Aspects of Organ-Building in Ireland in the Nineteenth Century, referencing White, Telford, and Post-Emancipation Choral Practice
by
Alexis Paul McKeever
Supervisors: Dr Helen Phelan Dr William McVicker
Doctorate of Philosophy
University of Limerick
Submitted to the University of Limerick (February 2012) Dedicated to my mother Daphne and in memory of my father Brian
Table of Contents
Abstract...……………………………………………………………………………………………….vii Acknowledgements...…………………………………………………………………………………..viii Note on Compasses and Pitch...……………………………………………………………………...... ix Abbreviations... ………………………..………………………………………………………………...x
Introduction ...…...…………………………………………………………………………………...1
Chapter One Antecedents
Introduction...... ……………………………………………………………………………………6 A working definition of a pipe organ...... 7 The Wicklow pipes...... ……………………………….………...…………………………… 7 Movement of people and trade from the Bronze Age...... …….………………………………...... 9 The Celtic Church and re-evangelisation of Europe....…………..…….………...……………...... 10 Literature and the use of the word organum and píopaí therein....……....……………………………..11 Music Treatises and Chant...…………………………………………………………………………....16 Establishment of Vicars Choral and the earliest allusion to an organ in Medieval Ireland...... ….…….18 The organ in Ireland from the fifteenth century..……………………………………………………….20 The organ in Ireland during the sixteenth century and to the end of the Commonwealth...... 23 The return of the organ in Ireland with the Restoration...... …….………………………………………28 The organ in Ireland during the eighteenth century…………….…………………………………….. .32 Into the nineteenth century...... ……………………….....……………………………………...... 41
Chapter Two Telford, White and other Organ Builders
Introduction...…………………………………………………………………………………………...43 Telford...………………………………………………………………………………………………...44 Telford Family Tree..…………………………………………………………………………….51 White...………………………………………………………………………………………………….52 White Family Tree...…………………………………………………………………………….60
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Irish organ-builders in England...…………………………………………………………………….....61 Other organ-builders in Ireland...……………………………………………………………………….61 Magahy Family Tree....………………………………………………………………………….63 Brown Family Tree..…………………………………………………………………………….64 Religious and national attitudes to organ-building...…………………………………………………...65 Irish Exports...…………………………………………………………………………………………..68 Radley College.……………………………………………………………………………...... 68 List of Telford exports.………………………………………………………………………….71 Summary...... …………………………………………………………………………………………...73
Chapter Three Aspects of Manufactory and Business up to the Mid-Nineteenth Century
Introduction...... ………………………………………………………………………………………..74 Manufactory...... ………………………………………………………………………………………..75 Functionality of Casework and Design...……………………………………………………………….78 Revival Gothic...…………………………………………………………………………………80 Architects, Artists and Display Pipes....………………………………………………………….83 Grecian.…………………………………………………………………………………………..86 Duplication of Design..…………………………………………………………………………. 90 Case Study: Expedient Adaptation of an Organ in an era of change...... ………………… 93 Addressing the Client...………………………………………………………………………………..106 Having integrity in work………………………………………………………………………...107 Making a living………………………………………………………………………………….109 Workshop Performance…………………………...... 110 Transport...…………………………………………………………………………………………….113 Summary...…………………………………………………………………………………………….115
Chapter Four Two Case Studies
Introduction...………………………………………………………………………………………….118
Case Study 1: Church of the Assumption, Bride Street, Wexford (Telford, 1858)
Casework and Layout..………………………………………………………………………………..119
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Comparing the Twin Organs...………………………………………………………………………...124 Pipework………………………………………………………………………………………...125 Bride Street Pipework...... ……………………………………………………………………………..131 Principals………………………………………………………………………………………...131 Mixtures…………………………………………………………………………………………137 Metal Strings and Flutes………………………………………………………………………...140 Wooden Flutes…………………………………………………………………………………..143 Reeds...... …………………………………………………………………………………….149
Case Study 2: St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin (White, 1870)
Casework and Layout....……………………………………………………………………………….156 Pipework....…………………………………………………………………………………………….164 Principals.………………………………………………………………………………………..164 Mixtures.………………………………………………………………………………………....166 Metal Strings and Flutes.………………………………………………………………………...167 Wooden Flutes.....………………………………………………………………………………..171 Reeds...... …...………………….………………………………………………………………174
Assessing Pipe Scales to the Freiburg Normal Scale...………………………………………………..177 Concluding Remarks...………………………………………………………………………………...181
Chapter Five The Style, Influences and Development of the Organ from the second-half of the Nineteenth Century
Introduction...... ………………………………………………………………………………....…….184 Pipe-making...... …………………………………………………………………………………....….186 Stops...…………………………………………………………………………………………………193 Doublette………………………………………………………………………………………...197 Foreign Influences...…………………………………………………………………………………...202 Conservative Endings...………………………………………………………………………………..227 Conclusion...…………………………………………………………………………………………...232
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Chapter Six Post-Emancipation Choral Practices in Ireland – A Contextual Reference
Introduction...………………………………………………………………………………………….235 The Pro-Cathedral, Dublin...…………………………………………………………………………..237 Mr Haydn Corri, Organist……………………………………………………………………….237 The first Choral Ensemble.……………………………………………………………………....244 Choral Repertoire...……………………………………………………………………………………255 The Influence of Novello..…………………………………………………………………………….262 Music Samples…………………………………………………………………………………..266 Organ Repertoire...…………………………………………………………………………………….272 The Rise of Amateurs...………………………………………………………………………………..275 Tractarian Reform and Hymnody...... …………………………………………………………………277 Closing remarks regarding music-making and organ-building...……………………………………...288
Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………...... 292
Appendix 1a: Specifications by White...……………………………………………………………...297 1b: Specifications by Telford.....…..……………………………………………………….307 1c: Specifications by other Irish Organ-builders...... ……………………………………..318 1d: Specifications by English or Foreign Organ-builders...... ……………………………322 1e: Current Specification of St Andrew’s, Westland Row.....……………………………..333 Appendix 2: Excerpts from an interview with Kenneth Jones...... …………………………………...334 Appendix 3: Articles on Dublin Organ-Building...…....…………...………………….……………...337 Appendix 4a: Diagrammatic Key to Tables...…...... ………………...………………………….…...341 4b: Tables of Case Study 1 (Chapter Four)...... ….….…………………………………….347 4c: Tables of Case Study 2 (Chapter Four)…...... ….….…………………………………..363 4d: Graph 4.24a...... 375
Sources...... …………………………………………………………………………………………….376 Bibliography...... ……………………………………………………………………………………….378
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Abstract
This thesis is the first to combine organology, musicology, history and ethnography in a comprehensive study focusing on Irish organ-building. Chapter One commences with an extensive historical survey of Irish organ-building. Chapter Two proposes that there was a thriving indigenous industry in the nineteenth century with two leading families, Telford and White. It describes their family and business history that continued until the early part of the following century. It also exposes evidence of religious prejudice and comments on Irish exports within the British Empire. Chapter Three proposes a relationship between manufactory and functionality, and suggests that Irish organ-builders were following English builders in the use of practical casework designs. A case study of Telford’s work at Trinity College Chapel, Dublin and Durrow (1838, 1842) examples expedient measures in the building of a new organ and adaptation of an old organ. Chapter Four presents analyses of layout, architectural style, and pipe scales of two case studies: Church of the Assumption, Bride Street by Telford (1858) and St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin by White (1870). It reveals that White and Telford integrated Töpfer scale progressions in their work. With regard to a national style of organ-building in Ireland, Chapter Five shows that there was an evolution similar to that happening in England but suggests that there were conservative elements as the twentieth-century beckoned. The use of the one-rank Doublette stop was noted as a particular feature of Irish organ-building mid-nineteenth century. Evidence shows influences on Irish organ-building from Hill, Schulze and Cavaillé-Coll. Chapter Six proposes that there was a relationship between performance practices (the functional use of the organ) and organ-building. It reveals the choral practices in the Roman Catholic church in Ireland after Emancipation and shows how the use of the organ in Ireland was affected by musical practices in the London Embassy chapels, and, in particular, by the editorial style of Novello. The work concludes with a contemporary evaluation of Irish organ-building and offers future recommendations for those involved or interested in this art-form.
vii
Acknowledgements
I wish to express my gratitude to the following people who helped make this work possible:
Trevor Crowe, who has, at every part of this journey been generous with his time and shared his considerable knowledge, allowed me access instruments, supported and challenged my endeavours; Helen Phelan and all at the Irish World Academy of Music that propelled and supported this project; William McVicker for his insight, guidance and general availability to me; Ronan Murray who kindly helped on site with the collection of data; Mary Sherlock who kindly helped collate the numerical data; the archivists, librarians and caretakers at Glasnevin cemetery, Mount Jerome cemetery, Dublin Diocesan Archive, Central Catholic Library, St Nicholas of Myra’s and St Andrew’s; Carole O’Connor, Gerard Lawlor and Eanna McKenna for kindly providing me access to the case study instruments; other organists, sacristans, caretakers and clergy for generous access to other instruments or information given; Kenneth Jones for his time and interview; Stephen Adams and Aidan Scanlon for information or access; Ian Magahy and Christina Holmes for their generous sharing of archival material.
Oscar Mascareñas, Hans Boller and Michael O’Brien for their friendship and encouragement throughout this thesis. My family members and in memory of Grace who grew steadily ill as this thesis took momentum.
Siobhán for her love, insight, patience and generosity of soul.
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Note on Compasses and Pitch
In general, the following scheme is used to reference the keys or pedals of the organ:
CC (16′) C (8′) c (4′) c1 (2′) c2 (1′) c3 (½′) c4 (¼′) middle C
Specifically, for the analysis of data in Chapter Four, the following chromatic numbering system is used to reference the keys or pedals:
C-12 (16′) C1 (8′) C13 (4′) C25 (2′) C37 (1′) C49 (½′) C61 (¼′) middle C
In both cases, they do not represent the pitch of the registers.
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Abbreviations
BOA British Organ Archive BVM Blessed Virgin Mary DDA Dublin Diocesan Archives EHTN Edward Henry Telford Job Numbers EMIR Encyclopaedia of Music in Ireland GABDC Guy’s Almanac, Business Directory of Cork City & County IMA Ian Magahy Archive JHA John Holmes Archive KJI Kenneth Jones Interview LM The Leffler Manuscript Ms Manuscript NA National Archives NLI National Library of Ireland NPOR National Pipe Organ Register RC Roman Catholic RDS Royal Dublin Society SD Singleton Diary TCD Trinity College, Dublin
Newspapers
AC Anglo-Celt FJ Freemans Journal I Irish Independent IT Irish Times N The Nation NG Nenagh Guardian TH Tuam Herald
Annuals
DAGRI Dublin Almanac and General Register of Ireland
x
ICD Irish Catholic Directory JBIOS Journal of the British Institute of Organ Studies JIBOB Journal of the Institute of British Organ Building JSMI Journal of the Society for Musicology in Ireland OYBK Organ Yearbook WL Wilson's Dublin Directories TD Thom's Irish Almanac and Official Directories
Periodicals
BIOSRep British Institute of Organ Studies Reporter Eccl Ecclesiologist B The Builder DB The Dublin Builder IB Irish Builder DHR Dublin Historical Record IER Irish Ecclesiastic Record ILN Illustrated London News JRHAAI Journal of the Royal Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland JRSAI Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland LE Lyra Ecclessiastica MT The Musical Times OR Organists Review
Related to Specifications fg Fiddle g ft or ′ Foot m Metal mc Middle c SV Site Visit or Survey tc Tenor c w Wood
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Introduction
Background
Since childhood the author has performed on many instruments by White (fl.1844-1912) and Telford (fl.1830-1922),1 the leading organ-building firms in Ireland during the nineteenth century. Curiosity about the inner-workings of the instrument (such as action, bellows and arrangement of pipework) started a lifelong interest in understanding the technology of the organ. Working part-time with organ-builders raised many questions about Irish organ- building and its provenance. Some questions were simply about tracing the Irish lineage of organ-builders and finding out more about the family backgrounds of the nineteenth-century Irish organ-builders. Others related to understanding if there was a national style, and, what the influences were on organ-building in post-Emancipation Ireland. Finally, the author, as a musician, wished to further explore the relationship between performance practice and the evolution of the instrument.
Rationale for this Thesis
There has been little written about Irish organ-building, let alone about the subject when it had its greatest era of growth, in the nineteenth-century. Of the latter period, most has focused on the work of William Telford with less on his sons, who eventually took over the firm. The White family of organ-builders has remained almost elusive and uncovering material about their work became the original motivation for this study. To the author’s knowledge, no comprehensive study (meaning, for example, the analysis of pipescales, layout and architectural style) of any nineteenth-century instrument of either of these builders has been undertaken. In light of the post-Emancipation movement that gave impetus to much in Irish organ-building, the author wished to highlight and comment on some of the affiliated musical practices which have remained relatively unknown. Because this study offers a multi-faceted approach, it is hoped that it will foster deeper understanding and awaken further interest in the subject matter, which heretofore, has not been readily achieved.
1 Dates reference direct control of firm by a family member. 1
Essentially, this thesis aims to fill a large historical gap in Ireland’s contribution to the instrument.
Overview of Approach and Sources
From the outset of the present thesis, the author chose four methodologies to present the extensive research undertaken. The first was an historical approach where data was amassed through literature, primary manuscript sources, archives and newspapers of the day. The second was ethnographical, with fieldwork that included site visits to churches, graveyards, and several interviews with organ-builders, historians, musicians, and archivists. The third was musicological, referencing and analysing musical scores, and, lastly, organological which included archaeological surveys of instruments. These primary archaeological source surveys involved a meticulous recording of hundreds of pipe scale measurements that resulted in quantitative analyses.
Three previous theses on Irish organ-building, by Pauline McSweeney (1979), Anne Leahy (1987) and Joseph McKee (1991),2 concentrated generally on historical analysis or surveying of specifications. Not only are specifications discussed in this study but a fuller picture of the work of the organ-builder is conveyed by using the instruments as primary archaeological sources. This is particularly relevant since there are no known extant primary source workshop records of White or Telford, let alone other Irish nineteenth century organ-building firms, such as Brown (fl. 1846-1911) or Magahy (fl. 1875-1958). Any Telford records that the historian John Holmes received are now considered missing. Although Leahy used these for her MA thesis, some of the specifications of the early instruments were annotated from later work done on them when some of the stops had been changed. Nonetheless, newspapers (such as The Nation or The Irish Times) of that period have proven to be very useful secondary sources at identifying stop-lists. They have also acted as key sources for fleshing out the narrative. Each chapter contains a relevant review of, or reference to, literature and other sources pertinent to the theme of that chapter. All photographs and diagrams are by the author unless stated otherwise.
2 See bibliography for more details. 2
Chapter One presents an overview of the history of the organ in Ireland from earliest times up to the nineteenth century. This can help place the works of later organ-builders in a framework that deepens our understanding of the evolution of the instrument. The author considered it important to retrace steps as far back as possible because there has been no cohesive study presented to date – historical surveys by William Henry Grattan Flood (1913) and Holmes (1993) are, in themselves adequate summaries, but do not take into account recent findings. For example, Barra Boydell’s work on Christ Church Cathedral (2004) gives contemporary scholarship and O’Dwyer’s analysis (2004) of The Wicklow Pipes is an important addition to Ireland’s early history. In keeping with the broad methodology of this study, the author chose to provide contextual references to the organ when there were none explicit. Making parallels in the development of chant or the establishment of Vicars Choral were just two ways in which this was done. In Chapter Two the author used many sources to give the history of the family and business background to the Telford and White families. The 1901 and 1911 Irish Censuses, baptismal and marriage registers of certain Dublin churches, records held at Glasnevin and Jerome cemeteries, along with the sole remaining testimony of William Telford’s father proved to be invaluable sources to piece together the family trees of these organ-builders. It was the aim of the author to include other Irish organ-builders that ranked in third place of importance: Brown in Dublin, and Magahy who became established in Cork as the nineteenth century entered its final quarter. This chapter also looks at Ireland’s contribution to the British Empire in terms of exports and acknowledges the presence of Irish organ-builders working in England. Finally, the author chose to investigate any issues of religious partiality considering that the White family were the only Roman Catholic organ-builders amongst their peers. In Chapter Three, the author wished to present a realistic insight into the working life of an organ-builder during the nineteenth century. This was done by considering practical elements of the organ business, such as: how organ-builders dealt with customers, transport, marketing, invoicing and tuning contracts. Advertisements by Telford and White were sampled and commented upon to show subtle marketing ploys between both builders. In particular, this chapter thematically explores the juxtaposition of functionality and artistry in a market that sought competitiveness. The author featured a case study of Telford’s work at Trinity College Chapel, Dublin and Durrow (1838, 1842) to elucidate just how an organ- builder might proceed with this juxtaposition in mind – it reveals the practical and expedient ways old and new materials were adapted. Finally, by making comparisons to other musical 3
trades such as the Victorian piano warehouse, the author aimed to put the business of manufacturing, buying and selling musical instruments into context. Unlike in England, where many organ-building workshop records remain extant and are accessible to scholars, for example, at the British Organ Archive (BOA), Ireland has to rely on the instruments as primary sources to gather data regarding the essence of the organ-builders’ work. Chapter Four presents two case studies using primary archaeological sources. The first is a relatively untouched twin organ at the Church of the Assumption, Bride Street by Telford (1858) and the second, an instrument, with much Cavaillé-Coll pipework at St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin, that marked White’s career in 1870. The casework and layout of each are examined along with detailed statistical analyses of pipework measurements from collated numerical tables. Addressing pipework and their scales is of critical importance to deepen our understanding of the influences, scientific and artistic aspirations of each builder. Comparisons were also made between the instruments to establish whether there were any shared influences or commonality of style. Scales of the principal chorus of both case studies were compared to the Freiburg Normalmensur (NM) to assess what type of scale progressions the Irish organ-builders were using. The second case study also provided a good opportunity to explore the possibility that White was trained by Cavaillé-Coll. The Great Exhibition (1851) marked a line in the nineteenth century when overseas influences began to be increasingly incorporated in England. The author wished to explore the knock-on effect in Ireland. One of the most alluring questions of this study concerns whether Ireland had a national style of organ-building. Chapter Five considers this by assessing the influences (including German, French and English) on instruments in Ireland and noting any national characteristics as the Irish organ evolved into the twentieth century. Site surveys of different instruments, in addition to literature and archival material were useful as sources. Contemporaneous newspapers helped this study reveal the work of English organ-builders, such as Barker, in Ireland and certain features of pipe-making. Site surveys consolidated these features with photographic evidence to highlight the metal used or the type of planing employed by the various builders. Chapter Six presents information on contextual performance practice with musicological references related to the organ. Including this material could be viewed as extraneous to the main theme of organ-building. However, the author intentionally chose to include this aspect to further enrich and broaden our perspective of the end-product of the organ-builder: a musical instrument that served a function. It must not be forgotten that the 4
evolution of the instrument was often, if not always, affected by the perception and understanding of the musicians that interacted with it. This insight was informed by the latest trends in a cyclical manner: namely, the instrument needed to be able to cope with the demands of evolving music practice which, in itself, could only evolve if the instrument was technologically progressive. Thus, developments in organ-building went hand-in-hand with musical performance practice (related to the instrument). A primary manuscript source used has been the Hamilton Papers held at the Dublin Diocesan Archive (DDA). It has given invaluable insight to the working relationship of church musicians and organ-builders at Ireland’s première Roman Catholic venue: the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin. It also provided programmes of church music performed there. The author also researched Victorian music libraries of various Catholic churches in Ireland to help provide musical references. Along with tracing the path of Irish hymnody, the rise of amateur choirs and the Caecilian movement, the author chose to illustrate contemporaneous architectural drawings of Irish churches to help show differences between Catholic and post-Anglican Reform ritual space. The thesis concludes with a look at what happened to some White and Telford instruments in the twentieth century and also references the ‘classical-revival’ in Ireland. It poses a critical question regarding how our heritage is treated and outlines possibilities for future scholarship and the role of organ advisors.
Limitations of this Thesis
The author wished to give a wide perspective to foster interest and understanding of Irish organ-building. By choosing to present this subject from many viewpoints it is inevitable that some areas could be given further attention. For example, pedal and keyboards, actions, and console ergonomics, are discussed at a basic level but not considered in any great depth. In essence, each chapter has the potential to be the subject area for significant research in its own right. In particular, Chapter Four shows the enormous potential for further work on the pipework of Irish organ-builders by using the instruments as primary sources.
It is hoped that this thesis will act as a springboard for other research projects.
5
Chapter 1: Antecedents
Introduction The aim of this chapter is to provide an historical overview of organ building in Ireland up to the nineteenth century: the main timeframe of this research. In so doing it helps place the work of this period in the context of a tradition which was to reform itself continuously from the Middle Ages. Organ builders, like all artisans, craftsmen, musicians and artists have a benign anthropological mandate: they each represent an interesting insight into the technological and cultural ability and thinking of their era. They bear the torch for future generations, who in turn, absorb and transform these skills according to the milieu of their day. Certainly, technological advancements interacting with art and music help continually to shape style which has cultural and political manifestations. Thus organs, by the very nature of how they are used and where they are placed, have an ethno-musicological dimension. In order fully to appreciate the evolution of the instrument and its builders up to a certain point in time (the nineteenth century), we cannot ignore its context. By looking at the history of the organ in Ireland, we are addressing a corollary of the history of peoples and their culture in Ireland. So, when there is a lack of organ artefacts to examine, it is useful to consider the parallel abilities in other crafts, trade and literature (scholarship) that are extant. Nowhere else does this comparison become so crucial but in the era leading up to the fourteenth century. Simply put, there is scant evidence of the presence of a pipe organ in Ireland prior to the fifteenth century and none that we know of prior to the fourteenth. It is reasonable to assume that there probably was, considering links between Ireland, the development of the monastic church in Europe and the inextricable association between it and the organ particularly from the Early Middle Ages. The author has included a contextually comparative summary to serve this assumption by considering the monastic scholarly and artistic outputs such as architecture, manuscript illumination, and metal work that have survived in Ireland. After this, an overview is presented of the history of the pipe organ in Ireland from the Late Middle Ages up to the end of the eighteenth century. It is worth beginning with a working definition of an organ and then look at the enigma of the ‘Wicklow’ pipes, carbon-dated to
6
c.2,000BC: the earliest pre-historic instrument found in Ireland which defies categorisation other than some possible pre-cursory representation of an organ.1
A working definition of a pipe organ
The organ is a wind instrument that is operated by a keyboard, itself developed over time from levers or sliding valves, which mechanically controls the passage of pressurised air from a reservoir or chest to pipes. These pipes are generally made from a metal alloy or wood which have two linked parts: a vibration source (either in the form of a fipple or a reed) emitting air to a resonating body which produces a standing wave of a given pitch. Although there are historical links to other instruments like the panpipes or bagpipes, what makes the organ different from most other non-keyboard instruments is: a) that for every given pitch there is at least one corresponding pipe, b) the air provided is not blown from the mouth and c) the keyboard or lever system operates the transmission of air to the pipe.
The Wicklow Pipes
At first glance one might mistake these open-ended pipes for a set of panpipes or a sryinx which are closed (or stopped) at one end. Remarkably, they pre-date the earliest representation of any panpipes in a culture by nearly 1500 years. The Chinese sheng or mouth organ, on the other hand, has a documented history going back to 2,000BC and still has a place in the contemporary music of the Far East.2 This type of mouth organ has finger holes on their bodies which sound only when covered. The later aulos or Greek reed-pipes also had finger holes.3 As the Wicklow pipes have none and are not stopped then they appear to be resonators, audibly activated by other means than the mouth directly. Are they organ pipes or drones of some primitive bagpipe? The Wicklow pipes have carved tenons which imply they fitted into another female part, namely a fipple or a
1 These pipes get their name from a discovery of six pipes, lying parallel together from the longest to the shortest, with five smaller fragments, during excavation of a fulacht fiadh or prehistoric cooking place in County Wicklow in the year 2003. See Article in Science Today section of IT, 24 May 2007, 17. 2 Guttormsen et al., Ringve Museum: Trondheim, (Trondheim: Ringve, 1992), 72. It operates like its not-too-distant relations, the naw from Thailand and the khen from Laos, having pipes (with a reed inside each of them) fitting into a vessel. This vessel or air compartment forms part of an extended mouth piece which is blown or sucked. 3 It is of some interest to note for further study related to pitch that the aulos has an average known length of 50cm comparable to the longest of the Wicklow pipes. Article by James McKinnon on the Aulos in Sadie, Stanley (Ed.), The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London: Macmillan, 1979; second ed. Oxford: OUP, 2001), 700. 7
reed in a boot.4 Despite the fact they pre-date the earliest reference to bagpipes in 400BC5 there are no known with six drones; even later bagpipes or bag-hornpipes which had cow- horn bells attached were in pairs and the pipes themselves were chanters (which had holes). The other ends of the Wicklow pipes are recessed or squared off to accommodate being possibly held and bound together. From these details, the organologist Peter Holmes expressed his opinion that the pipes were probably part of an early organ. He proposed that a wooden frame held them in an upright line and each was connected to an extension at the bottom with a fipple carved into it. The lower end of the fipple tube was attached to a leather air bag and bellows. He suggested that notes were turned on or off by lifting stoppers placed over the fipples.6
Simon O’Dwyer, an eminent collector and player of prehistoric instruments in Ireland, concluded that: A Music tradition that was thought to originate in the classical area around the Mediterranean may have been alive in Ireland many centuries earlier.7
He is referring here to the organ of antiquity or hydraulis (from 300BC) of the Greek and Roman Empire as depicted on Roman medallions or carvings such as the sarcophagus of St. Maximin or even the ivory Vérone Diptyque.8 It is in this interpretation that the lines are blurred between the understood Mediterranean ‘father’ of the organ, the hydraulis, and the instrument found in Ireland.9 The possibility of controlling the air to a pipe casts our eye to the origin of the word ‘stop’ in the hydraulis of Ctesibius. If a more sophisticated operating system was employed for the Wicklow pipes, like sprung levers activating or ‘stopping’ the notes in the hydraulis nearly two thousand years later, there is no evidence of a soundboard or any levers or valves ‘stopping’ the air to the pipes. Also, there is a fundamental difference in the construction of the pipes themselves. Firstly, the classical organ or hydraulis had pipes
4 The engineering of these pipes is impressive given our limited understanding of the technology of this time. Each cylindrical resonator bears a width of 2.5cm and was bored or hollowed out since there is no evidence of splitting the body wall. This was done to some incredible degree of precision resulting in a wall-thickness between 3.5 to 5mm. O’Dwyer, Simon, Prehistoric Music of Ireland, (Gloucestershire: Tempus, 2004), 142. It is useful to note a comparison in technology. Firstly, there is a previous legacy in stone of the Neolithic people in Ireland to reference. When the Boyne Valley complex of megalithic tomb passages is considered there is a lot to relate in terms of predating expertise and phenomenon elsewhere. Knowth, Dowth and Newgrange (3,200BC) are recognised as some of the world’s oldest structural sites and are the ‘work of a large disciplined society’ (Mac Annaidh, S., Irish History, (Bath 2002), 16) which are ‘solar observatories built to a tolerance and understanding thought to be unknown until millennia later.’ (Mann, A.T., Sacred Architecture, (Dorset: Element, 1993), 60) Secondly, see footnote 14 for a reference to metal craft manufacture. 5 by the Athenian poet Aristophones and a later one to the utricularius of Emporer Nero by his biographer Suetonius 6 O’Dwyer, loc. cit. 7 Ibid, 145. 8 Martinet, J-M. & Louis, G. (Eds.), 2000 ans d’Orgues: De Ktésibios à Jean-Sébastien Bach (Haroué: Louis, 2006), 96-99. 9 The Greek engineer Ctesibius is credited by Vetruvius to be the inventor around the year 350BC. 8
made out of metal, like bronze, and secondly, the fipple was part of the construction of the pipe (not unlike the modern flue pipe). If the Wicklow pipes, as resonators, fitted into a boot with a reed inside, this would correspond with a parallel resonator of the crumhorn family in the organ’s history of reeds. However, evidence for reeds in an organ does not appear until the Late Middle Ages. Thus far the Wicklow pipes are an enigma – they do not meet the criteria of an early classical organ and they cannot be comfortably placed alongside other non-organ instruments. Professor Williams has made an assessment of the link between the organ of antiquity and the medieval period that is useful to think about when there are differences not known or fully understood: The only reasonably sure thing in common between the prevailing classical and medieval organ … is that each had to have some kind of keyboard (or row of hand-operated valves), going ‘up’ the scale from left to right, how ever many notes it contained, and how ever easy it was to operate.10
Although this comparison is in a timescale nearly 2,000 years later to the Wicklow pipes it helps us frame our thoughts of the pipe organ’s etymology in Western Culture. In particular regard to early medieval sources compiled by Professor Markovits, 11 he writes: ‘nothing in it proves or even makes it likely that the various tenth-century organs of the Christian West … had anything much to do with the Greek-Roman organ’.12 If the Wicklow pipes had had a row of hand-operated valves, as advocated by Peter Holmes, then any axiomatic notions of inter-cultural ascendancy on the pre-historical organ map can surely be revoked. Perhaps this archaeological find did uncover some hybrid cross-over of a primitive prototypic organ.
