lets users create public or semi-public personal profile pages that contain information of their choice; and also help to locate other users according to some specific guide lines (Zwart, Linder, Henderson, and Philip2011). It is on this note that Rosen (2011) stressed THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIAL NETWORKING SITES (SNSS) AND ITS IMPLICATION 190 ON STUDENTS' EDUCATION IN FEDERAL COLLEGE OF EDUCATION ZARIA that, those born between 1965-1979 consumed approximately 13 hours of social media per day, whereas those born between 1980-1989 (Net Generation) consumed approximately 19 hours of social media per day, and those born between 1990-1999 (I Generation) consumed approximately 20 hours of social media per day. SNSs, like facebook , twitter, 2go, among others, via the internet, have increasingly become very important part of the students, lifestyle, rather than just a fun time activity. SNSs have gradually thwarted the academic success which is the supreme goal of every students in the college. Rainie (2011) opined that, the general use of SNSs has been repeatedly found to be highest among those between the ages of 18-19. Lenhart (2009) stressed that, approximately 61% of teens age 12-17 utilize SNSs to send message to their friends on a regular basis. In a similar but broadened manner, Zwart, Linder, Henderson, and Philip (2011) posit that, women, more than men, tend to utilize SNSs to communicate and exchange information with facebook toping the chat with highest users in the globe. Therefore, the proliferation of SNSs in Federal College of Education, Zaria, as a standalone community, underscores the importance of understanding the unique effects these sites have on the academic performance of students and their day to day interaction. Even though student's use of internet is an important factor that can upgrade their academic performance, SNSs causes certain bad effects on them. Thus, Kabbur and Savitri (2015) recent research analysis globally reveals that, the age of the SNSs users is between the 13-30 years and spend more than an average of 2 hours 30 minutes per day. This research revealed that large community of students in Federal College of Education (FCE), Zaria, which formed part of the young generation in Nigeria, use internet chiefly for SNSs.

Social Networking Sites for Academic Purposes The question of whether SNSs enhance or thwart student's academic performance is often couched in larger issues identified with the overall use of SNSs among students. Thus, the potential risks identified with the use of social media include risks of psychological disorder and health problems such as anxiety, depression, poor eating habits, lack of physical exercise and technology being seen as a substitute for the analytical reasoning process (Anderson and Rainie 2012). Be that as it may, the benefits of SNSs to students, especially those in Federal College of Education, Zaria, include; i. Provision of greater access to information and information sources; ii. Increase the technological competency level of students; and to a greater extent; iii. Enhance student's computer literacy in the College. Al-Rahmi and Othman (2013) argued that, some SNSs like blogs encourage investigative- based and collaborative activities among students in higher education, hence open access for active participation that can create the opportunity for effective learning. The research shows that, eam learning and collaboration of ideas among students through the integration of SNSs boost learning process among students. It is on this note that, Phusavat, Ketsarpong, Ooi, and Shyu, (2012) posit that higher education is a key component to a country remaining globally competitive, and that declining academic performance can have long-term consequences for the society, and the individual in term of overall quality of life. JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 191 Influences of Social Networking Sites on Students Education In the rapidly expanding universe of social media, many themes of internet addiction are played out in the everyday life experience of the typical college students, with the prevailing emphasis on the causes, effects, restraints and consequences of their actions (Mishra, Draus, Goreva, Leone, and Caputo 2012). Therefore, the general benefits associated with the integration of SNSs in educational aspect include offering parents, students and teachers the opportunity to share information using SNSs tools anywhere and at any time thereby limiting geographical barriers. Al-Rahmi and Othman (2013) observed that, students at the higher level of learning can function collaboratively through exploring the opportunities given by online social atmosphere to resolve certain academic issues with their peers. Thus, it encourages collective understanding and enhances active user participation. In a similar vein, Kabbur and Savitri (2015) stressed that, interactive teaching is a better teaching methodology, which can be adopted byteachers. This can be actualized through online animations, graphics and presentation, among others, available in the SNSs rather than relying on textbooks and blackboards. Be that as it may, the potential risks associated with the use of SNSs among students included: i. Psychological disorder and health problems such as anxiety, depression, poor eating habits, lack of physical exercise and technology being seen as a substitute for the analytical reasoning process (Anderson and Rainie 2012). ii. Findings from this study reveals that, students of Federal College of Education, Zaria, that were addicted to Facebook, Instagram, and Whatsapp, in particular, devoted lesser time to their studies in comparison to non-users and subsequently had lower grade in their final GPAs. iii. Even though there are conflicting results associated with the benefits and risks of using SNSs among students, it is obviously clear that, addiction to SNSs leads to poor academic performance and moral decadence among students in (FCE), Zaria.

Conclusion/Recommendations This study explores the impact of SNSs on students' education. Thus, the advancement and proliferation of SNSs in Nigerian educational institutions have profound effects on the student's education and moral life. Given its popularity, parents and educators in Nigeria have begun to question the effects of SNSs on their children and students. It is obvious that, for some students, the use of SNSs can be beneficial and /or harmful to their academic performance, while for other students it appears to have no significant effect. Therefore, it is imperative for parents and educators in Nigeria to concentrate on how to stop or avoid the misuse of SNSs among children and students. This exercise will, to great extent, thwart the SNSs addiction syndrome among students in Federal College of Education (FCE), Zaria, and Nigerian schools at large. Based on the findings, the following recommendations are made: i. Parents and guardians should learn how to access their children's SNSs profiles in order to know the number of hours they spend online .This will help in reducing the risks of becoming addicted to SNSs. ii. Teachers/lecturers should discourage the act of allowing students to access their mobile phones during lecture hours; it will not only affect THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIAL NETWORKING SITES (SNSS) AND ITS IMPLICATION 192 ON STUDENTS' EDUCATION IN FEDERAL COLLEGE OF EDUCATION ZARIA their academic performance but also increase their chances of examination malpractice. iii. SNSs designers should reorganize their sites in order to include limited number of hours users can spend when surfing the net. iv. Students should be encouraged to abstain from chit-chatting activities and to pay attention to positive academic research.

References Anderson J Q, Rainie L,Millennials Will Benefits and Suffer due to their Hyperconnected Live. Washington , DC Pew Research Center, 2012 Ayodele A, Mosunmola A, Senanu O, Gbega A, Aderonke O, Social Networking and Students Academic Performance: The Role of Attention Deficit, Prediction of Behavior and Academic Competence in International Conference on Africa Development Issues (CU-ICADI), 2015 Al-Rahmi W M, and Othman M S, The Impact of Social Media Use on Academic Performance Among University Students: A Pilot Study inJournal of Information Systems Research and Innovation 2013 Das B & Sahoo J S, Social Networking Sites-A Critical Analysis of its Impact on Personal and Social Life, in International Journal of Business and Social Science, Vol 2:14 2014 Kabbur S M and Savitri K, The Impact of Mobile and Internet Based Social Network Technologies on Students Education, in International Journal of Emerging Trends and Technology in Computer Science. Vol 4:2, 2015 Lenhart A,Teens and Social Media: An Overview of New York, Pew internet and America life project, 2009 Mishra S, Draus P, Goreva N,Leone G, Caputo D, The Impact of Internet Addiction on University Students and Its Effects on Subsequent Academic Success. A Survey Bases Study in Issues in Information Systems Journal Vol15:1, 2014 Phusavat K, Ketsarpong S, Ooi K B and Shyu S, Sustaining Higher Education Refoems ; Knowledge and Policy Implication Learned FROM Thailand; in International Journal of Educational Management, Vol 26:2 2012 Rainie L, The New Education Ecology, Power Point Presentation, Orlando, Florida, 2011 Thuseethan S and Kuhanesan S, Influence of Facebook in Academic Performance of Sri-Lankan University Students in Global Journal of Computer Science and Technology, Vol 15:4, 2014 Zwart M D, Linder D, Henderson M, and Philip M, Teenagers, Legal Risks and Social Networking Sites. Victoria, Australia: Victoria law Foundation, 2011 193

ROMANCE WITH VAMPIRES IN FESTUS IYAYI'S VIOLENCE

Rebecca Kenseh Daniel Irany, PhD & Wabuji Samuel Adda Department of English and Literary Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected], [email protected] Phone: +234-8104459768, 08065910745

Abstract This study examines the post-colonial experiences of the African society which include suffering, poverty, exploitation and other experiences through a literary angle using Festus Iyayi's Violence. It focuses on the relationship that exists in the society between the rich and the poor through the characters of Obofun and his wife, Queen, and Idemudia and his wife, Adisa. In Violence, the likes of Obofun and his wife, Queen, represent the rich while the likes of Idemudia and his wife represent the poor masses. Using the Marxist theory which aims at revealing the capitalist structure of the society, the research shows, through the analysis of the selected texts, that the exploiters of the masses and their enticing advance is like the blood sucking vampire, hence the romance with vampire. The researchers use the vampire motif metaphorically to depict the callousness meted out to the poor by the rich. The subject of romance as portrayed by the researchers show that it exists between the rich and the poor. Festus Iyayi in his novel explores the economic situation that resulted into the exploitation of the masses by the rich in the society, who use their wealth as baits to entice the poor people. They (the rich) become the vampires who use romance (cunning ways) to exploit their victims. Key Words: Romance, Vampires, Violence.

