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Rokkasho: Active Tests Set to Begin Any Day Table 1 1956 Atomic Energy Commission of Japan Adopts a Policy of Reprocessing Spent Nuclear Fuel and Extracting Plutonium
TOKYOMarch/April 2006 NUKECitizens' Nuclear INFO Information Center No. 111 3F Kotobuki Bldg., 1-58-15, Higashi-nakano, Nakano-ku, Tokyo 164-0003, JAPAN URL: http://cnic.jp/english/ e-mail : [email protected] Rokkasho: active tests set to begin any day Table 1 1956 Atomic Energy Commission of Japan adopts a policy of reprocessing spent nuclear fuel and extracting plutonium. 1971 Construction commences at Tokai reprocessing facility. 1977 President Carter reverses his opposition to Japanese reprocessing. 1981 Tokai reprocessing facility commences operations. 1985 The Governor of Aomori and the Mayor of Rokkasho accept a request from the Federation of Electric Power Sampling of beach sand (see article on page 3) Companies to establish a reprocessing (Photo by Shigeru Ogasawara) plant at Rokkasho. ctive tests at the Rokkasho reprocessing 1993 Construction of the Rokkasho plant are expected to commence very reprocessing plant commences. soon. For the first time, plutonium will 2001 Construction of the Rokkasho Abe separated from spent fuel at Rokkasho. Of reprocessing plant is completed. course, Japan has been separating plutonium at 2003 Chemical trials are completed (December) (radioactive substances not used). the Tokai facility since 1981, but Rokkasho will 2004 Uranium tests begin (using depleted be Japan's first industrial-scale reprocessing plant. (December) uranium). Indeed it will be the first such plant outside the 2006 Uranium tests are completed. nuclear weapons states, as defined in the Non- (January) Proliferation Treaty (NPT). India has reprocessing 2006 (soon) Active tests are due to begin (using facilities, but it is outside the NPT. Of course, this spent fuel). does not excuse India, but the international legal 2007 Rokkasho reprocessing plant is due to implications are different for Japan. -
Master2018.Kato.Pdf (3.019Mb)
University College of Southeast Norway Faculty of Humanities, Sports and Educational Science Institute of Culture, Religion and Social Studies Master’s Thesis MSc Human Rights and Multiculturalism Spring 2018 Aya Kato Power, politics and debate on the Convention on the Rights of the Child Article 12 in Japan: barriers to implementation in education University College of Southeast Norway Faculty of Humanities, Sports and Educational Science Institute of Culture, Religion and Social Studies PO Box 235 NO-3603 Kongsberg, Norway http://www.usn.no © 2018 <Aya Kato > This thesis is worth 45 study points Abstract This thesis examines tensions between the right of child democratic participation as an ideal encapsulated in the United Nations Convention of the Child Rights (CRC) and how this ideal has been implemented in Japan. Despite ratification of the CRC in 1994, the provision of Article 12 has not been endorsed in the national law of education. The thesis questions are a) Why is the CRC Article 12, ‘the right of the child to be heard’, not endorsed in Japanese education law? b) What are the obstacles preventing the full implementation of the CRC Article 12 in Japanese education? Derrida’s ‘hospitality concept’ is used as a theoretical framework to explore the possibility of including children and youth in the demos. The thesis presents and analyses Parliamentary debate data since 1991 to 2016 and interviews with policymakers and school authorities. Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory is applied in the Parliamentary data analysis. This thesis concludes that the Japanese government has prioritized public order at school over students’ individual human rights, and prioritized students’ contribution to the nation state over their democratic participation. -
The Death Penalty in Japan: the Law of Silence Going Against the International Trend
The Death Penalty in Japan: The Law of Silence Going against the International Trend International fact-finding mission Article 1 : All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2 : Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. n°505a October 2008 Tokyo Detention Centre FIDH - The Death Penalty in Japan: The Law of Silence / 2 Contents Introduction 4 I. The Japanese Context 6 Context and history of the application of the death penalty in Japan Actors Authorities Officials at Ministry of Justice Detention Centre Personnel Political Parties Civil society Lawyers victims’ families and detainees’ families NGOs and the movements in favour of abolition Religious representatives The influence of media II. Current debates 18 Secrecy Separation of powers Life imprisonment without parole and a toughening of penalties Fallacious arguments Justification by public opinion The confusion between the rights of victims and the death penalty The cultural argument III. Legal Framework 25 Domestic law and norms International law United Nations Japan ratified the United Nations Convention Against Torture in 1999 The Council of Europe The European Union The International criminal court (ICC) IV. -
Democratization and Electoral Reform