Movement of people and trade from the Bronze Age
There is no evidence of any musical instrumentation in Ireland relating to an organ after the period of the Wicklow pipes and up to the Middle Ages. Albeit, in a wider genre, Ireland has the largest amount of surviving Bronze Age instruments in the world: these are horns and crothalls (hand bells). From 1,800BC, copper mines were exploited in the south of the country where bronze (the same material for some organ pipes of a hydraulis) was made with tin from Cornwall and Spain.13 Even though no extant organ artefact exists in Ireland of this period, various contemporaneous craft pieces do, which implies that there were skilled
10 Williams, Peter, ‘Further on the earliest organs in Western Europe’, JBIOS 30 (2006), 103-115, 105. 11 Markovits, Michael, Die Orgel in Altertum (Leiden: Brill, 2003). 12 Williams, loc. cit. 13 Wallace, Martin, A short history of Ireland (Belfast: Appletree, 1973, R/2008), 7. 9
people with the technology to use bronze. Looking at concurrent pottery or metal-working practice between 2,500 and 600BC particular attention may be drawn to the goldsmiths’ trade producing highly detailed curios which reached a peak around 700BC. Duffy points out that ‘more gold-crafted objects survive from this period in Ireland than in any other country in western or northern Europe.’14 Although a peripheral nation, it was influenced by the movement of peoples abroad15 and inter-cultural exchange through trading. The first century BC Greek historian, Diodorous Siculus, recounted Herodotus, who had described in the fifth century BC how ‘a trade developed by means of which the manufactured products of the Greek bronze industry were exchanged for the raw materials of the west, namely Baltic amber, Cornish tin and Irish Gold.’16 Was the hydraulis one of those products that the Greeks later exchanged for Irish gold? As the Roman Empire began to decline, it was Byzantium that ‘succeeded in protecting Christendom in the Mediterranean basin … [and] Irish missionaries focussed their attention on northern Europe’17
The Celtic Church and re-evangelisation of Europe
Irish Celtic tribes such as the Uí Liatháin, Laigin and Dál Riata started to colonize Cornwall, Devon, Wales and Scotland respectively after the breakdown of the Roman Empire in the fifth century AD.18 Through this connectivity, Christianity began to spread from Continental missionaries like Saints Palladius, Iserninus, Auxilius, Secundinus and the central Welsh figure, Saint Patrick.19 By the sixth century the network of paruchia from missionaries had given way to new indigenous monastic centres of learning. Some of these Irish monastic
14 Duffy, Sean, (Ed.), Atlas of Irish History, (Dublin: G & M, 2000), 10. 15 Recent DNA evidence has shown that many of the descendants of the Irish were not Celts but from Iberia. See Radió Telifís Éireann, Blood of the Irish, Broadcast (RTE ONE, 5 & 12 January, 2009). 16 Muhly, J. D., ‘Copper and tin: the distribution of mineral resources and the nature of the metal trades in the Bronze Age’, Trans. of the Conneticut academy of arts & sciences, 1973, XLIII, 155-535 in Ghazarian, Jacob, The Mediterranean legacy in early Celtic Christianity (London: Bennett & Bloom, 2006), 75. 17 Ghazarian, op. cit., 126. In this book the author not only highlights: a} a ‘cross-fertilisation of Western and Mediterranean cultures’ from fifth century AD records of Irish pilgrimage to Rome and later to Jerusalem but b} just how great the extent of influence the East was on Irish art and culture. Some examples are: Arabic words like dayr (monastery) or balad (town) in Irish: dair-inis (monastery island) and baile (town), Carving on Irish stone crosses using Byzantine iconography, Dot motifs found in Irish manuscripts of Coptic origin and Cross brooches with motifs from Armenia. 18 Duffy, op. cit., 16. 19 Ibid, 17. 10
centres: like Glendalough, Clonmacnoise, Clonfert, Durrow, Derry and Bangor, in turn, trained missionaries who exerted their influence and spread the Celtic Rite in Britain and on the Continent. In 1980, an unfounded and unverified reference was made to organ-building at one of these famous monasteries, Glendalough: The Irish Nation can be proud that as far back as [AD] 600 organ building was taught at St. Kevin’s Monastic Settlement in Glendalough, Co. Wicklow. This is one of the earliest traditions of organ building in Western Europe.20
Perhaps the writer was trying to foster some romantic notion of Ireland under the realm of ‘saints and scholars’ at the first Dublin International Organ Competition. A legacy did spread abroad from the ‘land of saints and scholars’, in the sixth and seventh centuries, with the setting up of famous monastic houses in places like Lindisfarne, Malmesbury, Cambrai, Péronne, Luxeuil, Fontaine, Strasbourg, Würzburg, St. Gall and Bobbio21 in Italy where St. Columba’s Rule, reached a parallel distinction with that of St. Benedict. At Malmesbury the seventh century Irish Saint Maildubh was considered by Sumner to be the first to introduce organ-building to Britain through his student Saint Aldhelm.22 The tenth century saints Dunstan (Archbishop of Canterbury) and Æthelwold (Bishop of Winchester from 963-984), who are attributed to building organs in Britain, both attended the school in Glastonbury where many ‘Irish monks skilled in music and metalwork...’ resided.23 These references do not prove anything but give us the chance to connect Irish monks to places where organ- building may have taken place or where the skills to do the same were learnt. Some of these links are contextually referenced to allegorical styles of writing influenced by an Irish style of Latin verse.24
Literature and the use of the word organum and píopaí therein
As Peter Williams has pointed out, most medieval sources of literature cause problems when they use the Latin words organa and organum; in translation they do not automatically refer to an organ (i.e., pipe organ or hydraulis). Sometimes they refer to a different type of
20 Verso, D., ‘The craft of Organ building’, Dublin International Organ Festival, Souvenir Programme (Dublin, 1980), 7. 21 Duffy, op. cit., 22. 22 Sumner, W.L., The Organ, Its Evolution, Principles of Construction and Use (London: MacDonald, 1952; second ed. 1955, third ed. 1962, fourth ed. 1973, 1981), 35. 23 Mathews, B., ‘The Earliest English Organ-builder’, BIOSRep, Jan. 1982, Vol.VI, No.1. 24 Loc. cit. 11
‘instrumenta’.25 Other than, for example, the ‘hyperbolic tendancy of Wulfstan’s poetic style’26 which does indeed refer to an organ (at the rebuilding of the old Minster in Winchester), sources referencing Irish saints or by Irish medieval scholars do not; or, so far have been not found to do so. The possible tenth century Navigatio Sancti Brendani (The Voyage of St Brendan) refers to the sound of a bird and not an organ in the following lines: strepitum faciens sicut making a great noise like sonitum organi magni the sound of a large organum27
Irish monks like Dicuil, and Sedulius Scottus at Liège, were famous court-scholars in Charlemagne’s imperial schools.28 There are more than eighty poems and writings in existence by Sedulius Scottus which deal with theology, philosophy and grammar. One poem (Carmina, ii, no. 63) contains the following lines: Nunc variae volcures permulcent aethera cantu, now various birds sooth the heavenly song, Produnt orgunalis celsa trophaea novis. their beaks bringing forth greatly the new reward
Bittermann29 assumed that Sedulius was referring to organ accompaniment of the psalms. It was Laistner who responded that ‘organula’ had ‘nothing to do with the organ’ but with the beak or throat of birds in Nature as an evocative scenic description on Easter morning which the poem alluded to.30 The same has occurred with a translation from Old Irish to Latin with the important literary reference, ‘orgain Cluain Cremha’ dated 814, in the Annales Ultonienses (Annals of Ulster). This was misconstrued by many historians including Warren, Grattan Flood and Caldwell31 by the mistranslation of the Old Irish word ‘orgain’ for ‘organ,’ from
25 See Williams, Peter, ‘Further on the earliest organs in Western Europe’, JBIOS 30 (2006), 103-115, 110. He concisely summarises the use of these words: ‘So organun and organa can denote instrumenta of many kinds: A tool used for the production of music (any wind or stringed instrument); The means by which a liturgical text is heard – a voice or voices, as in the phrase ‘vocal organ’; An ‘instrument’ of learning or a sacred text – a book of psalms or antiphons, a missal, etc.; The means by which worship is made actual – i.e., the Mass itself; A tool doing a physical job of work – ploughs, farm-tools; The name for a musical genre (organum, vocal counterpoint).’ 26 McKinnon, J., ‘The Tenth Century Organ at Winchester’, The Temple, the Church Fathers and Early Western Chant (Hampshire: Ashgate, 1998), 12. 27 Selmer, C. (Ed.), Navigatio Sancti Brendani from Early Latin Manuscripts (IN: Notre Dame, 1959; R/Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1989), 43 in Williams, P., The Organ in Western Culture: 750-1250, (Cambridge: CUP, 2004), 83-4. He refers to ‘organum’ as a ‘screeching instrument’. 28 It is worth noting that during the Carolingian Empire there were many places where Irish monks had an influential presence. Other than Liège, these included: Corbie, St. Denis, Laon, Reims, Münster, Cologne, Aachen, Passau, Milan, Verona and Fiesole. 29 Bittermann, H. R., ‘The Organ in the Early Middle Ages’, Speculum, Vol. 4, No.4 (Oct., 1929), 405. 30 Laistner, M. L. W., ‘The Mediaeval Organ and a Cassiodorus Glossary among the Spurious Works of Bede’, Speculum, Vol. 5, No.2 (Apr., 1930), 218. 31 Warren, F. E., The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church (Oxford: Clarendon, 1881), 126. 12
its Latin equivalent instead of ‘destruction’.32 Following on from this, it is doubtful that Brannan’s comment regarding the study of the Celtic Rite: ‘Since Irish annals from the ninth century record the destruction of church organs’33 holds the ubiquitous veracity it infers as he cites only one reference: the aforementioned misnomer from the Ulster Annals. 34 If attention is turned towards Irish eleventh and twelfth century literary references compiled in The Book of Leinster (1160), Breathnach suggests that there is a reference to ‘an introduction of some form of primitive bagpipe.’35 He states that ‘it is perhaps safe to assume’ this reference, attributing this to the appearance of the Irish word píopaí (pipes), which he calls a ‘loan-word’ because ‘several texts distinguish between the performers on this instrument and those on the musical pipe.’36 But, what exactly is this instrument? As this ‘loan-word’ píopaí is a generic reference to ‘pipes’ and given that its interpretation is difficult due to lack of primary evidence it is plausible to question Breathnach’s assumption at the very least. Furthermore, there is a ‘gap’ between iconographic and literary evidence that is not easily filled. The only Irish iconographic evidence of a multi-resonator aerophone is presented as triple pipes and not as a primitive bagpipe. There is extant iconography of musical instruments carved in stone on some of the celebrated High Crosses throughout Ireland. The only aerophones represented on these are:37 i) Horns at Ahenny and Old Kilcullen, ii) Single pipes at Monasterboice, Durrow and Clonmacnois and iii) Triple pipes at Monasterboice and Clonmacnois. None of these represent an organ, as they appear to be blown from the mouth. The triple pipes are of interest in that they provide further evidence of Eastern and Mediterranean influence in Ireland.38 Buckley suggests they are possibly symbolic as ‘the devil is often depicted with triple pipes in medieval iconography.’39
Grattan Flood, William, H. The History of Irish Music (Dublin: Browne & Nolan, 1905, third ed. 1913; Shannon: IUP, R/1970), 31. Caldwell, John, The History of Keyboard Music (New York: Dover, 1973), 2. 32 Prof. D. Ó Cróinín (NUI Galway), Chairman, Royal Irish Academy Dictionary of Medieval Latin from Celtic Sources, in e-mail correspondence. Also referenced by Fleischmann, ‘References to Chant in Early Irish Mss’, Pender, S. (Ed.), Feilscribhinn Torna (Cork, 1947), 48. 33 Brannon, P., ‘The Search for the Celtic Rite’, Gillen, G. & White H. (Eds.), Irish Musical Studies: Music and the Church, Vol. 2 (Dublin: IAP, 1993), 15. 34 Albeit, the conclusions of his research on the Celtic Rite concur with Fleischmann in that there were many influences on it, in and outside of Ireland. Ref.: Fleischmann, A., ‘The Celtic Rite’ in Sadie, op. cit., 52. 35 Breathnach, B, ‘Ireland: Instruments’, Sadie, op. cit., 321. 36 Loc. cit. 37 Buckley, A, ‘Musical Instruments in Ireland: 9th-14th Centuries’, Gillen, G. & White, H. (Eds.), Irish Musical Studies: Musicology in Ireland, Vol. 1 (Dublin: IAP, 1990), 50. 38 See footnote 17. Buckley (op. cit., 47) cites that the triple pipes are an Arabic phenomenon with a unique exception to the island of Sardinia. 39 Buckley, op. cit., 46. 13
So, again, the question can be raised: whether combined iconographic and literary evidence alludes to more? Williams makes the point that ‘all early instruments [organs] are known about by chance or through exceptional sources.’40 Buckley describes the difficulty when instruments are mentioned in the Annals (Ireland’s primary historical literary sources) and summarises the propensity of style and type found within their layers: References are descriptive - and usually subjective, emotive, metaphorical, everything but technical or systematic. … The confusion is further compounded by the multiplicity of uses of the terminology even by individual scribes: …The problems for aerophones are similar: were instruments called cuisle ciúil [{musical} pipe/tube/vein from the word cuiseach meaning reed/stalk], fedán [whistle], píb [pipe] organologically distinguishable? 41
An inference can be drawn to the style of Wulfstan and previous writers like Sedulius, who mirrored classical writers, and the future writers of the Annals in that they were not predisposed to technical details. Two examples follow that typify an entry referencing music:
1. The Annals of Clonmacnoise (- AD 1408) record that in the year 1269: ‘Hugh o’fflynn a good musitian Died’42
2. The Annals of Connacht (1224-1544) record that in the year 1224: ‘The Canon Muirges O Conchobair, son of Ruaidri, the man of all the Gaels that ever were who was most skilled alike in literature and chanting and verse-making, died this year…’43
It can be easily seen that these references do not mention an instrument, nor describe in detail the musical activity of the person; essentially, these excerpts are obituaries. There is a useful analogy regarding a lack of focus on objects in the Annals. Let us consider another art-form such as architecture. For example, at the ecclesiastical centre of Clonfert in Galway,44 St Brendan’s Cathedral’s twelfth century doorway has the largest national example of a West doorway gable and has been described by Harbison as the ‘crowning achievement of Irish Romanesque decoration.’45 Yet, its artistic and majestic significance is historically un- acknowledged: Indeed, its date is not recorded by any of the annalists who confine themselves to the early history of St. Brendan’s monastery and to the more tragic happenings -- burnings and plunderings which Clonfert suffered nine times from the seventh to the twelfth century.46
40 Williams, P., The Organ in Western Culture: 750-1250, (Cambridge: CUP, 2004), 197. 41 Buckley, A., ‘Musical Instruments in Ireland: 9th-14th Centuries’, Gillen, G. & White, H. (Eds.), Irish Musical Studies: Musicology in Ireland, Vol. 1 (Dublin: IAP, 1990), 13-14. 42 Murphy, D. (Ed.), The Annals of Clonmacnoise (- AD 1408), (Dublin: RSAI, 1896). 43 Freeman, A.M. (Ed.), The Annals of Connacht (1224-1544), (Dublin: DIAS, 1944, R/1970). 44 It was originally founded by St Brendan (563AD). 45 Harbison, P., Guide to National and Historic Monuments of Ireland (Dublin: G & M, 1992), 151. 46 Leask, H.G., Irish Churches and monastic Buildings, Vol. 1 (Dundalk: Dundalgan, 1955, 1987), 138. 14
So, this impressive Romanesque doorway is known to exist because it is still there and thus it represents a primary source. However, if it had been destroyed but noted in one of the Annals then it could be said to have existed because of this secondary source. If there are neither primary nor secondary sources then deduction from other (tertiary) sources is the only way we can base a hope that this doorway indeed existed. Accordingly, absence of any extant Irish reference to an organ should not infer that there were none.47 Williams and Vellekoop note that: ‘It is true that not “a single visitor to so important city as Winchester ever wrote a word on the instrument” [organ]’.48 Yet what makes its organ’s existence plausible is Wulfstan’s description in context ‘with other material structures known from other kinds of evidence, such as the tower and crypt.’49 Williams takes the idea of context further when he suggests that bell-makers were probably organ builders because of the bell-founding pit at Winchester. He attributes this to: a) Dunstan, referenced two centuries later by William of Malmesbury,50 b) Exeter’s fabric accounts (1284) and c) Cologne’s magister Johannes (1250-1310)51 where both trades were attributed to the same person. He further deduces: Very likely bells of bronze and pipes of bronze and copper…were made in the same workshop in many a large monastery of the eleventh century and on secular premises in many a growing city of the thirteenth and later52
There were up to 120 Irish Round towers or Cloicthigh 53 (belfries) built between the ninth and twelfth centuries. Could these, along with the newer Norman style buildings that had bell-towers, have had organ-builders as their bell-makers? Of course, the answer is no-one knows, but what matters is the link between things such as bells and bell-towers that are appropriate to a monastery; just as much as the organ has been shown to be in Europe. The hydraulis or something of its type was introduced to Gaul or Frankish lands as a gift to Peppin the Short in 756-7. This came from Emperor Constantine Copronymous54 in Byzantium where the instrument had become re-invigorated through Arabic translations of
47 A question: from what perspective does something of antiquary stand out as important? Extant artifacts may be considered noteworthy because they are rare now, but in their day they may have been considered ordinary because they were commonplace. On the one hand, if the word ‘organ’ is not mentioned in the Annals, then there is no evidence to prove there was one. On the other, if feats of engineering in art (like fine sculpting of stone or wood) were also not commented upon, then it could be argued that the possible presence of an organ would have shared the same fate anyway: namely, to be overlooked or deemed as unimportant. 48 Williams, P., The Organ in Western Culture: 750-1250, (Cambridge 2004), 197. 49 Loc. cit. 50 Ibid., 354. 51 Ibid., 102. 52 Loc. cit. 53 The Irish word for Round Tower Cloictheach translates as ‘bell-house.’ 54 Crocker, R. & Hiley, D. (Eds.), The New Oxford History of Music [second ed.], Vol. 2 (Oxford: OUP, 1990), 467. 15
the Greek Mūristus manuscripts.55 McKinnon believed that through this political gift the organ entered into the church as the “Carolingian monks learned to exploit its pedagogical suitability for illustrating the mathematical ratios of Ars Musica….”56 It is useful to direct our attention towards Irish monastic pedagogy and chant to continue the reasonable assumption of a possibility for the existence of Irish organ-building or organs brought to Ireland or furthermore the knowledge of same amongst the Irish Diaspora up to the late Middle Ages.
Music Treatises and Chant
John Scottus [Johannes Scottus Eriugena, 810-75] resided,57 by invitation of King Charles the Bald, to head up the Palatine Academy, at the palace of Laon. He was perhaps Ireland’s foremost early medieval scholar who amongst other things introduced Neo-Platonism to Western Europe. The contemporaneous famous treatise Musica enchiriadis which references notation and polyphony, ‘probably originated in … Laon or St. Amand …’58 Moreover, the work of scholars Huglo and Corsi have commented that this treatise was ‘probably composed by an Irish master.’59 There was also a lineage of students from John Scottus’s Irish contemporary Elias that ended up with Hucbald (d.930) of St. Amand.60 It is through Hucbald’s treatise De harmonica institutione that a reference is made to the hydraulis.61 Knowledge of this instrument was most likely known to the various Irish monks residing and teaching at the centre of the Charlemagne court. It seems that under the influence of the Irish monks, music played an important part and had a contemporaneous context with their exported missions. Certainly, the Venerable Bede commented on the ‘presbyteri, diaconi, cantores, lectores’ at the church in Lindisfarne in the seventh century.62 The Stowe Missal (c.850), which is a copy of another
55 Hughes, Dom Anselm (Ed.), The New Oxford History of Music, Vol.2 (Oxford: OUP, 1954, 1969), 465. 56 McKinnon, J., op. cit., 4. 57 Ghazarian, J, op. cit, 129. 58 Williams, P., The Organ in Western Culture: 750-1250, (Cambridge: CUP, 2004), 25. 59 Loc. cit. 60 Elias taught Heiric of Auxerre (d.876) who taught Hucbald . See footnote 57, op.cit., 131. 61 Willaims, P, op.cit., 46-47. The treaty refers to a c based system of notation. 62 Ibid., 315. 16
before 650, refers to some of the Mass sung by a schola63 and the oldest-known existing communion hymn Sancte Venite from the Antiphonary of Bangor, which was brought to the great library of Bobbio in the seventh century, highlights the importance of singing under the Rule of St. Columba.64 By the eighth century, the Irish foundations on the Continent began slowly to progress to Benedictine Rule. This culminated in the twelfth century when Ireland became part ‘of the Gregorian reform sweeping the continent’65 which was an effort to standardise the liturgy across the Holy Roman Empire. Recent scholarship of extant chant sources from Ireland has shown a link between Ireland and Europe well before the Anglo-Norman invasion of 1169-71. Frank Lawrence has written an excellent paper which reconsiders Gibraldus Cambrensis’s account Expugnatio Hibernica (The Conquest of Ireland) of this time and echoes Nick Sandon’s caution that the adoption of the Sarum liturgy in Ireland, at the second Council of Cashel in 1172, was not a watershed moment; it gradually gained momentum from the thirteenth century.66 The late twelfth/early thirteenth century Downpatrick Gradual is representative of the Winchester Corbie Saint-Denis tradition and has a unique two-part polyphonic verse Dicant nunc iudei (from the Easter processional Christus resurgens) which is concordant with that found in a manuscript from Chartres c.1100.67 Lawrence goes on to sum up his findings: Given the wide range of continental contacts maintained by Irish monks, bishops and kings in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, a northern and Burgandian musical influence in Irish sources should not surprise us. The fusion of diverse influences represented in the Irish sources is particularly interesting and testifies to an unusual degree of openness to multifarious traditions.68
Other Irish chant sources show this to be the case. Forty-eight fragments (from the early twelfth century onwards) of notated chant have been found in Vienna’s Schottenstift which come from Schottenklöstern around southern Germany and Austria where Irish-born monks remained until 1418.69 St. Gall’s library also houses a fragment from an Irish antiphoner with Norman-Benedictine influence. Similar influenced notation with a suggested provenance from the south of Ireland can be found in the mid-twelfth-century Cormac’s
63 Boydell, Barra, ‘Evidence for Music in the Medieval Irish Liturgy: A Survey’, Phelan, Helen (Ed.), Anáil Dé: The Breath of God: Music, Ritual and Spirituality (Dublin: Veritas, 2001), 71. 64 This use of hymns was closer to the Gallican Rite than the Roman Rite and it is difficult to presume that there was the use of an organ with this Rite. The cruit, a stringed instrument, was used in the early Middle Ages. 65 Lawrence, Frank, ‘What Did They Sing at Cashel in 1172? Winchester, Sarum and Romano- Frankish Chant in Ireland’, JSMI, 3 (2007-8), 111-125, 117. 66 Ibid, 118-119. 67 Ibid, 124. 68 Ibid, 124-5. 69 Boydell, op.cit., 72. 17
Psalter.70 This has a three-part polyphonic colophon using a Sarum Benedicamus melody in the tenor.71 The mid-fourteenth-century Dublin Troper has its own three-part setting of the famous hymn Angelus ad virginem which was widely known throughout England and France. The binding of a fourteenth-century missal from the abbey church of St Thomas the Martyr, Dublin has revealed a fragment from an earlier four-part motet Rota versatilis of English origin.72 These examples all show a continuous cross-referencing from the turn of the twelfth century.73 The significance of these musical links between England, France, Germany, Austria, Switzerland and Ireland cannot be emphasised enough when the organ is concerned. As there were such parallels in chant between the monasteries in these countries, it is reasonable to assume that Irish monks were doing similar things as their brethren were in other Irish foundations such as the Schottenklöstern. Moreover, as Lawrence has already pointed out, they were probably doing similar things as their brethren from non-Irish monasteries.74 We know that the organ reached England at least from the tenth century onwards and was used eventually as part of some liturgical setting in the great Benedictine monasteries. It is probable to have reached Ireland much sooner than extant evidence shows. Not only is the link between chant sources showing us concordance between Ireland and abroad but the numerous establishment of singers to help with the Divine Office and Mass reveals more links to the organ.
Establishment of Vicars Choral and the earliest allusion to an organ in medieval Ireland
Returning to Cashel holds the earliest possible clues for an organ in Ireland. In 1330, Archbishop Walter le Rede granted tithes to a group of vicars choral there; the original date of a college of Vicars Choral is uncertain. This group literally deputised for the corpus of
70 Lawrence, op.cit., 124. 71 See footnote 63, op.cit., 73. 72 See footnote 63, op.cit., 76-7. 73 St Malachy, Archbishop of Armagh, en route to Rome in 1140, stayed at Clairvaux and many Augustinian houses. From his invitation eight Cistercian and twenty-five Augustinian houses were founded in Ireland by his death in 1148. 74 In the eleventh century, Dublin, Waterford and Limerick developed ties with Canterbury with two Benedictine Bishops observant to Lanfranc and Anselm. The Kells-Mellifont Synod of 1152, with papal approval, gave four pallia: Dublin and Tuam along with the original two, Armagh and Cashel. 18
canons that performed the Divine Office or Hours or at Mass.75 The Annals of Loch Cé report that the prelate Risteard Ó hÉidhin built a hall exclusively for them during his tenure (1406-40)76 and endowed them with lands. Jackson, a later dean of Cashel wrote: ‘the college was a corporate body consisting of eight vicars choral, an organist, a sexton and a
Exhibit 1.1: Copy of the Seal of the Vicars Choral at Cashel77
steward, all of whose function it was to assist in the chanting of the Cathedral Services.’78 Extracts from a Royal audit in the early seventeenth century did mention the original eight vicars choral, which were subsequently reduced to four, plus the maintenance of ‘an Organist and a Choir’.79 Due to the survival of a brass seal there is more evidence to support the presence of an organ. Although this seal is not dated its depiction of eight singers and an organist on it reveals an organ of a simple medieval look with one flat of front pipes in a simple ‘A’ format (See Exhibit 1.1). Cashel is by no means the first to be mentioned having a college of vicars choral but it is the only one that has clues referencing an organ from the fourteenth century. At Armagh ‘when the cathedral was constituted in the twelfth century’ Coleidei or Culdees (‘Servants of God’), having a possible eighth century heritage, were ‘incorporated de
75 Minor canons also served the same function but were of a higher status being priests. 76 The Rock of Cashel Guide, Monograph (Office of Public Works, c.1995), 5. 77 JHA. 78 Wyse Jackson, R., ‘The Music Books of Cashel Diocesan Library’, Fleischmann, A. (Ed.), Music in Ireland: A Symposium, (Cork: CUP 1952), 333. 79 Grindle, W. H., Irish Cathedral Music, PhD Thesis (University of Dublin, Trinity College, 1985), 14. 19
facto vicars choral’.80 Other colleges of vicars choral existed or were established in the thirteenth century at Limerick under Bishop Hubert de Burgh (1222-50), Lismore under Bishop Christopher (1223-46) and Kilkenny possibly under Bishop Geoffrey St Leger (1260- 87).81 In a deed from 1328 lands were presented to vicars choral at Cork.82 In Dublin, a Psalter was commissioned for Christ Church by its prior Stephen de Derby (1347-1382)83 and during his tenure a new organ, according to Grattan Flood, was part-funded by John of St Paul, Archbishop of Dublin in 1358. This was part of a newly-built choir and the organ was to be ‘presided at by one of the canons, generally designated as “clerk of the organs”.84 Apart from this reference and the Cashel inference no other organ from the fourteenth century is alluded to in Ireland. In as much as the vicars choral or minor canons helped to stand in for the clergy for the performance of the Divine Office so too did the organ for parts of the ordinary at the Mass or chanting of the psalms at the Hours. This latter developed as alternatim and was made use of from the fourteenth century onwards.85 The importance of the organ now became ever present in a liturgical setting.
The organ in Ireland from the fifteenth century
Organs were said to exist in Christ Church and St Patrick’s cathedrals, Dublin and St Mary’s Cathedral, Limerick around 145086 and, according to the late John Holmes, an organ player was paid ‘3s 4d’ for ‘playing at each service on greater feasts only’ at Christ Church in 1452.87 This is the first reference to an organist’s salary and as such one could ask whether it was to a lay person. Nonetheless lay involvement appears more the case from the end of that century onwards.
80 Ibid, 13. 81 Ibid, 14. 82 Loc. cit. 83 Boydell, Barra, A History of Music at Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin (Suffolk: Boydell Press, 2004), 14. 84 Grattan Flood, W. H., op. cit., 134. Grattan Flood does not give evidence of a source for this. There is another mention, perhaps by Grattan Flood, of a “payre of organs” from 1360 or 1368 in ‘The Organs of Christ Church Cathedral’ in IT, 25 August1917, 8 but by his own admission to later sources there is some degree of probability to its claim: ‘Between the years 1375 and 1400 improved organs were gradually being introduced into the larger churches in Ireland. In the absence of any local records, it is of interest to quote…’ (p.95). 85 Higginbottom, E., ‘Organ music and the liturgy’ in Thistlethwaite, N. and Webber, G. (Eds.), The Cambridge Companion to the Organ, (Cambridge, 1998), 132. 86 Grattan Flood, W, H, ‘Irish Organ-builder from the Eighth to the Close of the Eighteenth Century’, JRSAI, Vol. 40, No. 3 (30 September 1910), 229-34, 231. 87 Holmes, J, The organ in Ireland, Monograph (Unpublished, 1993), unpaginated. 20
Two religious characters were referenced by Flood as organ-builders. The first was a Dominican Friar, Brother John Rouse (Roose) who allegedly trained in Kilkenny in 1455 before working in England. York Minster Fabric Rolls do show two entries confirming the presence of the Friar.88 The other was a Cistercian monk known as Brother Aengus from Holy Cross Abbey in county Tipperary who, in 1460, purportedly repaired ‘the old wind organ, [at Duiske Abbey, Graiguenamanagh, Co. Kilkenny] which, not having been used of late years, was sadly affected by damp, and its bellows leather gnawed by rats’.89 Holmes cautions us that this might be apocryphal90 yet in 1540 a ‘pair of organs and five cows’ were valued at ‘£4-13s-4d’ at the dissolution of the same abbey.91 If this organ was one and the same as that in the account of the repair eighty years previously then it was surely much older given the state the monk found it in. What is certain is that an organ existed there before the Reformation. Following the spread of devotion to the BVM across Europe, St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin, in 1431, added choristers whose duties were to sing in the Lady chapel. Perhaps to support them or most likely to provide alternatim verses for future generations ‘a payre of organs’ were bequeathed for use in this space by the then Archbishop Michael Tregury in 1471.92 This generous gift was probably the first house organ (or for use at a private chapel) to be accounted for in Ireland. It seems unlikely that there was no other organ used in the main body or choir of the cathedral. The bequest could also have come from possible competition felt as a result of a new organ, said to have been built the year previously, by John Lawless, at Christ Church Cathedral.93 Whether this was for its Lady Chapel is unknown but in 1480 provision was made for ‘four singing boys to serve in the
88JHA, Fabric Roll E/23, 26 November 1457 to 25 December 1458: Johanni Roose, fratri ordinis Predicatorum, civitatis Ebor emandanti et reparanti organa ad altare BMV in Eccl.Cath. cum I pari follium pro eisdem xxxvj vii. Fabric Roll E/24, 28 November 1469 to 29 November 1470: Fratri Johanni, pro factura duorum foliorum pro magnis organis et emendacione eorumdem xv ij. 89 See footnote 84, op.cit., 99. 90 Holmes, J, History of the organ in Ireland, Notes (Unpublished, 1993), unpaginated. He cites correspondence in the 1960s with the keeper of Manuscripts at TCD, William O’Sullivan who examined the remains of the Annals of Duiske for any matter related to an organ, organ-builder or Brother Aengus but to no avail. 91 White, Newport, B. (Ed.), ‘Extents of Irish Monastic Possessions, 1540-1’, Irish Manuscripts Commission (Dublin: Stationary Office, 1943), 198. 92 Barry, Henry F. (Ed.), Register of Wills and Inventories of the Diocese of Dublin 1457-83 (Dublin: RSAI, 1898). 93 Author unknown but most likely was Grattan Flood, W. H., ‘The Organs of Christ Church Cathedral’, IT, 25 August 1917, 8. 21
choir and Lady Chapel’ there.94 Although the organ is alluded to, the said organ-builder did exist and appears to be the first lay organ-builder in Ireland on record. This record is a preserved lease granted by the priest and ‘soffrayn parichynrs’ from St. Mary’s Parish, Kilkenny, dated, December 1476.95 Grattan Flood wrote: ‘there is evidence that he erected twenty organs in various parts of Ireland’ but did not enlighten us as to where they were. Apart from the allusion to his organ in 1470 at Christ Church, Dublin, Armagh cathedral did obtain ‘a paire of organs’ in 1482 from him which was most likely destroyed when the city was burnt to the ground in 1566 by Shane O’Neill.96 With the appearance of lay-skill like Lawless’s in a ‘profession’ such as organ-building, there comes a shift involving specific payment of some sort. We already know of lands and tithes distributed to Minor canons and vicar chorals.97 The first reference to the cost of an organ was in 1481 at the Dominican Priory, Athenry where Thomas Bermingham, Baron of Athenry, donated three silver marks towards the building of an organ.98 The second allusion to a salary for an organist happened in 1482 at St Mary’s Cathedral, Limerick where the incumbent received 6s-8d per annum.99 Other organs noted around this time were at the Priory at Kilmainham and at St Thomas’s Abbey, Dublin in 1485.100 The value of an organ in a liturgical setting and the role of an organist gained significant ground in the fifteenth century. This went hand-in-hand with the addition of choristers (trebles and meanes) to vicars choral like those in St Patrick’s and Christ Church, Dublin in order to sing four and five-part polyphony.101 The first reference to the organ being used with a choir was in 1488 at St Thomas’s Abbey, Dublin where:
94 Boydell, Barra, op. cit., 25. 95 Holmes, op. cit. A provision of the lease was peculiar in that, although he could work outside Kilkenny for his own gains he was obliged to return or his family would forfeit the land. The rent was for ‘the term of xi wynters’ and cost ‘…v shyllyns of gode able money…’ Also reference Walters, Patrick, ‘Original Documents Connected with Kilkenny’, JRHAAI, Vol. 2, 2, (1873), 532-43, 542-3. 96 Grindle, op. cit., 218. 97 Encouragement to help finance religious projects was not just based on philanthropy. A Papal brief (1468), granting indulgences to ‘those who would visit the friary [Muckross, Kerry] and contribute to the completion of the building begun twenty years before’, shows what the reward might be. Leask, H.G., Irish Churches and Monastic Buildings, Vol. 3 (Dundalk: Dundalgan, 1960, 1985), 97. 98 Holmes, J, The organ in Ireland, Monograph (Unpublished, 1993). He refers to the date 1481 whereas Grattan Flood gives it as 1479 in Grattan Flood, William, H. The History of Irish music (Dublin: Browne & Nolan, 1905, third ed. 1913, R/1970), 100. 99 Grattan Flood, W, H, ‘Irish Organ-builder from the Eighth to the Close of the Eighteenth Century’, JRSAI, XL (1910), 229-34. 100 Holmes, J, History of the organ in Ireland, Notes (Unpublished, 1993). 101 Boydell, B., op.cit., 26. 22
At the termination of the High Mass… The Earl of Kildare and the other magnates went into the great church; and, in the choir thereof, the Archbishop of Dublin began with the Te Deum, and the choir with the organs sung it up solemnly. 102
There was a similar event in Christ Church in the same year where there was ‘joyful music on the viols and the organs’.103 These events marked the re-administration of political oaths of allegiance to the crown and general absolution to those involved with Lambert Simnel’s claim to monarchy in 1487.104 The fifteenth century was to draw to a close with a sense of stability after the War of the Roses. There were forty new foundations by the Franciscan, Dominican and Augustinian orders and many more ‘important monastic structures were added to and rebuilt in part’.105 This tide of development was also experienced with the organ world but was soon to suffer from the Reformation onwards.