Introduction The primary focus of this paper is to uncover the manner in which the social and economic realities in the real world of post-colonial Nigeria come to be represented in Festus Iyayi's Violence and, consequently, to (re)locate the text within the historical and ideological context. Nigeria achieved her independence in October 1960. But how far have the people, the masses, and the freedom fighters benefitted from the flag independence? Unfortunately, the easy-won independence in Nigeria, as in many other neo-colonial African countries, does not make the lives of the peasants better. The leaders promised the masses political liberty and national dignity, but they have failed to concretize the gains of independence. The neo-colonial leaders have been aggravating the conditions of the masses by alienating them and by turning vicious and dictatorial. The post-colonial Nigerian writers regularly turn to this “neo-colonial” problem as a quarry for their thematic focus. They respond to the disappointment bitterly and strive for authenticity and legitimacy by identifying with their society. Violence is unmistakably a tale of oppression and human degradation, specifically, in the mid-1970s in Nigeria which was one of the worst periods of economic, JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 194 social and cultural dislocation in the nation. It takes as its subject some of the most downtrodden, oppressed and exploited people in the Nigerian society. The most tragic and poignant moments in the novel are those that deal with the plight of the casual labourers in Nigeria, most especially Idemudia and Adisa, a few among the millions of the masses suffering the agonies of the rich and powerful. Through these characters, Iyayi presents his readers with a snapshot of a nation whose masses are in woe. Fictional tales have always been popular. Stories about monsters were often told to children to educate them about dangers. The monsters in these stories are often supernatural beings that do not exist, unlike, for example, serial killers or floods that unfortunately do. Stories about vampires are especially popular, and were often told to children to prevent them from going out into the night alone. Thus, the study likens the monstrous Nigerian elites to vampires. The novel under review depicts a new state of vampires. These vampires are humans with no human sympathy and compassion. They feed on the sweats of the poor and the less privileged in the society. The institutionalized socio-economic inequality that exists in the society gives rise to a kind of vampiric relationship which lives the victims helpless, impoverished and psychologically deraigned. This research exposes the social realities and addresses the situation which renders the less privileged as victims of economic depravity. The thematic concern of this study investigates the relationship that is likened to relationship with vampires who suck out the blood of their victims. The research adopts the Marxist theory as the framework for its studies, since it discusses the subject of class. The socio-economic realities confronting the world today is as old as mankind itself. Also, studies have shown that in most societies where violence happens, there is a code of silence involving the victim and perpetrator when it is perpetrated (Walby: 1990). The romance depicted in the texts is exploitative, abusive and a disregard to the sanctity of human dignity. Therefore, the poverty and exploitation of the populace by the political elites and the rich is vividly portrayed in Iyayi's Violence through a metaphorical representation of vampires and vampiric romance. Obiechina describes the exploiters as “venal, corrupt, irresponsible, hypocritical and without vision of commonsense.” (56). The vampire is a fascinating mythological figure that has endured in literature since the eighteenth century, and established itself in the modern world of television and film. However, the primitive vampire is far from the romantic hero of contemporary young adult literature, as seen in L.J. Smith's Vampires Diaries series (1991, 2009) and Stephanie Meyer's Twilight series (2005-2008). Vampires were originally portrayed as monsters, malignant beings that fed off the life force of others. African literature may not really have the vampires as characters; neither do they have the luxury of romance. But romance and vampires are been used as motifs to depict the economic oppression that exist between the rich and the poor. The rich (bourgeoisie) use their wealth to oppress the poor masses (proletariat). This they do through exploitations of all kinds like economic, sexual and psychological exploitations, which result to penury of the masses. These bourgeoisies represent the vampires of the society who feed on the flesh of the poor masses. Shatto A. Gakwandi pointed out that, on attainment of political independence, both the nationalists and other citizens who suffered a lot of exploitation and dehumanizing experiences during the colonial period were filled with hopes and ROMANCE WITH VAMPIRES IN FESTUS IYAYI'S VIOLENCE 195 expectation for a better tomorrow. But before long, both the peasants and workers who expected independence to ameliorate their conditions got disillusioned and disenchanted as the situation worsened. They did not see any longer all they were promised. The people thought independence to mean that the people were to be responsible for management of their own affairs. The people saw independence as a pregnant woman about to give birth to triplets: economic freedom, social freedom and political emancipation. With all these hopes, the expectant masses willingly gave their support to their leaders who promised to provide them with all those good things that colonialism denied them. At last, all turned out to be lofty promises. All they said turned out to be blatant lies. The situation became so bad that the people preferred their situation when they were under the colonial rule. That was why Gakwandi, in “The Novel and Contemporary Experience in Africa”, says that Achebe, Peter Abrahams, AyiKwei Armah and a host of African writers indict the post-independence Africa as the one that its “political machine has been so abused that whichever way you pressed it, it produced the same result” (64). Thus, poverty becomes a demon that torments the very existence of the masses. The rich in the society use their wealth as tools for oppression, hence vampirism. Poverty and the exploitation of the masses are some aspects of the bedeviling evil facing the African society. According to The Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary, poverty is: “the state of being poor: conditions of abject/extreme poverty; a lack of something; poor quality” (1146). Drubbel sees it as: Shortage of income or resource necessary for minimum standard of living in a particular society…poverty consists more of the physical deprivation, but even in the third world the economic expectations of the poor have been substantially raised by exposure of the mass media. Poverty is a social condition which is inappropriate for living. In every man's life, he dreams to be comfortable. (898) No one dreams of living his life in poverty. A poor man is not able to achieve the good things of life like education and other social amenities. Even the three primary necessities of life (food, shelter and clothing) are in most cases very hard to get. A poor person lives his life like physically challenged who relies on the help of others to carry out almost everything he wants to do in life. However, because of the level of poverty in the world, especially the third world countries and the developing countries, the mass media have taking the initiative to expose to the entire world, the sufferings of the poor, prompting help which is being rendered in various ways by the developed countries. As a result of the state of things and the astronomical rise of poverty and the gradual gap between the rich and the poor, especially the socio-political and economic problems in the society which affects the masses who are the proletarians, the oppressed, the exploited and the marginalized, Nigerian writers now portray in their works, the need for total condemnation of social exploitation and poverty while advocating for the total overhauling of society. Their focus is now on the ordinary people with whom they seek to liberate from all forms of social injustice. Balogun observes that: “The interest of Marxist literature is to defend the cause of the oppressed (203). The Marxist critics believe in an egalitarian society where this ideal is stressed. The bourgeoisie, and their wealth, constitute the very vampires that sucks the blood (resources) of their victims (the poor) through every means thereby making them poor and helpless. The haunting feeling of poverty coupled with the unstoppable JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 196 exploitation by the rich become a kind of vampiric Maduagwu concludes that poverty creates frustration, loss of hope/prospects and value for life, loss of meaning for life and purpose of living, as well as creates disillusionment about morality. Poverty makes people compromise on moral values or abandon moral values completely (Maduagwu, Alleviating Poverty in Nigeria). Okafor stresses that the success or failure of any government is measured by the degree of attainment of human development or the level of poverty prevalent among the people (67). On this note, Nigeria, the referent society in the novels under study, cannot be said to be successful with so many people wallowing in abject poverty.

Synopsis The novel, Violence, revolves around the life of Idemudia, a poor, jobless man in his late twenties who faces hardship and struggles to make a living. The desperate need for Idemudia to fend for himself and his wife, Adisa, often pushes him to extremes such as selling his blood. Unfortunately, all he ever gets is temporary relief as poverty refuses to release its tight grip on him. When he gets a menial job as a laborer, he clutches onto it like a drowning man would straw only to work himself into a coma. Confined to his sick bed, life seems very unfair to Idemudia. He concludes that “his unfinished education, his joblessness, his hunger, his poverty, all these … were different forms of violence” exerting themselves on him. Similarly, in her desperate bid to save her husband from the grip of death and offset the mounting hospital bill, Adisa commits adultery. This act of desperation threatens the couple's marital life until Idemudia recognizes the depth of sacrifice both of them have had to make to survive the 'violence' of forces that Queen, Obofun and the society at large have wielded on them. Though the novel portrays the life of a poor, jobless man in Nigeria of the 70s, it equally mirrors the struggles and hardship thousands of jobless youth face today.

Vampires and Romance Vampires are blood-sucking creatures that assume human form and kill their victims by biting deep into their skin. These vampires are horrible creatures as depicted in vampire literature. Because of the fearsome nature of the vampire, one cannot expect any human to have an affair with the vampire. The relationship between the rich and the poor in the novel suggests a kind of romance with vampires along economic and social ideals. The rich oppress their victims (the poor), just as vampires prey on humans for blood. One of the tricks they use is to lure their prey with enticing gifts or promises. Obufun tries to lure Adisa with the prospects of making profits in business. He believes that Adisa will yield in to his overture considering her predicament. Adisa's romance with Obofun is a necessity because she needs to survive. This circumstance in the novel suggests that the vampires (the rich) and their victims (the poor) can co-habit together so long as it comes with benefits to the rich.

Causes of Romance with Vampires Poverty Poverty has been defined as, “An insufficiency of goods and services measured by the standard of a given society, and at a given time” (Encyclopedia Britanica 16:499). This is the exact picture depicted in Violence. The first chapter opens with Idemudia and his wife, Adisa, as tenants living in one of the low mud but zinc houses along Owode Street. ROMANCE WITH VAMPIRES IN FESTUS IYAYI'S VIOLENCE 197 Owode Street is always over flooded any time the rain falls and houses collapse, sometimes trapping human beings in them. Idemudia does not fear that his house will collapse, because even if it does, he will not lose much property, after all what are one eight-spring iron bed, a short broom, a table and few cooking utensils? Idemudia lives in a room with a badly cemented floor, without radio in his house and food to eat. He says to his wife, “But you see me going out each day. Do you think I go to lyaro and First East Circular on an empty stomach for mere fun of it?” (2). And out of bitterness, Adisa replies, “You go out each day and return each day... with what? Is the coming back any better than going away? Look at me' I am getting leaner and thinner…” (3). Idemudia could not complete his secondary school education because there was no money. His father and his uncle had to run into the bush to avoid harassment from tax collectors and Idemudia suffered for it. Now that he has come to the city, he could not find a job. He and his wife have to fight over lack of food. Idemudia is ready to borrow some money, even if only one naira, so that he and his wife could eat! But he does not know who will lend him the money? Friends are few indeed. Nobody will 1end him the money, knowing full well that he has not the means to payback. But how surprising and disheartening to know that while hunger is cruelly destroying the four walls of Idemudia and Adisa's stomachs, unfinished jollof rice, dodo (fried plantain), meat and beans, are being emptied into the dustbin of the Obofuns. The condition of Idemudia, his wife, and other poor people can be likened to Richard Ntiru's Pauper who “sits alone in hairless goatskin... ribs and bones reflecting the light that beautiful cars reflect..., squashing lice between... nails and cleansing…, nails with dry saliva” (The Pauper by Richard Ntiru). But Idemudia is not the only person in this condition; his friend, Osaro, cries at the wastage of food in the houses of the rich few: “It is so unfair... One man has enough to eat, in fact so much that he throws some away, yet here we are, hungry with nothing to eat” (20). To get something to eat, Idemudia and his friends have to agree to offload three full trailer loads of cement at the price of five Naira for each person. But who could have told Idemudia that this job would make him break down, be severed from his home for some weeks and spend more than double of this money in the hospital! For more than four hours, the men labour to clear the cement: their backs ache, their stomachs ache, their heads ache also but the work has to go on because they are hungry and because they need the money to buy food. Idemudia is particularly glad to have the money (five naira), because this will make him free from hunger and from want, at least for a while. As his wife is taking him to the hospital, he tries hard to fight the disease; he keeps telling himself, that he has to be strong; he has to get another job soon, because the money he has brought some time ago would soon be gone and again they would be plunged into despairing hunger. This relationship is vamparic in nature. Queen is the Vampire sucking the blood of Odemedua and his comrades. At the hospital, children cry, women weep, everywhere there is a great urgency and, paradoxically, little activity: a hopelessness and helplessness that compel the observer to tears. It is simply a wonder why with so much challenge, these people still struggle and aspire to keep their lean flames of lives going. There seems to be no point in seeking recourse from death, evidence of enough distress and frustration abounds. And yet, even the women weep and the children cry and the men sit or stand about with watery eyes coughing and spitting and occasionally going to the fence to urinate. There is in each pair of eyes a stubborn determination not to let go of life no matter how filthy and degrading it is. 198 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW Along the street people sit and watch the weather. Men and women, all jobless, sit on long wooden benches, their backs against rough mud walls. The children are mostly naked, thin and have legs full of sores, from which they frequently drive flies away. Most of the people who walk along the streets are barefoot and as the cars pass, some of them, Mercedes Benz cars, splash red muddy water on the people and drive on carelessly, their owners secure inside. In the market, multitudes of people bargain in hard impersonal voices. Naira notes change hands and numbers of kobos are handed back. There is so much that could have been bought and yet there is little or no money. The majority of the people leave the market disappointed by soaring prices. But there is actually no limit to what poverty can push people to do; it can push an otherwise faithful into adultery, a pious individual into the telling lies, an honest man into stealing, a loving husband into abandoning his wife and children, a loving father into becoming a wife and children's beater, recovered patients into planning to run away from hospitals in order to escape the cut-throat bills and an individual to sell his own blood (his life,) in order to survive. These are the effects of poverty. These situations can cause any decent person to go into romance with Vampires to escape poverty.