Comparative Political Studies Volume XX Number X Month XX X-X © Sage Publications Democratization and 10.1177/0010414006299097 http://cps.sagepub.com hosted at Electoral Reform in the http://online.sagepub.com Asia-Pacific Region Is There an “Asian Model” of Democracy? Benjamin Reilly Australian National University During the past two decades, numerous Asia-Pacific states have made the transition to democracy founded on basic political liberties and freely con- tested elections. A little-noticed consequence of this process has been strik- ingly congruent reforms to key political institutions such as electoral systems, political parties, and parliaments. The author argues that, across the region, these reforms have been motivated by common aims of promoting govern- ment stability, reducing political fragmentation, and limiting the potential for new entrants to the party system. As a result, similar strategies of institutional design are evident in the increasing prevalence of “mixed-member majoritar- ian” electoral systems, new political party laws favoring the development of aggregative party systems, and constraints on the enfranchisement of regional or ethnic minorities. Comparing the outcomes of these reforms with those of other world regions, the author argues that there has been an increasing con- vergence on an identifiable “Asian model” of electoral democracy. Keywords: democracy; electoral systems; political parties; Asia-Pacific he closing decades of the 20th century were years of unprecedented Tpolitical reform in the Asia-Pacific region. Major transitions from authoritarian rule to democracy began with the popular uprising against the Marcos regime in the Philippines in 1986 and the negotiated transitions from military-backed, single-party governments in Korea and Taiwan in 1987, moving on to the resumption of civilian government in Thailand in 1992, the UN intervention in Cambodia in 1993, the fall of Indonesia’s Suharto regime in 1998, and the international rehabilitation of East Timor that culminated in 2001. -
Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations
Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Cohort IV Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Cohort IV Arthur Alexander, Editor www.mansfieldfdn.org The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation, Washington, D.C. ©2018 by The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation All rights reserved. Published in the United States of America Library of Congress Control Number: 2018942756 The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation or its funders. Contributors Amy Catalinac, Assistant Professor, New York University Yulia Frumer, Assistant Professor, Johns Hopkins University Robert Hoppens, Associate Professor, University of Texas Rio Grande Valley Nori Katagiri, Assistant Professor, Saint Louis University Adam P. Liff, Assistant Professor, Indiana University Ko Maeda, Associate Professor, University of North Texas Reo Matsuzaki, Assistant Professor, Trinity College Matthew Poggi Michael Orlando Sharpe, Associate Professor, City University of New York Jolyon Thomas, Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Kristin Vekasi, Assistant Professor, University of Maine Joshua W. Walker, Managing Director for Japan and Head of Global Strategic Initiatives, Office of the President, Eurasia Group U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Advisory Committee Dr. Susan J. Pharr, Edwin O. Reischauer Professor -
The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan's Foreign Policy
The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan’s Foreign Policy Bert Edström SILK ROAD PAPER May 2007 The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan’s Foreign Policy Bert Edström © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center Johns Hopkins University-SAIS, 1619 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036 Uppsala University, Box 514, 75120 Uppsala, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org "The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan’s Foreign Policy" is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program. The Silk Road Paper series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, published jointly on topical and timely subjects. The Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and the Silk Road Studies Program is a joint transatlantic independent and externally funded research and policy center. The Joint Center has offices in Washington and Uppsala and is affiliated with the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University and the Department of Eurasian Studies of Uppsala University. It is the first Institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is today firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy- watchers, business leaders and journalists. The Joint Center aims to be at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, teaching, research cooperation, public lectures and seminars, it wishes to function as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion regarding the region. -
Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future
Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future Author: Joe Michael Sasanuma Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/470 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2004 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. BOSTON COLLEGE JAPANESE ELECTORAL POLITICS: REFORM, RESULTS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE A SENIOR HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE HONORS PROGRAM OF THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND THE COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES BY JOE M. MICHAEL SASANUMA April 2004 - 1 - Table of Contents Part I: Introduction 3 Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years 4 Part II: Revolution, Realignment, and the Man Named Ozawa 12 Chapter 2: Money and Machine Politics 13 Chapter 3: Ozawa Ichiro’s Reform, Revolt, and Revolution 15 Chapter 4: Hosokawa’s Fall, LDP’s Return, and Ozawa Again 21 Chapter 5: Realignment 24 Part III: The Electoral System: Before and After 38 Chapter 6: The Medium Size Election District System 39 Chapter 7: The Mixed System 43 Chapter 8: Analyzing the New Electoral System 49 Part IV: Previous Elections 66 Chapter 9: The Election of 1996 67 Chapter 10: The Election of 2000 69 Part V: The Election of 2003 77 Chapter 11: Results and Analysis 78 Chapter 12: Predictions and Results 88 Chapter 13: District Analysis 102 Part VI: Conclusion 132 Chapter 14: Prospects for the Future 133 - 2 - Part I Introduction - 3 - Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years In an interview conducted by the Yomiuri Shinbun newspaper in May of 2003, then- vice-speaker of the Lower House Watanabe Kozo called the past decade of Japanese politics “The Lost Ten Years.”1 Although the term is used more commonly to describe the Japanese economic stagnation of the 1990s, in many ways his use of the term to describe politics was equally appropriate. -
Maires Pour Un Japon Sans Energie Nuclaire
Maires pour un Japon sans Energie Nuclaire Le réseau « Mayors for a Nuclear Power Free Japan » (Maires pour un Japon sans Energie Nuclaire) a été fondé officiellement à Tokyo le 28 avril 2012. Ce réseau a été lancé par les maires et les dirigeants municipaux pendant the « Global Conference for a Nuclear Power Free World » (la Conference Mondiale pour un Monde sans Energie Atomique) tenue à Yokohama en janvier 2012 (pour plus d'informations: npfree.jp), et à ce jour (octobre 2014), 100 maires de 39 préfectures (d'un total de 47) à travers tout le Japon ont déclaré leur soutien au réseau. Un groupe multi-partisans de députés de la Diète de Japon composés de membres originaires de presque tous les principaux parties politiques japonais a été élu comme Conseillers Spéciaux, aux côtés de l©ancien gouverneur de la Préfecture de Fukushima, Sato Eisaku. D©autres partisans du réseau comprennent l©ancien Premier Ministre japonais Kan Naoto, le Maire de Seoul, Park Won-soon ainsi que Suzuki Teisukke, leader du Network of Business Leaders and Entrepreneurs for a Sustainable Business and Energy Future (le Réseau des Chefs d©Entreprises et Entrepreneurs pour un Futur Durable d©Entreprises et Energie). Nos thèmes et objectifs (déclaration complète au verso) Le réseau affirme sa volonté de collaborer pour réaliser les buts suivants: − Pas de construction de nouvelles centrales nucléaires − Un objectif zéro centrale nucléaire dès que possible 1. Comprendre la situation réelle des centrales nucléaires (coût, cycle de combustible nucléaire, sites finals d©évacuation etc.) 2. Clarifier le programme qui permettrait de parvenir à l©objectif zéro centrale nucléaire 3. -
The Era of Koizumi‟S Right-Wing Populism
The Era of Koizumi‟s Right-Wing Populism A study of ideology, political practice and rhetoric in Japan Petter Lindgren Master Thesis in Asian and African Studies 60 Credits UNIVERSITY OF OSLO DEPARTMENT OF CULTURAL STUDIES AND ORIENTAL LANGUAGES Spring 2012 II Acknowledgment Back in 2004, when she lectured in the subject ”Japanese politics and society,” I met my adviser Reiko A. Auestad for the first time. Over the years, we have discussed a variety of Japanese and Western topics. Honesty, openness, and trust are her trademarks. I would like to thank her for reading some chapters and for discussing the master thesis project on several occasions. I would also like to thank Mark Teeuwen, Dick Stegewerns and Arne Kalland, for teaching me about Japan, and for providing insights and inspiration on the journey to understand Japanese society, history and politics. I am indebted to Tomoko O. Hansen for her splendid, but somewhat strict teaching of Japanese language. Without her - no thesis. Thank you. I also want to thank professor Glenda Roberts at Waseda University. Her courses benefited my anthropological and sociological understanding.. I would like to express my gratitude to Saito and Yamanoi for their hospitality, books, food and teaching on Japanese politics and society. Great thanks to the Itô Foundation as well. Itô offered me the opportunity to study at Waseda University in Tokyo and enabled a year of studies in one of the world‟s most interesting cities. Sasakawa Foundation provided funding that enabled a research trip to Japan in December 2008. Thank you very much. Major thanks are forwarded to Wrenn Yennie. -
Freedom of the World 2018 Japan