The organ in Ireland during the sixteenth century and to the end of the Commonwealth
The number of Franciscan and Dominican friaries spreading all over the country peaked to seventy-five and forty-five respectively, up to the Reformation.106 The association already shown between the use of organs and choristers should not infer an urban pre-requisite given that suburban and non-urban monastic houses, such as the Augustinians in Kilmainham and the Dominicans in Athenry, possessed organs. Sir Christopher Fleming founded a small Franciscan Third Order friary and college at Slane, county Meath, in 1512. The college was administered by four priests, four clerks (lay-brothers) and four choristers.107 A nearby village, Smarmore in County Louth, showed a preponderance to choral pedagogy when it yielded fragments of musical sketches with notation used in sacred polyphony at the close of the fifteenth century.108 The Collegiate church of St Mary at Maynooth, which was founded by the Great Earl of Kildare, Garret More (d.1513), had a ‘provost, vice-provost, five priests,
102 The account was given by Sir Richard Edgecombe, Royal Commisioner to Ireland on Monday, 21 July in Grattan Flood, W. H., The History of Irish music, (Dublin: Browne & Nolan, 1905, third ed. 1913, R/1970), 102. 103 Ibid., 140. 104 Ibid., 102. 105 Leask, op. cit., Vol.3, 1. 106 Ibid., 7. 107 Harbison, op. cit., 267-8. 108 Boydell, Barra ‘Evidence for Music in the Medieval Irish Liturgy: A Survey’, Phelan, Helen (Ed.), Anáil Dé: The Breath of God: Music, Ritual and Spirituality (Dublin: Veritas, 2001), 77. 23
two clerics [clerks] and three choristers’.109 Although no organs were referenced here or at Slane, these collegial churches were likely to have had one. The tide of change was felt in Ireland with the rumble between the English monarchy and Rome. In 1535 Lord Leonard Grey ‘carried off’ a ‘pair of organs’ from an Augustinian Priory at Killeigh, County Offaly, and brought them to King’s College, Maynooth.110 In 1539 (10 September) a warrant was issued to the ‘clerk of the organs’ Patrick Clinch, at the dissolution of St Thomas’s Abbey, retiring him on an annuity of £5.111 Around 1540, as discussed earlier, an agent of Henry VIII, William Brabazon was to account for an organ in Duiske Abbey, Graiguenamanagh, County Kilkenny.112 The first named organist or pulsator organorum was William Herbit in 1509 at St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin with an annual stipend of £3-6s-8d.113 The first detailed payments and duties of an organist (and master of choristers) were those for Robert Hayward in March 1546 at the New Foundation of Christ Church;114 the Augustinian Cathedral-Priory of the Holy Trinity had become a secular cathedral in 1541 in the aftermath of the suppression of monastic houses, begun in Ireland in 1537 under Henry VIII. Apart from an organ bequeathed and used in a Lady Chapel little is known about the special placing of an organ at this time. In 1535 an organ stood on a Rood Screen (until it was moved in 1639)115 at St Audoen’s Church, Dublin and was ‘still in use’ on the first Sunday in May at Mass.116 Robert Fitzsimon was employed there by the religious gild of St Anne as a clerk, with an annual salary of £8, to play ‘the organ at all services, principal feasts and holy days’ in the 1540s.117 The mention of a Rood Screen highlights contemporaneous
109 Leask, op. cit., Vol. 3, 32. 110 Holmes, op. cit. 111 Grattan Flood, W. H., The History of Irish music (Dublin: Browne & Nolan, 1905, third ed., 1913, R/1970), 146. 112 See footnote 91. 113 Holmes, op. cit.; Grattan-Flood, op. cit., 142, he has the date as 1506. 114 Grattan Flood, W. H., op. cit., 149-50. He refers to Hayward as the first ‘professional’ organist paid an annual stipend of £6-13s-4d along with ‘twelve pecks of wheat and eight pecks of malt payable at the feasts of the Nativity, Easter, the Nativity of St John the Baptist and Michaelmas; a livery coat, and a cart load of wood at Christmas, and the chamber [the monastic Scriptorium] by the east of the church yard; and the Vicars-Choral grant him four pecks of malt in equal portions, at said feasts, his daily finding, table and board, sitting and taking same with them.’ The said Robert Hayward was bound ‘to play the organ and keep Our Lady’s Mass and Anthem [Antiphon] daily, the Jesus Mass every Friday, according to the custom of St Patrick’s’, and Matins when the organ plays on the eight principal feasts, as well as on a greater feast day, or Major Double, grantors finding an organ blower.’ Moreover, he was to supply, at the expense of the cathedral, ‘suitable church music’, and ‘to behave humbly and well’ to the Dean and Chapter. …he was ‘to instruct the choristers in pricksong and descant to four minims’. 115 Gilbert, J., A History of the City of Dublin, Vol. 1 (Dublin: McGlashan, 1854), 280. 116 Holmes, op. cit. 117 Neary, Denise M, ‘Organ-building in Seventeenth-and-Eighteenth-Century Dublin, and its English Connection’, JBIOS 21 (1997), 20-7, 21. 24
accounts of organs placed so in England and the continent. Similarly, payments made ‘for removing ye organs to the Queere’, at Christ Church between 1594 and 1595118 reveal comparative actions taken at King’s College, Cambridge to suit the setting of the service.119 Only two references to organ-builders exist for the sixteenth century. The first is an unsupported reference by Grattan Flood and Sumner to James Dempsey [Demssey] who, in 1515, was presented a hackney as ‘organ-maker’ to the Earl of Kildare. Accordingly he left for England in 1528 and built organs at Ripon Minster (1531) and Doncaster Parish Church (1561) wherein his remains were laid on 27 July, 1567.120 The second was Henry Nugent working in Dublin in 1595.121 At this time, John Farmer, organist of Christ Church Cathedral from 1595-9, became the first of a number of ‘distinguished English musicians’122 which would take up positions in either of the two Dublin Cathedrals.123 This was a reflection, due in no small measure to the fact that these buildings were in the heart of English administration in Ireland: they were now established and religiously answerable to a monarch. This religious-political tie paid much attention and musical reverence towards the ultimate seat of all-things- embodied in Anglicanism: the Chapel Royal. The close of the Reformation had come to Ireland officially in January 1560 when the Irish Parliament, under duress, passed acts better known as The Penal Laws. This marked the beginning of Elizabethan enforcement of Protestantism which resulted in a religious divide that would have long-lasting cultural and political consequences. At the risk of persecution, Catholics (like their brethren in England) went underground. On the feast of Corpus Christi in 1598, a Jesuit, Fr. Henry Fitzsimon secretly celebrated Solemn High Mass ‘in the house of a nobleman, “with full orchestra, composed of harps, lutes, and all kinds of instruments except the organ … the first solemn Mass celebrated, in Dublin, for the last forty years.”’124 This insight indicates that the organ was missed and thus had likely played an
118 Ibid., 20 and Grindle, op. cit., 207. 119 Thistlethwaite, Nicholas, ‘The Organ of King’s College, Cambridge 1605-1802’, JBIOS 32 (2008), 6, 11-12. The sighting of Thomas Dallam’s new organ (1605) appears placed beside the choir. 120 Grattan Flood, W. H., The History of Irish music (Dublin: Browne & Nolan, 1905, third ed. 1913, R/1970), 231 and Sumner, op. cit., 106. In Holmes, op. cit. he acknowledges that the Earl ‘held dominion over the ancient O’Dempsey territories’ around Kildare but could not find any record of him at Doncaster or at Ripon Cathedral archives where the dates: 1399, 1408, 1453, 1667 and 1708 appear as the only ones pertaining to an organ at the latter. 121 Grattan Flood, op. cit., 232. 122 Gillen, Gerard, ‘Church Music in Dublin, 1500-1900’, Boydell, Brian (Ed.), Four Centuries of Music in Ireland (London: BBC, 1979), 23. Others were: Thomas Bateson (1608-30), Benjamin Rogers (1639-46) and Daniel Roseingrave (1698-727). 123 For an overview and listing of organists in Irish cathedrals see Fleischmann, A. (Ed.), Music in Ireland: A Symposium (Cork: CUP, 1952), 160-4. 124 ‘Life and letters of Father H. Fitzsimon, SJ,’ in Grattan Flood, op. cit., 166. 25
important role in an (Irish) Catholic liturgical context. One thinks of William Byrd who led a split life: remaining as a Catholic, writing his Latin Masses for use in private worship and presenting Anthems for public use. The sixteenth century brought much trouble to Ireland and a reference, in the Black Book of Limerick, was made to ‘two organs that had grown old’ in Limerick Cathedral ‘before the wars of Elizabeth’ by Bernard Adams, Bishop of Limerick (1604-1630).125 One can only guess whether the ‘two’ organs did, in fact, refer to two separate instruments or to a pair of organs as was customary at the time. This may reference, as previously mentioned, the fifteenth century allusion to an organ (1450) and its player (1482) or may indeed refer to a later addition. He presented, albeit, a new instrument to St Mary’s Cathedral, Limerick in c.1624;126 perhaps at the request of its organist Richard Fuller (1601-42).127 The first organ-builder mentioned in the seventeenth century was Henry Alyngton who was paid £1 ‘towards the mending of the organs’ at Christ Church in 1612.128 In October 1616 Thomas Bateson,129 John Farmer’s successor as organist (1606-30), was then asked ‘to make, or cause to be made, a sufficient Instrument or organ’ with £35 plus £5 for contingency. The accounts show that only £20 was paid to him.130 This begs the question: why? A likely answer reveals the first glimpse of the division of labour in the building of an organ in Ireland. The accounts reveal subsequent payments: to a carpenter for the making of an organ case and for hooks (hinges) and nails for the ‘doore of the Organ place’.131 This shows that the pipes, action and bellows were made by an organ-builder (not necessarily and most unlikely Bateson) and the casework by local trade. At St Finbarre’s Cathedral, Cork in November 1633 it was noted that: The Dean and Chapter unanimously declare that the sum of ten pounds be paid for the completion of the musical instrument, called in English ‘Organs’, as is the custom to have in Cathedral churches.
Perhaps the ‘completion’ involved the building of a case by a carpenter. This is the first reference to an organ as a ‘musical instrument’ in Ireland, whilst the specific mention of
125 Grattan Flood, op. cit., 212. 126 Brislane, Bryan A., St Mary’s Cathedral, Limerick-The Organ, Monograph (Limerick: McKerns, 1971), 5 in Grindle, op.cit., 230. The date is 1622 according to Grattan Flood, W, H, ‘Irish Organ- builder from the Eighth to the Close of the Eighteenth Century’, JRSAI, XL (1910), 229-34. 127 Fle ischmann, op. cit., 163. 128 Neary, D., op. cit., 20. Grindle, op. cit., 207 quotes Grattan Flood’s (An undated article: ‘The Organs of Christ Church Cathedral’) incorrect date as 1603. 129 Bateson published two sets of Madrigals: in 1604 and 1618. He is believed to be the first music graduate of TCD (c.1612-5) in Fleischmann (Ed.), op. cit., 23. 130 Boydell, op. cit., 52. 131 Loc. cit. 26
‘called in English “Organs”’ may bear witness to the transition from a pair of organs, essentially a one manual portative organ, to the dawn of ‘double organs’ or two-manual organs. This and Christ Church’s new organ likely demanded more wind and were used more in the Service in order to justify a new ‘organ-blower’. After a payment ‘to Patrick for blowing the bellows’, John Hignot became the first named organ-blower as part of a subsequent ‘staffe to blow the organs’ at Christ Church in 1633-4. An account of his extra duties, due to full congregations in 1635, reveals more about the organ: The organs were hurte by the admittance of to many to Sit behinde them, The Deane and Chapter did admonish John Hignet Organ-blower to bee hereafter more carefull and not to admitt of any to Sitt or Stand neere to the Organs where they or the Pipes may receive any hurte upon payne of loosing his place.132
This most likely indicates that the pipes were made of metal, that would dent easily, rather than wood and that the impost level for pipes was either: not very high above the organist’s head or that the case contained side-towers or had a flat that extended much beyond the player’s reach; proportions making the organ’s pipes more accessible to the touch of a church-goer. Another new organ was provided for by Archbishop Hampton at Armagh Cathedral in 1634. The cathedral, restored in 1613, was to re-live its plunder by pyromania from another O’Neill (Sir Phelim) during the outbreak of the Civil War in 1641-2.133 In May 1644 a decree from an ‘Ordinance for further demolishing of Monuments of Idolatry and Superstition’ stated that ‘all Organs, and Frames or Cases wherein they stand in all Churches … shall be taken away, and utterly defaced, and none hereafter set up in their places’.134 The fact that the organ case is seen as a separately mentioned entity to the organ may back up the notion of the divide of labour between carpentry and organ-building of the musical instrument therein. Perhaps there were closing doors on the front to protect the pipes. With the new decree organs were destroyed. Grattan Flood mentioned that ‘the beautiful organ’ in Cashel Cathedral was ‘broken into pieces’ in 1647. Four years later, Colonel Saddleir, Governor of Waterford ‘pulled down the “great paire of organs”’ at the Cathedral and sold on the pipes. The case may have survived and was moved from St Olaf’s
132 C6/1/26/3/22, fol. 3r; Boydell, Barra, (Ed.), Music: Documents, 70 in Boydell, op. cit., 53. 133 Grindle, op. cit., 218. A bill was passed by Parliament in January 1643 ‘for the utter abolishing and taking away all archbishops, bishops…deans and chapters…and all vicars choral and choristers, old vicars and new vicars of any cathedral or collegiate church…out of the Church of England’ referenced by Spink, Ian, Restoration Cathedral Music 1660-1714 (Oxford, 1995), 3, in Neary, Op. cit., 21. 134 Firth, C. H. and Rait, R. S. (Eds.), Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum, 1642-1660 (London, 1911), I, 425-6 in Neary, loc. cit. 27
Church, Waterford to Errigal Keeroge parish church in County Tyrone.135 ‘Lieut.-Colonel John Puckle, Governor of New Ross, “took away the fayre payre of organs” and a ring of five bells from St Mary’s Church’ in 1652.136 Other places that were meant to have had organs were Kilkenny, (Emly) and Kildare Cathedral of which no evidence survives.137 Jasper Elcock, in a Quit Rent claim (17 November 1639) was described as an ‘organ-maker’ from Dublin; the last known before the Restoration.138
The return of the organ in Ireland with the Restoration
The organ was played in both Dublin Cathedrals by the end of 1661. A temporary organ, most probably belonging to John Hawkshaw Sr, who was previously vicar choral then organist to the Dublin Cathedrals (1661-85), was procured for use at Christ Church in 1661.139 According to Holmes, he built an organ for St Patrick’s the following year140 and was asked to remove it in 1668 for fear of impending collapse of the roof.141 He also sold an organ (possibly second-hand) for £50 to St Werburgh’s, Dublin in 1676.142 Although Holmes has referred to him as an ‘organ-builder’143 it seems doubtful given that the organ mentioned at Christ Church was ‘set up by a Mr. Parsons … and tuned (a number of times) by a “Mr. Hollister”’.144 It is not very clear who built what, since organists were frequently left in charge of obtaining an organ. In May 1664, George Harris (there is no evidence that he was related to the famous Harris lineage) commenced building a new organ at Christ Church and received a total of £160 for work done from 1663-7. This was almost certainly a one manual instrument given that a new contract was awarded to Lancelot Pease in June 1667 to build a chair organ. This was to be the first of many contracts from well-established organ-builders from England
135 McSweeney, Pauline, The Organ and Harpsichord in Ireland before 1870, MA thesis (UCC, 1979), 7-8. 136 Grattan Flood, W. H., The History of Irish music (Dublin: Browne & Nolan, 1905, third ed., 1913, R/1970), 213. 137 McSweeney, op. cit., 7. Another reference is to a portable organ made for Walter, The Earl of Ormond and Ossory, in 1625. 138 Ms D.16176, NLI. 139 Grindle, op. cit., 207. 140 Holmes, J., ‘The Trinity College organs in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries’, Hermathena cxii (TCD, 1972), 41. 141 Grindle, op. cit., 38. 142 Grattan Flood, op. cit., 220. 143 Holmes, History of the Organ in Ireland, Notes (Unpublished, 1993). 144 Boydell, op. cit., 85. He could possibly be the father of Robert Hollister (d.1690), organist of St John’s, Fishamble Street. 28
and the Continent. Pease is credited for doing similarly at King’s College, Cambridge (1661), additions at Norwich (1661) and building a double organ at Canterbury (1662-3). Perhaps to escape the plague in London he came to Dublin between 1665 or 1666 as he was paid £20 to help install or repair the previous Harris organ.145 Subsequently he was paid £2 a year to maintain the organs there until 1682. His contract for the chair organ at Christ Church is the first specification alluded to in Ireland. It reads: To be of five stops, two of Metal and three of wood-namely, a Principall of metal in the front down to double C fa ut, the other seven bases within of wood to make up the stop; a stop diapason of wood; a flute of wood; a Recorder of wood; a small Principall of metal. The sound board and Roller-board to be of a good and well seasoned oak, with a set of keys suitable to the great organ. Price £80.146
Pease settled in Dublin and supplied another organ (most likely second-hand) to St Catherine’s Church, Dublin in 1678. Along with tuning and repairs he was paid for ‘rafting the pipes of the organ’. He also looked after the organ at St Patrick’s until 1695 despite an unfulfilled contract ‘for making a great organ’ there in 1678.147 St Audoen’s Church, located near to Christ Church, paid him £110 for building a new organ in 1681. Interestingly, a Mr Wiseman then received £40 for ‘gilding and beautifying’ the organ.148 Pease’s third known new organ in Ireland was built for £120 in 1684 for Trinity College, Dublin. The agreement on 28 May 1684 with the Provost, Dr Robert Huntington shows the first extant specification of an organ in Ireland:149 A Diapason of Metall Two Fifteenths of Metall A Principall of Metall A Furniture of Metall A Diapason of Wood A Cornett A Flute of Wood
The case height and width were to be 24 feet by 10 feet (See Exhibit 1.2). The soundboard was to be of well-seasoned oak and two pairs of bellows provided. The first known dummy case in Ireland: ‘a faulse organ before said organ’ was also to be provided. 150 The Great case has a central tower with flanks on either side to two outer towers. Each flank is interrupted by a single-pipe tower which is more pre-Commonwealth in its style than forward-looking. This
145 Ibid, 85. He joined the choir in Christ Church and vicars choral in St Patrick in 1667. 146 Grindle, op. cit., 207. 147 Neary, op. cit., 22. 148 McSweeney, op. cit., 11-12. 149 Holmes, ‘The Trinity College organs in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries’, Hermathena cxii (TCD, 1972), 42. 150 Holmes, loc. cit. This organ was rebuilt by Telford (c.1839) leaving only the double case and front pipes by Pease. 29
case is probably the most historically important in the country and certainly of significance within these Isles. The addition of the stops Furniture and Cornett show a flavour of what was to come to Ireland in a post-Restoration era: a Gallic influence.
Exhibit 1.2: Pease organ at the Examination Hall, Trinity College, Dublin: Front Elevation (left); Back of Chair façade Case (top right); Great case with unison-pipe tower (bottom right).
Renatus Harris was born in Brittany, France to on organ-building family in exile from forced unemployment during the Cromwellian insurgence in England. He brought back to England many French stops like the Tierce, Larigot, and mixture stops mentioned above and assimilated them to an organ tradition yawning awake from an evolutionary hibernation. His first contract in Ireland was with St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin. The agreement (12 August 1695) went as follows: to make and set up a double organ for the sum of £505. In the Great Organ, Open Diapson of metal, Stoppped Diapason of wood, Principal of Metal, Nason of Wood, a Great Twelfth of metal, Fifteenth of Metal, a Cornet of Metal. In the Little organ – a Principale of Metal, Stopped Diapason of wood, Fifteenth of metal, Nason of wood, being in all 13 stops,
30
consisting of 800 pipes, sound-boards, et.etc. The pipes of the old organ to be removed, and to allow £65 for the same.151
In May 1697 £350 was paid for the following additions: Trumpet, Echo, Tierce, entire Open Diapason, Flute of Metal, and Great Furniture of 3 ranks.152
Exhibit 1.3: Harris organ at St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin153
This was the first contract to import an organ from an organ-builder working outside of Ireland. (Pease had settled here before building a new instrument). One week after completing the organ at St Patrick’s 1697 Harris was paid £1,200 to provide a new organ for Christ Church after a forlorn wait to secure any work from the king’s organ maker, Bernard (Father) Smith, despite a contractual obligation in November 1694 to the board.154 Even up to
151 St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin Chapter Acts, 12 August 1695 in Grindle, op cit., 200. 152 St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin Chapter Acts, 10 May 1697 in Grindle, loc. cit. 153 JHA. 154 Boydell, op cit, 114-5. 31
March 1697, £100 was paid to the ‘dean in London for the organ for the church when it is ready to be bought over’.155 Accordingly, and with alacrity to the urgency caused by the strain of this three year wait, Harris was able to make available the Great Organ and case of his famous double organ, defeated at the ‘Battle of the organs’, at the Temple Church, London in 1688. (The chair went to St Andrew’s Holborn).156 This expediency was all the more since he was concurrently installing an organ at St Mary’s, Limerick.157 According to Holmes there was work done at St Finbarre’s, Cork by Harris around the same time.158 While there were payments made for an organ pre-1697, none back this up.159 Definite reference is made to the name of a builder in 1710.160 Similarly, Harris is said to have made a new organ for St Mary’s Church, Dublin in 1698161 but records show a contract in 1713.162 This vagueness was due in no small part to his journeyman or associate who had decided to (remain on and) set up his own business in Ireland.
The organ in Ireland during the eighteenth century
John Baptiste Cuvillie was a fellow-Frenchman like Renatus (René) Harris and most certainly trained in France before going to England after the Restoration. References made to him when Harris was completing the organ at Norwich Cathedral in 1693 indicate that he was his employee or assistant.163 It is not known whether Harris himself actually came to Ireland, but, given the large amount of work in England putting organs back into the church it would make sense to send over an experienced journeyman instead; a common feature of to- day’s world in the business. After a tuning and maintenance contract at Christ Church,
155 Ibid., 114. Richard Battell, sub-dean of the Chapel Royal had been paid £50 in April 1694 ‘for an organ which was “to be brought out of England”’. 156 Sutton, Sir John, A Short Account of Organs built in England from the Reign of King Charles the second to the present time (London, 1847; Oxford: Positif Press, R/1979), 64. 157 Boydell, op cit, 115. 158 Holmes, J., History of the organ in Ireland, Notes (Unpublished, 1993). 159 St Finbarre’s Cathedral, Cork Chapter Acts, 30 June 1674, 20 September 1681, 3 July 1694 in Grindle, op cit., 224. 160 Loc. cit.. 161 Holmes, loc cit. 162 Neary, op. cit, 23. 163 Mathews, B., ‘Norwich Cathedral 1600-1700’, The Organ, lxvii (1988), 33-34. The accounts, with inconsistent spelling, there read: 1 February 1693-Paid to Mons Cussille in pt of the 44L in arrear to Mr Harris ye Organ Maker 04.00.00 8 February 1693- Paid Joanes Catistac(?) Vullie, Mr Harris the Organists man for tuneing the organ 02.00.00 32
Dublin in September 1698 for twenty years, at a cost of £10 per year, Cuvillie would establish himself as the leading organ-builder in Ireland in the first quarter of the century. The first mention of the Tremulant stop in Ireland was to appear in 1703 when Cuvillie was to add one along with other tonal alterations of the Harris organ at Christ Church. The following is an extract of his comments to the board: Ye making itt thoroughly as full and complete as any organ beyond sea, and for advantage to ye organist for all manner of voluntaryes, French or Italian Grounds whatsoever.