Choicelessness Human beings are desirous of, and value the same basic aspirations which include clothing, good health and proper medical care, better shelter, improved diet, dreams and expectations, joys and sadness, quality education, high self-esteem, stable job and good savings but when they are deprived of basic necessities of life, their choices are limited or even non-existent in some cases. These encapsulate the horrors and predicaments that keep people like Idemudia, Adisa, Osaro, Patrick, Richard, Omoifo, all the famished labourers at Iyaro in Festus Iyayi'sViolence stuck in poverty, unable to break out. Idemudia on one occasion and against his own beats up his starving wife for stopping him from going out unless he has provided her with the day's food. And when he finally goes out in search of work, he 'kept her in hunger a whole day. And this had been neither the first nor the second time' (Violence 37). On another occasion he sells his blood for fifteen naira to feed his family (154), then again works with friends in an empty stomach for a mere pittance under the harsh condition of an all-day rain, unloading 1500 bags of cement from three trailers into a ware house. The narrator's description is apt in capturing the pitiable state of these men: For more than four hours, the four men laboured to clear the cement. Osaro and Patrick stayed on top of the trailer from where they handed down the bags of cement to Idemudia and Omoifo who then carried them either on their heads or on their backs to the shed, more than ten metres away. At the beginning they shouted as they worked…. But gradually their shouting died out. They became silent as they worked into the evening and as the hours passed, they became worn out. The men on the ground dragged their feet. The men on the trailer leaned against the unclearedcement bags, tired out, exhausted. And they were all hungry. Their backs ached, their stomachs ached, their heads ached also. But the work had to go on because they were hungry and because they needed the money to buy the food.They didn't even look at each other now. They breathed in thin long, sharp gasps as the hunger gnawed at their stomachs and tore at their hearts, almost making them dizzy. 199 ROMANCE WITH VAMPIRES IN FESTUS IYAYI'S VIOLENCE They worked mechanically but resolutely, stubbornly, determined not to give up. And at the back of each man's mind was the money. Five naira. Nothing much, but enough, each man knew, to dull the sharp pain of their hunger (Violence, 34). His poverty has led to his exploitation. He almost loses his life from exhaustion and winds up spending days in the hospital and then even 100% of what he earned from that job could not pay his hospital bill. Adisa, his wife, had to eat and pay his hospital bills but didn't have any money so she agreed to a romance with the Vampire, Obofun, who sexually exploited her. For Idemudia and Adisa, who are the representatives of the hopeless poor in the novel, they would not have made the choice of living in an inhuman cage they call a house in which the door to their room 'yawned with age and rust as it opened' (37). Their single room contains a single wooden chair, table, the cooking pots, the kerosene stove, the food cupboard, the water pot, the glasses broken at the edges, which they still use even more than newer ones; their sweeping broom, too shohrt for comfort and getting shorter because the rough floor cut them; their pillow wear patches in many places (206-210). Moreover, it is not just economic growth that will defeat poverty. Simple improvements in health would make a big difference too. Several people die of diseases that are both preventable and curable. Nothing reveals the absurdity of the people's poverty than the fact that a good percentage of all deaths are caused by simple causes. These deaths result simply from lack of good health facilities to provide the citizenry with the basic aspiration for good health. In the novel, Violence, we are presented with lurid pictures of hospitals that are in piteous condition: Even at that hour, the University hospital was crowded. It was a pitiable sight. So, many people were sick and in need of the doctor. The long benches were full. The porch outside was filled by patients who were able to stand. Some of the waiting patients coughed violently. Mothers who carried sick children moved agitatedly. The faces that waited there were grim, serious and preoccupied with worry (53) Even so, the patients do not have any choice other than seek medical assistance from these hospitals that could pass for glorified dispensaries. These patients are haggard and distraught people with wrinkles and cracks all over, people who have been engaged by life in a terrible and fierce struggle and they have always come out of each bout worse and still more badly battered, yet they still struggle and aspire to keep their lean flames of life burning. There seem to be no point in seeking recourse from death, the abundant evidence of life is distressing and frustrating. And yet, even as the women in the hospital wept and children cried and the men sat or stood about wards with stony watery eyes, coughing and spitting and occasionally going to urinate, there is in each pair of eyes a stubborn determination not to go of life no matter how filthy and degrading it is. Therefore, they have to stay on in the hospitals that do not have beds; hospitals where prescriptions are written out for patients and they are advised to go to chemist shop to get the drugs; hospitals where two patients share a bed, each with a strange sickness; hospitals where more deaths occur on a daily basis; hospitals where patients are turned away because nobody will be responsible for settling the expenses!; hospitals where drugs that could have saved thousands from careless death are denied those who earnestly need them, and yet they are charged high bills for consultation and using the hospitals' dilapidated JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 200 facilities - failure to pay up leads to one being held in the hospital until the bill is paid; hospitals where two patients share a bed while many more slept on the floor. It was like a pigsty, this ward, swarming with the sick, as pit toilet swarm with flies. (54-108). The poor patients at these hospitals are not only berated by the physical environment and the heartless, unfeeling staff of the hospital, but also natural elements conspire with these to whip the poor all the more as described below: When at last she [Adisa] arrived, there were some patients lying in the corridor in front of the ward. The rain drove at them, but there was nowhere else for them to go. The ward itself was crowded, like a war camp. Most of the patients were sharing the narrow beds. Some slept on the floor between the beds. It was terrible the way the patients were kept, almost like criminals.The patient with whom Idemudia shared a bed was a small dry man, emaciated and with a cough that never seemed to end. When he wasn't coughing he was calling hysterically n Anuoha (Violence 76 - 77). Adisa knows that she has to do something to save herself and her husband from death occasioned by hunger and illness. She had to surrender to the Vampire, Obofun, to survive or die. She chose to live. In another occasion before her compromise, she had to cook a dead chicken to eat with her husband as stated below: They were poor and ate anything next to grass. Last Christmas, she [Adisa] had bought and prepared a chicken that had died from an illness. She had specially looked for it because there had been no money (67). The irony that we witness when Idemudia falls sick after unloading the trailer- loads of cement in empty stomach is not only dramatic but heart-wrenching. Nothing reveals the absurdity of the people's poverty more than the fact that a good percentage of all deaths are caused by hunger and starvation. Idemudia falls sick, not with HIV/AIDS, nor diarrhea nor Malaria, but for the simple fact that he has not eaten for two days. He goes to work in empty stomach, hoping to afford a decent meal from his wage. However, what happens after he has laboured for hours unloading bags of cement is more than what he bargained for. The doctor at the hospital tells Adisa: 'The first thing is to get him something to eat ….' He began to write out a prescription. 'Most of the drugs you need are not here …. You must go to Everyman's Chemists in New Benin to get them.' Adisa nodded dumbly. Everyman's Chemists! Where was the money going to come from? The doctor was speaking again. 'You must hurry because he has lost a lot of strength. Get some milk, sugar and a tin of Ovaltine.' (61). The food that Adisa manages to knock up for him is a perfect caricature of decent meal. At the market she: bought one Bonga fish, three milk tins of garri, a bunch of bitter leaves and half a bottle of palm oil. She had some salt and pepper at home. She looked round now. Whatelse did she need? No, she needed everything. She looked round to see what else the money she had could buy. There was nothing else. (85) What are the impossible choices? Adisa could have chosen to buy crayfish, meat, magi, semovita, stockfish and all the condiments that could spew out good aroma -characteristic of good food. There are other characters in the novel like Patrick and the other labourers whom 201 ROMANCE WITH VAMPIRES IN FESTUS IYAYI'S VIOLENCE poverty has defined their lives too. In order to provide for his family, Patrick has to disagree with fellow workers who want to embark on strike to force their client to increase their wage. Of Patrick the narrator says: Patrick had been out of any kind of work nearly six months. He didn't want to lose the job he had found, come what may. His wife was pregnant and failure to earn a few naira this month would be catastrophic. He needed money badly and a strike threatened the only source of hope he had. (266) Poverty is about denial of choices and the poor are faced with many impossible choices they have to make every day. They look forward to the simple and unvaried pleasures of life experienced by the well-to-do, but poverty limits the choices they have to make, it forces them daily to have romance with vampires.

