The Era of Koizumi‟S Right-Wing Populism
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Japan Daiske Yoshida & Junyeon Park, Latham & Watkins 122 Luxembourg Laurent Lenert & Marlène Muller, Kayser, Lenert & Becker 131 Mexico Leonel Pereznieto, Carlos E
Bribery & Corruption 2018 Fifth Edition Contributing Editors: Jonathan Pickworth & Jo Dimmock CONTENTS Preface Jonathan Pickworth & Jo Dimmock, White & Case LLP General chapter Finding evidential needles in massive data haystacks: the role of financial and data analytic experts in an investigation David Lawler, Keith McCarthy & Paul Nash, Kroll 1 Country chapters Albania Dritan Jahaj & Fatma Muça, Haxhia & Hajdari Attorneys at Law 11 Australia Greg Williams & Tobin Meagher, Clayton Utz 20 Brazil Maurício Zanoide de Moraes, Daniel Diez Castilho & Lucas Dotto Borges, Zanoide de Moraes, Peresi, Braun & Castilho Advogados Associados 37 Cayman Islands Martin Livingston & Adam Huckle, Maples and Calder 46 China Hui Xu, Catherine E. Palmer & Sean Wu, Latham & Watkins 56 France Stéphane Bonifassi, Bonifassi Avocats 74 Germany Dr Tobias Eggers & Sebastian Wagner, PARK | Wirtschaftsstrafrecht 85 India Aditya Vikram Bhat & Shwetank Ginodia, AZB & Partners 92 Ireland Megan Hooper, Imelda Higgins & Heather Mahon, McCann FitzGerald 101 Italy Roberto Pisano, Studio Legale Pisano 111 Japan Daiske Yoshida & Junyeon Park, Latham & Watkins 122 Luxembourg Laurent Lenert & Marlène Muller, Kayser, Lenert & Becker 131 Mexico Leonel Pereznieto, Carlos E. Martínez-Betanzos & Andrés Sánchez Ríos y Valles, Creel, García-Cuéllar, Aiza y Enríquez, S.C. 140 Romania Mihai Mareș, Mareș / Danilescu / Mareș 154 Russia Hannes Lubitzsch, Noerr 173 Serbia Vladimir Hrle, Hrle Attorneys 184 Singapore Jason Chan, Allen & Gledhill LLP 190 Slovenia Uroš Čop, Katarina Mervič & Eva Rop, Law firm Miro Senica and attorneys, Ltd. 196 Spain Mar de Pedraza Fernández & Paula Martínez-Barros Rodríguez, De Pedraza Abogados, S.L.P. 208 Switzerland Marcel Meinhardt & Fadri Lenggenhager, Lenz & Staehelin 221 Taiwan Grace Wang, Wen-Ping Lai & Bessie Y. -
List of Participants As of 17 January 2014
Japan Meeting List of Participants As of 17 January 2014 Tokyo, Japan, 11 June 2013 Shinzo Abe Prime Minister of Japan Evgeny V. Afanasiev Ambassador of the Russian Federation Embassy of the Russian Japan to Japan Federation in Japan Nicolas Aguzin Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, JPMorgan Chase Bank NA Hong Kong SAR Asia-Pacific Hirotsugu Aida Columnist Kyodo News Japan Koichi Akaishi Japan Economic Revitalization Bureau Cabinet Office of Japan Japan Manager, Assistant Director Akira Amari Minister for Economic Revitalization and Minister for Economic and Fiscal Policy of Japan Jun Arai Representative Director and Chief Showa Shell Sekiyu KK Japan Operating Officer Hiroto Arakawa Vice-President, Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), Japan Hiroto Arakawa Vice-President, Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), Japan Keiichiro Asao Member of the House of Representatives, Japan William Barriga Chief of Mission International Organization for Japan Migration (IOM) Neelanjan Head, Japan Business HCL Technologies Ltd Japan Bhattacharjee Børge Brende Managing Director and Member of the World Economic Forum Switzerland Managing Board Børge Brende Managing Director and Member of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway Managing Board Norway Urs Bucher Ambassador of Switzerland Embassy of Switzerland Japan Johan Cels Representative United Nations High Japan Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Adrian David Cheok Professor and Inventor, Graduate Keio University Japan School of Media Design Mitsuru Claire Chino Executive Officer, General Manager of Itochu Corporation Japan Lega l Division I-han Chou Senior Editor, Nature Nature Publishing Group Japan Sayuri Daimon Managing Editor The Japan Times Ltd Japan Katsuya Debari President and Chief Executive Officer Odyssey Communications Inc. -
Democratization and Electoral Reform
Comparative Political Studies Volume XX Number X Month XX X-X © Sage Publications Democratization and 10.1177/0010414006299097 http://cps.sagepub.com hosted at Electoral Reform in the http://online.sagepub.com Asia-Pacific Region Is There an “Asian Model” of Democracy? Benjamin Reilly Australian National University During the past two decades, numerous Asia-Pacific states have made the transition to democracy founded on basic political liberties and freely con- tested elections. A little-noticed consequence of this process has been strik- ingly congruent reforms to key political institutions such as electoral systems, political parties, and parliaments. The author argues that, across the region, these reforms have been motivated by common aims of promoting govern- ment stability, reducing political fragmentation, and limiting the potential for new entrants to the party system. As a result, similar strategies of institutional design are evident in the increasing prevalence of “mixed-member majoritar- ian” electoral systems, new political party laws favoring the development of aggregative party systems, and constraints on the enfranchisement of regional or ethnic minorities. Comparing the outcomes of these reforms with those of other world regions, the author argues that there has been an increasing con- vergence on an identifiable “Asian model” of electoral democracy. Keywords: democracy; electoral systems; political parties; Asia-Pacific he closing decades of the 20th century were years of unprecedented Tpolitical reform in the Asia-Pacific region. Major transitions from authoritarian rule to democracy began with the popular uprising against the Marcos regime in the Philippines in 1986 and the negotiated transitions from military-backed, single-party governments in Korea and Taiwan in 1987, moving on to the resumption of civilian government in Thailand in 1992, the UN intervention in Cambodia in 1993, the fall of Indonesia’s Suharto regime in 1998, and the international rehabilitation of East Timor that culminated in 2001. -