Imprimis, I removed a Flute of wood, which had not, nor can any wooden stop for a flute have, ye proper tone or sound of a flute, and in ye place I have put a flute of mettle which is the exact and true imitation of a flute, according to ye opinion of any master of Musick whatsoever. 2ndly , I removed ye stop called Cromorne from ye great organ and transposed it to ye choir organ to make itt answerable to the great organ. 3rdly, I removed the vox humaine which was on the choir organ before now to be great organ and for to adorn that stop and to make it appear like a humane voice, I added a Tramblen stop to itt, and to make itt ye more naturall, which no organ in England can show the like, for they have not found out how to make the Tramblen stop; and for want of that stop all their vox humanes are deficient, whereas I have made this stop ye naturall imitation of a vox humane, as perfect as any organ beyond sea. Lastly, by reason of the narrowness and ye crowding of ye work together, as itt was before, ye charge and trouble in removing all the aforesaid stops was the greater, because I had not the power and disposing of ye said work before, and by reason of ye narrow compass of ye place where ye organ stands, now for ye charge and trouble that I have been att, I am willing to make ye organist, or any judicious master whatsoever sensible of the work and paine I have been att, and forasmuch as I am a servant of ye church I therefore submit to their estimate and opinion.164
This extract is the first known written rationale for change on an organ in Ireland; one which comments on three aspects: 1) making the organ suitable for a repertoire, 2) making a stop sound more imitative of another instrument and 3) providing something new. If his claim regarding the tremulant was true, then all the more remarkable it was if it indeed was the first organ to have one in Ireland. The exchange of the cromorne for the vox humana also shows a penchant towards a French Baroque model of registration and specification. These changes along with his willingness to exchange a flute stop for a metal one show us not that he wished to be radical or just simply make an impression but that he most likely belonged to a different lineage of organ-builders. Cuvillie had contracts for maintenance and tuning widely around Dublin and other parts of the country. We can get an insight to the staging of work when many of the organs built by Cuvillie had additions later on; just as Harris (or Cuvillie as his journeyman) had done in St Patrick’s. For example:
164 Grindle, op. cit., 208-9. 33
Place New organ/Rebuild* Additions/Restoration* Trinity College, Dublin165 1701 1705-6 St Canice’s, Kilkenny166 1704* 1712* St Fin Barre’s, Cork167 1710 1711 (Cornet) St Coleman’s, Cloyne168 1713 1718 (Two metal stops) St Mary’s, Dublin169 1713 (Harris?) 1714 St Peter’s, Dublin 170 1713 St Michan’s, Dublin171 1724 1729 (by Byfield) (Gt Reed + Ch Principal)
Other instruments worked on St Werburgh’s Dublin172 1719 (by Thomas Hollister) 1720 (Repairs) Finglas, Dublin173 1720 (Repairs)
Exhibit 1.4: Cuville organ at St Michan’s, Dublin
165 Holmes, J., ‘The Trinity College organs in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries’, Hermathena cxii (TCD, 1972), 47. 166 Grindle, op cit, 223. 167 Ibid., 224. 168 Ibid., 228. 169 Neary, op cit., 23. An unreferenced date of 1698 is referenced in Holmes, op cit. 170 Ibid. 171 Boydell, Barra, ‘St Michan’s Church, Dublin: the installation of the organ in 1725 and the duties of the organist, JBIOS 19 (1995), 74-97. 172 Neary, Denise M., ‘Music in Late Seventeenth-and-Eighteenth-Century Dublin Churches’, Devine, P. & White, H. (Eds.), Irish Musical Studies: Music and Irish cultural history, Vol. 4 (Dublin: IAP, 1995), 108. 173 Holmes, J., History of the organ in Ireland, Notes (Unpublished, 1993). 34
A record copy of the contract for his last instrument still survives in the Memorial book of St Michan’s, Church St, Dublin.174 In it provision is made for the addition of stops to the Chair and Great organs along with an Echo division.175 For the purpose of this chapter, certain aspects regarding the specification draw particular attention. In this contract we find the first known Irish reference to the make-up of pipe metal. The proposed specification is:
Great Organ (50 keys) Chair Organ (50 keys) *Echo Organ (25 keys)
Open Diapazon … of finest metal pipes Stop Diapazon Open Diapazon Stop Diapazon … of least fine metal Principal† Stop Diapazon /good seasoned red deal (17 bass) Flute* Open Flute Principal … of finest metal Fifteenth* Twelfth Twelfth Furniture* Teirce [sic] Fifteenth Trumpet Tierce … of least fine metal Each containing … pipes of Vox Humane Flute … of least fine metal same metal and size, /red seasoned deal (6 bass) and sound with the Half stops…treble … Cornet V … of least fine metal like stops in the Great organ from C-fa ut upwards (25 pipes each, C Sol Faut) Sesqualter III … metal pipes each of middle finess [ * Division/Stops not completed ] Trumpet † … Crombhorn or Cremone* … [ † Stops added by Byfield] Vox Humane* … of finest metal
This organ contract also tells us something of the evolution of the Chair Organ. Normally this division was the small organ found in a separate case behind the player’s back; one that formed part of a double organ. Now the Chair organ found itself as ‘a small organ within the case of the Great organ’. Further still this contract provided a new manual that would be a precursor to the Swell: ‘An Echo, that is, a small organ in the lower part of the case of the Great organ’. Unfortunately Cuvillie did not live to see it transpire; John Byfield (c.1694- 1751) of England made some of the additions a year after his death (1728).176 Byfield took on the mantle of tunings left by Cuvillie and added a Bassoon and Sesquialtera to St Patrick’s Cathedal, Dublin in 1730.177 John Harris (d.1743), son of Renatus, had taken his brother-in-law, John Byfield into business and together installed an organ at the Music Hall, Fishamble St, Dublin (1742) and perhaps they had both worked previously together on the organ of St Bride’s, Dublin (1730).178 In 1750 Byfield had
174 Boydell, op. cit., 76. It is held at St Michan’s, Church St, Dublin. 175 Ibid., 84. 176 Boydell, op. cit., 88. 177 Grindle, op. cit., 200. 178 Boydell, Brian, A Dublin Musical Calender 1700-60 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1988), 260. Although it is attributed to Renatus in this book, he had died in 1724. 35
persuaded the board of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin to contract him to build a new organ of three manuals with the first 16’ reed on an organ in the British Isles according to Hopkins & Rimbault.179 Sir Robert Stewart later lamented the old Harris instrument that had been removed and sold to St John’s, Wolverhampton in 1757 by Byfield’s widow.180 He remembered the Byfield organ ‘as an instrument without one single redeeming point.’181 (He did not favour Telford’s instrument either that replaced it practically one hundred years later, describing it as a ‘saw-sharpener.’)182 Other eminent English or England-based organ-builders that worked in Ireland in the eighteenth century were John Snetzler (1710-85) and Samuel Green (1740-1796). The Swiss organ-builder Snetzler moved to England at least by 1742.183 His important instruments in Ireland were: 1748 Chamber Organ Durrow RC Church (housed there) 1754 Organ Rotunda \ ‘Lying-in’ Hospital, Dublin 1765 Armagh Cathedral 1771 2 manual/ 3 division Organ St Peter’s, Drogheda 1773 3 manual Organ Hillsborough Parish Church 1781 (2) manuals St Anne’s Church, Belfast184
Samuel Green took over from Snetzler as organ-builder to King George III.185 His instruments in Ireland were: 1786 3 manual Organ Cashel Cathedral (1790 c. 2 manual Organ? Downpatrick Cathedral) 1797 3 manual Organ Chapel of Trinity College, Dublin186
The second is questionable given that Wickens found no reason to believe that the instrument moved to Downpatrick Cathedral was by Green.187 Furthermore, the organ for Trinity College, Dublin was finished by his widow Sarah.188 This instrument is discussed more fully in Chapter Three due to the later involvement of William Telford. All of these three-manual instruments had the latest innovation for an Echo division that was created to aid dynamics by Abraham Jordan: the Swell box. In 1790, John Donaldson of Newcastle built a two manual organ for Lord Belvedere’s Dublin town house that had an early addition of a Swell-
179 Hopkins, E. J. & Rimbault, E. F., The Organ: Its History and Construction, (London, 1855, third edition 1877, R/Bardon Enterprises, Southsea, 2000), 613. 180 Grindle, op. cit., 211. 181 Ibid. 182 Boydell, Barra, A History of Music at Christ Church Cathedral (Suffolk: Boydell Press, 2004), 180. 183 Barnes, Alan & Renshaw, Martin, The Life and Work of John Snetzler (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1994), 4. 184 Ibid., 74-5, 87, 140, 159, 163-4. 185 Wickens, David C., The Instruments of Samuel Green, (Metuchen: Scarecrow Press Inc., 1987), 1. 186 Ibid., 122-3, 156-7. 187 Ibid., 164-5. 188 Ibid. 36
box.189 Apart from being the largest known extant house organ in Ireland from the eighteenth century (now moved to the Holywell Music Room, Oxford) it included a Dulciana with a box-beard and an unusual Violoncello 4’ narrow-scaled stop that showed reference to the style of Snetzler.190, 191 Ireland’s answer to Snetzler was the German organ-builder, Ferdinand Weber (1715-84), who settled in Dublin at least by 1749 after possibly working in London; Grattan Flood stated that it was 1739 but there is no proof of this.192 However, he did serve an apprenticeship under the organ-builder Hähnel of Lower Meissen that was completed in 1735193 and may have worked in Dresden as reported in the Faulkner’s Journal.194 Although Grattan Flood brought the account-book from 1764-83 of Ferdinand Weber to the attention of musicologists in the early part of the twentieth century,195 it was not until a transcription of the entire ledger, housed in the National Museum of Ireland, was published by Jenny Nex and Lance Whitehead that we get a very clear picture of the working life of an organ-builder working in Dublin during the second half of the eighteenth century.196 There are three distinct sections in it which deal with: a) his role as treasurer of the Society for the Support of Decayed Musicians; b) his business on-the-side dealing with importation of porcelain from Germany, and c) his work as a musical instrument-maker.197 Apart from nine extant stringed keyboard instruments, which follow in the style of Shudi and Kirkman,198 only one organ attributed to him remains reasonably intact in Ireland: St Werburgh’s, Dublin (1767). This organ (as seen in Exhibit 1.5) is not mentioned in the ledger because an unknown Henry Millar of College Green was contracted as the builder. William Telford, however, believed that this instrument was the work of Weber after finding his signature on each of the soundboards in 1864 and comparing it to the Weber organ at St Catherine’s.199 It
189 Bicknell, Stephen, ‘The Donaldson Organ in the Holywell Music Room, Oxford’, JBIOS 11 (1987), 32-49, 33-4. 190 Ibid., 37. 191 Wickens, David C., ‘The Introduction of New Organ Stops in English Organ-Building in the 18th & 19th Centuries (Part One), JBIOS 13 (1989), 10-24, 20. 192 Grattan Flood, W. H., ‘Dublin Harpsichord and Pianoforte Makers of the Eighteenth Century’, JRSAI 5th Series, Vol. 39, No. 2, 137-45, 139. 193 Ibid. 194 Faulkner’s Dublin Journal, 10-14 October 1749. 195 Grattan Flood, W. H., ‘The Account-Book of a Dublin Harpsichord Maker, Ferdinand Weber, 1764 to 1783’, JRSAI 6th Series, Vol. 4, No. 4 (31 December 1914), 338-47. 196 Nex, J. & Whitehead, L., ‘A Copy of Ferdinand Weber’s Account Book’, Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle, No. 3 (2000), 89-150. 197 Ibid., 92-3. 198 Loc. cit. 199 Holmes, op. cit. 37
Exhibit 1.5: Millar\Weber organ at St Werburgh’s, Dublin
St Werburgh’s, Dublin (Millar\Weber 1767)200
Great Organ GG to e3 Soft Organ\Echo GG to e3
Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason (w) 8 Stopped Diapason (w & m) 8 Principal 4 Quintadena (w) 8 Flute (w) 4 Principal 4 Flute (w & m) 4 Twelfth 3 Soft Organ\Swell G to e3 Fifteenth 2 Grand Sesquialtera IV Open Diapason 8 Cornet IV Trumpet 8 Trumpet 8
200 Ibid. 38
maybe that Millar was a case-maker or more likely an agent that acted on his behalf given that there could have been a conflict of interest if Weber’s parish church of St Thomas, Marlborough St found out that he was building two other organs in the same year they were expecting him to deliver theirs.201 If the specification is correct then it may have been the first organ in Dublin with a Swell box. It was noted that the second manual or ‘Soft Organ’ had two divisions: ‘this organ to Eccho [sic.] & swell at the will of the performer.’202 The small, now dismantled, chamber organ at Dr Steevens’ Hospital, Dublin may also be another instrument by Weber.203 Other than the numerous descriptions of work on instruments from harps and keyboard instruments (including organs) in private dwellings as depicted in his accounts ledger, the following (incomplete) list gives some sense of his work on larger organs in Ireland: 204
1749 New organ Tuam Cathedral 1760/1 New Organ Christ Church, Cork 1762 Rebuild ? Dominican Convent, Dublin 1765 New Organ ? Workhouse Chapel, Dublin 1766 Tuning Contract Christ Church Cathedral 1766 Tuning Contract St Patrick's Cathedral 1766/7 New Organ St Werburgh's (via Millar) 1767 New Organ St Catherine’s, Thomas St205 1767/8 New Organ St Thomas's, Marlborough St 1768 Installing Snetzler organ ?• Rotunda 1774 Re-built Great & added Choir Cloyne Cathedral206 1775 Repairs Kilkenny Cathedral 1775/7 Repairs St Ann's, Dawson St 1776 Repairs St Paul's, Nth King St 1777/8 Tuning Lying-In Hospital/ Rotunda 1782 Repairs St Nicholas Within
On Ferdinand’s death, his eldest son Thomas acceded to continue the business until a year after his mother’s death in 1789 whereupon he gained a considerable inheritance of £300.207 According to William Telford, two Dublin men Robert Woffington (d.1819) and William Southwell (1756-1836) were both apprenticed to Ferdinand Weber.208 The latter
201 Grattan Flood, W, H, ‘Irish Organ-builder from the Eighth to the Close of the Eighteenth Century’, JRSAI, Vol. 40, No. 3 (30 September 1910), 229-34, 233. 202 Holmes, op. cit. 203 McVicker, W., Dr Steevens’ Hospital, Dublin: A Preliminary Report on the Organ, Report (Unpublished, 2008), 27. 204 Holmes, op. cit., 28; Faulkner’s Dublin Journal, 10-14 October 1749; Accounts ledger in Nex, & Whitehead, op. cit. 205 McSweeney, op. cit., 63. 206 Grindle, op. cit., 228. 207 Nex, & Whitehead, op. cit., 90. 208 Holmes, op. cit. 39
specialised in the pianoforte-making side and was recognised for his contribution of the damper to the modern piano action and development of the upright piano.209 The former was an organ-builder as well as a harpsichord and pianoforte maker that came from a lineage of Dublin musicians.210 Two of his organs survive at The National Museum of Ireland: a four- stop chamber organ (c.1780) and a six-stop barrel organ (c.1810).211 One harpsichord (undated) survives in a Japanese private collection212 and a claviorganum (1783-7).213 Apart from moving the alleged King George III organ by Green from Windsor Castle to Downpatrick Cathedral in 1802214 and enlarging it, his most celebrated instrument was the sixteen-stop organ for St Andrew’s round church’ of Dublin in 1807; this was later tragically lost to fire in 1860.215 William Castels Hollister (c.1730-1802) resumed the mantle of tunings after Ferdinand Weber’s demise.216 He belonged to another Dublin musical family that were also instrument makers. Apart from making novelty ‘bird and box’ organs for the upper-classes he is best remembered as an impresario that tried forlornly to promote garden concerts in the Dublin suburb of Ranelagh in imitation of its namesake at London.217 His father Philip Hollister (c.1700-1760) was more successful as a mainstream organ-builder who took over Cuvillie’s mantle of tunings from Byfield. As early as 1748/9 he introduced an ‘Eccho [sic.] and Swell’ organ as the third manual for a nineteen-stop organ at St Columb’s Cathedral, Derry.218 Given that this preceded the Millar/Weber instrument by nearly twenty years, it makes it almost certain to be the first known organ in Ireland to have had a Swell box. Other organ-builders working in Dublin towards the end of the eighteenth century included William Gibson, who was in partnership for three years with Robert Woffington
209 Grattan Flood, W. H., ‘Dublin Harpsichord and Pianoforte Makers of the Eighteenth Century’, JRSAI 5th Series, Vol. 39, No. 2, 137-45, 144-5. 210 McKeever, A. P., ‘Woffington: Dublin musicians, organists, organ-builders and instrument makers’, EMIR (Dublin, forthcoming). His father John studied with Croft at Westminster and became organist on the Cuvillie instrument at St Michan’s and Armagh Cathedral. His grandfather Robert (d. 1750) was also an organist holding positions at Kilkenny Cathedral and St Werburgh’s, Dublin. 211 Nixon, Paul, ‘Keyboard Instruments in Dublin, c 1560-1860’, Early Music, (May 2000), 253-268, 264. 212 Kottick, Edward L., A History of the Harpsichord, (Indiana University Press, 2003), 382. 213 McSweeney, P., ‘Harpsichord Making in Ireland in the Eighteenth Century’, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Vol. 83C (1983), 401-9, 408. 214 See footnote 186. 215 McKeever, loc. cit. 216 McKeever, A. P., ‘Hollister: family of Irish organists, organ-builders and instrument makers’, EMIR (Dublin, forthcoming). 217 Ibid. 218 McSweeney, Pauline, The Organ and Harpsichord in Ireland before 1870, MA Thesis (UCC, 1979), 58. 40
until 1778,219 the year he replaced the organ by the early Robert Hollister (d. 1690) at St John’s, Fishamble St and Henry Rother of whom there is an extant upright harpsichord (c.1775) at the National Museum of Ireland.220
Into the nineteenth century
Signs of what were to come in the nineteenth century reached Ireland when Joseph Robson was said to have built the organ at Lisburn Cathedral (c.1790). 221 He included a second Open Diapason and no Cornet on the Great Organ. When he had joined forces with Benjamin
Lisburn Cathedral, County Antrim (Robson, c.1790)222
Great Swell
Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Flute 4 Trumpet 8 Twelfth 2⅔ Hautboy 8 Fifteenth 2 [Sesquialtera]* Trumpet 8
Flight at the turn of the century they became one of the leading organ-builders in England. In 1816 they built a new organ at St Fin Barre’s Cathedral223 and ten years later at St Mary’s, Dublin they persuaded the vestry to commission them to build a new organ inside the old case rather than do repairs; they stated that the previous technology was ‘very deficient compared to that of the present day.’224 This sense of pragmatism will be seen in the work of Telford and Brown with the Green organs at the Chapel of Trinity College, Dublin and Cashel Cathedral.
219 McKeever, A. P., ‘Woffington: Dublin musicians, organists, organ-builders and instrument makers’, EMIR (Dublin, forthcoming). 220 Nixon, op. cit., 262. 221 McSweeney, op.cit., 94. 222 Ibid. * This stop was recorded by McSweeney as a Mixture. 223 Grindle, op. cit., 225. 224 McSweeney, op.cit, 111-2. 41
Exhibit 1.6: Notice of sale of Harris/Cuvillie pipework at St Mary’s, Dublin225
Despite maximising profit by retaining the Harris/Cuvillie case at St Mary’s, there must have been some sense that they were financially sound since they did not re-use the older pipework. Exhibit 1.6 shows a notice advertising the old pipework on behalf of the church. The other reason may simply have been that it was more economical to stick with their in-house-style of production. This was something that would become more factory- oriented as the nineteenth century progressed and mirrors, to some degree, the future organ- builders working in Ireland. The second Exhibit (1.7) shows the use of newspapers as a means of advertisement which would also become a useful facility for those organ-builders working and making a living in Ireland.
Exhibit 1.7: Notice of Mr Flight advertising business at St Mary’s, Dublin226
225 FJ, 17 November 1826, 2. 226 FJ, 18 January 1827, 1. 42
Chapter 2: Telford, White and other organ-builders
Introduction
This chapter gives background information on the lives of the two dominant families of organ-builders in Ireland during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: Telford and White. The time-span covers a century of important contextual relevance in the history of Ireland and its neighbour. The Act of Union (1800) propelled Ireland to provincial status within an incredible empire. O’Connell’s triumph of Catholic Emancipation (1829) led to an unprecedented boom of church-building in Ireland and in Britain; one echoed with all Christian denominations. All of this conflated with the industrial revolution, urban expansion and the forming of a new bourgeois class that could pay for artisan products now produced in a factory.
Telford and White were the first in Ireland to establish their craft as manufactories. Although the Irish population was halved by famine and emigration from the 1840s their businesses survived and flourished with competition from larger English firms. This competition is considered alongside religious bias at the end of the chapter. It also gives the first detailed account of Irish organs exported to England and throughout its empire and lists other Irish organ-builders working in England.
This chapter provides extensive family-trees of Telford and White – hitherto unknown. Also included are background information on Telford’s employees and, in particular, Thomas Magahy who broke away to found his own firm. Census records here and in England have been useful along with church and graveyard registers. Technical information of the organ and manufacturing processes will be looked at in subsequent chapters.
43
Telford
Thanks to the lifetime’s work of the late John Holmes we are fortunate to have much information on the Telfords. He himself gained this knowledge through two sources. The first was a collation of material empirically gathered over thirty years’ correspondence from churches. Generally, he wrote to most churches to get information regarding their organ. His papers reveal examples of self-introduction and questions to the church authorities about the history of their instrument. The second was through his personal correspondence from 1948- 69 with key individuals including Richard Meates senior, whose family served for generations back with William Telford from the 1840s and who took over the Telford firm in the 1930s until he traded in his own name in 1950, and E. G. Barton, who, until his death in 1962, was the leading organ consultant of his day.1 It was these two gentlemen who knew Edward Henry Telford (William’s second son) personally and some of his contemporaries that were able to pass on much of the folklore of the past. Some of these were employees of Telford, notably: William Abell and William Nolan. Notwithstanding this, Richard Meates also gave John Holmes the remaining number of Telford Order books that became the central tenet of a Master’s dissertation by the late Anne Leahy in 1988.2 Although Leahy looked at the life of William Telford in her thesis, the scope of detail in this chapter is significantly broadened to include some of his early correspondence which gives us an insight to the way he did business, together with a family tree and information on his sons.
William Telford was born the eldest of eight children in c.1809 to William Edward Telford (1779-1861) from Warwickshire.3 It is not known where William the younger was born but it is assumed that the family moved in c.1819 to Dublin where William Senior opened an English leather warehouse at 110, Bride Street, Dublin. There is no known (although rumoured to be) family connection with the civil engineer Thomas Telford (1757-1834).4
1 Others were: George Harrison and George Hewson, T. H. Weaving, Archdeacon J. L. Robinson and a Mr Thornton. 2 Leahy, Anne, William Telford: Organ Builder, MA Thesis (St Patrick’s College, Maynooth, 1987). 3 Ibid., 6. She referenced the etching on the Telford Tombstone at mount Jerome Cemetery. The reference for the grave is C42 6440 with those interred as follows: William (Edward) 1861, William 1885, his wife Susan 1903, their son William Hogson 1905 and daughter Emily Frances (Drury) 1946. 4 Correspondence between William Telford’s grand-daughter Edna and John Holmes in 1959 revealed that her father Edward Henry Telford believed there to be a distant relationship. 44
It is also unclear where William Junior (as referred to in early Dublin Directories) trained as an organ-builder, yet alone a piano-forte maker.5 He did, however, follow in the footsteps of Robert Woffington (d.1819) and James Southwell by establishing himself, in 18306 at his father’s premises, as an organ and pianoforte-maker; thus continuing a tradition of Dublin organ-builders (going back to Weber) of building other keyboard instruments.7 So, it is likely he trained with one of them and or with one of the six pianoforte makers working in Dublin at the turn of the nineteenth century.8 Telford also had Liverpool connections through his mother.9 It is possible that he was apprenticed to the Liverpool firm of Bewsher & Fleetwood (fl.1818-1845) who made some additions including an octave and a half of Pedals and a horizontal bellows to the organ at St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin in 1831.10 Perhaps he was their journeyman like Cuvillie and Harris over a century before him. However, this is unlikely given an incongruity that occurred over the space of four years at St Patrick’s: the board were aggrieved by ‘the inconvenience arising from Messrs Fleetwood and Bucher [sic] not residing in Dublin, [and] the organ has been suffered to be constantly out of tune’. They turned to Telford as a replacement in 1835.11 If indeed Telford had been their journeyman, surely the board would not have waited so long before looking to him. This becomes even more compelling when one considers that Telford had proved himself on his appointment from 1832, as organ and piano tuner at the sister cathedral.12 In 1834, at the new address of 45, Bride Street, Dublin, he built his first large three manual and pedal organ at St Anne’s Church, Dawson St, Dublin and then moved three years later to the pre-eminent and fashionable address of 109, St Stephen’s Green West, Dublin. He may have obtained a ninety-nine year lease, as John Holmes has indicated in his papers, but he was one of three tenants in the building for a number of years; he shared with a Joseph Butler and James Barron who ran a window-blind manufactory.13 By 1842 William took over this business and ran it as ‘William Telford & Co.’ thus supporting his own organ- building revenue and presumably sharing wood machinery.14 Two years on he passed this
5 WL, 1832, 139. 6 IT, 27 May 1885, 5. 7 WL, 1833, 146. 8 Grattan Flood, W H, Harpsichord makers of the Eighteenth Century, JRSAI, 5th Series, Vol., 19 & 39, No. 2, 1909, 137-145, 145. 9 NA, T11470. 10 Grindle, W. H., Irish Cathedral Music, PhD Thesis (University of Dublin, Trinity College, 1985), 202. John Holmes remarked in his papers (JHA) that he found headed note paper of Telford with 1831 as their establishment. 11 Grindle, loc. cit. 12 Boydell, Barra, A History of Music at Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin (Suffolk: Boydell Press, 2004), 159. 13 DAGRI, 1841, 721. 14 DAGRI, 1842, 528; 1843, 531. 45
business onto his relation Richard Telford to concentrate more fully on organ-building which had been growing considerably.15 Further testaments to this growth lay with the authorities at Trinity College, Dublin, who had trusted him to re-build the Chapel organ by Sarah Green in 1838 and the Examination Hall organ by Lancelot Pease the following year. Telford’s early competitors were few and had started to languish before Telford was even ten years in business. They were: Charles Hull (fl.1820-37), John Kinloch (fl.1833-39) and Timothy Lawless (fl.1815- 39).16 Kinloch is the least known of the three. Charles Hull’s reputation stands much apart from that of his father, William, who had been caught taking disreputable shortcuts at Christchurch Cathedral, Dublin in 1814.17 There is little evidence to indicate a large corpus of organs manufactured by the son; an extant chamber organ (c.1828) at Lissadell House, Sligo is representative of good workmanship. Although Lawless had been called in to rectify matters after William Hull at Christ Church, Henry Leamen (fl.1824-1831) (a chorister there) succeeded him.18 Whether this was due to him being considered better than Lawless or that the latter was a Catholic is not known.19 Lawless surely was considered by reputation rather than religion when an order worth £700 was placed with him to build the first known organ at Dublin’s newly built Catholic Church, acting as a Pro-Cathedral.20 It was opened on 14 November 182521 with only the Great organ (minus four stops) playing; the organ remained incomplete until August 1841.22, 23 His wife Mary continued the business after his demise, which, according to correspondence from William Telford and Hayden Corri (organist at the Pro-Cathedral) was probably at the start of 1839.24 This very correspondence reveals an insight into the professionalism of Telford and lack of same from his contemporaries; it is worth summarising, and is given below.
15 DAGRI, 1844, 534. 16 DAGRI, 1837, 703; 1838, 680; 1839, 688. Hull is not listed after 1837. The dates of business are from trade directories and JHA. 17 Boydell, op. cit., 117. 18 Ibid. 19 JHA: John Holmes asserts that Timothy Lawless was a Catholic but this is not conclusive. 20 JHA. 21 AC, 30 May 1908, 3. The organ was bought by Rev Canon Kennedy for St Mary’s RC Church, Douglas on the Isle of Man. 22 Notice from Dr Murray and clergy of the Pro-Cathedral stating that £500 was already paid for by private subscription, with the remaining coming hopefully from the public. See Mary Purcell, ‘Dublin Diocesan Archives: Murray Papers (3), Archivum Hibernicum, Vol. 38 (1983), 43-127, 75. 23 JHA. The organ, sold to the Isle of Man for £60 was replaced there in c.1905 by the redundant organ from St Francis Xavier’s Church, Liverpool. 24 See footnote 25. 46
It appears that the clergy of the Pro-Cathedral engaged the services of Telford in early May 1839 to tune the organ and request an estimate for cleaning it.25 However, the organist, Hayden Corri told him not to proceed with the tuning which in turn prompted Telford to write to the dean and secretary to Archbishop Murray, Dr. John Hamilton (1800- 62) to ask the reason for his dismissal.26 Telford presumed that it was due to rumours spread by one of his employees, Frederick d’Artis,27 who fancied himself as a tuner. Telford was magnanimous when he wished he could recommend him as ‘it would have been a great convenience on many occasions were he capable’28 but unreservedly confirmed that ‘he never finished, voiced or tuned any organ, or any stop in an organ for me.’29A further letter confirmed Telford’s business etiquette when he decided not to provide the estimate for cleaning the organ on finding out that Dr Hamilton had engaged another organ-builder:30 As you have already an Organ builder employed, I feel delicate in finishing an Estimate for the cleaning Etc of the Organ, I must therefore beg most respectfully to decline doing so, I am…Rev. Sir, Your obliged Servant…
This organ-builder was more than likely Charles Hull, who, may have gone into business with Timothy Lawless; his listing in the Dublin Directories stopped after 1837. Whether this was the case or not he did help Mary Lawless out.31 Hayden Corri was initially not impressed with the repairs carried out on his inspection of the instrument on 2 November 1839.32 He later stated his annoyance over the ‘nonchalance and indifference of these parties’ after finding himself locked out of the organ gallery for Benediction because Mrs Lawless had taken one key and Mr Hull had broken the other.33 Hayden Corri was still complaining of the tuning and state of repairs in December 1840.34 What we can deduce is that none of these organ-builders posed serious competition to Telford. If they had then, unquestionably such a young person as Telford, starting his business at the age of twenty-one, would not have found such favour and gained so much so quickly.35 Following what little we know of their work there is no evidence to
25 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/167; 36/2/171. 26 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/167. 27 He is listed as an organ-builder in the Dublin Directories from 1842-9 at 37, South King Street. How long after he remained in Telford’s employ remains unknown. 28 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/167. 29 Ibid. 30 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/171. 31 Her son Robert took over in 1842 and was listed until 1850. Nothing consequential is known about his work. JHA. 32 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/260. 33 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/3/202. 34 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/3/316. Correspondence is detailed further in Chapter Six 35 The organ historian John Holmes had raised doubts in JHA about the accuracy of William Telford’s age, stating that it was hardly likely someone at this youthful age would have amassed the necessary 47
suggest that it was prolific or indeed of the highest standard; it was more than felicitous for Telford to fill this vacuum. By 1840, he had obtained the tuning contracts at all the important cathedrals and churches in Dublin. Although Telford officially took his brother Henry into partnership in 1847, both were working collaboratively for at least the previous eight years.36 Henry, nine years his junior, may have served his time elsewhere or have come to organ-building late, when one considers that he was near his thirtieth birthday before being accepted as a partner. The company became known as ‘Telford & Telford’ after a brief period of ‘William & Henry Telford.’37 Henry died in 1866 and the company continued to be referred to as ‘Telford & Telford’; perhaps out of respect for him or an acknowledgement of the next generation. The family must have been very united when William’s brother, John, who took over from their father’s Leather business, died in 1878 from a heart attack; work ceased to allow all the workmen from St Stephen’s Green manufactory to attend.38 Table 2.1 shows some of the employees that worked at the Telford manufactory. William died in 1885 and the firm was managed by both his sons. The eldest son, William Hodgson, became the senior partner in the family-run firm. He read music at Trinity College, Dublin and was the founder-conductor of the Orchestral Union in Dublin. He was also considered ‘as one of the most accomplished extemporisers on the organ in Ireland.’39 He was fifty-five years of age when he passed away from cancer at his residence adjoining the manufactory at St Stephen’s Green on 2 October 1905,40 the year he had overseen their last major organ installation at Queenstown (Cobh) Cathedral. Death Notice Music in Dublin . . .‘The death is announced of Mr. W. H. Telford, Mus. Bac., Dublin, senior partner of the firm of Messrs. Telford & Telford, the well-known organ-builders of Dublin. Mr. Telford was well known in Dublin and throughout Ireland as a skilful organist, and was for many years the conductor of the now defunct Amateur Orchestral Union.’41
His younger brother Edward Henry Telford (known to many as ‘Ned’)42 regarded himself as a ‘Professor of Music’ as well as an organ-builder;43 he held the post of organist at St Philip’s Church, Miltown, Dublin44 and sat on the council of The Royal Irish Academy of Music with
experience to have gained and succeeded at the contracts he did. Albeit, the youthful starts of Henry Willis and Aristide Cavaillé-Coll should be considered as warranting credibility. 36 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/167. 37 JHA. 38 N, 9 November 1878, 6. 39 I, 4 October 1905, 4. 40 Ibid. & JHA. 41 MT, Vol. 46, No. 753 (1 November, 1905), 744. 42 JHA. 43 NA, 1911 Census Returns. 44 JHA. 48
Sir Prescott Stewart in 1879.45 This was no mere coincidence as the Academy procured an instrument from Telford & Telford that year.46 Under Edward Henry’s guidance the business became a limited Company in 1913 and paved the way forward for more change with a close associate the following year. That associate was Richard Meates, whose family descendants had been working with the Telfords since the 1830s. He went into partnership along with a gentleman named Thornton. In 1916, the ninety-nine year lease expired at their manufactory at St Stephen’s Green and the business moved around the block to Montague Lane, at the rear of 12 Harcourt Street.47 This was a temporary measure, as they moved again to 33 Charlemont Street. At the age of seventy-two, with a relatively young family of four children under the age of eighteen, Edward Henry decided to retire. So, in 1922, he sold the remaining shares to Meates and helped out the firm in an advisory capacity until 1931 when ill-health forced him to withdraw; he died the following year. The firm went into liquidation in 1950 when it re- emerged as R E Meates & Son and still continues to this day under the stewardship of Richard Junior. Unfortunately, at this change of ownership, most of the drawings, designs and correspondence of the one-hundred-and-twenty-year history of the Telford Company were destroyed. Whether this was done wilfully is not known. The Order Books from 1864 onwards were the only items that survived. Richard Meates handed them over to the organ historian, John Holmes, in 1962;48 they are now considered missing.
45 N, 1 March 1879, 11. Ref.: Dail Express Wednesday. 46 Leahy, op. cit., 9. 47 A letter (1/10/1965) from R. E. Meates to E. G. Barton claimed that T&T was liquidated in 1917 by Executor’s sale. 48 Leahy, op. cit., 48. 49
Table 2.1: Telford Employees
John Horan (1831-?) He served his apprenticeship with Telford between 1843 and 1850.
Thomas Jones (1855-?) We know that these four men worked with Henry Jones (1885-?) William Hodgson Telford on the installation Michael White (1870-?) of the organ at Letterkenny Cathedral, County William Holan (1881-?)49 Donegal thanks to the serendipity of the 1901 Census records falling on a day this was taking place.
John Abell (1859-?) William Abell (1886-?) Head Voicer50 William Tackaberry (1858-?) Assistant Voicer Robert Tackaberry (1862-?)
49 Holmes, John, ‘The Organs and Organists of 50 Loc. cit. He was known as ‘The Capt’n.’ Armagh Cathedral’, Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society, Vol. 13, No. 2 (1989), 230-85, 236. This is most likely the same person as ‘William Nolan’ John Holmes met in the 1940s who worked for Telford. 50
Table 2.2: Family Tree Telford
William Edward Telford (c.1779-1861) == ? (Rev. Henry Rev. Thomas Richard)
Elisabeth (c.1811) Margaret (c.1813) & John (d.1878) Emily-Frances (c.1816-1946) Mary Ann Martha (Isabella=Benjamin Lefroy)
William (c.1809-85) == Susan Stokes Purcell (1827-1903) Henry (c.1818-66)
William Hogson (1850-1905) Edward Henry (1851-1932) == Jane Greening (1883-1929)
William Edward Henry (1907-?) == ? Edna (1908-?) == Laurence Whitfield Olga Patience (1910-?) Purcell (d.1942) == Mary
51
White
Unlike the firm that the Telfords ran, the White family did not achieve the same status from their peers in Ireland or in England and as such, less interest was generated in their historical relevance. Sources have consequently been few and far between. Despite a short and incomplete summary of the White family in Holmes’ unpublished monograph (1993) The Organ in Ireland,51 this chapter gives the first known detailed account of the family and represents one pulled together through many disparate references.
The earliest associated reference to the surname and the organ is from the sixteenth century: James White, organist of St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin (1540-7).52 Another, more contemporary organist to the same cathedral (1844-52) and to the Chapel Royal, Dublin (1836-45) was a William Henry White (c.1823-52).53 It was he who taught at the same premises as the pianoforte-maker and tuner Thomas White (c.1789-1847) at South Anne Street, Dublin.54 As they shared the same address it is likely they were related (see below). Both of these gentlemen were not the only namesakes found relating to the profession. In 1820 a certain organ-builder, Stephen White, had received £120 from St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin, for rectifying expensive yet unsatisfactory work done by Gray of London between 1815-6.55 Were any of these gentlemen related to the firm John White founded in 1844?56 Was it more than mere coincidence that the firm opened the same year William Henry took the post at St Patrick’s? Could Stephen White be the father of Thomas White, yet alone William and or John? Or was Thomas the father of John as is popularly considered? It is tempting to create possible connections considering the association they shared in profession, address, or cathedral. Given the burial records at Mount Jerome cemetery it is more certain that Thomas was the father to the organist William Henry (or Henry William as he signed his name) and there is little evidence to adduce a connection to John, a non- Dubliner and Catholic by birth.
51 Holmes, J, The organ in Ireland, Monograph (Unpublished, 1993). 52 JHA. This has not been substantiated in other sources. 53 Bumpus, John S., ‘Irish Church Composers and the Irish Cathedrals. Part II,’ Proceedings of the Musical Association, 26th Session (1899-1900), 123. 54 DAGRI, 1837, 548; 1838, 509; 1839, 569; the 1837 almanac mentions just Thomas. 55 Grindle, op. cit., 201-2. 56 Advertisement pamphlet for John White (c.1880). 52
John White was born in Enniscorthy, County Wexford in c.1809,57 the same year as William Telford. As with the latter it is not certain where he served his apprenticeship but probably did so in Dublin, since he married in the Dublin quay-side church of Ss Michael & John on 26 November 1832.58 Out of thirty-two musical instrument-makers working in Dublin after the turn of the century there were fourteen keyboard instrument-makers that he could have served his time with.59 By 1839 both he and his wife, Mary Kennedy, moved to the parish of St Nicholas’ where he founded his business in 1844.60 John White took over from Mitchell Kennedy and John Rooney’s coach and wheel manufactory at 17, Bishop Street, Dublin in 184661 and would remain there for the duration of his life. At first he shared the services of the carpenter John Lowman before the latter left or became a member of his staff.62 John White had seven sons and two daughters: John Patrick, James, Thomas, William, Edward, Mary, Nicholas, Charles and Teresa.63 (See White Family Tree in Table 2.3). At least five of the sons became organ-builders and there is no reason to doubt that William and Edward were not either. By 1847 James and Thomas would likely have commenced their apprenticeship and joined their eldest brother John Patrick working with their father, and thus around this time the firm became known as ‘John White & Sons’. John White must have made an impression on the church authorities as he had five new organs to his credit less than four years after setting up on his own.64 In one of his earliest advertisements he acknowledged his beginnings as a ‘general practical workman’ but nonetheless went on to qualify that he ‘himself and his sons continuing to work, engage to build instruments of the best materials and workmanship …’ and that they had completed two large and three smaller instruments ‘since the short time they have commenced business on their own account’.65 Indeed, by the end of 1847 the firm had built two substantial organs: twenty-four stops for the Carmelite Church, Whitefriar Street, and twenty-six stops for Naas Catholic church.66
57 N, 14 June 1851, 2. 58 DDA, Marriage Register of Ss Michael & John. 59 Hogan, Ita Margaret, Anglo-Irish Music: 1780-1830 (Cork: CUP, 1966), 106-7. 60 Advertisement, c.1880. 61 DAGRI, 1846, 664. It may well be that Robert Mitchell Kennedy was his father-in-law and he had somehow apprenticed there. 62 TD, 1847, 646. 63 DDA, Baptism Register of Ss Michael & John; Baptism Register of St Nicholas, Francis Street. 64 ICD, 1848, 548. 65 Ibid. 66 N, 4 December 1847, 16. 53
Their output of instruments grew considerably in the next two years, such that after five years manufacturing they had completed over twenty new instruments.67 Letters of testament in 1849 from clergy do not reveal anything of surprise but affirm a level of satisfaction in a well-run family business. The Parish priest, Rev. John Madden from Roscommon wrote: I have purchased an Organ from Messrs. White and Sons, of Dublin, which has given every satisfaction. I also found them very reasonable and punctual in their transactions with me, and I therefore recommend them to those who wish to purchase an Organ.68
Another form the Prior at St Francis, Kilkenny wrote: With the greatest of pleasure I gratefully testify to the powers and efficiency of the new Organ just now erected … by Messrs. John White and Sons, of Dublin, and I am highly pleased with its workmanship and execution. The most competent and best judges in this city and county agree in the same sentiments.69
This two-manual-and-pedal organ was displayed in their workshop for a week.70 Typical advertisements included grandiose statements such as: ‘The bold and powerful tone of this instrument will be found to exceed by far that of any other of the same size in this kingdom’. This rhetoric was a typical feature common to most organ-builders in Britain and Ireland.71 Gestured comments reached a peak when they embarked on their largest instrument yet: a sixty-stop organ72 for Enniscorthy Cathedral which they unveiled to the Dublin audience on Easter Monday and Tuesday, April, 1851.73 It was referred to as ‘The Monster Organ’ … ‘it being the largest and most powerful built, on the modern plan, in this kingdom’.74 After ten years in business they had doubled the number of new instruments to forty;75 not an insubstantial amount considering an output of approximately four new organs a year with numbered stop-lists (as above) suggesting three-manual instruments. Like Telford, White exhibited their instruments at the manufactory and held recitals there. Such an example occurred on the 2 February 1858 ‘on which occasion several eminent Professors have kindly promised to Perform’ on the new organ for Ennis Cathedral.76 It was his
67 N, 10 November 1849, 1. 68 Ibid. 69 Ibid. 70 N, 13 October 1849, 2. 71 Ibid. 72 Ibid. 73 N, 19 April 1851, 1. 74 Ibid. ‘On the modern plan’ refers most likely to the German system of using C-compass as the lowest note. 75 N, 17 March 1855, 1. 76 N, 30 January 1858, 2. This instrument was moved to Rathmines (RC) Church by Evans and Barr where it still is. 54
penultimate large opus and exemplified a high standard of workmanship. It foreshadowed his last work, the extant thirty-six stop organ for St Paul’s Aran Quay which acted as a tragic trophy to his short life and an icon of possibility if he were to have lived longer. John White died in his sleep on 17 September 1859 at his residence on Bishop Street. A newspaper reported the following: Sudden Death – A sad instance of sudden death and unexpected death occurred yesterday (Sunday) morning, in Bishop-street. It appears that Mr. John White, of the firm of John White and Sons, organ builders, residing in the above locality, retired to rest on Saturday night, apparently in good health, and was yesterday found dead in his bed. We understand the deceased was greatly respected by all his neighbours, and his death will occasion great grief to his many friends and acquaintances. Mr. White’s organ contributions to the Great Industrial Exhibition of 1853 may still be remembered by the Dublin public. There will be an inquest held on the body this day.77
Following the inquest he was buried in Prospect cemetery, Dublin, at a very respectable part known as the O’Connell circle and section.78 A newspaper advertisement a week later showed the status had perhaps changed from the usual ‘John White & Sons’ to ‘Messrs. White & Sons’. With it the message began that they ‘beg respectfully to return their sincere thanks to the Clergy and Gentry for their kind patronage…’ and ended with ‘to insure a continuance of it’.79 Another notice in 1861 used the familiar ‘John White & Sons;’ but things were about to change.80 An 1861 reference to ‘Messrs. J. White & Son’ may have indicated the start of a break-up in the family business. By the end of autumn of the following year the second– eldest son, James, had moved to 39, Cuffe St and advertised under his own name.81 His first new organ was on sale for £5 5s: ‘rich-toned, with pedals, suitable for a small House of Worship’. He also included ‘one for practice, at 15s per month.’82 The next brother Thomas joined him at Cuffe Street, yet traded under his own name. An advertisement less than a year later had an ‘organ of seven stops, for £65, at Thomas White’s, Organ Builder.’83 Both brothers married two daughters of James Martin, a ‘house painter and paper hanger’84 and also moved into the same building as their in-laws; undoubtedly, they could rely on helping their father-in-law to support their own organ-building ventures.