Consequences of Romance with Vampire Infidelity Adisa, in Violence, represents the group of people that indulge in infidelity because of poverty. Her husband has just recovered from illness and some amount of money is needed to pay the hospital bill before he can be discharged. Besides, there is no food at home. Against her will, she commits adultery with Obofun who had promised her money, some cartons of gin and lace materials. As her conscience pricks her, she voices out: God knows how ashamed I am now, but he knows too it was a sacrifice I had to make for my husband's sake. Greater love had no man than the One who laid down his life for the life of his friend. I have done that, committed adultery for his sake. Surely, I shouldn't be punished for that. (207) Even her husband, Idemudia, understands Adisa's reason for committing adultery. His only reason for protest is that Adisa did not tell him what she had done. Queen exemplifies those who indulge in infidelity in order to get what they want. She commits the act to get contracts and provision from government officials and favour from her employees. She goes into it when her husband opens a supermarket for her and she has to go out to make purchases. She finds out that getting the things she wants is not easy, and so has to go through the back door to get them. The men at the government wholesale centres will rather have affair with her than having her money. Even the notes given to her by her husband are despised. She discovers that the men will be willing to offer her contracts and money freely if only she agrees to yield to them. She could get whatever she wants; she only has to look and say: ‘This is what I want.'The men also understand and give in to her and do the things she wants for her. Initially, her conscience pricks her after having an affair with a man, but gradually, she loses her conscience because of the thousands of naira that come to her (195). She is bold to tell her husband, “I have slept with your friends! I have enjoyed myself as much as you have. And whose fault is it? I should have sat here shouldn't I, washing your pants after you have soiled...” (191). Characters like Iriso and Obofun represent this category of people. They believe that to help a woman, they must exploit her sexually. Iriso, an officer in the Ministry of Agriculture, insists that Queen must pay him for the milk and eggs supplied to her, not with money, but with her body. He attempts to take Queen to bed, and when she puts up slight JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 202 resistance, Iriso reminds her: “And the milk and the eggs? After everything I supplied you? After all the risks, the expectation!” Queen replies: “I am going to pay!” Iriso answers: I don't want any money...You know what I want (99). The next person in this category is Obofun, a big business man. Adisa and her husband are in need and Obofun realizes this. He exploits her sexually. He told her; This is no adultery...We do it because of something you need. Where is the adultery there? I have told you I'll give you the drinks at the lowest price ever. Then I'll give you another fifty naira so that you can start off in your own trade. Do you call that adultery? Do you still insist that it is indeed adultery? Adisa replies: I don't know anything...I only know that when a Married woman sleeps with another person who is not her husband, then it is adultery. I want to go home. Please, let me go. Obofun answers: I will let you go...But you can always come back any time you want the drinks. I am not forcing you (Violence,129). Adisa agrees to be exploited to save her husband's life. Some other people who are guilty of infidelity are those who are abandoned by their partners. Adisa's aunt, who advises and encourages her to go after other men, tells her that she (the aunt) started indulging in the act of infidelity because her husband abandoned here. Her husband gave himself over to drinks, beat her mercilessly, forgot his responsibility of caring for his family, borrowed money in her name and ran away from her; and because she and her children had to feed, clothe themselves, and pay the house rent, she had no alternative but to consent to sexual exploitation from men. She tells Adisa that no man is worth suffering for; you sacrifice everything for them and what you get in return is nothing but beating and desertion. She advises her further: “You are still a beautiful woman, Adisa. And if you had lived as long as I have, you would know that now is the time to abandon your man” (Violence, 47).

Economic Exploitation The notion of exploitation resonates through the novel. The services of Idemudia and his three friends are exploited by Mrs. Queen Obofun, the rich government contractor and owner of Freedom Motel. The four friends were asked to offload one thousand, five hundred bags of cement at a piteous rate of twenty naira. Queen knows that these poor friends needed the job and the money desperately because there are no other jobs in town. She senses that if they leave the job, there may not be other jobs readily available for them, especially since it was in the rainy season. Although she knows that for a difficult job of that nature, the money she offered to pay was too meagre, she coerced them into taking the job. She had thought privately: “If they refuse, she would obviously have to offer them more than five naira each” (22). The work was so difficult that Idemudia fell sick. Unfortunately, the money from the arduous job was not enough to cure his illness. Queen further exploits the workers. Their break time was reduced from thirty minutes to fifteen minutes. Any worker who dares to request for higher wage is thrown out. One of the labourers laments thus: “we earn so little and yet we are worked harder than slaves” (246). This exploitation is possible because there are no jobs in other places. This poignantly paints the picture of contemporary Nigerian society where those who are unemployed are almost twice the numbers of those who are employed. Thus anyone who eventually gets employed, no matter the treatment and exploitation by his employer, holds tenaciously to the job. Labourers have become slaves to their employers who hire and fire 203 ROMANCE WITH VAMPIRES IN FESTUS IYAYI'S VIOLENCE them out at will. Idemudia, the protagonist in the novels, laments this situation when he exclaims: What kind of life is this? He asked himself a hundred times. A man gets a job and cannot protest. He cannot protest for higher wages, the period of his leisure is cut down arbitrarily and he must come to work when he is told. This is slavery... (243) This is the fate of Idemudia and Adisa. Idemudia's encounter with Queen is like romancing a beast which will by all means prey on you. He is forced to accept her enticing economic overture in order to survive. Poverty led to his exploitation. He almost lost his life from exhaustion and spent days in the hospital and spent the money from that job which could not pay his hospital bill. Adisa, his wife, allowed herself to be sexually exploited by Obofun to pay her husband's hospital bill.

Oppression The rich, the government and government agents, are the perpetuators of oppression in Violence. Common men and women are distressed, weighed down; they are despairing from the ordeals of their circumstances. The men in Violence are denied the opportunity of being educated, of getting jobs so as to fend for themselves and for their families; they are therefore unable to also afford medical attention. The dominant structural element in Violence is the opposition of the oppressors and the oppressed. For instance, Idemudia, the protagonist, is denied the opportunity to be educated; thus, even as he comes to the town, he cannot find any job to take care of himself and his family. Even when he becomes an employee of the Obofuns, things do not change significantly. He and his colleagues work so hard and are paid so little. Appeal to Queen Obofun could not yield any good result as complaint incurs her wrath. The situation at the building site becomes so terrible that one of the workers cries out, “Things are so bad!...We earn so little and yet we are worked harder than slaves. When you point it out, she dismisses you” (246).

Conclusion Iyayi has been able to bring to light the subject of exploitation and abuse as the image of a Vampire sucking the blood of his victims in the relationship between the poor and the rich in the novel in study.Authors like Iyayi acknowledge a poverty that is as aesthetically and culturally significant as it is socially and materially real. Combining Marxist theory with literary analysis, the authors masterfully bring romance with vampires into mainstream critical idiom, thus validating Ahmad Aijaz's assertion that 'all Third- world texts are necessarily national allegories' (95).

References Balogun, P.O. Approaches to Modern Literary Theories. Ibadan: University Press, 2007. Web. 25 Oct. 2012. Drubbel, B. The 21st Century Webster's International Encyclopaedia (1st Ed.). New York: Typhoon International Corporation, 2003. Print. Gakwandi, Shatto. Arthur. The Novel and Contemporary Experience in Africa. Ibadan:Heinemann, 1982. Giles, Bolton. Africa Doesn't Matter. New York: Arcade Publishing Inc., 2008. Iyayi, Festus. Violence. Ikeja: Longman Nigeria Plc, 1979. Print. Maduagwu, A. Alleviating Poverty in Nigeria. Africa Economic Analysis. 204 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 2000 5 December, 2012 Meyer, Stephenie. Twilight. London: Atom Books, 2005. ______NewMoon. London: Atom Books, 2006. ______Eclipse. London: Atom Books, 2007. ______BreakingDawn. London: Atom Books, 2008. Okafor, A. Poverty and Human Development in Nigeria: Challenges of the Millennium Development Goals.Nsukka: Great AP Express Pub. Ltd., 2004. Print. Okafor, ChinyereGrace 'Festus IkhuoriaOjeagaIyayi' In Pushpa Naidu &Jagne, F. Siga (eds) Postcolonial African Writers: ABibliographical Critical Source Book. England: Fitzroy Dearbon Publishers, 1998. Print. 205 PROBLEM OF GOOD GOVERNANCE AND CHALLENGES OF SERVICE DELIVERY IN NIGERIA

Usen.U. Akpan, PhD Political and Governance Policy Department, Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research (NISER), Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 08033198432

Abstract Good governance and efficient service delivery have been one of the major challenges confronting Nigeria as a nation. As a people, we still suffer from poor governance and service delivery despite the numerous service reforms, policies initiated and formulated alongside with the huge resources spent to tackle the issue. The challenge is largely due to the abuse of public office by those who are entrusted with the responsibility of managing the affairs of our nation. Inefficient leadership which lacks transparency, accountability and coupled with corruption has brought about abyssal poor service delivery. The expected service delivery has not been visible in-spite of service contract pact signed during President Obasanjo's administration geared towards improving service delivery and good governance. The citizens are always full of expectation that any incoming administration would be able to address the situation and enhance the delivery of good governance and services to them. The paper relied extensively on use of secondary sources of data. The concepts of governance and service delivery have been analysed and certain indicators were derived and discussed. The paper revealed that the huge resources geared towards good governance have most times been diverted to private use. The paper concludes that Nigeria will realize its full potential if the citizens enjoy good governance, prompt and efficient service delivery from the state. Based on this, it is recommended that the citizens should endeavour to be more demanding on the type of services they want from the government and always hold government accountable whenever it defaults. Key words: Governance, Challenges, Corruption, Service delivery,

Introduction The discourse about good governance has attracted a wider dimension since in the late eighties. According to Johnson (1977), cited in Agagu (2010), good governance is linked with issues relating to the instrument needed to bargain various interests in the society. In addition, it serves as a machinery and process designed to preserve the system, in order to empower the citizenry and control the process by the society. One of the challenges of government and, of course, the legitimate expectation of the citizens of a developing country such as Nigeria is the inability of the public service to properly direct its aspirations towards improving the general welfare of the citizens. This is because the primary responsibility of government is to deliver services through its public service effectively and promptly to citizens at affordable prices, most especially now that the country is under civil rule. Good governance and legitimate service delivery is very important in the provision of services to the citizens of any country. It is through the public service that government can manage its activities effectively and efficiently. Public service plays a vital role in 206 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW delivering and distributing public services across a country. The major function of public service is therefore to provide services; provide enabling environment for economic growth and prosperity for citizens as well as securing and strengthening democratic institution. The paper utilizes qualitative research design and discusses governance and the challenges of service delivery and its effects in Nigeria. The paper, which is theoretical in nature, draws its argument from mostly secondary sources of data which include books, journal, on-line materials and newspaper publications. To achieve the objective, and for ease of analysis, the paper is divided into the following five parts. The first section highlights the introduction while section two discusses the concept of governance and service delivery. The third examines the challenges of governance and service delivery. The fourth dwells on the results and discussion, while fifth proffers recommendations and draws conclusion.

The Concept of Governance It is simply the act of governing. Governance describes the application of rules and processes through which authority and control are exercised in a society, political decisions are made, the rules for the scope of the state and society are structured, and resources for economic and social development are administered. It is the process of decision making and the process by which decisions are implemented in furtherance of the role of mostly governments and their department but even more recently including other corporate entities outside of government. It relates to decisions that define expectations, grant power, or verify performance. It consists of either a separate process or part of management or leadership processes”, (Ezekwesili, 2012). The major responsibility of governance is for efficient delivery of services to actualise the goals of the society. It is the pattern of taking the society as to ensure the achievement and protection of interest of all the members. Governance is all about the uses to which power, broadly defined, is employed in ways that will ensure the maximisation of the socio- economic and political objectives of the society whether in the private or public domain, (Umar, 2012). World Bank (2000) refers to governance as how power is utilized in the administration of a nation's economic and social resources for developmental purposes. This involves three dimensions; “the form of the political regime; the process by which governmental power is exercised in the management of a country's economic and social resources; and government's capacity to implement public policies”. Good governance is therefore derived from the concept of governance.