Japan Page 1 of 7 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Japan Japan Country: Japan Year: 2018 Freedom Status: Free Political Rights: 1 Civil Liberties: 1 Aggregate Score: 96 Freedom Rating: 1.0 Overview: Japan is a multiparty parliamentary democracy. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has governed almost continuously since 1955, in opposition only twice. Political rights and civil liberties are generally well respected. Outstanding challenges include ethnic and gender-based discrimination, and claims of unduly close relations between government and the business sector. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: POLITICAL RIGHTS: 40 / 40 A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 12 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 Japan is a parliamentary democracy. The prime minister is the head of government, and is chosen by the freely elected House of Representatives. The prime minister selects the cabinet, which can include a limited number of non-politicians. Japan’s emperor serves as head of state in a ceremonial capacity. https://freedomhouse.org/print/50021 6/15/2018 Japan Page 2 of 7 A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 The parliament, or Diet, has two chambers. The more powerful lower house, the House of Representatives, has 465 members elected to maximum four-year terms. The upper house, the House of Councillors, has 242 members serving fixed six-year terms, half elected every three years. The prime minister and his cabinet can dissolve the House of Representatives, but not the House of Councillors. -
Factionalism Within the Conservative Parties in Japan, 1945-1964
For Disharmony and Strength: Factionalism within the Conservative Parties in Japan, 1945-1964 Hulda Thora Svelnsdottir Ph.D. Thesis University of Newcastle Upon Tyne School of Geography, Politics and Sociology March 2004 NEWCASTLE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 201 29925 7 ABSTRACT The numerous studies that exist on political factionalism in Japan have mostly limited themselves to factionalism after the establishment of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in 1955. This thesis attempts to throw light on factionalism within the conservative Parties in Japan between 1945 and 1964 by comparing factionalism within the two main conservative parties until 1955, the Jiytito and the Minshuto, with that of the LDP. The thesis is an attempt to answer three basic questions. First, what was the character of factionalism within the early conservative parties and how was it different from the LDP factionalism? Second, how and why did the character of factionalism change in this period? Third, what maintains the factionalism within the LDP? I argue that the factionalism of the Jiyuto and Minshuto did not affect the whole party and did not affect electoral politics in any significant way. The factions were fluid entities, with no organisational structure and very loosely defined membership. They were not effective tools to enhance political advancement within the parties. This contrasts with the politically significant LDP factions, which have clear membership and a clearly defined organisational structure which cuts through the whole party. In answer to the second question, I argue that the dominant view that the multimember electoral system is vitally important in the emergence and maintenance of factionalism is flawed, and that factionalism in the LDP evolved out of power politics within the party which were exacerbated by the organisational environment. -
British Journal of Political Science Return of Proofs
BRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE RETURN OF PROOFS INSTRUCTIONS Please find attached the proof of your paper in pdf format, together with the offprint order form. Please print out a proof of your paper and the offprint order form. The offprint order form should be completed in hard copy and corrections to your proof should also be marked on a hard copy. Please check the proofs carefully, answering any queries on the proofs. Please note it is your responsibility to check the factual content of your paper. Only typographical and factual errors should be corrected - you may be charged for corrections of non-typographical errors. Mark any typesetting errors in RED ink and your own (author corrections) in BLUE or BLACK ink. If any figure requires correction of anything other than a typographical error introduced by the typesetter, you must provide a new copy. Please return your corrected proof and the Offprint Order Form, within three days of receipt to:- Mrs Heather Bliss 4 Tackley Place Oxford OX2 6RR United Kingdom. Please send proofs by first class airmail, or FEDEX courier (or similar) if necessary or if you are outside Europe. Late return of these proofs may result in a delay in publication. PLEASE NOTE: Your paper will be published online approximately one month ahead of the printed journal. This journal is included in the Cambridge Journals Online service which can be found at: http://journals.cambridge.org/. B.J.Pol.S. 34, 000–000 Copyright 2004 Cambridge University Press DOI: 10.1017/S000712340400000 Printed in the United Kingdom ‘Presidentialization’ in Japan? The Prime Minister, Media and Elections in Japan ELLIS S.