77 IT, 19 September 1859, 3. 78 The grave mark is: NE 225. 79 N, 24 September 1859, 18. 80 N, 19 January 1861, 1. 81 FJ, 29 September 1862, 1. 82 Ibid. 83 FJ, 9 February 1863, 1. 84 TD (1862). Register of weddings at St Nicholas 1856, 3, No. 37; 1858, 31, No. 391. 55
It is not certain whether the family split acrimoniously. When John Patrick White married Miss Alicia McQuade of 13 Pitt Street, Dublin at St Andrew’s Church, Westland Row on 6 January 1863, it was witnessed by his two brothers: William and Thomas.85 If there were differences then surely John would not have considered Thomas for this role, but it is odd that he by-passed his immediate brother James, which could indeed imply a rift. His other brothers Nicholas and Charles would still have been finishing their apprenticeship at this stage. Whether this was done with John is not known, but highly probable. The 1860s proved to be a time of rapid expansion, after Thomas and James had joined resources their expertise would need to be replaced. In 1866, John Patrick White, who had now continued in his father’s footsteps at 17, Bishop Street, placed an advertisement in the paper looking for ‘competent workmen’ with ‘liberal wages given’.86 This would have implied skilled, trained, and possibly master organ-builders. As the amount of business he was doing increased, he was able to retain his workshop at Bishop Street and move his place of dwelling to the much more fashionable area just off St Stephen’s Green West, a minute’s walk from the Telfords. This happened at the beginning of 1867. The new address was 27 York Street.87 He later converted the stables there into a Workshop and claimed that his manufactory was the largest in Ireland by the late 1880s.88 Thomas White died on 15 October 1867 at his residence in 39, Cuffe Street.89 This must have proved a loss to James in more ways than one, since his ability to prosper on his own came into question. He started to team up with other organ-builders such as Fitzpatrick and Tackaberry, who were a freelance team of sub-contractors to Telford.90 James continued to ally himself until, at approximately thirty-five years of age, he applied for the lucrative position (at £100 a year) of managing the organ works at the latest impresario to open a musical instrument dealership: Simon Bartley (See Chapter Five). The latter announced his new employee to the public on March 12th, 1873:91 SB begs to intimate to the Clergy, Nobility, and Gentry of Ireland, that he has engaged Mr James White, son of that celebrated Organ Builder, the late Mr John White of Bishop Street, having thus procured as Manager of this Branch, a Good Practical Workman, of many years experience in his Father’s business. SB can guarantee that any orders with which he may be favoured, will be executed in the Very Best Style, with all the newest improvements, and on as reasonable terms as any other house in the trade, due regard being made for Superior Workmanship and Materials.
85 St Andrew’s parish records: Her father was Henry McQuade. 86 FJ, 15 February 1866, 1. 87 FJ, 17 January 1867, 1. 88 NA, 1901 Census Returns; these show where workshops replaced stables. (See Chapter Five, p233). 89 FJ, 18 October 1867, 4. 90 Tackaberry was later to become an employee of Telford & Telford. 91 FJ, 18 March 1873, 4. 56
Specifications and Drawings on application, for the erection of New Organs, either Church or Drawing room at Prices from £35 to £500 each. Estimates given for Repairs, Tuning or alterations in Town or Country.
Bartley’s business improved or he wished to make a statement of self-importance when he decided to move his organ manufactory from Thomas Lane to the rear of the newly acquired house at 122 Stephen’s Green West, Dublin in October 1875. Geographically, his business was closer in address to Telford’s workshop but even physically closer to James’ brother, John Patrick.92 With all this activity happening within a stone’s throw of each other, it is tempting to consider that they were of mutual benefit. Certainly, James had, for all intentions and purposes, worked for Telford before taking over at Bartley’s; the English organ-builder John Abell, who had commenced work with Telford, moved to work with John White for a period of time.93 Concurrently the two younger brothers emigrated. Nicholas left Ireland to work in Hull, most likely for the large firm of Forster & Andrews; he married there and had two children: Herbert and Gertrude. Charles went to Manchester. After Bartley’s demise James White worked alongside his son, also called James, until he (James Sr.) died in 1889 from Bronchitis. He was buried at Prospect cemetery.94 Although Charles remained in England, continuing to be an employee, something happened to Nicholas and his wife,95 as both of their children came to live with their uncle John Patrick White at 27, York Street. John took his nephew into the business and acknowledged his input after he had completed his apprenticeship by the turn of the century: all organs built that had a nameplate were inscribed: ‘J & H White’. Unfortunately, providence was not on their side. The turning point for John White’s business could be said to have occurred after his last large triumph of construction: the Pro-Cathedral Organ in Dublin (1896). This triumph proved to be a pyrrhic victory, as the organ was substantially rebuilt by Hill in less than four years. It is sufficient to say that at the start of the twentieth century more was to beset the man than the embarrassment of getting the pneumatic action wrong and one’s pride broken by another builder replacing a flawed trophy. His wife Alicia must have been mentally unstable to such a degree (or as a result of financial hardship) that in September 1903 she committed suicide by throwing herself from her bedroom window at
92 IT, 9 September 1875, 1. 93 JHA. 94 His son James made arrangements for this. His wife died on 7 June 1910 and was buried at Glasnevin Cemetery. FJ, 9 June 1910, 1. 95 According to JHA they both contracted tuberculosis. 57
York Street.96 If this was not enough, his nephew, business partner and heir, Herbert, died from consumption on 30 June 1905; he was just twenty-two years of age.97 His sister Gertrude had left her uncle’s home in the same year as the suicide. Gertrude married the eminent architect Thomas Aloysius Coleman who had become partner to the firm of George Coppinger Ashlin (1837-1921) in 1903.98 It was likely that she would have been introduced to her future husband through dealings with her uncle. As a resident in the house adjoining the manufactory she may have acted as a secretary for him and would certainly have met key people her uncle collaborated with. The firm of Ashlin & Coleman had been working on one of their most prestigious projects: Queenstown (Cobh) Cathedral. The contract for the organ went to Telford and was completed in 1905. Presuming that Coleman had known White prior to this, especially when he had trained and worked with the same firm all his life and if one considers the collaboration of many architects and organ-builders (see Chapter Three), why did they not go with White for the Cathedral? After all, he had completed the Grand Organ for the Pro- Cathedral. By this very choice of Telford and not his uncle-in-law, can we deduce that the career of White was coming to an end? John White moved from his workshop and home address at 27, York Street, Dublin.99 Whether he did this to start afresh with a new wife, Sarah, nearly fifty years his junior in 1907100 or financial reasons is not known, but the latter is the most compelling to believe. He continued to advertise under ‘J & H White’ and by the end of 1909 he moved his workshop to 99, Lower Baggot Street, Dublin.101 Three years later he moved for the last time to 3, Harcourt Place, Dublin and remained there until he presumably could cope no longer.102 Because there was no evidence of his young wife, he was taken into care by The Little Sisters of the Poor at St Patrick’s House, Crumlin and remained there until his death on 26 January 1918. His nephew-in-law
96 AC, 19 September 1903, 5. She was buried at Prospect cemetery. The grave mark is: Section: Garden BE 13. 97 He is buried in Glasnevin cemetery at the plot marked JK 153. 98
made sure he was buried in a prominent part of Glasnevin cemetery: close to the new O’Connell circle, just as his father had been to the old circle.103
103 He is buried at the plot: Section: Dublin BE 13. The current tombstone does not credit his name. 59
Table 2.3: Family Tree White
John White (c.1809 - 1859) == Mary Kennedy (?) James Martin (?) == Elizabeth Murray (?)
John Patrick (1834-1918) == Alicia McQuade (1848-1903) James (1837-1889) == Mary Martin (1845-1910)
== Sarah (c.1886-?) Julia Anne (1860-1920) James (1865-1927) == ? Fullam (- c.1899) Mary (1872-1940) Emily (1881-?) Theresa (1883-?)
Mary Margaret (1889-?) Emily (1892-?) Lillie (1894-?) James (1898-?)
Thomas (1839-1867) == Elizabeth Martin (c.1851- ?) William (1841- ?) Edward (1844- ?) Mary Suzanne (1850- ?)
James Francis (1857- ?) Eliza Mary (1862- ?) = ? Thomas (1860-?) Margaret (1864-?)
Bartholomew Ward (1876-?)
Nicholas (1851-1883?) == Clara (1856-?) Charles (1853- ?) == Kate (1853- ?) Teresa Agnes (1857- ?)
Gertrude (1879-1937) == Thomas Coleman (1865-1950) Herbert (1882-1905)
Herbert Coleman (1908-?) William (1874-?) Charles (1877-?) Kate (1879-?) Annie (1883-?) Arthur (1885-?) Herbert (1887-?)
(Thomas White (1896-?) == Ellen (1895-?) )
60
Irish organ-builders in England
Just as John White’s sons, Nicholas and Charles, went to England to work as organ-builders, other Irish organ-builders found or chose to work there. The census of 1881 show three men located in Yorkshire: Henry Michael Flynn (1834-?) at Kingston-Upon-Hull; Thomas Cogan (1845-?) at Sculcoates and Michael Maloney (1863-?) at Sheffield.104 Flynn had been an employee of Gray & Davison based in London (c.1865)105 and may have been acting as a tuner/journeyman for the same firm. The others were most probably employees (like the White sons) and Joseph McCullock (1858-?) who worked at Toxteth Park in Lancashire.106 One organ-builder, James P. Carroll (1837-?) went to St Pancras, London and set himself up as independent ‘organ metal pipe maker’ along with his son Frederick A. Carroll (1864-?).107 The most successful recorded was Frances Retsell (1835-?) who was also a pipe-maker that had six men working for him; he chose to settle in Hanwell, Middlesex.108 Perhaps he supplied pipes to the Irish builders, but not enough is known to expound further. These names were annotated well into the second-half of the nineteenth century. There were probably others before them that have not been registered.
Other organ-builders in Ireland
William Brown(e) operated in Dublin from c.1846 onwards at 1, Weaver’s Square109 and by 1850 he had moved to 16, Molesworth Street. He had one son, Joseph, who followed him into the business and eventually took over towards the end of the century. He was born in Dublin in c.1852 and remained single until his death.110 Their last operating address as father and son was Camden Street. Another was Richard Benson who worked in Cuffe Street, Dublin and then in Manchester. This does not need further elaboration since one can refer to William Morgan’s book on the Benson family of organ-builders for further information.111 In Cork, John Seymour Murphy operated from 53, Duncan Street, Cork112 and by 1871, the adjacent premises (No. 54) was registered as a pianoforte warehouse.113 It may
104 1881 Census Returns of England & Wales, (The National Archives, Public Record Office, Kew). 105 Freeman, A. and Edmonds, B., The Freeman-Edmonds Directory of British Organ Builders, BIOS, Vol. 2 (Oxford: Positif Press, 2002), 406. 106 Ibid. 107 Ibid. The surname ‘Canol’ was written but this most likely a mistake. 108 Ibid. 109 DAGRI, 1846, 870. 110 NA, 1901 and 1911 Censes. His address was 14 Ranelagh Road and then 13 Ranelagh Road, Dublin. 111 Morgan, William, The Benson Organ Builders of Dublin, Manchester and Norwich (Bolton, 2001). 112 N, 13 November 1858, 13. 61
have been indicative that to survive as an organ-builder alone was difficult, that he was familiar to both trades, or that he may have had organs supplied to him. He was succeeded by Thomas Magahy, who was born in Shercock, County Cavan in 1846.114 There is no knowledge of any tradition of organ-building in his forebears. He is said to have been trained at Telford and became foreman of their soundboard division before starting on his own.115 He moved from Dublin and commenced business in Cork at 58, Lower Glanmire Road in 1875 with a certain Mr Hugly.116 The latter was, more than likely, the father-in-law of Charles Spackman Barker, who adopted an anglicised version of his name: ‘Ugli’. He had worked with Barker on the organ of the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin three years previously after setting up base with him in Cork. They both fled France at the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War and had sought refuge there after collaborating with the Bryceson Brothers on a new organ for the North Cathedral of the same city. (See Chapter Five). The partnership lasted until c.1877 and by 1884 Thomas Magahy had moved premises to 24, Cook Street. He moved several times before his death in 1914.117 In 1891 they had a ‘Musical Instrument Factory’ at 23, Lower George’s Street (Warren’s Place) and an address at 19, Princes Street118 and then finally 10, Merchant Street.119 James Magahy followed in his brother’s footsteps and became an organ-builder. It is probable that he started his apprenticeship with Telford’s but more than likely finished his time at his brother’s given that he was thirteen years of age when Thomas started with ‘Hugly’, and at least sixteen when Thomas was in business as a sole trader. James moved to Bandon and it is not known whether he worked independently or as appendage of his brother’s in nearby Cork city. After the turn of the century he moved into the area of piano sales and tuning.120 Again, it is not known whether this was done in conjunction with Thomas. Thomas Junior took over the running of the firm on the demise of his father and ran it successfully until it was bought out by Peter Conacher in 1959121 (which, in turn, was taken over by Henry Willis & Co.).
113 City of Cork Directory (Liverpool: Fulton & Co., 1871), 281. 114 IMA. 115 KJI. 116 GABDC, 1875, 626. 117 Information passed on by Ian Magahy. 118 ‘Dublin, Cork and South of Ireland: Commercial Cork’, Strathens, 1892, 151-2, 151. Lower George’s Street is now known as Lower Oliver Plunkett Street (Parnell Place). They also had an address at 87, Princes Street by 1897. His home address was 25, South Terrace, Cork. 119 GABDC, 1913, 240. 120 NA, 1911 Census Returns. His address was 2 Hospital Lane, Bandon. 121 IMA. 62
Table 2.4: Family Tree Magahy
George (c.1845-?) == ?
Thomas Walter (c.1846-1914) == Rebecca Charlotte (c.1852-?) Robert (1850-?) == Mary (1851-?)
Mabel (1885-?) Robert (1889-?) George (1887-?) Samuel (1881-?)
Thomas Walter (1882-195?) Robert William (1884-?) Rebecca Charlotte (1885-?) Charles Henry (1889-?)
John (1853-?) == Elizabeth (1855-?) Samuel (1856-?) == Mary Jane (1869-?)
Robert (1881-?) John (1882-?) James (1884-?) George (1886-?) Robert (1889-?) Mary Ellen (1892-?) Annie (1895-?) Florence (1898-?) Samuel (1901-?) Mabel (1904-?) George (1907-?)
Isabella (1858-?) == Charles Henry Burgess (1846-?) James (1862-?) == Jenny Peterson (1862-?)
Charles Henry (1883-?) George Ernest (1884-?) Isabella May (1889-?) Edith Adelaide (1890-?) Nora Louisa (1895-?) Thomas Alan (1896-?)
63
Table 2.5: Family Tree Brown(e)
Benjamin == ?
William (1830s?-?) == Annabella Brown (?)
Joseph (c.1852-19?) Isabella Sarah (1857-?)
Table 2.6: Meates Family that were Telford Employees
William (1855- 1934) (fourth Generation working for Telford’s)122
Thomas (1887-?) Robert (1881-?) Richard (1899-?) Henry (1906-?)
Richard Junior
122 A letter (1/10/1965) from R. E. Meates to E. G. Barton claimed that there were five generations of Meates that worked from the onset of William Telford’s Manufactory.
64
Religious and national attitudes to organ-building By 1839, the population of Dublin was approximately one quarter of a million, with a proportion of three Roman Catholics to one Anglican (Established Church).123 Although Timothy Lawless was considered Catholic, the only other Dublin firm that was known to have a Catholic as its founder was John White. The other long-standing firms, such as Telford, Browne and Magahy, were Church of Ireland (Anglican). Thus there was an inverse proportion representative of the population. Although the latter three built for their own church, Telford can stand out as one who had the largest proportion of Catholic contracts of the three. The convert and head of the Catholic University in Dublin, John Henry Newman, took an active part in the design and construction of the University Church on St Stephen’s Green, a couple of doors down from Telford’s manufactory.124 Whether due to proximity or not, Telford was duly commissioned to build a new organ there in 1855. On writing to his colleague F. S. Bowles, at the Birmingham Oratory, Newman asked: 125 Will you tell me what sort of an Organ you would recommend me to get, as to stops etc. etc. for £250? I have signed an agreement for the ground this day – and shall begin building my Church at once. I have already been with an organ builder, Telford who is a good man.
If Newman went on character and ability, it is hard to doubt that Telford, by 1855, had a wider reputation than White. After all, he had been established twenty-five years, White only ten. Telford had been recognised by his role at the Great Exhibition in London only a few years previously and at home in Dublin he held the contract to tune not only the two Anglican Cathedrals, but the Catholic one as well: the Pro-Cathedral. John White & Sons described themselves as ‘organ-builders to the Roman Catholic Clergy and Hierarchy of Ireland’126 but had a much smaller proportion of contracts with the Anglican Church; such contracts being the exception rather than the rule. One such
123 DAGRI, 1839, 699. The population of Dublin: 244,578. Roman Catholic: 176,042; Anglican: 62,214. 124 At the National Synod of Thurles in 1850 it was decided to found a Catholic University in Dublin. The Rector of the Irish College in Rome and future archbishop of Dublin, Dr Cullen invited Dr Newman to become the University’s first Rector in July 1851. 125 Newman, Henry, Letter dated 23 June 1855, housed in the CCL. Newman intended the organ to be placed on a choir (Schola) gallery only six feet deep on the left-hand side of the sanctuary and reveals a certain naivety when he wrote to his friend, fellow convert and proponent of the Pre-Raphalite Movement, John Hungerford Pollen: ‘It would be a great thing if the top of the organ was not over 15ft. from the ground, so as not to interfere with the pictures-but perhaps this is impossible.’ See Kane, Eileen, John Henry Newman’s Catholic University Church in Dublin, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, Vol. 66, No. 262/263 (Summer/Autumn, 1977), 105-120, 119. 126 ICD, 1848, 548. 65
example is an organ built for a Thomas Dockrell, Esq., at his home in Kingstown (present day Dún Laoghaire) pre-1859.127 Although it is unclear whether it was for Thomas Senior (b. c.1790) or his son (b. c.1820), it went to a wealthy protestant family that ran a general timber and merchandise business founded in 1821. Perhaps White & Sons were good customers, or there was a genuine interest in the firm as organ-builders.128 What is evident is that he, like Newman previously, did not consider differences in religion as a factor. When it came to John Patrick White’s time, things were more readily felt or perceived to be different. The following transcription represents a clear bias:
Letter
Organ Building in Dublin (to the editor of the Irish Times)
Sir, - My attention has been called to some correspondence in the Irish Independent of Friday, March 29 [1895], in reference to the new organ for the Church of the Holy Trinity, Rathmines, in particular, and the state of organ building in Ireland in General, and the method in which its claims to encouragement are systematically ignored. In reference to the Rathmines Church, I notice the following statement, made by the Rev. S. Musgrave Harris, M.A.: No injustice has been done to any Irish firm. Every care has been taken by vestries in the choice of instruments. It is the desire of your committee to promote home manufacture: in this we are all one. Let there be the assurance that organ work will be up to date, embodying recent improvements; the money will then be spent at home. It lies with the home firms themselves, and no one else, to end this unsatisfactory state of things. Now, sir, there are only two firms of organ builders in Dublin, of which I happen to be one, and I ask what becomes of the very plausible statements I have quoted when I declare that not only I have not received any communication from Trinity Church, Rathmines, in reference to their organ, but I have never had one contract from any of the Protestant communities in Ireland. In this I am less fortunate than the other firm of organ builders, who, though Protestants, constantly receive Catholic contracts, and the co-religionists of the Rev. Mr Musgrave Harris are clearly less liberal than are mine. Is there no “injustice” to a local firm in this action on the part of clergymen and vestries? Has “every care been taken” by vestries in the choices of instruments when they overlook one of the only two organ builders in Dublin; is the “desire of the Irish Industrial League shared in by clergymen and Vestries” who act thus? As to whether my work is up to date or not, I beg to refer, both as to workmanship and tone, to Mr John Horan, organist of Christ Church Cathedral; W. H. Gater, Mus. Doc., organist of St. Stephen’s, Mount Street; Brendan Rogers; Joseph, Mus. Doc.; Van Graen, &c., who recently examined and played upon an organ built by me on the latest tubular pneumatic system. As far as I am concerned, I beg to add that I am prepared to compete with any English firm whatever, provided it be on perfectly equal terms, in the most advanced field of work, and most modern or “up to date” system of organ building.-
127 ICD, 1859, 431. 128 I am grateful to Morgan Dockrell, Esq., for this information. He was certain that although his great grandfather: Sir Maurice Dockrell (1850-1929), son of Thomas Jr, who was the last freely elected Unionist MP for Dublin in 1918, there was no history of religious bigotry in his family. 66
Yours, &c, John White, Organ Manufactory, 27 York Street, Dublin. 129
The letter is admonishing in tone of the church authorities. Although it is representative of a religious bias in John Patrick’s output, it is not totally accurate. In 1867, he was commissioned by Clontibret (Church of Ireland) in County Monaghan to build an organ.130 Despite this and other possible unaccountable instruments he may have built for the Anglican Church there was a predominant choice not to go with him. Apart from competition within Ireland there was also that from English firms installing organs in Ireland. Remarking on the success of the newly installed organ by White at St Mary’s, Athlone in 1869, an employee corresponded:131 Seeing, then, this department of our Irish trade so successful and so flourishing, who will not regret to hear that at a short distance from St Mary’s a Very Reverend Gentleman, with a committee of his parishioners has come to the determination of employing an English builder to erect an organ in his church, thereby wringing a considerable sum of money from a handful of starving peasantry, and sending it over to England to support English workmen, whilst the same sum, with a little public spirit, might be expended on Irish soil to encourage Irish trade, and to check, even for an hour, that incessant fatal emigration that is drawing away the life blood of our beloved country?—I am, sir, yours truly, A Trades’ Unionist.
The Church of Ireland was not the sole importer of English organs. Several organs by Bevington were installed in Roman Catholic churches and cathedrals. (See list of organs in Appendix). William Hill installed a large organ at St John’s Cathedral, Limerick in 1864, Bryceson at Cork and Limerick, and Henry Willis at Dundalk, to name but a few. The influences will be considered more fully in the Chapter Five, which focuses on the evolution of the organ in Ireland. When it comes to getting an insight to the English recognising Irish organ builders, it is unlikely that religious bias played a part. A survey of Dublin Industry near the end of the nineteenth century did not include just White, but Browne also, in their inventory. What was noted about Telford & Telford follows: This distinguished house holds quite an unique position, being the only bona-fide firm of organ-builders in this city, and thus enjoys a monopoly which, to their credit be it said, they by no means abuse. The connection enjoyed by the house is widespread, reaching all parts of Ireland, where many churches and chapels possess instruments built by them. The business is managed by Mr. William Hodgson Telford, Mus. Bac., and by Mr. Edward H. Telford. In
129 IT, 8 April 1895, 6. 130 Advertisement pamphlet for John White (c.1880). 131 IT, 8 July 1869, 3. 67
short, the workmanship all through is of the very best quality and warranted to endure. The house deservedly has a high reputation, and it is gratifying to see it meet with such hearty support and so much success.132
This would reinforce the notion that their reputation was gained by the company not only through local knowledge but most assuredly through their exports.
Irish Exports
1847 was a landmark year for Telford. It marked an opus list of 100 new organs and his largest to date. It also marked the first Irish import that is known to England and perhaps the first from any builder from the provincial countries there. Why should England have looked to Ireland, considering their own wealth of organ-builders and organ-building in such an unprecedented time of church-building and renovation? The answer started at Oxford. William Sewell, then sub-rector at Exeter College, Oxford, was very much part of the Movement of Change advocated by Keble, Newman and Pusey. Although he kept some distance from the Tractarians, he saw the future as one of at least moderate revival of Catholic principles in the Anglican Church. As part of this vision, its future would actively be secured through education and fostered through a model school. Lord Dunraven’s son, Viscount Adare, was also looking to such an idyllic school model that would sustain and promote the Anglican Church in Ireland. He approached Sewell and the opportunity presented itself in 1843 at Stackallan in the county of East Meath and subsequently Rathfarnham in the outskirts of county Dublin with the establishment of St Columba’s College. The Irishman Robert Corbet Singleton, a benefactor and first (active) Warden, chose Telford as the organ-builder for the school.133
Radley College
Sewell used the model of the Irish school (through his published diaries Journal of a residence at St Columba’s) for a project nearer home, and with Singleton became a co-
132 The Industries of Dublin: Historical, Statistical, Biographical. An Account of the Leading Business Men, Commercial Interests, Wealth and Growth. (London: Spencer Blackett, 1887), 145. 133 From a paper by McKeever, A. P., Organ-building in Ireland during the Nineteenth Century read at the BIOS and Oxford Music Department Organ Conference, April 2009. 68
founder of its sister college: St Peter’s at Radley, Oxfordshire in 1847.134 As Radley’s new Warden, Singleton once again become a gracious benefactor of a new organ for the college, looking no further than to the organ-builder of St Columba’s to provide for its sister college. Accordingly, the order was placed with Telford by Sewell on 14 April 1847. Sketches of the case were sent in May and the organ was to be ready in October.135 Telford, plus four of his men, spent from 5 April to 19 May 1848 completing the instrument. Due to illness there was a two-month delay. Other important musical connections were shared with the sister colleges.136 Edwin George Monk, first Precentor at St Columba’s and subsequently the new Precentor at Radley, oversaw the installation of the new organ.
Exhibit 2.1: Etching of Centre Hall, Dublin Exhibition 1853 with Radley Organ137
134 SD. 135 JHA. 136 Ibid. 137 Sproule, John (Ed.), The Industrial Exhibition of 1853: A detailed catalogue of its contents (Dublin: McGlashan, 1854), 32a. 69
The organ originally cost £1,000 and was the crème-de-la-crème of all that had preceded it.138 It was the largest organ built in Ireland and the fourth largest in Britain. It had a 16ft front of highly polished and burnished tin pipes and a solid oak case. (This organ and its specification will be considered more fully in Chapter Five). Such was the regard for Telford he was awarded a bronze medal as an adjudicator at the Great Exhibition of 1851.139 He acted as one of three associates to the judging panel that included the composer Hector Berlioz which bestowed Council Medals on the organ- builders: Ducroquet of Paris, Hill and Son, Henry Willis, and, Gray and Davison.140 He obviously understood the impression that could be made at such an event in his home city. Most amazingly Telford borrowed his magnum opus order no.517 and placed it at the Dublin Exhibition of 1853.141 (See Exhibit 2.1 for an etching of the organ at the far end of the entrance). When he re-erected it at Radley he gave them a 32ft Open Wood (his first manufactured) as a gratuity. The lowest two pipe-mouths of this can be seen in Exhibit 2.2.
Exhibit 2.2: Radley College Chapel, Double Double Open Diapason CCCC# & CCCC142
Table 2.7 shows thirty of Telford’s known exports. Eighteen of them were for England alone. The four organs in Yorkshire may be attributed to the association of Singleton and Monk through Radley and St Columba’s. Although geographical proximity may have been some factor with the five organs at Cornwall, four in Wales and the one in the Isle of
138 JHA. 139 Telford Advertisement, 1880. 140 Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations, 1851: Reports by the Juries on The Subjects in the Thirty Classes into which the Exhibition was divided (London, 1852), 324. 141 EHTN. 142 I am grateful to William McVicker for this photograph. 70
Man, some personal reference was most likely the case. There were no organs built for the larger English towns or London which matches other provincial English builders. His exports to the other lands of the Empire parallel his peers in England but in much lesser numbers. Altogether, his exports represent a probable 5% of his total output.
Table 2.7: Telford Exports
Year Job No.143
England
1850 Lord John Thynne (Sub Dean, Westminster), Hawnes Manor 747 Ribchester Chester, Lancashire Tarvin Hall College, Chester St. Aiden’s College, Birkenhead Baptist Chapel, Frome, Somerset 702 Butleigh Parish Church, Somerset 1865 St. Sampson’s Church, York144 1665 1862 Rev R C Singleton, York 1440 The Earl of Harewood, Dr. Monk, York Weeton Church, Yorkshire 1850 Padstow Church, Cornwall 816 St Uny-Lelant Church, Cornwall 1961 1859 St. Ives Church, Cornwall 1314 Penzance Church, Cornwall Madron Church, Cornwall Phillac Church, Cornwall 1847 St Peter’s, Radley College, Oxfordshire 517 1890 Shotteswell Church, Banbury 2529
Wales
Mrs Symes. Bangor, North Wales Llanvair Church, Abergavenny Cefn Park Church, Wrexham, North Wales Llanwenarth-Ultra Church, South Wales 1800
Scotland
Challock Church, Newtownstewart 1986
Isle of Man
Douglas
143 EHTN. 144 IT, 30 May 1865, 3. 71
Year Job No.145
New Zealand
1864 Dunedin Church Wellington Church 1860 1891 St Anselm's Union, Karori
Australia
1890 Schoolhouse, Holy Trinity, Kelso, NSW146
Falklands Islands
1892 Stanley Cathedral 2573
Malta
1885 Royal Naval Dockyard Church 2437
John Patrick White exported only one known organ to Australia in 1876. This was a two-manual instrument at St Michael’s Cathedral, Bathurst, Sydney.147 Rev J. Grant was a senior Irish priest serving as Dean there until 1864.148 He sent money home to train Irish seminarians for the greater parishes of Sydney and New South Wales.149 It was most likely during his tenure that the organ was envisioned but was commissioned later to serve the portioned influx of Irish immigrants into the Australian parish. The instrument, unfortunately, no longer survives. Thomas Magahy Junior exported a large three-manual organ to the newly-built church of Our Lady of Victories, Camberwell, Melbourne, Australia in 1920. This is the only known one he installed.150
145 EHTN. 146 IT, 11 November 1890, 7. 147 Advertisement c. 1880. 148 ICD, 1860, 375 & 1865, 313. 149 Condon, Kevin, The Missionary College of All Hallows: 1842-91 (Dublin: All Hallows, 1986), 96. 150 IMA. 72
Summary
This chapter throws some light on the families, employees and the rise and fall of an industry that some say had its Golden Age in the middle of the nineteenth century. It has some sense of context within a national and broader realm considering a population size that began to halve itself to approximately four million after the Great Famine (1840s). It is reasonable to say that there was a thriving indigenous industry of organ- building that paralleled the growth in urban expansion and the effects of Catholic Emancipation (1829). Religious bias was a significant but overall insufficient motive for the gaining of contracts. Of all the family organ-building firms that set up in Ireland, Telford gained the most significant reputation both here and abroad as testified by the number of exports. However, it is reasonable to predict that had John White not passed away at the young age of fifty, the company that he founded would likely have remained a unified force and gone on to build very significant instruments. The skills of his sons would have contributed so much if they had been able to remain united. Thomas White made metal pipes.151 James White, as seen from Bartley’s advertisement,152 could design, draw and build instruments. John Patrick White was said to be a voicer153 and, as Chapter Six highlights, an organist of some note. Nicholas was gainfully employed in Hull, Charles in Manchester. Albeit, John Patrick’s work can be seen to warrant great appreciation in his own right as will be discussed in Chapters Four and Five.