The Concept of Good Governance Governance, according to Yusuf (2017) and OECD (2008), comprises the structures, relationships and processes through which, at both, national and institutional levels, policies are developed, implemented and reviewed. Governance comprises a complex network including the legislative framework, the characteristics of the institutions and how they relate to the whole system, how money is allocated to institutions and how they are accountable for the way it is spent, as well as less formal structures and interactions which guide and control performance. According to Adeosun (2012), good governance entails the capacity to manage a country's resources in a transparent, accountable, equitable manner, in response to the needs of the people. A good aspect of this view is the need to recognise and respond adequately to the PROBLEM OF GOOD GOVERNANCE AND CHALLENGES OF SERVICE 207 DELIVERY IN NIGERIA aspirations of the citizens. According to UNDP (1997), good governance encompasses the exercise of political, economic, legal, judicial, social, and administrative authority in a manner that meets the aspirations and needs of the citizens. This includes; the government, the private sector and the civil society. It also includes the formulation of policy initiatives that would strengthen institutions and the civil society organisations with the main objective of making government responsible more democratic, responsive and accountable. Good governance goes beyond government. It covers issues such as political parties, legislature, the judiciary, the media, and civil-society as well as how citizens, leaders and public institutions relate with one another so as to make things happen in the society. Odugbemi, (2008 and Diamond (2004) say that good governance constitutes “virtuous cycle” in which the several elements reinforce one another in dense interplay (ibid). In a state, capability, responsiveness and accountability constitute crucial elements, while public opinion and democratic sphere are two major factors in the planning of a good governance.

Essentials Elements of Good Governance i. Effective leadership and good governance are regarded as critical for efficient service delivery in the public service. Matshabaphala (2008) argues that where delivery of services is poor, lack of effective leadership and poor governance are partly to blame. Based on this assertion, most of the poorly delivered services witnessed in our country have reference to ineffective leadership and poor governance. The implication here is that to enjoy effective and good service delivery, the aspects of leadership and governance must first be addressed in an attempt to deal with service delivery challenges in the country. ii. Accountability: The World Bank report (1999) asserted that accountability is promoted by good governance and good governance involves addressing the needs of the society. Efficient public service delivery enhances the quality of the citizen's private and public sector organisations. Maile (2002) highlighted that accountability and transparency are measured to be crucial elements of good governance to support public leaders' position, share power and enhance partnerships. According to Odugbemi (2008), cited in Gberevbie (2014), accountability is the capacity of citizens, civil society and the private sector to examine the activities of government and to hold them accountable. The above implies that where the opportunity to scrutinize the activities of public institutions, agencies and government is not available to the people, transparency or openness is more likely to be affected negatively and the citizens are bound to suffer from the inactions of such agencies of government. Therefore, accountability and transparency on the part of public officials could be seen as catalysts for the realization of enhanced performance of governmental agencies for development in a society. iii. Transparency: Ekpe (2008) opines that transparency is openness, truthful 208 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW and straight forwardness in the management of governmental issues. It is the truthful which enables citizens to participate in the formulation of governmental policies which can be through their representatives or expressed as public opinions in the media. If the government chooses to respond, the same will, in turn, enhance the support of the people at implementation of such policies. In developed nations, the amount of support given to government policies by the citizens is dependent on the level of trust the people have on the government and its policies. In a society where promises are kept by the government and its agencies, the citizens are more likely to trust government more than where policies are not implemented and promises are never for once satisfied.

The Concept Service Delivery Good service delivery is the provision of government activities or benefits to society (Fox and Meyer, 1995). Our concern in this refers to service delivery as the process or an arrangement to provide public needs such as housing, sanitation, water, security and electricity. The provision of these services is by government institutions or through public service to the citizens as a result of various needs and demands which are physically none existent. Nigeria, over the decades, have suffered the problem of poor service delivery by the public sector. Arising from this neglect, the former President, Olusegun Obasanjo, in March, 2004, launched and signed a social compact with all Nigerians (SERVICOM). The Nigeria Service Delivery was an Initiative by the Federal Government to improve citizens' satisfaction by promoting service excellence in Public Service. Under the policy, each Ministry, Department, Agency and Parastatals has a Ministerial service delivery unit. The unit is responsible for developing the strategy for service compliance through a review and monitoring mechanism that relies on SERVICOM Index. There is also in place a customer Grievance Redress mechanism reinforced by the publishing of each Ministry or Department Service delivery orientation. This has also provoked the role of state redefinition which revolves around a functional review that seeks to deregulate public service monopolies through delivery innovations and introduction of other delivery modes as franchising, outsourcing, management contracting, commercialization and, sometimes, outright privatization (Olaopa 2008). Under SERVICOM, the civil service is expected to provide the basic services to which each citizen is entitled in a timely, fair, honest, effective and transparent manner. SERVICOM implementation has involved training, workshops, seminars and retreats for senior officers in the public service in order to sensitize this supervisory category of staff to the new orientation for the civil service fundamental principles: Conviction that Nigeria can only realize its full potential if citizens receive prompt and efficient services from the state. Expected areas of service delivery to the people from the government; According to Otive (2017), it is the primary responsibility of Government to provide services to the citizens. Recognizing this duty, the Nigerian (1999) Constitution enshrines that the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government and that the state shall direct its policy towards ensuring the attainment of the functions. Governance is all about PROBLEM OF GOOD GOVERNANCE AND CHALLENGES OF SERVICE 209 DELIVERY IN NIGERIA good service delivery, however, certain areas Nigerian public expects efficient service delivery amongst others include: i. An organization that is staffed with competent men and women and is well managed; ii. Courteous, friendly, receptive and helpful relationship with the public; iii. Eager and proactive offer of information to the public with feedback and follow-up; iv. Transparency, honesty and averse to corruption, fraud and extortion of the public in official dealings; v. Objective, professional, fair and patriotic treatment of matters of public interest or cases entailing competition among persons or organizations; vi. Services and products that are almost of cutting-edge standard and rendered with minimal need for members of the public to leave their homes to visit the office concerned or to spend substantial amounts of money or provide copious documents and passport photographs; vii. Charges and billing systems that are affordable and convenient to the public; viii. Public infrastructure facilities that are built to unblemished standards, regularly maintained and promptly repaired; ix. Continuous improvement in service mix and methods, based on communication and feedback from the public.

Challenges of Service Delivery in Nigeria i. Poor performance of service delivery of the public service in Nigeria; This has been with us for decades. It is a new problem in Nigeria, and several efforts have been made to reform the public service to enhance quality service delivery through the Public Service Review Commission (The Udoji Commission, 1972-1974), the 1988 Civil Service Reforms and the 1994 Review Panel on Civil Service Reform (the Alison Ayida Panel). Despite these efforts, the public service quality has continued to deteriorate. The literature is full with the factors responsible for the failure of these reforms, including lack of political will, poor management, faulty diagnosis, poor recruitment policies, lack of human resource capacity building, political patronage, quota system and lack of democratic practices in the management of the public service. There are several factors responsible for the declining public service quality in Nigeria. These include poor planning; lack of participatory, open, transparent and inclusive budgeting; diversion of public funds and ineffective leadership. Most service delivery protests have reference to ineffective leadership and poor governance. The important factor that can bring a fundamental difference to our situation is a change of orientation on the part of our leaders. ii. The issue of corruption is another huge challenge and it has been a subject 210 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW matter constantly discussed by Nigerians for decades. As good and important as good governance is to the Nigerian state, much of the variables have eluded the nation due to corruption. According to Tinubu (2008), most of the problems Nigeria is facing today are caused by the sharp practices of past and present leaders. Despite the abundance of human and natural resources that have made the country the toast of many nations, the leaders have not been able to deliver the dividends of democracy, as expectations, hopes and opportunities have been dashed, with governance ingredients still at their elusive stage to Nigerians, in terms of accountability, transparency and service delivery To underscore how important, the issue has become in the affairs of this country, President Muhammadu Buhari made the fight against corruption one of the focal point of his electoral campaign promises. To demonstrate this, at any given opportunity and platform he is always telling Nigerians that: “If we don't kill corruption, corruption will kill us”. This portrays the endemic nature of corruption in the country. The country was ranked high in corruption by Transparency International Index as well as other prominent bodies that monitor the intensity of corrupt practices in the world. Unfortunately, Nigeria was ranked in 2001 the 2nd most corrupt nation in the world after Bangladesh, a position she comfortable retained in 2003. However, in 2004 there was a minor improvement as the country was ranked 3rd most corrupt country in the world, (Ogunbiyi, 2015). Orebe (2015) remarked that, according to Wikipedia report in 2014, Nigeria's rank improved from 143rd to the 135th position on Transparent International's Corruption Perception Index. According to Adwusi (2016), the appalling service delivery in the country is due to corruption, lack of integrity, transparency and accountability of public officials and these are true. But there are certain human resource woes that gave birth of these problems. These include election/recruitment/appointment of unqualified candidate(s), falsification and forgery; nonchalant attitudes of public servants to work, god- fatherism, lack of team work, shallow belief system of officials. He further opined that electioneering process in Nigeria is highly monetized and this has made hungry Nigerians to exchange their votes for financial rewards. In so doing, wrong candidate(s) are elected. It is the responsibility of the Public Service Commission (PSC) to recruit and select public officials, while in other systems within the public service; it may be the function of a special committee appointed for the purpose. Unfortunately, appointments are made on “slots” due to the practice of “who know someone”, which negates the much stressed principle of federal character. However, few representatives of Public Service Commission PROBLEM OF GOOD GOVERNANCE AND CHALLENGES OF SERVICE 211 DELIVERY IN NIGERIA believe in merit-based recruitment of public servants, but majority of the members are keen to ensure that their own candidates are selected or appointed. In a situation like this, there is a very high tendency of putting a square peg in a round hole with attendant absolutely poor service delivery, as has remained the case in Nigeria over the years. Even though corrupt practices are prevalent in every facet of our national life, the political arena seems to record the most in our society. It is unfortunate that despite the efforts the media, social critics and other stakeholders have been making to curb corruption, the rate of corruption in the country's political and government circles is ever –increasing. With a surge in the number of cases, the machinery of government has become a tool for the enrichment of the elites and their cronies. The numerous policies and programmes of different administrations in the country have failed to achieve the desired results due to the deep rooted nature of corruption among the various classes and groups in the society. iii. Diversion of funds into private pockets in Nigeria. Funds meant for service delivery in the country are often diverted into individuals' accounts either by direct embezzlements or through fictitious award of contracts. For instance, the amount budgeted for constituency projects are often diverted for enrichment of individuals thereby denying the citizens of such benefits. There is a great difference between the real wages between the topmost level of public servants and the middle level/junior workers. In addition, there is a lot of favouritism. The World Economic Forum Global Competitive Report ranks Nigeria 125th out of 134 countries in the extent to which connected individuals and firms influence government policies and in the award of contracts.