Teradyne K.K. Teradyne Inc
Success StoriesーOther Manufacturing Teradyne K.K. Teradyne Inc. was founded in 1960 in the student quarter of Boston, Massachusetts to provide Automated Test Equipment (ATE) for electronic parts to the world. The company now boasts the largest sales in the global ATE market for semiconductors (based on its own research). Its only non-US research and development site of ATE for semiconductor is in Kumamoto Prefecture. Even after the 2016 Kumamoto earthquakes, the company was determined to continue business there, where there are many experienced and competent engineers and, with talented professionals, rebuilt the local factory. We talked to Hiroshi Takashima, Representative Director & President of Teradyne K.K. and Yuzo Motomura, Manager of the Kumamoto site. Mobile phones and smartphones are essential development and manufacturing. There has tools in our daily lives today. According to Mr. already been an increase in inquiries from Takashima, “Sixty to seventy percent of the Japanese companies showing interest in their semiconductors used for those products hit the cobots, as the issue of manpower shortage market after being tested with Teradyne testers.” continues to grow more severe in Japan. With about 4,700 employees in 32 locations worldwide and sales of about 235 billion yen Development and manufacturing in (2,137 million dollar) in 2017, the company is Kumamoto, a Japanese semiconductor leading the semiconductor ATE market. industry center where clients who boast According to the company, about 80% of the the world’s top market share operate global market (as per sales forecasts) is led by Teradyne K.K. started business in Japan as two companies: Teradyne (50%) and the early as 1973 and celebrates the 45th Japanese company Advantest (33%). -
Brazil, Japan, and Turkey
BRAZIL | 1 BRAZIL, JAPAN, AND TURKEY With articles by Marcos C. de Azambuja Henri J. Barkey Matake Kamiya Edited By Barry M. Blechman September 2009 2 | AZAMBUJA Copyright ©2009 The Henry L. Stimson Center Cover design by Shawn Woodley Photograph on the front cover from the International Atomic Energy Agency All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org BRAZIL | 3 PREFACE I am pleased to present Brazil, Japan, and Turkey, the sixth in a series of Stimson publications addressing questions of how the elimination of nuclear weapons might be achieved. The Stimson project on nuclear security explores the practical dimensions of this critical 21st century debate, to identify both political and technical obstacles that could block the road to “zero,” and to outline how each of these could be removed. Led by Stimson's co-founder and Distinguished Fellow Dr. Barry Blechman, the project provides useful analyses that can help US and world leaders make the elimination of nuclear weapons a realistic and viable option. The series comprises country assessments, published in a total of six different monographs, and a separate volume on such technical issues as verification and enforcement of a disarmament regime, to be published in the fall. This sixth monograph in the series, following volumes on France and the United Kingdom, China and India, Israel and Pakistan, Iran and North Korea, and Russia and the United States, examines three countries without nuclear weapons of their own, but which are nonetheless key states that would need to be engaged constructively in any serious move toward eliminating nuclear weapons. -
Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations
Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Cohort IV Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Cohort IV Arthur Alexander, Editor www.mansfieldfdn.org The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation, Washington, D.C. ©2018 by The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation All rights reserved. Published in the United States of America Library of Congress Control Number: 2018942756 The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation or its funders. Contributors Amy Catalinac, Assistant Professor, New York University Yulia Frumer, Assistant Professor, Johns Hopkins University Robert Hoppens, Associate Professor, University of Texas Rio Grande Valley Nori Katagiri, Assistant Professor, Saint Louis University Adam P. Liff, Assistant Professor, Indiana University Ko Maeda, Associate Professor, University of North Texas Reo Matsuzaki, Assistant Professor, Trinity College Matthew Poggi Michael Orlando Sharpe, Associate Professor, City University of New York Jolyon Thomas, Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Kristin Vekasi, Assistant Professor, University of Maine Joshua W. Walker, Managing Director for Japan and Head of Global Strategic Initiatives, Office of the President, Eurasia Group U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Advisory Committee Dr. Susan J. Pharr, Edwin O. Reischauer Professor -