151 From Dublin directories. 152 See page 56. 153 KJI. 73
Chapter 3 Aspects of manufactory and business up to the mid- nineteenth century
Introduction
The onset of the Industrial Revolution caused ripples through the atelier of the organ-builder – as it did with most crafts when demand outgrew supply. The market for the organ-builder had expanded greatly, thanks to the growth of Catholic religious populations and their churches which required an organ as a central tool of ritual practice. This meant the days of small workshops were numbered, particularly in the first-half of the nineteenth century, when these changes were afoot. This chapter looks at some of the features that affected the business of organ-building in Ireland and how it adapted to the changing market. In particular, it focuses on the two leading firms, Telford and White, and attempts to elucidate how they approached and carried out business in an era of intense competition and change. The theme of functionality is explored in great depth as it plays a central role in how the organ was perceived and subsequently treated by the public. The contextual tug-of- war from its use as a vehicle of liturgy to a musical instrument with its own artistic integrity is a pervading theme in the narrative and key to the marketing and hands-on strategies which the organ-builder employed to address and respond to the customer. Expediency is another key element investigated in this chapter. The organ-builder was caught between his artistic integrity and running a manufactory which needed to cater for all hues of output demand. Certain examples are presented as a basis of discussion: examples of formulaic architectural styles are presented as a mode of output; a case study involving two organs reveals practical ways of adapting new and old material at a time when the organ in Ireland faced a similar path of insularity to its neighbour in England;1 a comparative view of transportation and workshop exhibition; selected correspondence with the clergy exposes the business acumen behind proposed work. By contextualising the organ-builder’s work as part of running a business, this chapter tries to find relevance in terms that can easily resonate with a person’s understanding of making a living in the present.
1 It also highlights subsequent treatment of this material. 74
Manufactory
As discussed in the previous chapter, Telford had little competition in his way to become the predominant organ-builder in Dublin, yet alone the country; he put it simply: ‘I have every instrument in Dublin that is of any consequence.’2
Exhibit 3.1: Picture of E. H. Telford at Manufactory3
With his move in 1837 to St Stephen’s Green, Dublin, he set up Ireland’s first factory styled organ-building works. This was conveyed in his letter to Rev. Hamilton: ‘I should esteem it a great favour if you would take the trouble of calling to see my manufactory, as I feel proud that there is such an establishment in this country.’4 By sharing the address with the window-
2 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/6/130. 3 JHA, Photograph taken c.1910. 4 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/167. 75 blind manufacturer, James Barron, and later taking over his business, we should assume that it was a strategic opportunity for Telford to incorporate any machinery connected with that business. The geographical layout of the address provided sensible access for deliveries and loadings on a main thoroughfare. By 1847 Telford had taken over 3, Cuffe Lane5 nearby as a timber-store which was also a convenient few doors down from John O’Gara’s mahogany and timber-store at 10, Cuffe Lane.6 All-in-all, he had the very basis of a ‘respectable business,’ as his own father put it.7 If we think of Telford moving to prime real-estate (see Exhibit 3.1), it is not unreasonable to consider that he may have had financial help. The present-day organ-builder, Kenneth Jones, has made the point8 that organ-building can be an unrewarding fiscal venture and has suggested that firms would need to have additional or alternative incomes. In Telford’s case, he had a number of benefits with his family. Not only had he been left money through property bequeathed to him by his late mother,9 he had his father, William senior’s leather business (which his brother John took over), as a springboard and supplier. He had a co-investor in his brother and business partner, Henry, who had worked alongside him for many years before the firm became known as ‘Telford & Telford.’10 Gillen and Leahy incorrectly followed John Holmes’ assertion that Henry joined the firm in 1847 due to advertising with ‘William & Henry Telford’ and subsequently later ‘Telford & Telford’11 When Telford took over a window-blind manufactory he could ameliorate any ebbing orders for instruments, although there was no sign of this happening. Such was its prominence assured that he could pass the secondary window-blind business to a relation, Richard Telford. This ability to prosper through organ-building had a parallel in England only a decade previously. Nicholas Thistlethwaite, in The Making of the Victorian Organ (1990) has referenced the inventories of workshop-stock of one builder, Gray, to conclude that he ‘was perhaps the most successful and prolific organ-builder of the 1820s and 1830s.’12 This could only have transpired with the rapid evolution from artisan to factory-styled production;
5 TD, 1847, 676. 6 DAGRI, 1846, 697. 7 NA, T11470. 8 KJI. He alluded to a connection between the whisky and organ business of the Walker family as an example in the past. 9 NA, T11470. 10 DDA, Hamilton Papers. 36/2/167. 11 Gillen, Gerard, ‘William Telford and the Victorian Organ’ in Gillen, G. & White, H. (Eds.), Irish Musical Studies: Music and the Church, Vol. 2, (Dublin: IAP, 1993), 108-28, 109 and Leahy, Anne, William Telford: Organ Builder, MA Thesis (St Patrick’s College, Maynooth, 1987), 7. 12 Thistlethwaite, Nicholas, The Making of the Victorian Organ (Cambridge: CUP, 1990), 55, 62. 76 something that would generate unparalleled wealth courtesy of the rising demand from church-building in the first half of the century. Notwithstanding this, the growing nature of factory output versus demand, led to its nemesis: a door that would inadvertently open to competition amongst the top. William Hill was considered the first of these to succumb (much to the annoyance of his partner Elliot) and drive down prices.13 In Ireland, it was John White who first followed suit. When he officially set up in Bishop Street, Dublin by 1847, White soon advertised that he could build ‘organs in a superior style, and much cheaper than any other house in England or Ireland.’14 This was advertising at its best; the type of marketing ploy easily seen in a modern store, where the newcomer proclaims to sell his or her manufactured goods cheaper than anyone else whilst being better than all others. His customers were, like other organ-builders, mostly the clergy and they, like most shoppers, were looking for value. IRISH ORGAN BUILDING, J. WHITE & SONS15 Beg to inform the Catholic Prelates and Clergy that they build Organs from the smallest to the largest size in the kingdom. Having an immense Stock of prime seasoned Timber, spacious and convenient Workshops, plenty of well trained hands, and every facility of doing their work, as well as working themselves, they are enabled to supply any article in their line equal to any, and on more reasonable terms than other houses. J. W. & Sons can refer to several organs which they built for, and which are giving the highest satisfaction to the Bishops and Clergy of different parts of the kingdom. Organs of different sizes constantly on sale, at most moderate prices. They refer with pleasure to their splendid Organ built and erected in the late Great Exhibition. ORGAN MANUFACTORY, 19 [sic.], BISHOP-STREET, DUBLIN.
Perhaps he mentioned the ‘immense Stock of primed seasoned Timber’ to rival Telford’s presence on Cuffe Lane. Moreover one can note from the example above how competitive the language continues to be, with phrases such as: ‘to supply any article,’ ‘equal to any’ and ‘more reasonable terms than other houses.’ The latter is certainly a snipe at Telford who won a medal for his forty-seven stop instrument at the same ‘Great Exhibition’ (1853) that White had displayed a finger organ. Telford, in his earlier advertisement (below) took a more relaxed stance in his language; almost boasting that they did not have to be more reasonable than others with the use of the quasi-superlative ‘very superior.’ TELFORD AND TELFORD, ORGAN BUILDERS16 Beg to inform the Catholic Clergy and Gentry, that owing to their immense stock of seasoned materials, experienced workmen, convenient factory and machinery, they are enabled to supply Organs of every description, of a very superior quality, and on most reasonable terms.
13 Loc. cit., 65. 14 N, 6 March 1847, 1. 15 ICD, 1854, 477. 16 ICD, 1853, xxiv. 77
The first gold medal has again been awarded to Messrs. T. for superior merit at the great exhibition of manufactures. STEPHEN’S-GREEN, DUBLIN.
Although the nuances of language in the above examples may reveal some subtleties of marketing styles, they are both, on the whole, proclaiming the same message. Competition did not ease and consequently this did not help artistic endeavour, particularly when the instrument could be seen by some as a useful function of ritual and not much more, and therefore of little-understood artistic integrity in its own right. Apart from very specifically designed instruments for churches or cathedrals, the notion of value-for- money and treating organs as a piece of church furniture went hand-in-hand with manufactory output ‒ not unlike the sales of pianofortes. A comparison with the advertisements (below) from such a contemporary as John Bray’s Pianoforte and Music Warehouse of Westmorland Street, Dublin, illustrates again the practical commodity value placed on the organ, just as any other instrument in a sales warehouse. -He has just received a further supply of superior Piano-Fortes, Harps, and other Musical Instruments, which, with his former stock, he begs to submit to their inspection. He will dispose of them at the lowest London price.17
-Organs, Harmonicons, Piano-Fortes, and Musical Instruments tuned, repaired and taken in exchange18
-Superior ORGANS made to order. Nearly finished a superior Do. with 7 stops; and 2 octaves German pedals, suitable for small place of worship. 19
Functionality of Casework and Design
Let us stop and consider why an organ, probably the most expensive single item of church furnishing that had a central role in congregational worship (see Chapter Six), was treated in such a commoditised way. What was behind the market to create such a dynamic in the first place? Simply put, a market was created primarily by an unparalleled growth in post- Emancipation church building with the spread of urbanisation. This was augmented by a modification and re-building programme of churches, inspired by the Tractarians and
17 ICD, 1851, 555. 18 ICD, 1852, 403. 19 N, 9 January 1858, 1. 78
Ecclesiologists, and carried out by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners.20 Although the flurry of organ-building may mirror in some ways the artisan work that occurred in the seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century period post-Restoration, the scale in the nineteenth century was unsurpassed. This sheer demand meant that particular artisan attention was left to special orders, such as Radley College, at a premium cost.21 Smaller churches serving less affluent communities had fewer resources for special instruments and thus their liturgical function out-weighed their artistic value. In the following advertisements, by Telford in Exhibit 3.2 and then White, it is easy to ascertain just how practical the functionality of these instruments was.
Exhibit 3.2: Advertisement22
-For sale, a New Organ in the Gothic style, richly carved, and a speaking front; the height is eighteen feet, depth five feet, and width seven feet six inches.23
-For Sale, a New Church Organ, in a handsome Gothic Case, 14 feet high; it contains 10 Stops, with German Pedals, and a Speaking Gilt Front.24
20 Thistlethwaite has argued that the Ecclesiologists did not take particular interest in the artistic integrity of the organ per se but tolerated the instrument as a function of the liturgy. The simple ‘Open Medieval’ case designs purported add testament to this. See Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 327-8. 21 In the following entry it is possible to get a sense of the special attention for the instrument at Radley College. The original costing was £1,000 which doubled by the end of its installation. See Chapter Five which references the expense of tin front pipes. The Mixture on the Choir was not originally proposed but was prepared for along with other stops until funds became available; all features of current practice when expense comes second to artistic integrity. SD, 14 April 1847: ‘A letter from Mr Telford – delighted at the prospect of an English St. Columba’s, – lamenting that poor Ireland’s ‘worst enemies, almost her only ones, were her own sons’. Much pleased with the plan of the Organ, but suggested a few alterations, chiefly in the way of addition; – ‘determined to spare no trouble to make it as near perfection as an organ can be’, – & ‘cannot tell me how proud he is of this order’. I replied, sending him a full scheme, adopting nearly all his suggestions, and directing him to prepare everything for future completion, but leaving out several stops of pipes, till I could command sufficient funds. However, even without these it will be a costly & a glorious instrument, & he says he will have it done by October. This is of great consequence, in order that the boys may carry home word at Christmas, – that their College has one of the finest organs in England.’ 22 FJ, 30November 1872, 1. 23 N, 17 March 1855, 1. 24 N, 6 March 1847, 1. 79
-For sale, a New Organ in a rich Gothic Case, twenty feet high, eleven feet wide, and eight feet deep, with large gilt speaking pipes in front. It has two complete sets of keys from GG to F in alt; also a separate pedal Organ, making in all sixteen stops, and has all the modern improvements. 25
Revival Gothic
Notice that all these examples describe the overall style, in this case ‘gothic,’ and the physical dimensions of the instruments: height, depth and width. This would imply at least two things: first an attempt to present something that might match a church style and second that the organ should fit into a designated space. Again one can identify the link between the piano warehouse and purchasers as a useful comparison: different sized pianos fit into different sized rooms with matching styles. The reference to style is not surprising given the propensity for many buildings to follow an architectural leaning, for example, Ballytore Church, County Kildare in ‘the early Gothic style’ or Falls Road Church, Belfast in ‘the decorated Gothic style.’26 The Bevington organ that was installed for St. Mary’s, Star of the Sea, Irishtown in 1859 was reported to be an exhibition organ but regarding its suitability for the church a commentator pronounced: ‘We may add, that the case is elegantly constructed, and that its ornamentation is well in keeping with the gothic architecture of the Church.’27 In Exhibits 3.3 and 3.4 are examples of mid-century Gothic façades. This style of Gothic was probably produced as a safe-bet that would suit many new buildings that took on the popular gothic revival style from 1840 onwards as espoused, for example, by Augustus Welby Northmore Pugin (1812-52) and his followers.28 Notice how they are remarkably similar in concept: three flats in a pointed frame with ogee fretting effectively acting as pipe shades, housed in a case which sits neatly at impost level. Indeed, on closer inspection we can see that they all incorporate the ‘bay leaf’ mouth and three out of four have diapering on the display pipes.29 Although the instruments look alike, the White organs are ‘finger’ organs
25 N, 13 September 1851, 1. 26 DB, Vol. 2, No. 20, (1 September 1860), 330. 27 N, 10 Sep 1859, 6. 28 Grimes, Brendan, Majestic Shrines and Graceful Sanctuaries: The Church Architecture of Patrick Byrne 1783-1864 (Dublin: IAP, 2009), 1-2. 29 The Telford organs use the configuration of ‘5-9-5’ pipes per flat whereas White have ‘3-7-3.’ The mouths are configured in a ‘v-V-v’ format with the exception of the Telford (bottom right) ‘v –– v’ and White (top left) ‘- –– -.’ Note also that the latter has a longer apex over each of the flats to create a greater sense of stature. All consoles are en fenêtre but notice the Telford (bottom right) is not in-set. 80
Exhibit 3.3: Organ Case Designs by John White & Sons in the Gothic manner30
Exhibit 3.4: Organ Case Designs by Telford & Telford in the Gothic manner31
30 Left: Gorey, Co. Wexford (1853); Right: Portarlington (c.1853) (JHA). See Appendix 1a, page 297 for specification. 31 Left: Masonic Lodge, Dublin (1848); Right: Westport Parish Church (1852). See Appendix 1b, page 308 for specification. 81
Exhibit 3.5: Organ Case by Bevington & Sons in the Gothic manner (1853)32
Exhibit 3.6: Organ Case by John White & Sons for Ennis Cathedral (1858)33
32 Illustrated London News, Vol. XXII, No. 623 (21 May 1853), 1. Organ seen on the dais at the entrance to the Great Hall at the Dublin Exhibition and was subsequently bought for St Canice’s Cathedral, Kilkenny where the case still remains. 33 JHA, Notice the central flat has missing fretwork between the arch of the pipe shade and apex above. The organ was moved to Mary Immaculate, Refuge of Sinners, Church, Rathmines, Dublin (as seen). 82
Exhibit 3.7: Inside of Ss Peter & Paul’s Cathedral, Ennis34
which had one manual, a limited pedalboard and pipework enclosed in a Swell box; the Telford organs have two manuals and Pedals. Irish organ-building was simply following such examples as the Bevington organ (seen in Exhibit 3.5) that must have been turned out by the dozen. This organ has the same style with a larger central flat and a Gothic apex on each of the three flats, framed on either side with spires. The design of the White organ in Exhibit 3.6, however, shows a perspicacious adaptation for the style of the building in which it was built for (as seen in Exhibit 3.7). Although the instrument follows the three-flat façade as the others before it, only the centre one has an apex. Note the horizontal castellated finish across the flats which parallels the squared-relief plasterwork on the ceiling of Ennis Cathedral. Instead of having spires flanking the flats like the other examples, this organ has simple capitals which mirror those found on the pillars of the trellised vaulting seen at intervals in the cathedral.
Architects, Artists and Display Pipes
There is little certainty that organ-builders in Ireland designed all of the front elevations of their instruments, particularly the prestigious ones. Ireland’s first professor of architecture, J. J. McCarthy,35 provided designs for cases, such as St. Saviour’s, Dominick Street, Dublin
34 The original organ built for Ss Peter & Paul’s Cathedral, Ennis was moved to Mary Immaculate, Refuge of Sinners, Church, Rathmines, Dublin (in Exhibit 3.6) and replaced by a new organ by Evans & Barr (as illustrated). 35 DB, Vol. 3, No. 26, 410. 83
(1862),36 St Patrick’s RC Cathedral, Armagh (1874)37 and re-worked a Pugin design at Wexford’s twin churches (1858), as discussed further in Chapter Four. The only known custom-designed case by Augustus Welby Northmore Pugin was that of the organ in the Great Hall, Adare Manor, County Limerick,38 realised in 1850 and probably drawn in c.1846-7.39 If we look at the account from the Dublin Builder in 1860 (see Appendix 3) it references Telford concentrating on ‘the working drawings’ and not the case, which tells us something of his ability as a draughtsman. Despite the fact that there are two extant (and acknowledged) front elevation drawings by Telford of the organs at St Ann’s, Dawson Street, Dublin and St Columba’s College, Stackallan, County Meath that show high artistic ability by the detail portrayed,40 he did acquiesce to the independent artist. Radley College was a case in hand, where the front elevation was drawn by an independent artist. The Reverend Singleton had visited Telford’s Manufactory to finalise drawings for the Radley organ in 1847 and declared that ‘Mr de la Motte’s plan of the front was so full of blunders, that he got a young artist in Dublin, a Mr Price, to draw one out, and certainly he has produced something far superior to it.’41 (See Exhibit 3.8). Telford and White also used other artists, including ones for the diapering of front pipes. For example, the Telford organ in the Methodist Chapel, Donegal Sq, Belfast (1849) had a Spanish mahogany case with ‘speaking pipes in front ornamented, from drawings by Miss B. M’Gloin, a pupil of the Government School of Design, in connexion [sic.] with the Royal Dublin Society.’42 Telford’s instrument at the Church Of The Molyneux Asylum, Upper Leeson Street, Dublin (1863) ‘was ordered and partly designed by the late Dr. Fleury. The case has been stained and varnished, the front pipes illuminated, by Messrs. H. Sibthorpe and Son, Cork-hill.’43 White’s instrument at St Peter’s Church, Drogheda (1866) was ‘contained in a handsome case, painted in oak. The pipes are floridly illuminated by Mr. Mannix, of Merrion-row.’44
36 See Appendix 3. 37 IB, Vol. 16, No. 358 (15 November 1874), 307-320, 312. 38 Countess of Dunraven, Caroline, Memorials of Adare Manor, (Oxford, 1865), 15. 39 Hill, Rosemary, God’s Architect: Pugin and the Building of Romantic Britain (Lane, 2007; London: Penguin, 2008), 521. 40 Leahy, op. cit., 46a, 46c. 41 SD, 12 June 1847. We may assume it was the artist and engraver William Alfred de la Motte (1775- 1863) that had been commissioned. 42 RDS, 8 July 1850, Catalogue of Articles, (Dublin: Gill, 1850), 61. 43 DB, Vol. 5, No. 82 (15 May 1863), 81-92, 90. 44 DB, 15 May 1866, Vol. 8, No. 154, 121-134, 133. 84
Exhibit 3.8: Design for Radley College, Oxford45
Exhibit 3.9: Advertisement46
45 ICD, 1851, 544. 46 N, 2 June 1855, 1. 85
Grecian
Revival Gothic was not the only style of organ case that was prevalent in the early-mid- nineteenth century. In the preceding Exhibit (3.9) there is a reference to the other predominant ‘Grecian’ style. In Exhibit 3.11 the White organ (top left) has a Regency look about it, through the use of entablature, pediment and acroteria. This small finger organ has wooden ‘dummy’ pipes as opposed to the ‘speaking fronts’ supplied with the organ in the advertisement above. The more metal pipes that ‘spoke’ in the display correlated with a greater presence of open bass pipes, particularly in 8ft tone on this size of organ, and was something which would cost more. In order to compensate for this, White included an octave of Pedal pipes at 16ft pitch.47 In Exhibit 3.11 and 3.12 the Telford organs both show a hybrid style that look back at what Thistlethwaite refers to as the ‘English Classical’ style.48 This classic style is exemplified in Exhibit 3.10 with features such as towers with surmounted casing and sloping flats between the centre and outer towers. The organ in Exhibit 3.12 follows this quite clearly with the exception where the casing is broken by the crown on the towers unlike the classic where the casing surmounts the towers while framing all pipework.
Exhibit 3.10: ‘English Classical’ style49
47 Notice the pipes at the back right side of the organ under the plaster moulding. 48 Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 74. He references ‘English Classical’ as a third style alongside ‘Revival Gothic’ and ‘Grecian.’ 49 JHA, Snetzler Case (1748) one manual and seven stops, originally in St James’s Chapel, Kilkenny. 86
Exhibit 3.11: Organ Case Designs by White and Telford (right) in the Grecian style50
Exhibit 3.12: Church Interior and Organ Case by Telford in the Grecian style51
50 Left: Ignatian Chapel, St Francis Xavier’s, Gardiner Street, Dublin (1867) (JHA); Right: Free Church (c.1853) (JHA). 51 Left & Right: St Nicholas of Myra, Francis Street, Dublin (1842) (JHA). See specification on p. 251. 87
A clever (and cost-saving) visual effect can be seen when looking at the organ from the nave (bottom left). An illusion is created making the instrument look bigger than it is with the inclusion of framing flat pilasters instead of pipe towers on either end of the case; a style evocative of Hill’s town hall organ with five towers at Birmingham. The other Telford organ (top right) in Exhibit 3.11 uses the classic style more faithfully with the mounted outer towers but then replaces the central tower with a Regency decorated flat not unlike that seen in the casing of the White organ (top left). White described his new organ at St Paul’s, Arran Quay, Dublin (Exhibit 3.13) as having a ‘case in Grecian Order of Majestic Design’52 but it is moreover a synthesis of both classic and Grecian design. On first impression there is a classic look with three towers and two intervening flats – nonetheless notice how the towers are not round and protruding, but still have entablature on them; the centre has the pediment and acroteria features, like the cases in Exhibit 3.11. The floral motif on the top of the flats is similar to both Telford organs in Exhibits 3.11 and 3.12 but differs with the curving and embellished toe-boards of the same flats in Exhibit 3.13 and is deserving of the description ‘majestic.’
Exhibit 3.13: White Case (1859) for St Paul’s, Arran Quay, Dublin53
52 CD, 1859, 430. 53 JHA. This organ was the last John White (Senior) worked on and is perhaps his greatest extant instrument and second only in his entire known opus list to the sixty-stop organ for Enniscorthy Cathedral (1847). 88
Exhibit 3.14: Flight & Robson Case (1834), White Case (1908) (Right)54
When considering the design for St Paul’s, Arran Quay, White almost certainly was influenced by the casework of Flight & Robson at St Francis Xavier’s, Dublin.55 The latter in Exhibit 3.14 has three towers with surmounted pediments and acroteria that are neither rounded nor protruding. The flats have a floral motif on the curved frame like those at St Paul’s but without the curved toe-boards of the latter and are more like those of the Telford organs in Exhibits 3.11 and 3.12 which are stepped-up and straight. White repeated a similar but simpler casework design from St Paul’s on one of his last instruments at St Agatha’s, Dublin. This organ, seen in Exhibit 3.14 (right), follows the synthesis of Grecian and classic style at St Paul’s with curved toe-boards on the flats flanked by three towers with pediments and acroteria.
54 Left: Organ at St Francis Xavier’s, Dublin was bought at the Music Festival at Westminster Abbey (1834) for 1,000 guineas (JHA); Right: the organ at St Agatha’s, North William Street, Dublin was one of ‘J & H’s’ last organs. 55 White may have helped Gray & Sons to rebuild this organ; he was credited for this organ in 1858 when installing the instrument at Ennis Cathedral. 89
Duplication of Design
Heretofore we have seen how similar-styled organs can share certain characteristics. It was also common for designs to be repeated. The advertisement in Exhibit 3.9 mentioned ‘for sale two new organs’ which shared the same dimensions and thus were presumably identical. The rationale for doing this was understandable, given the expedient criteria discussed earlier vis-à-vis market demand; it was something that would have suited the organ-builder and the client to mutual economic benefit. By obviating separate drawings for every aspect of construction, considerable time could be saved for further projects that would pay for individual attention. Other examples show a repetition of organ design. In 1867 commentators described how it had only been ‘a short time since we inspected a charming instrument at Mr. White’s factory…’56 This instrument was destined for Newtown Forbes, Co. Longford, another ‘similar’ one was noted to have gone to Rathvilley and yet another ‘of the same class’ was destined for Clontibret, Co. Monaghan.57 This would indicate that all three instruments were of the same design. A couple of years later the organs for Belvedere College Chapel and St Mary’s, Booterstown (1871) were also of similar design.58 Telford did create twin organs for Wexford (1858) at a reduced price, but artistically he was not so compromised since they were for identically designed churches.59 The idea of repeating the plans for design helps support the idea of the functional role that organs of this nature had: they were built for consumers (in these cases, the clergy) that were not perhaps as critical of individual artistic scrutiny. If they had been, they were likely to be confined by insufficient funds.60 In some cases it was up to the incumbent cleric to push through an organ project in a limited time. A case in hand was a Rev. MacCabe, whose church in Dalkey was described as one that ‘had little else to recommend it in the first months that he officiated, for the population is either the poor, that cannot give, or the fluctuating, that will not.’61 Nevertheless, he purchased an organ from White in 185462 at a
56 N, 21 June 1867, 3. 57 Ibid. 58DDA, Churches and Schools: Parish of Booterstown & Blackrock, 14 December 1916. Trevor Crowe has kindly noted that the organ installed at the Franciscan church, Drogheda (1874) was of the same ilk. 59 These instruments are the subject of a case study which shall be looked at in the following chapter. 60 If the organ at Radley College is considered, it was Singleton who privately financed most of the project. 61 N, 19 August 1854, 9. 62 ICD, 1859, 431. 90 cost of £150 63 when only ‘a year ago, there was not a sixpence of that money collected.’64 Given the speed at which this priest orchestrated the installation and payment it was highly probable that the organ was either a repeat design or one where the dimensions of a ready- made instrument would have been practical, cost effective and time efficient. When it came to large-scale output of small instruments (or ‘finger’ organs) in the Irish market65 no other manufacturer in Britain or Ireland promoted this sector as deliberately as Bevington did when building their twenty-sixth known instrument for a Catholic church in Ireland at Carlow Cathedral (1860).66, 67
Owing to numerous inquiries for a useful small Church Organ, at a reasonable cost Messrs. BEVINGTON, have designed some very effective Instruments, in Open Medieval Cases, or enclosed Gothic or Grecian Cases, if preferred, with speaking pipes in front.
1. CC to C (D) 2’ , (W) 4’ 8”, (H) 9’ £35 Op. Diapason Principal
2. CC to F, Octave German Ped. (D) 2’ 4”, (W) 5’ 6”, (H) 10’ £50 Op. Diapason Stop Diap/Claribel Principal
3. CC to F, Octave German Ped. (D) 3’ 4”, (W) 6’ 4”, (H) 12’ £75 Bourdon CCC to CC Op. Diapason Stop Diap/Claribel Dulciana C to F Principal
4. CC to F, Octave German Ped. (D) 3’ 8”, (W) 6’ 4”, (H) 12’ £100 Bourdon CCC to CC Op. Diapason Stop Diap/Claribel Dulciana C to F Principal Flute C to F Mixture (12th & 15th)
63 DB, Vol. 3, No. 41, (1 November 1861), 616. A useful comparison of prices can be considered with the following building estimates for the Unitarian Church on St Stephen’s Green: Building complete £4,000 Painting £ 100 Gas Fittings £ 200 Heating £ 200 64 N, 19 August 1854, 9. 65 It is assumed that they were marketing similarly in England. 66 ICD, 1860, 67. 67 ICD, 1860, 68-9. Note the prices are in Pounds and not Guineas as printed. 91
These Organs are built of the best Material and Workmanship, are simple in construction, rich and full in tone, and supply a want long felt, viz. a small Organ, of architectural character, with the quality of tone of a large Instrument. MANUFACTORY:—48, GREEK-STREET, SOHO, AND ROSE-STREET, SOHO.
This example reveals many things: it follows several of the advertisements above68 firstly, with an architectural style, and secondly, physical dimensions, but it surpasses all the others by offering choice on a scale only comparable with the most fashionable and contemporary piano warehouse. Not only were there three69 case styles, but customers could choose to have front speaking pipes, perhaps as opposed to wooden dummies as would have been customary in chamber organs. All-in-all the consumer was reassured that, even though they might have purchased ‘a small organ,’ it would be one ‘of architectural character, with the quality of tone of a large Instrument.’ This marketing not only attempted to address any concerns of the more discerning customer (the clergy), but would take one step further: it reached out to the very musician who would have had to play on their instruments by providing the specification of each.70 For Bevington to have offered such choice he surely was acting from experiential knowledge of the market in Ireland, let alone in London. Four years earlier (1856) White & Sons could boast of having many of the hallmarks of a successful business when they advertised a great variety of instruments on offer: That owing to their immense stock of seasoned materials-convenient factory and being experienced workmen themselves, &c., they are enabled to build superior toned Organs of every description cheaper than any other House in the Kingdoms, constantly for sale new and second-hand finger organs.71
As read, they were not only building new large and small organs but were trading older instruments as well: all the signs of a vibrant market, considering that in times of downturn it is customary to use many of the parts of an older instrument rather than sell them on. Thus again we are reminded of the pianoforte dealer who might take an old piano in part exchange for a new one only to sell on the bartered object to someone else. There were times when styles were inconsistent with the building. St Paul’s, Arran Quay, Dublin was built in 183572 in the neo-classical style by the architect Patrick Byrne, yet the first instrument there had a gothic case. 73 This must have been acquired as a
68 See pages 79 & 85. 69 ‘Open Medieval’ can be considered a corollary of ‘Gothic.’ 70 This will be commented on more fully from an ethno-musicological perspective in Chapter Six. 71 N, 2 August 1856, 1. 72 Grimes, op. cit., 1. 73 ICD, 1859, 431. After White was commissioned to build a new organ for St Paul’s, he put up for sale the old organ 92 measure of pragmatism and was at odds with another, equally notable Emancipation church in Dublin: St Francis Xavier, Gardiner Street (1829).74 It had a Flight & Robson organ (1834) with a Grecian case that matched the neo-classical building, yet was bought second-hand from the Music Festival at Westminster Abbey for 1,000 guineas.75 Nearly a century later, Evans & Barr built a new organ for Ennis Cathedral and moved the original White instrument (1858) to Mary Immaculate, Refuge of Sinners, Church, Rathmines, Dublin after a fire on 26 January 1920.76 In Exhibit 3.6 this organ of gothic design is clearly at odds with the neo-classical decoration and style of the church. It seems extraordinary then that the church authorities allowed this, given the great lengths they went to preserve the classical style of the building. Again, practical factors of cost probably determined this. In terms of being flexible enough to deal with the needs and finance of a church, organ-builders did adapt older instruments for a building. They also took very pragmatic steps in doing so. The following case study serves to demonstrate this and shows an organ- builder providing enhancements that were highly characteristic of others at this time.