Conclusion Government is a major actor in governance, and a good service delivery can only be visible through an efficient public service through which the government can manage its activities effectively in the provision of service to the citizens. It was the desire to promote excellence and improve citizens' satisfaction that led to the launching of the Nigerian Service delivery initiative. Sadly, years after the initiative, the quality of service delivery is still very poor by all available statistics. There is the need for self-examination at all levels of service delivery irrespective of who is involved and the sector (public/private) notwithstanding A number of issues have been raised as constituting constraints against effective service delivery in the country. Nigeria has been ranked so high in policy formulation and reforms experts but policy implementation is major problem that has affected the nation for decades. Following this, most policies and different reforms are still disjointed and required a more integrated approach for them to achieve the overall objective of system's renewal. The implementation progress report and critique show that the reform has a strong political will behind it, but it is still largely incoherent and uncoordinated (Olaopa, JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 212 2008). To make the service delivery speedy and qualitative and reforms effective enough, various governments/administrations should ensure continuity of the reforms by sustaining the momentum of the commitment to the principles and objectives of SERVICOM (Oyedele, 2015). Evidences in recent times have shown that expectation placed on SERVICOM appears to have dropped drastically and Nigerians are gradually forgetting about it.

Recommendations i. The Federal Ministry of information and National Orientation Agency must be encouraged to step up publicity and public enlightenment campaign on the achievements of the SERVICOM reform to effectively sensitise the citizens on the necessity and benefits of good service delivery which has been rated very low. ii. Strict sanctions should be imposed on any public servants who fail to discharge their functions in accordance with established practice and anyone demanding for gratification should be punished. iii. To ensure good service delivery and proper implementation, the public must be more demanding in respect of the quality of services they enjoy, and they must pressurise government to develop mechanisms for monitoring the effectiveness of the services being delivered by the various Agencies. They should encourage the government to adopt measures that increase the citizens' input in the formulation and implementation of policies on public service delivery (Adamolekun, 2005). iv. Public/Private Partnership should be adopted by the government to increase efficiency in the area of public service delivery where necessary. v. As practiced in developed nations of the world, our leaders should be upright in discharging their responsibilities, and if found performing below the expectation, such personnel must own up and quit the office. vi. There should be regular leadership training, workshops and seminars on leadership, governance and good service delivery. Leadership training is significance in order to ensure that leaders are accountable to the citizens in the provision of service.

References Adamolekun L. and Kithinja, K., (2005) Public Administration Reforms in Public Administration in Africa Main Issues and Selected Country Studies Ladipo Adamolekun (ed) Adewusi, A. (2016) Service Delivery in Nigeria: A Prognosis. The Guardian Newspaper , August 14, . [email protected] Agagu. A. A (2010): Readings in Public Policy Analysis and Comparative Studies. , Benin Republic, Editions SONOU d'Afrique (ESAF). Diamond, I. (2004): The Imperative of Good Democratic Governance. Washington Center for International Private Enterprise.(CIPE).. Ezekwesili, O (2012). Corruption, National Development, The Bar and the Judiciary.The PROBLEM OF GOOD GOVERNANCE AND CHALLENGES OF SERVICE 213 DELIVERY IN NIGERIA Abuja Inquirer, September 3-9, p.17. Odeh, A. M (2015) “The Effects of Corruption on Good Governance in Nigeria. International Journal of Development and Sustainability.” Vol. 4 No. 3 www.isdsnet.com/ijds Odugbemi, S (2008).”Public Opinion, the Public Sphere and Quality of Governance” in Odugbemi, S and Johnson, T (eds) Governance Reform Under Real- World Conditions: Citizen, Stakeholders, and . Washington D.C: The World Bank. Ogunbiyi, T.(2015). Corruption, EFCC and Conspiracy theory: The Nation Newspaper Sunday, July 19, p. 18. Orebe,, F. (2915) For Buhari's anti-Corruption war to succeed, he must do the unusual. The Nation on Sunday, July 19th. [email protected]. Otive,I (2016):An Overview of Service Delivery Initiative: 12 Years After www.otiveigbuzor.com Oyedele, S.O.(2015) The Nigerian Public Service And Service Delivery Under Civil Rule. Journal of Public Administration, Finance and Law, Issue 7, , Kwara State Nigeria. [email protected] Umar, M. Z.(2012 ).Ethics, Good Governance and Problems of Development in Nigeria. Readings of Public Administration; Usman Danfodiyo University, Sokoto. World Bank Independent Evaluation Group (2006).Engaging with fragile States; An IEG review of World Bank support to low Income Countries under stress Washington DC. The World Bank. http.www.worldbank.org/leg. Yusuf, A,(2017).Good Governance and Democracy as a Pivot for Quality Higher Education in Nigeria. Being A Paper Delivered at the University of Lagos Post Graduate School Annual Lecture held at Ade Ajayi Auditorium, 27th July. 214 THE ROLE OF GOVERNMENT IN CURBING COMMUNITY SPREAD OF COVID-19 IN NIGERIA

Julius Ngomba, Okonkwo, Ifeoma Mary-Marvella & Bodi, Fillah Simon Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Social and Management Sciences, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] [email protected]

Abstract The coronavirus pandemic of 2019 (COVID-19) shocked the world, overwhelming the health systems of even high-income countries. Predictably, the situation has elicited social and medical responses from the public and governments, respectively. Nigeria recorded an imported case from Italy on February 27, 2020. At the core of the crisis, is a global public health emergency causing devastating implication to the social, political and economic space of humans and states as a result of several policies put in place to curb the virus such as social distancing and extensive lock down policies. Relying on secondary sources, this study examines the role of Nigeria's government in curbing community spread of Covid-19. A key step taken by Nigeria's government in the fight against Covid-19 is the establishment of the Presidential Task Force, as it works alongside the Federal Ministry of Health and the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC), to setup and establish isolation and testing centres across the country. Palliative measures introduced by the government to minimize the effect of Covid-19 pandemic are largely ineffective owing to poor coordination, human rights violations as well as inadequate fiscal policy. Recommendations from the study draw on the need for the government to diversify the economy by promoting the informal and agricultural sectors, facilitate infrastructural development and improve health facilities, as well as the need for Nigeria's government to ensure strict compliance to all Covid-19 protocols in all public gatherings such as churches, mosques, marketplaces, offices and schools. Keywords: Covid-19, Government, Lockdown, Pandemic

Introduction Covid-19 is a new genre of Coronaviruses that cause illnesses such as common cold, Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) and Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS) (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2020; WHO, 2020). It is an infectious disease that spreads mainly through driblet of spittle or release from the nose when an infected person coughs or sneezes (Nigeria Center for Disease Control, 2020; WHO, 2020). The novel coronavirus is said to originate from Wuhan City in China (WHO, 2020; Wuhan Municipal Health Commission, 2019). Empirical investigations (Peiris, Lai and Poon, 2003; Shrikrushna, Quazi, Shubham, Suraj, Shreya, Rohit, Suraj and Biyani, 2020; WHO, 2020) reveal that coronavirus diseases such as SARS-CoV and MERS-CoV was contracted from animal in China, 2002, and Saudi Arabia, 2012, respectively. However, Covid-19 is a novel virus because it has not been previously identified in human system. Common symptoms of Covid-19 include fever, cough, Dyspnea and tiredness THE ROLE OF GOVERNMENT IN CURBING COMMUNITY 215 SPREAD OF COVID-19 IN NIGERIA (NCDC, 2020; Shrikrushna, et al, 2020; WHO, 2020). The suffix '19' as used after Covid correlates to the year of discovery of the virus in 2019 (Ohia, Bakarey and Tauseef, 2020; WHO, 2020). Across polities, governments have continued to introduce a number of precautionary measures such as selfisolation and lockdown to curb the spread of Covid-19. Further still, personal hygiene practices such as frequent washing of hands with soap and water or use of alcohol based hand sanitizer, wearing of face mask, maintaining social and physical distancing at least one (1) meter away in public gathering, etc., have been suggested as means to minimize the spread of Covid-19 (WHO, 2020; NCDC). While global effort to develop vaccine to contain the spread of the novel coronavirus is ongoing, the movement restriction, lockdowns and social distancing occasioned by the pandemic has continued to cause structural changes in economy and social system globally. Based on the high rate of contagious effect of Covid-19, the WHO (2020) observes that developing countries may face inadequate testing capacity due to weak and ineffective health system. The index case of Covid-19 in Nigeria was recorded on 27 February, 2020 when an Italian citizen tested positive for the virus in Lagos (NCDC, 2020). However, the number of confirmed cases and death of Covid-19 in Nigeria has continued to increase. Analysis shows that 56,017confirmed cases, 43,998 recovery and 1,076 deaths of Covid-19 were recorded across states in Nigeria as at 12 September, 2020. The effect of Covid-19 pandemic on socioeconomic livelihood in Nigeria implies negative consequences for larger part of its citizens who are engaged in the informal sector of the economy and lives below international poverty line of US $1.25 a day (Central Bank of Nigeria, 2015). The outbreak of Covid-19 pandemic in Nigeria is hinged on conspiracy theories. One of such belief is that Covid- 19 is nonexistence but a means for the government to divert public fund to private pocket. This position pervades public domain since public's trust in government is low (Odima, 2020). Another belief is that Covid-19 is a disease for the elites and wealthy individuals. This position seems catchy resulting from news from government officials, business leaders, celebrity, social and media personalities who tested positive for the virus or died from Coronavirus related illness (Campbell, 2020). Thus, despite public awareness on preventive measures of Covid- 19, the lower class in the society perceived government regulations as a sham, thus increasing the rate of community transmission of the virus in Nigeria (Campbell and McCaslin, 2020).