The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan's Foreign Policy
The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan’s Foreign Policy Bert Edström SILK ROAD PAPER May 2007 The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan’s Foreign Policy Bert Edström © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center Johns Hopkins University-SAIS, 1619 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036 Uppsala University, Box 514, 75120 Uppsala, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org "The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan’s Foreign Policy" is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program. The Silk Road Paper series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, published jointly on topical and timely subjects. The Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and the Silk Road Studies Program is a joint transatlantic independent and externally funded research and policy center. The Joint Center has offices in Washington and Uppsala and is affiliated with the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University and the Department of Eurasian Studies of Uppsala University. It is the first Institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is today firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy- watchers, business leaders and journalists. The Joint Center aims to be at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, teaching, research cooperation, public lectures and seminars, it wishes to function as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion regarding the region. -
How Important Is the Tokyo Gubernatorial Election? 都知事選 の重要性は
Volume 12 | Issue 2 | Number 2 | Article ID 4060 | Jan 12, 2014 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus How Important is the Tokyo Gubernatorial Election? 都知事選 の重要性は Andrew DeWit Israeli Air Force (IAF) is aiming at becoming net zero energy military by 2033. The IAF are Metropolitan Tokyo, the world's largest city- explicitly building on and surpassing US region and site of the 2020 Olympics, lost its military commitments to renewables, Governor (Inose Naoki) to a YEN 50 million conservation and the intelligent ICT to link it, 1 political-donation scandal on December 19. including the US Navy's targeting of 50% Gubernatorial elections are set for February 9, renewables by 2020.7 Given the history of with the official campaign period set to begin military demand in driving the diffusion of on January 23. There are at present three main innovation in the private economy, that is good candidates, one on the left (Utsunomiya Kenji), news. But surely it would be far better if the one on the far right (Tamogami Toshio) and one world's biggest city-region, and its civil society, 2 roughly in the centre (Masuzoe Yoichi). They took the lead and shaped the institutions and may soon be joined by a powerful, potentially technologies of the emerging energy winning challenger stressing green power. modernity. This election matters a great deal for Japan, as So perhaps the main reason to pay attention to well as for the world. Even without the Tokyo's election is that several of Japan's precarious backdrop of Abenomics and the former prime ministers appear prepared to use mounting China-Japan conflict over theit as a fulcrum for reorganizing the country's Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands and Prime Minister energy economy, focusing it on green power, as Abe Shinzo's provocative visits to Yasukuni well as its dealing with its unbalanced politics Shrine,3 the election would be worth paying and political economy. -
Theories and Methods in Japanese Studies: Current State and Future Developments
Hans Dieter Ölschleger (ed.) Theories and Methods in Japanese Studies: Current State and Future Developments Papers in Honor of Josef Kreiner V&R unipress Bonn University Press Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.des abrufbar. ISBN 978-3-89971-355-8 Veröffentlichungen der Bonn University Press erscheinen im Verlag V&R unipress GmbH. © 2008, V&R unipress in Göttingen / www.vr-unipress.de Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Das Werk und seine Teile sind urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung in anderen als den gesetzlich zugelassenen Fällen bedarf der vorherigen schriftlichen Einwilligung des Verlages. Hinweis zu § 52a UrhG: Weder das Werk noch seine Teile dürfen ohne vorherige schriftliche Einwilligung des Verlages öffentlich zugänglich gemacht werden. Dies gilt auch bei einer entsprechenden Nutzung für Lehr- und Unterrichtszwecke. Printed in Germany. Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier. Table of Contents PREFACE...........................................................................................................7 Ronald DORE Japan – Sixty Years of Modernization? .........................................................11 KUWAYAMA Takami Japanese Anthropology and Folklore Studies................................................25 ITŌ Abito The Distinctiveness and Marginality of Japanese Culture.............................43 FUKUTA AJIO -
Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future
Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future Author: Joe Michael Sasanuma Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/470 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2004 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. BOSTON COLLEGE JAPANESE ELECTORAL POLITICS: REFORM, RESULTS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE A SENIOR HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE HONORS PROGRAM OF THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND THE COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES BY JOE M. MICHAEL SASANUMA April 2004 - 1 - Table of Contents Part I: Introduction 3 Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years 4 Part II: Revolution, Realignment, and the Man Named Ozawa 12 Chapter 2: Money and Machine Politics 13 Chapter 3: Ozawa Ichiro’s Reform, Revolt, and Revolution 15 Chapter 4: Hosokawa’s Fall, LDP’s Return, and Ozawa Again 21 Chapter 5: Realignment 24 Part III: The Electoral System: Before and After 38 Chapter 6: The Medium Size Election District System 39 Chapter 7: The Mixed System 43 Chapter 8: Analyzing the New Electoral System 49 Part IV: Previous Elections 66 Chapter 9: The Election of 1996 67 Chapter 10: The Election of 2000 69 Part V: The Election of 2003 77 Chapter 11: Results and Analysis 78 Chapter 12: Predictions and Results 88 Chapter 13: District Analysis 102 Part VI: Conclusion 132 Chapter 14: Prospects for the Future 133 - 2 - Part I Introduction - 3 - Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years In an interview conducted by the Yomiuri Shinbun newspaper in May of 2003, then- vice-speaker of the Lower House Watanabe Kozo called the past decade of Japanese politics “The Lost Ten Years.”1 Although the term is used more commonly to describe the Japanese economic stagnation of the 1990s, in many ways his use of the term to describe politics was equally appropriate. -
Freedom of the World 2018 Japan
Japan Page 1 of 7 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Japan Japan Country: Japan Year: 2018 Freedom Status: Free Political Rights: 1 Civil Liberties: 1 Aggregate Score: 96 Freedom Rating: 1.0 Overview: Japan is a multiparty parliamentary democracy. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has governed almost continuously since 1955, in opposition only twice. Political rights and civil liberties are generally well respected. Outstanding challenges include ethnic and gender-based discrimination, and claims of unduly close relations between government and the business sector. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: POLITICAL RIGHTS: 40 / 40 A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 12 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 Japan is a parliamentary democracy. The prime minister is the head of government, and is chosen by the freely elected House of Representatives. The prime minister selects the cabinet, which can include a limited number of non-politicians. Japan’s emperor serves as head of state in a ceremonial capacity. https://freedomhouse.org/print/50021 6/15/2018 Japan Page 2 of 7 A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 The parliament, or Diet, has two chambers. The more powerful lower house, the House of Representatives, has 465 members elected to maximum four-year terms. The upper house, the House of Councillors, has 242 members serving fixed six-year terms, half elected every three years. The prime minister and his cabinet can dissolve the House of Representatives, but not the House of Councillors. -
Factionalism Within the Conservative Parties in Japan, 1945-1964
For Disharmony and Strength: Factionalism within the Conservative Parties in Japan, 1945-1964 Hulda Thora Svelnsdottir Ph.D. Thesis University of Newcastle Upon Tyne School of Geography, Politics and Sociology March 2004 NEWCASTLE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 201 29925 7 ABSTRACT The numerous studies that exist on political factionalism in Japan have mostly limited themselves to factionalism after the establishment of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in 1955. This thesis attempts to throw light on factionalism within the conservative Parties in Japan between 1945 and 1964 by comparing factionalism within the two main conservative parties until 1955, the Jiytito and the Minshuto, with that of the LDP. The thesis is an attempt to answer three basic questions. First, what was the character of factionalism within the early conservative parties and how was it different from the LDP factionalism? Second, how and why did the character of factionalism change in this period? Third, what maintains the factionalism within the LDP? I argue that the factionalism of the Jiyuto and Minshuto did not affect the whole party and did not affect electoral politics in any significant way. The factions were fluid entities, with no organisational structure and very loosely defined membership. They were not effective tools to enhance political advancement within the parties. This contrasts with the politically significant LDP factions, which have clear membership and a clearly defined organisational structure which cuts through the whole party. In answer to the second question, I argue that the dominant view that the multimember electoral system is vitally important in the emergence and maintenance of factionalism is flawed, and that factionalism in the LDP evolved out of power politics within the party which were exacerbated by the organisational environment.