Expedient Adaptation of an Organ in an era of change: Case Study
Chapel of Trinity College, Dublin and Durrow Church, Queen’s [Laois] County
In 1838, Telford re-built the organ at the Chapel of Trinity College, Dublin (TCD) by adding a new Great, Swell and Pedal division but retaining the original Samuel/Sarah Green (1797) organ cases.77 In Exhibit 3.15 the instrument can be seen to be of the classic style. Telford re- cycled much of the material not used there and installed the same in a ‘new’ organ for Lord Ashbrooke’s chapel that made up part of the boundary of Castle Durrow and that of the village demesne. Hopkins and Rimbault noted that the Chair organ ‘was not removed on account of its excellence.’ 78 Be that as it may, it was likely to have been a lot easier and cheaper for Telford to leave it alone, once he had chosen to retain the double case, and hence
74 Grimes, op. cit., 2. 75 ICD, 1836, 81. 76 Grimes, op. cit., 116. 77 Hopkins, E. J. & Rimbault, E. F., The Organ: Its History and Construction (London, 1855, third edition 1877, R/Bardon Enterprises, Southsea, 2000), 828. 78 Ibid. 93
Exhibit 3.15: Double Organ by Green (1797) in the Chapel of Trinity College, Dublin.
not upset the architectural balance of the chapel building – one with magnificent stucco work by the great Irish master of the Adams style, Michael Stapleton. Telford re-built the organ at TCD chapel in the same year that he provided an instrument (extant) for Killala Cathedral, County Mayo. In Exhibit 3.16 it can be seen that he based the later organ case at Durrow on a similar Gothic model to that at Killala. They both have castellated ornamentation and follow a hybrid layout reminiscent of the classic style, with three towers and two flats but with only the two side towers protruding. Although they both have a long compass (without G#) the Killala instrument follows the re-build at TCD with F in alt.79 David Wickens has not discredited the console at Durrow80 (see Exhibit 3.17) to be that by Green, given the layout of the stop jambs with space for name labels and the stops which have ebony knobs – something distinctly absent in Killala.81 The nameplates of Green and Telford still remain on the keyboards (Exhibit 3.18). Telford’s label reads: ‘The Choir Organ and Pedals added’ in 1842; this addition is contemporaneous with the second job number (Order no. 227) given to this instrument.82
79 Except the Chair organ by Green. 80 Wickens, David C., The Instruments of Samuel Green (Metuchen: Scarecrow Press Inc., 1987), 47- 48. 81 Although Green has been credited for using engraved stop shields, the three present (one missing) on the Swell are an anomaly of the extant set-up. 82 EHTN: 166, 227, 2555, 2701. The first one (Order no. 166) has a timeline of c.1840. 94
It seems evident from the following specifications that the Telford additions to TCD chapel had a two-fold purpose: to give the organ an independent Pedal division and make it louder and replete. All these were features that reflected contemporary changes to the organ in Britain and Ireland.
Exhibit 3.16: Telford Gothic Cases: Durrow (1842) and Killala Cathedral (1838) (right)
Exhibit 3.17: Consoles at Durrow and Killala (right)
Exhibit 3.18: Labels at Durrow83
83 The label (left) conspicuously leaves only the initial ‘S’, perhaps representing Sarah and not her husband ‘Samuel’ who died in September 1796. 95
Trinity College, Dublin (Green, 1797)84
Great GG to e3 Swell g to e3
Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Principal 4 Stopped Diapason (metal) 8 Twelfth 2⅔ Principal 4 Fifteenth 2 Cornet III Sesquialtera III Hautboy 8 Cornet (mid. C) IV Trumpet 8
Choir GG to e3
Stopped Diapason 8 {Sw/Gt} Dulciana 8 Principal 4 {Pedal pull downs} Fifteenth 2
Trinity College, Dublin (Telford, 1838)85
Great GG to f3 Swell c to f3
Open Diapason 8 Double Stopped Diapason 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Principal 4 Stopped Diapason 8 Twelfth 2⅔ Principal 4 Fifteenth 2 Fifteenth 2 Sesquialtera III Oboe 8 Trumpet 8 Trumpet 8
Choir GG to e3 Pedal GG to c
Stopped Diapason 8 Open Diapason* 16 Dulciana 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Twelfth 2⅔ Fifteenth 2 Fifteenth 2 Trumpet 8
Couplers Sw/Gt Gt/Pd
84 Wickens, David C., The Instruments of Samuel Green (Metuchen: Scarecrow Press Inc., 1987), 55- 56. Specification also from archaeological survey. 85 Sperling, 3:128 in Boeringer, James, Organ Britannica: Organs in Great Britain 1660-1860: A complete Edition of the Sperling Notebooks and Drawings in the Library of the Royal College of Organists, Vol. 2, (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1986), 52-3. *The Pedal Open Diapason is assumed to be 16’. In Hopkins & Rimbault, op. cit., 828, there is a second Swell Principal.
96
Durrow, Co. Laois (Telford, 1842; c.1890*)86
Great GG to e3 Swell c* to e3
Open Diapason 8 Bourdon 16* Stopped Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Principal 4 Dulciana 8 Twelfth 2⅔ Stopped Diapason (metal) 8 Fifteenth 2 Principal 4 Sesquialtera III Cornet III Cornet (mid. C) IV Hautboy 8 Trumpet 8 Cornopean 8*
Choir GG to e3 Pedal C to c1
Stopped Diapason (Bass) 8 Pedal Pipes 16 Stopped Diapason (Treble) 8 Dulciana 8 Couplers Principal 4 Flute 4 Sw/Gt Fifteenth 2 Gt/Pd* Cremona (extra) 8 Ch/Pd*
These changes, though, highlighted an identity-crisis the organ in Britain was trammelling through: a period of stagnated growth aptly called the ‘Insular Movement’ by Thistlethwaite.87 It was this oxymoronic sense of change that led among other things to: a) the introduction of an independent Pedal organ, but one that was restrictive in its short compass; b) the extended use of a long-manual compass, and finally c) more stops but with a retrospective tonality. The addition, then, of an independent Pedal organ in 1838 at TCD was not surprising given the trend of the ‘Insular Movement’. Also, the TCD chapel organ was keeping up with changes already afoot in Dublin. In 1831, the firm of Bewscher and Fleetwood had added an octave and a half of Pedals to the Harris organ at St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin.88 A year later, Telford himself added a new Pedal organ of two stops to the Byfield instrument at Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin.89 The second feature (of making the organ louder and replete), spurred on by the Mendelssohn-Gauntlett revival, was not surprising. The literature for the organ was moving
86 Specification based on archaeological evidence which concurs with the third job number (Order No. 2555) given for this instrument. 87 Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 87. 88 Grindle, W. H., Irish Cathedral Music, PhD Thesis (University of Dublin, Trinity College, 1985), 202. 89 Loc. cit., 213. The stops added were a Double Open Diapason and Principal. 97
away from the formulaic voluntary style of the eighteenth century, with the use of solo stops such as the Cornet, to one that could facilitate the four-part counterpoint music of Bach with more unison tone.90 Also, along with the increase in congregational singing, the verse-anthem writing was changing to something more cohesive and yet dynamic: one where a full Swell could replicate the vibrant and belated Sturm und Drang effect of an orchestral backing – all features of an organ that would eventually distance itself from its past role as a glorified continuo.91 So in 1838 at TCD, gone were the Cornets and in was the duplication of unison ranks along with the addition of a Fifteenth on the Swell. This division was given a longer compass with the inclusion of a Double Stopped Diapason 16’ – something which the Durrow organ did not succumb to until the final decade of the century when the compass went to Tenor C. Perhaps the reasons for this may be considered in the light that the organ at Durrow served a small country estate church. Accordingly, its liturgical requirement would surely have been more on the perfunctory side, especially if one considers the rationale for the removal of the Green material in the first place from TCD. After all, the chapel services at the college held a degree of musical standing that drew inspiration as well as musical personnel from Christ Church and St Patrick’s cathedrals in Dublin. Many features of the Durrow instrument are highlighted now to indicate that Telford, in all probability, would have known this (and hence explain) his convenient adaptation of Green’s material: in the first instance (1838-1842) with a new Choir Organ and limited Pedal and then subsequent additions (c.1890-1900) that increased the Swell Organ. With regard to the action, Green’s work can be seen in Exhibit 3.19, where the trundles (A) of the Great stop action (left) are similar to those at St John, Armitage92 and the octagonal rollers (right) are exclusive to the Durrow organ since Telford replaced the Swell rollerboard. Notice how the stickers from the Swell keys (left) have an additional seven with backfalls (B) which correlate with the Swell compass lowered to Tenor C. In the same way it would appear that the gap in the Great trackers (C) was where the Swell stop trace shanks (D) were originally accommodated before conversion to Tenor C. They were subsequently placed in between trackers not originally spaced for them.
90 Albeit it was the ‘Well-Tempered Clavier,’ mostly played at the beginning of the Bach movement in England. 91 The connection between the music played upon the organ and its development is considered in greater detail in Chapter Six. 92 Wickens, op. cit., 55e. 98
At impost level of the Durrow organ (in Exhibit 3.16 left) it is possible to see the top of an extension on either side of the case. Each contains the pedal pipe treble additions Exhibit 3.19: Durrow: Keyboard & stop action behind the reading desk (left); Great roller- board (right).
D C A C
B D
Exhibit 3.20: Durrow: Additional Pedal pipes in an outer casing. Bass Treble
that are visible in Exhibit 3.20. They are winded by conveyances from a charge box inside the organ as seen in Exhibit 3.21. The pedal rollerboard action was adapted so that the bottom rollers activate the pallets in the chargebox (Exhibit 3.21 right) for the trebles and the top rollers activate another set of rollers that invert the direction (see Exhibit 3.22) to pull upwards and open the ‘original’ pallets as seen in Exhibit 3.22 (right). How the Bass Pedal Pipes are ordered is of interest. In Exhibit 3.23 the pallets (right) are marked ‘CCC’, ‘DD’, and so on, and play the corresponding toned pipes (left) – but all on the sharp (#) or treble side of the organ. This would have made sense if the organ 99
had had the layout from the G-compass that correlated: namely, tones from ‘CC#’ onwards on the bass side of the instrument. However, according to the Great soundboard, the bass side Exhibit 3.21: Durrow: Conveyances and Pedal action (Bass end).
Exhibit 3.22: Durrow Pedal action: Charge-box conveyance; rollerboards (Treble end). CCC
Exhibit 3.23: Durrow: Bass Pedal pipes, ventil and pallets (Treble end). DD CCC DD CCC
V
100
has ‘GG’, ‘BBb’, ‘CC’, ‘DD’ and so forth.93 It appears in Exhibit 3.22 (right) that there was also some error of measurement with fitting the rollerboards at the treble end: some of the largest ‘CCC’ pipe was cut away to accommodate it. A possible explanation for this may be that the original Pedal compass was GG to G and the corresponding pipes from ‘GG’ were replaced by the larger ‘CCC’ onwards.
Exhibit 3.24: Durrow: Choir slider on clamp (top left); Front pipes in casing (bottom left); Stopped Diapason Middle C pipes from Great & Choir (right). G T
F S W Other aspects of the organ at Durrow show how Telford made changes. One of them was the addition of an extra reed stop on the Choir organ. (See Exhibit 3.24 top left).94
93 Due to the missing ‘GG#’ 94 The Cremona pipes were in storage when this photograph was taken. 101
Exhibit 3.25: Durrow: Centre front (top left) and Open Diapason pipes (bottom left); TCD: Front pipes of Chair organ (top right) and of Great organ (bottom right).95 G G
T G T
Although it takes up valuable space on the choir passage-board the clamp was neatly executed. However, the arrangement of front pipes is not so compactly done and they are not consistent in their make-up. The picture in Exhibit 3.24 (bottom left) shows the back of some of the front pipes. There are the metal ones in the middle (and outer towers) and wooden ones (W) for the flats. The latter share the same feature as the organ at Killala, except that, there, all of the fronts are wooden. Upon closer inspection of the Durrow front tower of metal pipes (Exhibit 3.24 bottom left) there are two points worth drawing attention to. Notice firstly the
95 G: Green; T: Telford. 102
inclusion of a speaking front pipe (F) facing inwards and then at the other end, a shorter pipe (S)96 whose tuning slots are directly interfered with by the ‘half-moon’ bracket. These factors would indicate that the front pipes were likely not designed for this organ case. This can be further supported when the front pipes are studied more fully. In Exhibit 3.25 (left column), comparative examples are shown of pipe mouths at the organ in Durrow. The front pipes (top left) have similar ear shapes to the Great Open Diapason pipe (G) (bottom left) by Green. Additionally, the front pipes on the Chair organ at TCD (top right) show the same five-cut pattern to them. This is a feature known to some eighteenth century pipe-makers but specific to Green when the tangential cuts are considered: the upper one is longer than the bottom.97 In Exhibit 3.25 (bottom left) the Open Diapason pipe (T) by Telford does not show this type of treatment or five-cut-pattern to the ears. It has a typical three-cut pattern which most pipe-makers used from the nineteenth century onwards. It is similar to those on the Great front pipes at TCD shown in Exhibit 3.25 (bottom right). These findings would indicate that Telford re-cycled the majority of the Great front pipes from the TCD organ along with internal pipework by moving them to Durrow. Also, he must have used new front pipes in their place at the rebuilding of the organ at TCD. This begs the question: was he consistent in following each style? When Telford added the new Choir organ at Durrow he did not copy Green’s wooden Stopped Diapason, on the Great, despite an overall resemblance. In Exhibit 3.24 (right) the Telford pipe (T) has a narrower scale and a longer cap. As soon as the Swell organ was extended to Tenor C (see Exhibit 3.26 top), Telford used a contemporary98 wooden bass (T 8) to the metal Stopped Diapason by Green. The pipes at the back (T 16) are of the same contemporary construction. The Swell Cornet has additional pipes which extend it to Tenor C. Telford used oddments for the extension and tried to match the scaling by moving some of them up. An example of this, the third rank in Exhibit 3.26 (middle), has different foot lengths (T) and they also show pitched lettering (bottom) ( L) that have been rubbed out and changed. Furthermore, the pipe metal used by Telford in this instrument does not contain as much tin as Green’s.
96 This pipe was short not as a result of a collapsed foot (see Exhibit 3.16). 97 Wickens, D. C., op. cit., 68-70. 98 It was likely to be Order No. 2555 which was c.1890. The stoppers are of a different and later design to the earlier one in Exhibit 3.24 (right). 103
Exhibit 3.26: Durrow: Swell pipework Exhibit 3.27: Durrow: Swell Hautboy99
T 16 T 8 T
G G
G T G
T G
L L L L T G T
99 G: Green; T: Telford. 104
In particular, the non-deferential treatment of the Hautboy on the Swell evinces a pragmatic approach rather than a conservatively enlightened one to the work of Green. In Exhibit 3.27 (top) Telford’s bridging Tenor ‘F#’ of the Hautboy has a shorter but capped bell in contrast to Green’s open Tenor ‘G’. Telford also uses closed and tapered shallots (Exhibit 3.27 bottom two) in contrast to those angled and parallel of Green’s (Exhibit 3.27 second from top & middle). The use of these closed shallots by Telford correlates with a later time period.100 It is unlike his Hautboy from the Killala instrument (as above) which is open- topped with angled and parallel shallots similar to the eighteenth century style.101 Finally, the ‘Cornopean’ that was added to the Swell at Durrow has similar elements to its construction to the Telford ‘Hautboy’ pipes of the same period.102 It has the extra shoulder on the block throughout its compass (as in Exhibit 3.27 second from bottom) which is unlike the Green reed block in the trebles, that have none, typified in Exhibit 3.27 (middle). All-in-all, while Telford kept Green’s work, he adapted it in a manner that was favourably disposed to contemporary manufactory and expedient output. This is something that supports the point already made: that nineteenth century organ-builders in Ireland were working in a dynamic and commercial environment that was not artistically vacuous but fiscally bound. It is only in recent times that there has been the cultural swing after the Classical Revival from the German Orgelbewegung movement to restore indigenous builders work for their own merit. Two firms in England have dedicated themselves to this type of conservation: William Drake and the partnership of Goetze & Gwynn. In many ways, their work, along with academic bodies such as the British Institute of Organ Studies, have induced such a respect for the preservation of older instruments that one can soon forget that the very organ-builder who built them was working as part of an evolution that did not stand still, as has just been elucidated. Others did the same as Telford and more. In 1886 White retained the Flight & Robson case (1834) at St Francis Xavier’s, Dublin, yet built a completely new organ inside it despite the substantial organ that was there. When Father Willis built (and completed by Willis II) a new organ for St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin (1901), he slotted the Renatus Harris Open Diapason on the Great Organ left untouched by Bevington (1863). At Wells Cathedral (1857) a younger Father Willis ‘melted down much of the Green material [from 1786] and altered the rest’ regardless of Sir Frederick Arthur Gore Ouseley’s advice to retain the
100 EHTN. Order No. 2555 of c.1890. 101 Killala site visit. 102 The use of the stop name ‘Cornopean’ is also a later phenomenon. 105
‘voicing of the Diapasons and Mixtures of the Great Organ.’103 This makes what Telford did at Durrow look very conservative indeed. However, would he have done the same if given a large budget? Probably not, but addressing the patrons’ wishes with a prescribed budget was surely the kernel of the matter, just as it remains to-day. It is to this that we turn our attention to in order to gain further insight to the organ-builders as practical agents of mid-century business.
Addressing the Client
Correspondence between the organ-builder and their patrons usually reveals, at first-hand, the interplay between some of the day-to-day business elements described heretofore. Elements such as pleasing the client, having integrity in work, and making a living, were at the very nub of running a good business – and no different to that which organ-builders find themselves having to contend with in present times.104
John White & Sons105 ORGAN BUILDERS, 17 Bishop Street Dublin May 5th/51 Enniscorthy Very Rev. Sir,
I Rev. have the communication you had with the person the day you called to my place and with regard to the organ in Saint Laurence O’ Toole, I would accommodate you as regards the payment as far as I can [,] that is if I were to get half the price in hand and Bills for the remainder for say a year and half after—for the remainder in three goes 6 months between each [.] There is more work belonging to the case of the organ that I would complete side towers if it were purchased and the price of the organ is 300£ [sic.] its only 18 months built and is built of first class materials I expect to be in Dublin about a fortnights time.
Very Rev. Sir, your most obedient, John White
103 Bicknell, Stephen, The History of the English Organ (Cambridge: CUP, 1996, 2005), 261. 104 Current organ-building has diversified to cater for particular taste, namely, certain organ-builders concentrating specifically on restoration work while others follow or replicate a particular style. 105 DDA, Hamilton Papers. 106
In the missive above, White acknowledges the addressee’s visit to his workshop and tries to come to a suitable arrangement for payment for the hire of his instrument to St Laurence O’Toole’s Church, Dublin. After doing this, though, he begins to moot an attractive option by suggesting that the organ would be more complete with side towers. It was an offer made on condition that the organ was purchased and not hired – something that would have suited the organ-builder more. It finishes off with a reassurance that, by purchasing the organ, which was now technically second-hand, the addressee was still getting good value for a recently-built instrument. Not unlike the case study at Durrow, we are reminded of the commodity value of a previously-built instrument that could be adapted. The sales-pitch was directed in a manner that was not technically apposite to any artistic or musical significance. The only hint to its quality is that it was ‘built of first class materials’ – not very reassuring to someone who was musically au fait with the instrument but perhaps sufficient for the non-organist. The next example gives more information.
Having integrity in work
The following communiqué reveals Telford’s attention to the requirements of his client at St Michan’s, Dublin. The issue here is not in respect of the terms of hiring an organ, but one of architecture. The clergy wanted to unblock the West Window of the church where the organ was somehow in its way. Telford’s recommendation was to offer two solutions with drawings (non-extant), and then offer to adapt and rebuild the old instrument with a new case or start afresh with a new instrument, according to the solution chosen. The first option was a divided or side-on case, with room in front of the window for the choir and organist. The second was to keep the instrument in front of the West Window with a much altered and lower façade. Organ Manufactory,106 109, Stephens Green, Dublin.
19th Nov. 1853. Rev. Sir,
We find that it is impossible to alter the organ in St Michan’s Church, or as to open any effective portion of the West Window, without removing the instrument from it present position.
106 DDA, Hamilton Papers. 107
We would respectfully suggest that the instrument should be placed against the piers between the windows as per sketch No.1. With the performer placed in the centre of the great window and the choristers in front of him in the same seat. By this arrangement only six feet in depth, of the gallery would be taken up by both organ and choir – and we believe it would in every respect be found convenient. Or the Organ could be placed immediately in front of the window as per sketch No. 2. with pipes so low in the centre as to show the upper part of the window. The performer in this plan should be placed in front of the organ as would with the choristers on each side of him. This would require a space of eleven feet from the wall. It will be seen that a great portion of the space at present occupied by the organ and in the best portion of the gallery will be available for the congregation, but we think the first plan be better one, as the organ will be against a wall and not so liable to changes of temperature as if placed in front of the window-as it is in plan No.2. We would undertake to make the proposed alterations, making a new case, or cases, for the organ as per sketches, with all necessary new framing, action, keys, front pipes, and fitting the same up in the Church, with regulating, cleaning and tuning the organ for the sum of one hundred and forty pounds nett, the framing-case, and any unused parts of the present organ to become our property. Or we would propose to build an entirely new instrument to suit the position with the same number of stops and pipes as the present one for the sum of two hundred pounds £200. and the present organ.
Rev. Sir, Your very obed. Servants,
Telford & Telford
Apart from pricing the job for his client, Telford offers a raison d'être for each solution that also considers the needs of the organist, the choir, the congregation and the organ with its tuning vagaries. This musical acumen complements Telford’s veracious approach. His language is neither pushy nor obsequious but is confidently assuring when recommending the first option. However, like White above, he entices with another option: ‘to build an entirely new instrument to suit the position with the same number of stops and pipes as the present one’.107 This last paragraph of Telford’s letter elucidates an unexpected mind-set for new work. It is reasonable to assume that when an opportunity presents itself to build an entirely new instrument, it provides a fresh platform to do something different rather than replicate the same. Even considering the previous case study, Telford did add more stops than before, using the original casework by Green at Trinity College, Dublin, and likewise for the Choir organ at Durrow. If this option at St Michan’s was not an anomaly then it further supports the pragmatic approach to production that Telford, like other organ-builders, chose. This approach of replacing the organ as it was, but to a new design, may have been a reflection of general ignorance on the part of the clergy clientele. As discussed
107 DDA, Hamilton Papers, Letter 19 Nov. 1953. 108
previously, it was, in all likelihood, difficult for them to discriminate one artistic or technological end of an organ from another. Thus organ-builders like Telford and White were tacitly required to reference features within the gamut of their clients’ comprehension. So, offering to rebuild the organ ‘as new’ with no apparent extras may, in fact, have been a clever sales-pitch after all. It would reassure the clergy they were getting no less than the instrument they had before but it would be brand new;108 something which would have appealed to them and profited Telford greatly. Not only would he have a commission to build a new organ, but he would get to keep St Michan’s instrument intact and make a further profit by selling it on. The likely buyer for the redundant organ would then be a parish of moderate means with a recently built chapel in need of an organ (any organ) to resource their liturgies and not much more. It is easy to consider Durrow church as a case at hand.
Making a living
Exhibit 3.28: Receipt & Invoice (1851): for Organ Hire (left) & Tuning (right).109
108 This again reminds one of the piano sales-room and the commoditised way the organ was treated. 109 DDA, Hamilton Papers, Receipt/Invoice from White, 27 May 1851 (left); Telford, 31 Dec 1851 (right). 109
Although many of the clergy clientele may not have been artistically or technologically erudite concerning the organ, they were surely no less financially astute with regard to running their parish just as the organ-builder was to his business. As it is customary now to be invoiced so it was over one hundred and fifty years ago. In Exhibit 3.28 are two examples of invoicing from 1851 and both addressed to the same person. The one on the left is from John White and is related to the hiring of ‘our organ for one year in St Lawrence O’Toole’s church’, Dublin.110 It looks as if he did not get the terms for the year and a half he had hoped for in his earlier correspondence (see page 106). However at eight pounds for the year it was not significantly dearer than a year’s tuning at the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin provided by Telford. Telford’s bill of six pounds and six shillings for tuning (right), was paid in one go, whereas that of White’s was not. Whether this implied some special treatment or priority is not known, but, the latter is more likely the case, given the status of the cathedral and the role of the organ and music there. This is considered more fully in Chapter Six.
Workshop Performance
It hardly seems necessary to remind ourselves of the sine qua non relationship between music and the organ and consequently the performer and listener. As part of the marketing strategy it was common to display an instrument at the workshop before it was erected in the church building. Aside from the grandiloquent expressions of manufacturing utopia to entice one- and-all in the following advertisements in Exhibit 3.29, it can be seen that the public or selected persons could be treated to a performance at the manufactory. Revering the organ as a musical instrument in its own right and selling it as such were inextricably linked. As seen already, the smaller the instrument with functional casework (such as carpenter’s gothic) or the more subordinate the church was in wealth, stature and ritual practice then less emphasis was placed on its role as a stand-alone musical instrument. Despite the apparent failure by many to appreciate the instrument in its own right, there was a case to be made for those who, at the least, were musically aware. There was no better way to address them than to have the instrument demonstrated by the musically literate and technically cognisant
110 See Exhibit 3.28 (left). 110
Exhibit 3.29: Advertisements from John White111
‘Professors’ of the instrument. Hence in his advertisements (Exhibit 3.29), White deliberately outlined the three groups of people that would dynamically affect the sales output:
‘The Clergy’ who were the paymasters that may or may not have been aware of the musical qualities and thus made decisions on the instrument’s appearance and cost.
‘The Public’ and ‘Gentry’ who were curious or dilettantish might come to peruse, spectate and enjoy a performance in order to spread the word and give support. They could see past the role of the organ just as a tool of ritual.
The ’Musical Professors’ who were key characters that could influence the placing of an important order.
In the following summarised letter from Telford to Singleton there is also mention of a ‘public exhibition’ of the organ for Radley College. As it is not an advertisement, more
111 N, 13 October 1849, 2 (top); N, 30 January 1858, 2 (bottom). 111
information is at hand. Along with a select audience Telford had a future customer (The Duke of Leinster)112 who was interested in attending. Notice in particular the mention of stop names which would suggest that Singleton was one of the clergy who had some understanding of the instrument. A letter from Mr Telford. The public exhibition of the organ was to have taken place on Wednesday last. The Duke of Leinster and the Lord Lieutenant (if he could find time) were to hear it before it was taken down. Mr Telford says that the power is tremendous; that the “doubles” together are most grand, and have had the honour to make some ladies sick in their stomachs. The dulciana in the choir is the most beautiful he ever heard; – high praise from him, who rarely praises his own work. 113
It is rare to get personal attributes, but in this case it is clear that the normally non self- effusive Telford had been moved by his magnum opus. “Telford looked as if a king might envy him”. Mr Telford says; – “I feel no small degree of pleasurable pride in our success. The organ is all that I could wish, except in one or two minor points that are easily altered. The mixtures are just what they ought to be, and the reeds superb. The double trumpet adds most astonishingly to the manuals, and in the pedals is prodigious.”114
Indeed he was not the only one to be moved – which was the very point of the marketing exercise of workshop performances. Other visitors who ‘went to hear the organ on Wednesday; – both of them amazed and delighted. F. says; – “a glorious instrument it is. I never heard such a body of tone without one harsh note. Such magnificent trumpets, – such a magnificent case. Charmed more than I can express”’.115 Even the great ‘musical professor’ George Henry Monk had visited the workshop a month previously to give ‘the most satisfactory account of the organ. The “swell” alone is completely finished: it is the grandest thing he ever heard. Every thing promises to be first-rate’.116 Behind the practice of workshop concerts lay direct-marketing. It was cheaper and more convenient for the organ-builder to have them in-house at a convenient city-centre location rather than rely on potential customers to travel to the destined church. These events could not have taken place unless there was adequate space to accommodate the completed article, audience, and other instruments in the making; something hardly afforded to artisan practice and therefore a testament to the use of the factory space not unlike a pianoforte
112 Carton House, County Kildare. (1857-60). 113 SD, 24 March 1848. 114 SD, 27 March 1848. 115 Ibid. 116 SD, 18 February 1848. 112
warehouse, where the articles could be perused and listened to.117 That said, after the exhibition the organs then had to be dismantled for transport.
Exhibit 3.30: Invitation to Workshop performance and Postal Instructions118
Transport
Concerts at the organ manufactory were not unique to Dublin, as might be expected. In Exhibit 3.30 we can see a copy of an original invitation to a ‘private organ performance on the grand new organ, built for the Chapel of the Foundling Hospital’ in October 1855 by Bevington and Sons (London). For the sake of convenience, the reverse side of the same invitation was used as a postal label for another organ built by them just over two years later. On it are the address and instructions for shipping to Ballyshannon Church, County Donegal, Ireland. (See Appendix 1d, page 324 for specification). This gives us a practical example of how an organ, completed in the manufactory, was freighted. As Telford had had the Radley organ shipped to Bristol, Bevington had their instrument sent ‘by steam’ from Liverpool to Derry. As with contemporary custom where special goods are carried with a third party, insurance could be taken out. Note how Singleton refers to the weather as an apposite factor for doing the same. A letter from Mr Telford.The organ is to leave Dublin today, and he expects it to arrive in Bristol tomorrow morning. Nothing can exceed the calmness and beauty of this weather; this heat began on 31st March. However, the organ is insured at 6/- per cent on £1500.119
117 See Chapter Six for some programme details. 118 Kindly shared with me by Trevor Crowe. 113
Despite the good weather, Singleton noted that ‘the tin front pipes have suffered a good deal in the carriage, though nothing that cannot be set to rights, but it takes time. Indeed, several matters were left to be finished after its arrival here.’120 Again, as with contemporary practice, where some of the staff of a firm go to assemble on-site, so did Telford and a crew of his men. Gave all the workmen and Mr Telford’s men this day for rest and devotion, paying their wages as usual. Church very full. By the way, we long ago resolved not to think of going into the Chapel on Easter-Monday, as the organ would be very incomplete, and the Chapel would continue much encumbered by its parts.121
With an important job like Radley, no cost was spared and for very good reasons – as outlined above: it was the fourth largest instrument to be built in the United Kingdom and Telford’s first export to England. It also cost a staggering one-hundred-per-cent more than first estimated. With more modest orders that were not open to the same prestigious scrutiny, convenience was the order of the day. Thus, reflecting the advertisements with keen pricing, cost-saving measures were to be expected. Even though Bevington used the back of an invitation as an address label for an organ to be sent to a provincial town, others used a more official, business-like postal label. In Exhibit 3.31 (left) we can see a printed label from John White & Sons. It is
Exhibit 3.31: Postal Label & Tuning Instructions122
119 SD, 4 April 1848. 120 SD, 21 April 1848. 121 SD, 21 April 1848. 122 Archaeological material on organ as in note above. 114
addressed: ‘To the care of Rev. Mr. Leacy, P.P., Gorey.’123 Yet for all its professional looks, its practical adaptation was as expedient as the use of labelling seen with Bevington’s above. The label is affixed to the inside of a panel at the back of the organ which ultimately doubled as part of the transport casing124 – all indicating that the ‘finger’ organ was not a priority instrument. Moreover, instructions for tuning, written on one of the panels (right), would indicate that a journeyman in training was assigned to this organ at some stage. According to the findings of Dominic Gwynn, Hill also had a frugal use of materials when moving Thomas Elliot’s organ (1819) for the Chapel Royal at St James’ Palace, Westminster to Leamington in 1837: he used the packing case as part of the building frame.125 This confirms that White or Bevington were not doing things in isolation. As shown, organ-builders in Ireland like Telford and White were carrying out business that paralleled their colleagues in the UK.
Summary
As Radley College, with its thirty-six foot high case, was the pinnacle of Telford’s output, so was the sixty-stop organ White built for Enniscorthy Cathedral. Both had solid oak cases and were the largest instruments to be built in Ireland to date. This was an achievement that reflected the artisan merit of craftsmanship but realised with factory-type processes where various branches of fabrication were attributed to groups of men. This was the year 1847 and an acme for organ-building in Ireland. TELFORD AND TELFORD,126 ORGAN BUILDERS, 109, STEPHEN’S GREEN, DUBLIN
Beg most respectfully to call the attention of the Catholic Bishops and Clergy of Ireland to the Report of the Royal Dublin Society: For having, by the excellence, in every respect, of their Organs (of which they have built above one hundred), established a character for Irish Organs fully equal to that of London, and for having by such excellence obtained orders for Organs to be erected in England, and for having the metal pipes and every other
123 See Appendix 1a, page 297 for specification of this extant one manual organ (1853) now in Taghmon, Wexford. 124 On inspection the panel was put back-to-front, with the label on the outside. 125 JIBOB, Vol. 10 (2010), 53. 126 ICD, 1848, 550. 115
portion of the Organ manufactured in their factory, we award the highest honour we can confer, viz., the Gold Medal and Certificate. Messrs. TELFORD solicit a visit to their Manufactory, and an examination of their Instruments, which, they trust, will prevent orders for Organs being sent out of the country.