Conceptual Clarification Community: A community is a social unit (a group of living things) with commonality such as norms, religion, values, customs, or identity. Communities may share a sense of place situated in a given geographical area (e.g. a country, village, town, or neighbourhood) or in virtual space through communication platforms. Durable relations that extend beyond immediate genealogical ties also define a sense of community, important to their identity, practice, and roles in social institutions such as family, home, work, government, society, or humanity at large. Covid-19: Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is defined as illness caused by a novel coronavirus now called severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2; formerly called 2019-nCoV), which was first identified amid an outbreak of respiratory illness cases in Wuhan City, Hubei Province, China. It was initially reported to the WHO on December 31, 2019. On January 30, 2020, the WHO declared the COVID-19 outbreak a JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 216 global health emergency. On March 11, 2020, the WHO declared COVID-19 a global pandemic, its first such designation since declaring H1N1 influenza a pandemic in 2009. Government: A government is the system or group of people governing an organized community, often a state, but also other entities, for example, a company. In the case of its broad associative definition, government normally consists of legislature, executive, and judiciary in the case of a democratic dispensation. Government is a means by which organizational policies are enforced, as well as a mechanism for determining policies. Each government has a kind of constitution, a statement of its governing principles and philosophy. Typically, the philosophy chosen is some balance between the principle of individual freedom and the idea of absolute state authority (tyranny). Pandemic: A pandemic is defined as “an epidemic occurring worldwide, or over a very wide area, crossing international boundaries and usually affecting a large number of people”. The classical definition includes nothing about population immunity, virology or disease severity. By this definition, pandemics can be said to occur annually in each of the temperate southern and northern hemispheres, given that seasonal epidemics cross international boundaries and affect a large number of people. However, seasonal epidemics are not considered pandemics.

Global Effects of Covid-19 Pandemic The outsized impact of COVID 19 was evident as the pandemic weakened global economic hub and international economic relations, work forces, and global supply chains. There are strings of valuable evidence that the pandemic has significant negative impact on global economies with a sharp reduction in global trade, tourism and hospitality, Gross Domestic Profit, State National Budgets, consumer electronics, and financial markets to energy, transportation, food, and a range of social activities, at the first quarter of 2020. For instance, on the economic front, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, the global economy was struggling from international economic relation conflicts as a result of trade protectionism, trade disputes among the major power blocs, and falling global commodity prices. It was in such uncertain global economic relation that the pandemic occurred. As at April 27, 2020, oil prices had fallen to a level below $30 per barrel while oil inventories were accumulated as demand became increasingly dampened (World Economic Outlook, 2020). The pandemic also had an impact on demand and supply chain with gross implication for the Small and Medium Scale enterprise (SMEs) in Nigeria. First implication arises from the unavailability of necessary logistics to bring in materials and ship out products, many factories can barely produce or have no place to store the products. Prior to the outbreak of COVID-19, the National Planning Commission of Nigeria stated that the country was in progress of achieving vision 20:2020 of improving the pace of economic development by transforming from industry based to knowledge based economy and be among the twenty leading economies of the world come year 2020. However, the implication of COVID-19 has complicated the development of SMEs in term of development in innovation, operation and customer capital. Also, as a result of widespread, there is low market demand which incapacitates SMES in sustaining the cost of business and lack of revenues (Ebiringa and Okorafor, 2010). The pandemic also has implication on the religious sector, markets, banking sector, and family situations. On the family level, there has been an increase in cases of gender violence and women and children abuse in Nigeria and also from a gender perspective, THE ROLE OF GOVERNMENT IN CURBING COMMUNITY SPREAD OF COVID-19 IN NIGERIA 217 domestic care responsibilities for working parents, especially women, have increased considerably during the crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic has made government to be more focused on the economic and health related matters in which aspects of social relations are becoming worrisome. The absence of Civil Society Groups and other Government sub- parastatals addressing child abuse has heightened the acts. The pandemic also has gross implication for food security as a result of the movement restriction which prevent farmers from full-scale farming activities, halt marketing of agricultural produce and supply chain of agricultural goods to urban centers. More than 80 percent of rural population in Nigeria rely on subsistence farming. The 2020 off season harvests should be reaching markets and providing substantial incomes of stallholder farmers. Market closure, restriction on internal and cross border movements limit farmers' preparation and commitment to the planting period which starts in May/June. The devastation of the pandemic has also forced government concertation on health related matters rather than agricultural protection. This suggests that the post COVID-19 period can fall into an era of food insecurity. Important harvests loss can be reported in the year 2020. If the above-mentioned restrictions continue, farmers won't have access to market to buy good quality seeds and fertilizers. Consequently, smallholder farmers' incomes will shrink and their purchasing power will decrease for the main agricultural season. The Federal and State governments, as at writing, recognize these implications and thus relax the COVID-19 curfew to accommodate farmers (Daily Post Newspaper, 2020). The implication of the impact of COVID 19 on education has become worrisome in Nigeria. This is because of the inability of the country to provide an average digital educational economy at the secondary and university levels. The closure of schools is not applicable to Nigeria alone. The UNESCO fact reveals that 191 countries had shut schools nationwide, impacting almost 1.6 billion learners, which is 91.3% of total enrolled learners (UNESCO, 2020). As a medium to curb the spread of the pandemic, the Federal government of Nigeria has directed the closure of all private and public institutions at the primary, secondary and higher institution (Universities, Polytechnics, Colleges of Education and Innovation Centre) levels. Unlike the developed world where educational activities have been supported through the digital economy, the Nigerian case has been pathetic as a result of the inability to develop a digital social and economic basis. Digital technology helped many businesses in developed countries survive the effect of the COVID-19 outbreak, and it created an opportunity to enhance the country's digital economy.

Nigeria's Response to Covid-19 The Nigerian Presidency provides leadership for policy direction and activities of the various Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs). With the COVID-19 outbreak, the full machinery of the presidency was deployed in response to the outbreak. The president first banned flights from countries with high rates ongoing transmission of COVID-19 on March 18, 2020, and five days later, announced a total closure of the nation's airspace and land borders. President Muhammadu Buhari also announced that federal government grants would be given to fight COVID-19, with N10 billion given to Lagos State, as it had the country's highest number of confirmed COVID-19 cases, and a five-billion-naira special intervention fund to the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC), the agency responsible for supporting states in the COVID-19 response, coordinating surveillance of 218 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW the disease and the public health response nationwide. The NCDC has been developing guidelines and protocols and supporting the accreditation of more laboratories across states in Nigeria. The Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development was tasked with implementing palliative measures across the country. Some of the measures included the disbursement of four months grants of N20,000 to the poorest households in various states, donation of food items to state governments for onward distribution to citizens and continuation of the school feeding program by giving more than three million households food items through the primary schools. On March 9, 2020, the president constituted the Presidential Task Force (PTF) on COVID- 19 chaired by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), , with membership from various MDAs. Since then, the PTF has coordinated a multi- stakeholder response to the pandemic, while providing technical and material support to states to manage the outbreak. The PTF also serves as an advisory body to the president on specific decisions such as imposing and lifting lockdowns and provides daily feedback to Nigerians on the work being done to contain the pandemic through daily media briefings with journalists. Some of the members of the PTF include the Ministers of Health, Foreign Affairs, Information, Humanitarian Affairs, the Director General of NCDC. Dr. Sani Aliyu was appointed as the National Coordinator of the Presidential Task Force on COVId-19. The NCDC as the leading institution in Nigeria's fight against COVID 19 has deployed several measures to ensure a national coverage of situations. NCDC issues frequent “Frequently Asked Question (FAQ)” sheets and Public Health Measures through which everyday updates and well organized information are provided for the public through its website. The NCDC also dispels rumors and fake news concerning the spread and implication of the Pandemic through the website and social media. The institution also establishes local networks through the use of Community Development Associations (CDA) and Community Development Committees (CDC) to create awareness and quash misinformation. The NCDC's prompt response has been attributed to its focused mission and long term vision for protecting public health which has first been exemplified in their nationwide campaign netwroks and fight against Ebola Virus in 2014 and, recently, Lassa Fever. The NCDC also ensures addition of manpower by recruitment of Ad Hoc staff to operate Call Centers, support tracing and testing efforts, building of the Surveillance Outbreak Response Management and Analysis System (SORMAS) and Public Health Emergency Operation Centers for improved coordination of outbreak preparedness and response. The Nigeria government has also established the National Rapid Response Team (NRRT) to help authorities with contact, tracing and had intensified monitoring of travelers entering Nigeria and the COVID-19 Presidential Task Force (COVID-19 PTF) saddled with the responsibility of coordinating response activities at the national level. The Presidential Task Force is saddled with the responsibility of developing a workable national response strategy that is been revised on daily basis as requirement changes. The PTF takes an International Best Practices on Public Health developed to accommodate local circumstances. These establishments are led by the NCDC. The National Administration has also tasked the Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF) to nominate Doctors and Nurses who are to be trained by the NCDC and Lagos state government on Tactical and Operational Response to the virus in case of spread to other states of the federation. The COVID-19 training was also extended to include medical THE ROLE OF GOVERNMENT IN CURBING COMMUNITY 219 SPREAD OF COVID-19 IN NIGERIA representatives for the Nigeria Armed Forces, Paramilitary and Security and Intelligence Agencies. In addition to the response of mitigating the possible effects of COVID-19 in Nigeria, the federal government shut down the Air border by restricting international flight in her major international and local airport of Enugu, Kano, Port Harcourt, Nnmandi Azikwe Airport, Abuja and the Muritala Muhammed Airport in Lagos effective from Monday, 23 March, 2020. In addition to this measure of mitigating the effects, the government has further intensified and ensured total compliance of her land borders closure which begun since October, 2019. To halt the spread of the virus internally, the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari has locked down the three major states, Lagos, Abuja and Ogun, with movement restriction enforced, social distancing and self-isolation as mandatory measures for consecutive five weeks' lockdown. State Governors with minimal record of COVID-19 patient or without any record of COVID-19 patient have followed similar suit by restricting movements in their states and ensured self-isolation through the Lockdown policy and social distancing. As at April 24, 2020, the Governors of States agreed on a two- week inter-state road network lockdown and with enforcement use of facemask at public places. In addition, immigration policies were set. For instance, all travelers returning to Nigeria would undergo supervised isolation for 14 days and be monitored by the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) and Port Health Services. The Nigeria government has also responded to the pandemic through fiscal policies. The federal government released a Contingency fund of NGN984 million ($2.7 million) to NCDC and an additional 6.5 billion ($18 million) was disbursed to purchasing more Testing kits, opening Isolation Centers and training of medical personnel. Also, the Federal Government established N500bn COVID-19 Crisis Intervention Fund which will be channeled to the upgrade of healthcare facilities at the national and state levels, as well as provide intervention for states. The President also approved the employment of 774, 000 Nigerians to ameliorate the suffering caused by COVID-19 in the country. The 774,000 youths will be drawn from the 774 local government (1000 per Local Government) will be engaged in Special Public Works Programme aimed at cushioning the effects of economic downtown. The Federal government has issued out moratorium as a Federal Government-funded loans issued by the Bank of Industry, Bank of Agriculture and the Nigerian Export-Import Bank. At the initial intervention stage for affected states, the federal government also disbursed N15 billion grant to the Lagos State Government as an initial intervention support for national response in the containment of COVID 19. By April, 29, the Federal Government also disbursed the sum of 43.416bn to 24 states to cushion the effects of the pandemic. The Nigeria government has also enjoyed the gestures of state and non-state actors. The government received 1,300,000 Dollar worth of medical equipment and also medical assistance from China through Chinese experts on infectious diseases, intensive care, respiratory illness, cardiology, general surgery, neurology and anesthesiology. The experts are expected to share with the Nigerian medical personnel expertise knowledge on effective methods to stem and cut the threat of the pandemic. The Coalition against COVID-19, otherwise referred to as CACOVID, which comprises Nigeria's private sector has also contributed to the response measure. As at writing, the CACOVID group has contributed to the training of primary health workers and the provision of 400, 000 testing 220 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW kits. The support of the National Youth Service Corps Members (NYSC) in the production of nose masks, hand sanitizers, enlightenment of the public on the information as regards COVID-19 has contributed in no small efforts to the containment of the Pandemic Spread in the country.

Measures Employed in Curbing the Spread of Covid-19 in Nigeria Since the outbreak of the Covid-19 Pandemic, the Nigerian government has embarked on a number of measures to avert the spread of the virus. Prominent among the measures are as follows:

Developing public health protocols Long before the first case was confirmed in Nigeria, the NCDC established public health protocols with other agencies like the Ministry of Aviation, Nigeria Immigration Service, Nigeria Port Health Services, Nigerians in Diaspora Commission and Foreign Affairs. These protocols adopted at the initial stage included mandatory completion of forms by travelers coming into the country to in order track their travel history. Travelers were also made to undergo temperature checks at airports before proceeding into the country. The systems already in place made it possible to trace passengers who had arrived on the same flight with the index case, despite the challenges, including people supplying incorrect contact information. The guideline developed by the NCDC which involves definition of probable, suspected and confirmed cases as well as symptomatic treatment and managing underlying illnesses has guided patient management at hospitals and isolation facilities in the country. Before being certified COVID-19 free and being discharged, patients on treatment must have two tests within 24 hours that returned a negative result for them to be considered COVID-19 negative. In order to limit the spread of the disease, the NCDC produced guidelines on public gatherings, management of pregnant women, the use of public transport, social distancing and wearing of non-medical face coverings, as well as guidelines for the safe burial of individuals who die from COVID-19.

Lockdown and Movement Restrictions The federal government announced a lockdown on 30 March, 2020, in Lagos and Ogun states, as well as Abuja (Federal Capital Territory), and later Kano state, which are considered as the epicenter of Covid-19 pandemic in Nigeria (NCDC, 2020). This was followed by similar directive by some state governments culminating into closure of schools, religious, social and sport gatherings as well as movement restriction and interstate travel ban. The federal government also constituted the Presidential Task Force (PTF) to keep update with the management of Covid-19 in Nigeria (NCDC, 2020). In addition, Emergency Operations Centers were established as a rapid response strategy to flattening the curve of Covid- 19 pandemic in Nigeria (NCDC, 2020).

Public Health Education Public health education and risk communication campaigns on coronavirus commenced in earnest with the reported index case of COVID-19. Both conventional and social media, including WhatsApp, Twitter, and Facebook, have assisted in disseminating updates on the virus (Akinmayowa and Amzat, 2020). The NCDC provides regular updates on the outbreak with support from major telecommunication operators in the country. THE ROLE OF GOVERNMENT IN CURBING COMMUNITY 221 SPREAD OF COVID-19 IN NIGERIA Additionally, there are sensitization activities across some streets in the country by the National Orientation Agency (NOA), non-governmental organizations (NGOs), faith- based organizations (FBOs), and other development partners. The NCDC regularly publishes guidelines on the prevention of coronavirus (social distancing, safe hand washing, maintenance of personal and respiratory hygiene, etc.) as well as a directory of helplines for each state (NCDC, 2020). Messages on the COVID-19 infection were equally translated into local languages to reach the general Nigerian population. The NCDC uses a communication campaign with the theme, Take responsibility, on social media, for a Nigerian audience (NCDC, 2020).

Distribution of Palliatives Another major response by the government to cushion the effect of Covid-19 pandemic in Nigeria was the distribution of palliatives such as food items and 'conditional cash transfer' to the poor and vulnerable citizens. The beneficiaries of the 'conditional cash transfer' were estimated to cover 3.6 million citizens who depended on daily wage and persons with disabilities, whose means of livelihood has been negatively affected by Covid-19 lockdown and movement restrictions (Njoku, Ebiri, Olumide, Musa, and Agboluaje, 2020). Private individual and Civil Society Organizations also supported the government through cash donations and distributions of parcels of food items to the needy (Abara, 2020). Similarly, the government also continued the Home Grown School Feeding Programme aimed at addressing malnutrition and ensuring provision of food ration to school children amid Covid-19 pandemic (Onwuzoo, 2020).

Fiscal Stimulus Measures Fiscal stimulus such as interest rate reductions, tax cuts and tax holidays were implemented to mitigate the effect of Covid-19 pandemic on Small and Medium Scale enterprises. For instance, the government implemented tax holidays for small businesses against company income tax, while tax rate for medium businesses were revised downwards from 30% to 20% (Nnanna, 2020). The CBN also approved uniform exchange rate system for Inter-Bank market to ease pressure on Foreign Exchange rates (Onyekwena and Ekeruche, 2020). Other stimulus measures included the establishment of N 50 billion Intervention Fund to improve health facilities in the country (Nnanna, 2020; Onyekwena and Ekeruche, 2020).

Challenges of Nigeria's response to curbing community spread of Covid-19 Government response to Covid-19 pandemic in Nigeria was not without challenges that further aggravated socio-economic livelihood. Prominent among the challenges are as follows: i. Human Rights Abuse: The enforcement of lockdown, movement restrictions and curfew by the security agents were met with human rights violations, degrading treatment, illegal confiscation of properties, extortion and unlawful arrests. The National Human Rights Commission (2020) reveals that security forces used excessive or disproportionate force leading to deaths in Kaduna, Abia, Delta, Niger, Ebonyi and Katsina States. The NHRC (2020) also identifies the Nigeria Police Force, the Nigeria Army and Nigeria Correctional Service to be responsible for the highest cases of human rights 222 JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW violations during Covid-19 lockdown and movement restrictions. In the same vein, various cases of gender based violence including rape, and domestic violence such as spousal violence, and parent-child abuse were largely reported during Covid-19 pandemic lockdown in Nigeria (Amnesty International, 2020; NHRC, 2020). ii. Poor Coordination of Palliative: Palliative aid to the poor and vulnerable was characterized by coordination problems. The eligibility criteria for the Federal Government Covid-19 palliative aid include inability to recharge mobile phone with N100, bank balance not more than N 5,000, and referral by community leader (Njoku, et al, 2020). These criteria fall short of standard indicators (disability status, income, employment and education) for measuring household poverty (World Bank, 2014). Therefore, palliative aid meant to cushion the effect of Covid-19 lockdown on the poor and vulnerable may not achieve its intended objectives. Moreover, in what could be seen as party politics affairs, palliative aid were given to party loyalists at the expense of the poor and vulnerable in the society (Njoku, et al, 2020). iii. Inadequate Fiscal Policy: The conventional fiscal policy measures (interest rate reductions, tax cuts and tax holidays) introduced by the government to mitigate the effect of Covid-19 pandemic on Small and Medium Scale enterprises may be effective when a decrease in aggregate demand is met with an increase in supply and vice-verse (Al-Ghwell, 2020; Bjørnland, 2000; Oladipo and Fabayo, 2012). However, the outbreak of Covid-19 pandemic has caused a decrease in both demand and supply in the global economic chain (Al-Ghwell, 2020). The demand factors include limitations in spending and declining consumptions due to movement restrictions, curfew and social distancing occasioned by Covid-19 pandemic. The supply factors include low productions, layoff, and risk of factory shutdown due to economy downturn of Covid-19 pandemic. iv. Ineffective Coordination of Covid-19 Lockdown across the States: Although the Federal government announced a lockdown in Lagos and Ogun states, as well as Abuja (Federal Capital Territory), and later Kano state, which are considered as the epicenter of Covid-19 pandemic in Nigeria (NCDC, 2020), corresponding response were not enforced by subnational government across the states. For instance, state such as Oyo either enforced partial lockdown or curfew (Feyisipo, 2020). Policy inconsistency on the implementation of lockdown created a lacuna for movement of people and goods as well as nonobservance to the WHO Covid-19 protocol. Since the virus is highly contagious, ineffective coordination of Covid-19 lockdown and protocols in one part of the state will aggravate the spread of the virus in the country.

Conclusion COVID-19 has disrupted the global community entirely, a typical case of unintended THE ROLE OF GOVERNMENT IN CURBING COMMUNITY 223 SPREAD OF COVID-19 IN NIGERIA consequences of globalization. The flow of people aids the flow of infectious diseases (such as coronavirus). From a few imported cases, most nations are now battling with thousands of cases and deaths. In Nigeria, the country's existing health facilities and equipment (including ventilators and Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) are grossly inadequate to handle the medical emergency due to COVID-19. Although the number of isolation facilities and capacity for intensive care units (ICU) in the country is growing, they are inadequate as many states are still struggling to set up isolation and treatment facilities. Beyond the shortage of personal protective equipment (PPE), health workers also face high risks and challenges. They are always on the front line taking care of the numerous COVID-19 patients which increases their exposure to infection. Despite the efforts put in place by Nigerian government to curb the spread of Covid-19, the cases keep increasing on daily basis, which shows poor compliance to Covid-19 protocols in public gatherings.

Recommendations i. The Nigerian government could consider setting aside additional funding for unemployment insurance payments in the event that Small and Medium- Scale Enterprises affected by the COVID-19 are forced to lay off employees. ii. Social distancing policies, mass quarantines, travel bans, or case tracing policies should be combined with large health investments, technology and data- supported surveillance, and high-level government commitment early in order to effectively stop the transmission of the virus. iii. The government should ensure strict compliance to Covid-19 protocol for all public gatherings, and also prosecute those guilty of same. iv. Frontline health workers should be motivated as they risk their lives to help treat and curb the menace of the novel coronavirus. v. Both the public and the health care sectors will need well-planned, persistent, and targeted risk communication to help prevent the hysteria associated with an acute outbreak.

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