The above advertisement summarises the achievements of Telford and paints a picture of a firm that had ‘made it’ and could hold its own. The approval of the organ at Radley College from English peers went a long way to establish this. In Telford’s shadow, commentators on trade in Ireland at the very time these instruments were being built pointed out that ‘Mr. White of Bishop-street has also an extensive organ factory; in point of practical skill and enterprise he is also entitled to the highest commendations.’127 By the mid-nineteenth century, Ireland had its own thriving native organ-building industry primarily located at Dublin with Telford and White clearly at the helm. This mirrored what was happening across the water with the predominant organ-builders in London such as Gray, Bevington, Elliott and Hill. The Industrial Revolution by-passed Ireland with many of its heavy industries, but the changes afoot in organ-building did not. As the organ at Radley College marked a line in the sand for the embracement of the ‘German system’,128 the case study shown at Trinity College, Dublin and Durrow in this chapter exemplify many of the key factors of the ‘Insular Movement’ that were a preamble to it – factors shared with (and influenced by) England. The case study mentioned also highlights expediency as a key factor in the many- faceted approach to organ-building. This should not appear as surprising as one might expect. Organ-building was, after all, a business as well as a highly-skilled occupation. The examples of receipts (on page 109) are akin to many in the present day, and the proposals for work (on pages 107-8) show how organ-builders were business men. The many advertisements shown in this chapter draw attention to how the organ- building business responded to the market. Functionality was at the heart of this. Instruments were designed to accommodate certain standardised-styles with gothic-revival and Grecian as exemplars. Their role as a musical instrument was as pedestrian as their factory-output. This phenomenon was echoed by the mass-production of other musical instruments for the burgeoning bourgeoisie that frequented pianofortes warehouses. If an order warranted special attention it was usually because the clientele had an interest in the organ beyond the perfunctory, or that the funds were not restrictive. This
127 N, 4 December 1847, 16. 128 This refers to the use of a standardised compass beginning on C. 116
allowed the organ-builder to design an organ with artistic integrity and as a musical instrument in its own right. Holding concerts at the workshop helped vie for this type of future custom. Influences from England and the Continent on the development of the organ in Ireland are discussed more fully in Chapter Five.
117
Chapter 4
Case Studies
1: Church of the Assumption, Bride Street, Wexford (Telford, 1858) 2: St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin (White 1870)
Introduction
This Chapter provides the first known in-depth analysis of any Irish organ by an Irish organ- building firm in the nineteenth century. It looks at the background, casework and layout, but, in particular, it focuses on the pipework and its scales. Choosing two case studies provides some sense of comparison but also tries to understand influences and any evolution of style at an archaeological level of the two main protagonists of this thesis: Telford and White. The first case study was chosen as it represents a relatively untouched instrument. Furthermore, due to the unique doubling of instruments in this case study, it furthers our knowledge of Telford’s production output and skill by comparing pipework of contemporaneous instruments. The second case study was chosen, not only because it is the sole known instrument in Ireland to have so much extant pipework from Cavaillé-Coll, but it represents a key point of recognition in John Patrick White’s career. Case Study 1 reveals how Telford adapted the organ to work with the architect’s plans and gives a critique of comparisons heretofore unknown. Case Study 2 evaluates archival and archaeological evidence to show how White used a Walker organ as a basis of his layout, but chose to lean towards a French hybrid-style with the use of imported reeds and flue pipework from Cavaillé-Coll. Extensive detailed pipe measurements and scales1 were collated into tables which are presented in Appendix 4. David Wickens’ study of flue pipework and its scaling in English organs has been a constant companion in the analysis of these, as was David Frostick’s research into nineteenth century English reeds. The scales of the flue pipes were finally compared to the Freiburg Normal Scale to reveal whether Telford and White both used or integrated fixed progressions due to the seminal work of the Weimer organist and theorist Professor Johann Gottlob Töpfer (1791-1870).
1 Scale refers to the internal diameter of a metal flue pipe ‘Ø’ or internal width x depth of a wooden pipe. 118
Case Study 1: Casework and Layout
Richard Pierce (1801-54) was Augustus Welby Northmore Pugins’s clerk of works in Ireland who designed the two largest churches in Wexford town to be identical.2 Due to the different socio-economic conditions circumscribing the proposed siting of each building in the town, this unique task was ushered by the Bishop of Ferns ‘to prevent jealousy and unpleasant comparisons amongst the town people.’3 In a letter dated 14 August 1857, Telford highlighted his business acumen to deal with this one-off in Irish church-building by proposing complementary instruments of similar specification for the twin churches. We would propose to erect an organ to this specification for the sum of Five Hundred Guineas. If one for each church is ordered we would take off a discount of Fifty Guineas.4
Kenneth Jones, who had worked on both instruments in the second half of the twentieth century, asserted that the church architect, Pierce, was responsible for submitting the case design to Telford.5 This was highly improbable, given Pierce’s death three years before Telford submitted his letter of tender. It was actually Ireland’s first professor of architecture who was credited with the design. The case of the organ is of beautiful design, and has been built from drawings furnished by J.J. McCarthy, Esq., architect. The wood work is chastely carved, and the front pipes are richly illuminated or diapered, and bearing monograms in gold of the Holy Name.6
Jones (and subsequently Gillen)7 pointed out that the design was ‘modelled on Pugin’s fourth illustration very closely indeed’8 towards the back of Sutton’s A Short Account of Organs (1847).9 This design, nonetheless, shows some significant variances compared to its realisation as seen in Exhibit 4.1 below. McCarthy must have requested Telford to reverse the toeboards of the side towers so that the line of the pipes in association with the pipe-shades was parallel with the incline of the church ceiling. The sightline massing from both of the tower pipe mouths then elegantly ends above the apex of the
2
Exhibit 4.1: Comparison of Pugin Case design and that realised at Bride St, Wexford
archway at the back of the organ. Although there is an abrupt change of height between the towers and the flat, the top of the outside pipe at either end of the flat picks up the line created by the pipe mouths in the towers, only to follow the slope downwards and thus returns to Pugin’s design (although widened extensively). Notwithstanding that, the line of the mouths in the flat are not horizontal as portrayed in the design. Either Telford (or, more likely, McCarthy) cleverly arranged that the mouths in the central section of the flat arched upwards to distract the eye from the Swell Box silhouetted directly behind those pipes. The colour scheme of the prospect pipes at Bride Street (with stencilling attributed to the firm of Hodgkinsons of Limerick10 but realised by Earley of Grafton St, Dublin11) reinforces the natural light from the archway as seen today (as seen in Exhibit 4.1). However, it appears from the following report that there was an actualised intention to fill the opening with stained glass at the back to create some sort of west-end window effect. The pipes are made to describe a half circle, commencing from the pilasters at either side, and gradually decreasing to the centre. By this arrangement the grand west window of the Church, composed of stained glass, will be seen, and the graceful proportions of the exterior organ be in no way impaired.12
10 Scallan, E. (Ed.), The Twin Churches: Wexford 1858-2008 (Wexford, 2008), 73. 11 FJ, 4 January 1859, 3. 12 Ibid. 120
Exhibit 4.2: Front view of Layout of Bride St, Wexford (not to scale)
Swell-box
Console
Exhibit 4.3: Side view of Layout of Bride St, Wexford (not to scale) Swell-box Open Wood
Console
Reservoir and Feeders Passageway
121
In Exhibit 4.2, an un-scaled drawing of the layout (front view) reveals the Pedal chests running typically from fore to aft on either side of the instrument. The Great is divided on to two soundboards which is contemporaneous with White’s instruments at Ennis (1858), St Paul’s, Arran Quay, Dublin (1859) and the Walker instrument at St Audoen’s, Dublin (1860-1). The very generous walkway between the chests (as seen in Exhibit 4.4 below) was a gift for those charged with its tuning and maintenance, and came about only as a consequence of the internal layout adapting to the architectural plan. As described above, it was elongated from the drawing (Exhibit 4.1) due, in all probability, to co-ordinating the sightline from the mouths of pipes in the towers to above the tip of the archway.
Exhibit 4.4: Bride St: Great Organ walkway Exhibit 4.5: Rowe St: Full-compass Swell-box
The side-view drawing of the layout of the organ in Exhibit 4.3 reveals a significant layout difference between this organ and its contemporaries: the placing of the Swell soundboard, third in the sequence, behind the Great and Choir is not elevated above the latter. We can speculate whether Telford left the organ without a full-compass Swell because he was simply old-fashioned or as a cost-saving measure, given the discount he offered to the church authorities for providing twin instruments. On the basis of the layout this undoubtedly came as a result of the architectural decision to go with J. J. McCarthy’s adaptation of Pugin’s low central flat which, would have been visually spoilt otherwise.13 It is possible to see that the addition of the full-compass Swell-box at Rowe Street (in
13 The increased Swell box at Rowe St (as seen in Exhibit 4.5) must have been costly in 1907 (with the addition of chorus reed basses that were heavily mitred) since it restricted itself to the height of the tower toeboards. 122
Church of the Assumption, Bride Street, Wexford (Telford & Telford, 1858-9)14,15
Great C to g3 Swell c to g3
Double Open Diapason 16 Double Diapason 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Gamba 8 Dulciana 8 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Principal 4 Stopped Diapason Treble 8 Fifteenth 2 Principal 4 Mixture 17.19.22 III Flute Harmonique 4 Cornopean 8 Twelfth 2⅔ Oboe 8 Fifteenth 2 Clarion 4 Sesquialtera 15.19.22 III Mixture 26.29 II Tremulant Trumpet 8 Clarion 4
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Viol di Gamba tc 8 Grand Double Open Diapason 16 Dulciana tc 8 Unison Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Stopped Diapason Treble 8 Principal 4 Wald Flute tc 4 Fifteenth 2
Coupling Stops 4 Composition Pedals
Sw/Gt Sw/Ch Sw/Pd Gt/Pd
Exhibit 4.5) has affected the visual make-up of the instrument.16 The musical ramifications of the tenor C Swell are considered in greater detail in Chapter Six of this thesis.
14 FJ, 4 January 1859, 3. The composition of the mixtures is taken from a site visit. The Flute Harmonique 4ft on the Great organ was not recorded but archaeological evidence suggests it is original. The ‘Mixture’ on the Swell organ was noted by a reporter as having only two ranks but this was probably mistaken for the higher Mixture on the Great. 15 Scallan, op. cit., 74. Along with converting the Pedal and Great action to pneumatic action, the Pedal Open Wood 8’was converted to a Bourdon 16’ by Rooney & Coffey in 1928. The Great action was re- converted to tracker action when the instrument was restored in 1987. The Clarion 4’ was replaced by a Celeste 8’. 123
The layout of the divisions is similar to Gray & Davison’s fine instrument at St Anne’s, Limehouse, London (1851) with the manual soundboards in the same sequence. Another feature of it must have influenced Telford,17 since the twin instruments at Wexford represented a phase where he used an add-on console (previously at Youghal RC Church (1857) and then later at Meath St RC Church, Dublin (1860)) rather than one which was en fenêtre. This differed from both of the contemporary White and Walker organs above which used folding or sliding panels, inset from the front of the case. In addition, unlike Gray & Davison’s instrument, the console layout of the Wexford instruments varied by having the stops spread out in staggered rows of three columns, unlike the traditional single or double column.18 Finally, the large reservoir and feeders (drawn at the bottom of Exhibit 4.4) is characteristic of the contemporary instruments at Ennis, St Paul’s and St Audoen’s yet differentiated by Telford’s use of metal-plate weights that he pioneered in Ireland. They were inserted and then screwed to the top of the reservoir frame instead of the typical smaller ones placed on top in a comparatively ad hoc manner.
Comparing the Twin Organs
After J.J. McCarthy took over from Pierce as architect, interestingly, ‘he desired to render the churches as dissimilar as was possible under the circumstances. Accordingly, the details of the interior are different, and in many respects the exteriors now present points of dissimilarity.’19 Although there may be some variances between both churches, on the whole the architecture follows Pierce’s sentiment of obeisance (to the Bishop) of having similar buildings; Telford’s instruments also followed suit. Because Pierce’s original plan was not radically altered it was easier to work with a plan that would, in general, suit both buildings, but in specifics, could vary. Moreover, the structural design carried out under J.J. McCarthy’s tutelage, had to be alike in order for the organ-builder to offer a discount on price. To charge for two separate organs of differing design or layout would have escalated costs considerably. As seen to-day, irrespective of the enlarged Swell-box at the Church of the
16 A second generation added a full-compass Swell in 1907 at Rowe Street Church. Perhaps the colours were darkened in the flat to compensate for this. 17 The instrument was displayed at the Great Exhibition in London where Telford acted as a member of a sub-jury. 18 A feature repeated at the Telford organ at the Augustinian Church, Galway (c.1904) but with an en fenêtre console. 19 FJ, 5 October 1858, 3. 124
Immaculate Conception, Rowe Street, both organs contrast only visually in the colours from the prospect of the organ case. By having contrasting diapering of the prospect pipes and varnishing of the case McCarthy was able to achieve some sense of cosmetic contrast for the spectator or reviewer of ecclesiastical architecture who might walk in to inspect both churches and its organ galleries. There is no variance in the original layout of both instruments. At the time of their construction, the only known difference lay in the specification: the Swell Organ contained a Vox Humana 8’ at Rowe Street and a Clarion 4’ at Bride Street. This may account for the time difference in completion of both organs and the desire to add more éclat to the organ. The instrument at Rowe Street was in situ and played upon for the dedication of the church at the beginning of October 185820 whereas the organ at Bride Street was ready for a workshop recital the following January.21 The music played at this recital can be seen in Chapter Six, page 274. Exhibit 4.6: Extract revealing Workshop performance of organ22
Pipework
Given Telford’s plan to build two similar organs of identical design it is not surprising to expect that the pipework for both would be indistinguishable, if not similar at the very least.
20 Ibid. 21 FJ, 4 January 1859, 3. 22 N, 8 January 1859, 13. 125
Comparing the scales of most stops on either instrument has revealed this to be the case.23 In Graphs 4.1-324 it is possible to see that there are only minor deviations which would be accounted for by the set-up of the pipe-makers at Telford’s. It is tempting to consider these differences as vagarious in nature but in all likelihood they resulted from natural human error working with sheet metal, solder at joints, proportional dividers and rods; something accepted with most pipe-makers or craftsmen. The mouth widths of the Twelfth on the Great Organ, as depicted in Graphs 4.1 is the most divergent recorded. Perhaps a junior apprentice was given the job of cutting-out lengths for this. The Great Open Diapason at Rowe Street (see Table 4.28) stands out among other principals by having ears up to F#43 whereas at Bride Street they only went as far as B24 (Table 4.2). Most Telford and White principal metal pipework (looked at by the author) drop the use of ears at a 1’ pipe. Apart from these anomalies there is little to distinguish the Principal chorus from either of the twin organs. Of all the examples below, the Choir Dulciana scale (in Graphs 4.2) shows the most consistent deviation amongst the metal fluework. Despite the stop being presently labelled Choir Open Diapason at Rowe Street, the margin of difference is insufficient to give rise to any question that it is anything other than a Dulciana stop. Furthermore, with a maximum difference of less than 3mm in diameter,25 this stop is still comparable to its twin at Bride Street. Albeit, on further examination of Tables 4.16 and 4.35 it can be seen that there was one striking difference between them: at Rowe Street, Telford included ears on all 26 pipes to the top note whereas they were dropped at F#43 at Bride Street. This mirrors the anomaly mentioned previously regarding ears on the Great Open Diapason of both instruments. Whether this was deliberately done for tonal reasons is unknown but the probability of oversight at the pipe-making department at Telford’s manufactory seems more likely the case.
23 The Pedal and Swell Organs were not compared due to time and access restrictions. The Great reeds at Rowe St were measured for resonator and shallot diameters which were identical to those at Bride St. 24 The data of which is provided from Tables 4.1-34. 25 See Tables 4.16 and 4.35. 26 They are similarly in place to the top note on the Swell Dulciana (see Table 4.14). 126
Graphs 4.1: Comparison of Twin Church Principal Scales (left) and Mouth widths (right)27
8' 4' 2' 1' ½' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' 90 45 80 40 70 35 M Ø 60 30 w 50 25 m 40 20 m m 30 15 m 20 10
10 5 0 0 Db Diap 16' Twin Db Diap 16' Db Diap 16' Twin Db Diap 16'
8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 90 45 80 40 70 35 M Ø 60 30 w 50 25 m 40 20 m m 30 15 m
20 10 10 5 0 0 Op Diap 8' Twin Op Diap 8' Open Diap 8' Twin Op Diap 8'
8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 80 60 70 50 60 M Ø 40 50 w
40 30 m 30 m m 20 m 20
10 10 0 0 Princ 4' Twin Princ 4' Princ 4' Twin Princ 4'
27 All measurements are belonging to the Great Organ unless prefixed with a divisional label. ‘Ø’ represents the pipe’s internal diameter; ‘Twin’ in the graphs’ X-axes represents Rowe St church. Lack of data at Rowe St was due to difficulty of access. 127
2⅔' 1⅓' ⅔' ⅓' ⅙' 2⅔' 1⅓' ⅔' ⅓' ⅙' 50 35 30 40 M 25 Ø 30 w 20 m 15 20 m m m 10 10 5 0 0
Tw 2⅔' Twin Tw 2⅔' Tw 2⅔' Twin Tw 2⅔'
4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 45 30 40 25 35 M Ø 30 20 w 25 15 m 20 m m 15 10 m 10 5 5 0 0 Fth 2' Twin Fth 2' Fth 2' Twin Fth 2'
8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 80 60 70 50 60 M Ø 40 50 w
40 30 m 30 m m 20 m 20 10 10 0 0 Ch: Princ 4' Twin Ch: Princ 4' Ch: Princ 4' Twin Ch: Princ 4'
128
Graphs 4.2: Comparison of Twin Church String Scales (left) and Mouth widths (right)28
8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 70 45 60 40 35 50 M Ø 30 w 40 25
m 30 20 m m 15 20 m 10 10 5 0 0 Hl Fl 8' Twin Hl Fl 8' Hl Fl 8' Twin Hl Fl 8'
8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 70 50 60 40 M Ø 50 w 30 40
m 30 m 20 m 20 m 10 10 0 0 Ch: V d Gam 8' Twin Ch: V d Gam 8' Ch: V d Gmb 8' Twin Ch: V d Gmb 8'
8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 70 40 60 35 M 30 Ø 50 w 25 40 20 m 30 m 15 m 20 m 10
10 5 0 0 Ch: Dulc 8' Twin Ch: Dulc 8' Ch: Dulc 8' Twin Ch: Dulc 8'
28 The Great Hohl Flute has been treated as a string given its scale and originally reported stop name: Gamba. 129
Graph 4.3: Comparison of Twin Church Metal Flute Scales (left) and Mouth widths (right)
8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 80 60 70 50 60 M Ø 40 50 w
40 30 m 30 m m 20 m 20 10 10 0 0 Fl Harm 4' Twin Fl Harm 4' Fl Harm 4' Twin Fl Harm 4'
Similar to the previous findings of the metal fluework in general the Graphs 4.3 above represents a predictable outcome for the Great Flute Harmonique. The scales of the wooden pipes (as seen below in Graphs 4.4 for the Great and Choir manual divisions) show also little variance. Of the three illustrated the Stopped Diapason on the Great Organ shows the widest step at C1. Why this was the case is unsure but may have its explanation also in simple human error. On inspection of the internal and external dimensions recorded in Tables 4.18 and 4.37 the joiner pipe-maker may likely have used one of the measurements as the basis for another such as the external width of 111mm at Rowe Street for the internal depth at Bride Street.
Graphs 4.4: Comparison of Twin Church Wooden Pipe Scales (width x depth)
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 120
100
80
m 60 m 40 20
0 Stop Diap 8' (w) Stop Diap 8' (d) Twin Stop Diap 8' (w) Twin Stop Diap 8' (d)
130
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 120
100
80
m 60 m 40
20
0 Ch: Stop Diap 8' (w) Ch: Stop Diap 8' (d) Twin Ch: Stop Diap 8' (w) Twin Ch: Stop Diap 8' (d)
4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 45 40 35 30 m 25 m 20 15 10 5 0 Ch: Wd Fl 4' (w) Ch: Wd Fl 4' (d) Twin Ch: Wd Fl 4' (w) Twin Ch: Wd Fl 4' (d)
Bride Street Pipework
Principals
All the prospect pipes are speakers, comprising the Great Double Diapason 16’ and Open Diapason 8’ with those in the towers made from zinc and the rest from plain metal. As discussed in Chapter Five, Telford was cognisant of using zinc as far back as his firm started making metal pipes. Although the front pipes comprise bass, tenor (and alto) range of only
131 the Open Diapason and Double Diapason stops, it is noteworthy that Telford went to the bother of arranging the stops from the front of the soundboards, in the order: Open Diapason 8’, Principal 4’, Double Diapason 16’. As seen in Exhibit 4.4 there is an extensive number of conveyances from the Great soundboards. This was not the traditional way which followed the order set from the specification or from those stops directly planted adjacent (with conveyances) to the front case. Having the Double Diapason as the third stop from the front meant a lot more work to arrange the conveyances pass via another stop, alias the Principal. Unless there was a last-minute change of specification, it can only be presumed that the basis for this was tonal and, if so, it was remarkable given its emphasis and not that of the limited Swell compass considering that contemporary instruments such as St Paul’s, Arran Quay and
St Audoen’s, Dublin had full-compass Swell Organs (even Ennis Pro-Cathedral went to E5). Nevertheless, as discussed above, the matter of the lack of a full-compass Swell seemed to be a required but profligate casualty of the architect’s pen.
Graph 4.5: Bride St: Comparison of Great Organ Principal Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 160 140 120 Ø 100
80 m m 60 40 20 0 Gt: Double Diapason 16' Gt: Open Diapason 8' Gt: Principal 4' Gt: Fifteenth 2'
Certainly, Telford must have been conscious that the Principal 4’ on the Great should be well heard and integrated amongst the 16’ and 8’ principal chorus. After all, duplication of the Principal rank was characteristically passé in a church setting of an organ of this size; only White persisted with this at both their instruments mentioned above between 1858 and 1859. From the data in Tables 4.1-5 it is possible to see where the Principal lies with regard to its relatives. Perhaps following its prominent placing at the front of the soundboard its scaling could follow a more conventional pathway as depicted in Graph
132
4.5 above: it is a number of steps narrower in the bass than both Diapasons, yet continues this gap throughout half of the compass. The Double Diapason is wider than it which would indicate that Telford was looking for some gravitas in the manual division. Perhaps this accounts for the following description taken at the time of its workshop performance: ‘its forte tones have a rich fullness combined with a not excessive brilliancy that results from happy balancing of the stops.’29 The scaling of the Fifteenth on the Great is matched to the Principal which would endorse the implied rationale of the auditor who recorded these comments. Further to this, it can be seen (in Graph 4.6) that the Swell Principal and Fifteenth are close in scale to each other, which copies the treatment of these stops on the Great Organ – as stated before. In Graph 4.7 it is possible to see how this is replicated even more exactly between the Choir Principal and Fifteenth.
Graph 4.6: Bride St: Comparison of Swell Organ Principal Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 80 70 60
Ø 50
40 m m 30
20 10 0 Sw: Open Diapason 8' Sw: Principal 4' Sw: Fifteenth 2'
This parity of the Principal and Fifteenth scales could be interpreted in two ways: either Telford wanted a brighter sound because he matched the Fifteenth to the Principal, or, it could be considered a consolidation of the Principal rank because the Principal scale was narrower to the Open Diapason on all manuals. The latter is considered by the author to be the more likely case, especially when the Fifteenth did not stand out obtrusively in chords played with various combinations of the principal chorus.
29 FJ, 4 January 1859, 3. 133
Graph 4.7: Bride St: Comparison of Choir Principal Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 70
60
50 Ø 40
m 30 m 20
10
0 Ch: Principal 4' Twin Ch: Fifteenth 2'
Graph 4.8: Bride St: Comparison of Great and Swell Open Diapason 8’ Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 160 140 120
Ø 100
80 m m 60
40 20 0 Gt: Open Diapason 8' Sw: Open Diapason 8'
Because of the Tenor C Swell it is difficult to make a comparison in the lower range. Notwithstanding, Graph 4.6 shows how each of the stops, in turn, is stepped down in scale by a few pipes although there is greater convergence across the scales of the Swell Organ principals compared to the Great Organ. A clearer representation of the tiered effect of inter-division scaling can be seen in Graphs 4.8-10. In the first there is a marked step of
11.2mm and 12.4mm for C13 and C25 between both Open Diapasons (Tables 4.2 and 4.6). By
134 contrast the Swell Principal is closer to the Great Principal in scale, which would indicate that Telford wanted a brighter presence for this division, even though it is stepped down from the Great. In terms of loudness, it is no surprise that Graphs 4.8-9 show that the impact of the principal chorus is strongest on the Great, less so on the Swell and then less again on the Choir; Graph 4.10 depicts this also for the Fifteenth. This follows its contemporaries at St Paul’s, Ennis and St Audoen’s.30
Graph 4.9: Bride St: Comparison of Great, Swell and Choir Principal 4’ Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 80
70
60
Ø 50
40 m m 30
20
10
0 Gt: Principal 4' Sw: Principal 4' Ch: Principal 4'
Graph 4.10: Bride St: Comparison of Great, Swell and Choir Fifteenth 2’ Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 45 40 35 30 Ø 25 m 20 m 15
10 5 0 Gt: Fifteenth 2' Sw: Fifteenth 2' Twin Ch: Fifteenth 2'
30 Noted from inspection of the pipework of these instruments. 135
In Table 4.1 it can be seen that the Great Double Diapason had a quarter-mouth, except in the trebles, which matches the sense of having greater power to support the chorus. This is replicated for the Open Diapason in the bass octave (Table 4.2) but changes towards a two-ninths mouth as the stop ascends. The Principal, in turn, starts off in the bass with a narrower mouth than the 16’ and 8’ Diapasons, which would lead one to suspect that Telford preferred a less intense sound from this stop, and, rather than pushing the tone, chose to place it uniquely at the front of the soundboard. In Tables 4.6-8 the mouth to circumference ratio is predominately two-ninths for the Swell principals which mirror the tiered dynamics between the divisions. This is also replicated in Tables 4.9-10 for the Choir principals. On examination of the Great Principal 4’ pipes it was noted that either of the Telford brothers did follow the practice of substituting pipes (something Bicknell has commented on and which started at least by the eighteenth century in the work of Green31) to 32 suit the scale or sound they were looking for. From G#45 originally marked ‘12’ pipes were substituted for this reason. These were not taken from the Great Twelfth which would indicate that Telford followed other pipe-makers or organ-builders that had this department, in having excess stock at hand.33
Exhibit 4.7: Bride St: Great Twelfth 2⅔’ pipe mouths with arched upper-lips
The ears on the Twelfth drop-off at F18 which correlates with Telford and White’s normal practice, as commented on previously (see page126). The Twelfth also follows
Telford’s treatment of larger metal flue pipe upper-lips as evinced in the measurements C1 and C13 in Table 4.4 above. The joint numbers (as found in many of the Wexford Metal flue
31 Bicknell, S., The History of the English Organ (Cambridge: CUP, 1996, 2005), 185. 32 Denoting the Twelfth stop. 33 NicholasThistlethwaite has shown this to be the case from workshop records of Gray’s manufactory in his tome The Making of the Victorian Organ, (Cambridge: CUP, 1990), 62. 136 tables) represent a curved or slightly arched upper-lip which can be seen clearly in the largest two pipes in Exhibit 4.7. In the same exhibit one can see how comparatively thick the languid is in the smaller pipes. Table 4.4 indicates that the ratio of this to the cut-up is nearly half – which is not quite so with the Great Fifteenth, with the exception of C49 (Table 4.5) where it becomes three-quarters, perhaps due to damage done by previous cone tuning. This distance of just 0.3mm is also repeated with C49 on the Swell Fifteenth seen in Table 4.8. The effect of a closer unit ratio of languid thickness to cut-up reduces the tonal quality of a pipe much like the impact of a roller-beard or frein harmonique.34 This later technology was not introduced in Ireland until the end of the century so it is uncertain what level of awareness there was on the impact of a thick languid on voicing and tonal production. Since nearly all of the metal flue pipework has a languid bevel of approximately 55º from the horizontal (and that there was no attempt to plane the thicker ones in the treble to a flatter incline to compensate for the close gap) further supports the premise that voicing awareness must have been somewhat limited in regard to the trebles. This is more convincing an argument than the thought that William and Henry Telford, who both specialised in voicing and tonal work, gave tacit obeisance to factory output methods where attention to details like this were axiomatically unfettered in the pipe-maker/craftsmen’s hands.
Mixtures
Both the twin instruments share the same bass composition for the Mixtures, with only the Sesquialtera on the Swell Organ at Rowe Street having been altered in the bass when the seventeenth rank was substituted.35 There is nothing to indicate to the contrary that the composition of the mixtures has changed at Bride Street. (See Table 4.11.) Although the pipe-maker at Telford’s workshop marked the Great Mixture III as a Sesquialtera (as seen in Exhibit 4.8), there was little merit in this tonally, since the first rank was no longer to remain a seventeenth but became a fifteenth. Nonetheless, it was an understandable omission, given that only one of the ranks was changed. This might explain why it was referred to as a
34 I am grateful to Trevor Crowe for highlighting and confirming these tonal effects. 35 The Sharp Mixture has an added a thirty-third rank at Rowe St which was not original. Mixture compositions were noted at site visit. 137
Sesquialtera at its workshop launch rather than a mixture – or perhaps it was too radical to introduce this in a provincial town organ, in much the same way the Great Hohl Flute was referred to as Gamba.36
Exhibit 4.8: Bride Street, Great Organ: Mixture III marked by the pipe-maker as Ses [quialtera]; corresponding mouths with the twenty-second pipe without ears (lower row)
If the mixtures are original then it shows that Telford intended the Great Organ chorus to be modelled more on a Schulze-style composition, as Walker did at St Andrew’s (1860-1) where they contained only quint ranks.37 The Swell however, did not succumb to this and retained the traditional 17.19.22 composition so typical of the Sesquialtera stop found in many Telford organs and reminiscent of the stop rooted in the eighteenth century.38 (See Chapter Five for a further discussion on this.) This latter composition was retained by White on his contemporary instruments at Ennis (1858) and St Paul’s (1859) and shows a slower evolution. This was something continued in John Patrick’s later work at St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin and is referenced in the second case study.
36 FJ, 4 January 1859, 3. 37 McVicker, W. & Wickens, D., ‘Thoughts on the Inclusion of the Tierce Rank in English Mixtures Stops, 1660-1940,’ JBIOS 32 (2008), 100-162, 128. 38 Loc. cit., 102. 138
Table 4.11: Bride Street: Mixture Break Composition39
C25 D#40 F#43 D51 ------
Great Sequialtera III: 15.19.22 8.15.19 Great Mixture II: 19.22 15.22 Swell Mixture III: 12.15.17 8.12.15
Graphs 4.11: Bride Street: Comparison of Great Mixture III & II unison and quint rank scales at C1 to upper principal work on all divisions
2' 1' ½' 45
40
35 Ø 30 m 25 m 20 15
10
Gt: Principal 4' Gt: Fifteenth 2' Sw: Principal 4' Sw: Fifteenth 2' Ch: Principal 4' Twin Ch: Fifteenth 2' Gt: Mixture C1
2⅔' 1⅓' ⅔' 45 40 35 Ø 30 m 25 m 20 15 10
Gt: Twelfth 2⅔' Gt: Mixture C1
39 Noted from site visit. 139
In Table 4.12 one can see that from the twenty-second rank upwards the pipes are without ears. This relates to most of Telford and White’s work. The cut-ups are slightly arched which is reflected in the double numbers in the table and characteristic of Telford’s voicing style. The nicking, as evinced in Exhibit 4.8, is representative of most of the metal principals. It is moderate in indentation and comparatively closely spaced throughout each of the ranks. It is slightly bolder in the first rank of the Mixture III than the others which tallies with a slightly larger cut-up of c.2/5 of the mouth width whereas the other ranks have a cut- up of c.1/3. This anomaly is most likely due to the similar mouth width between ranks I and II of the lower mixture and further corroborates the atypical make-up of a ‘Sesquialtera’ stop as far the pipe-maker was concerned.40 Despite the narrow mouth, the lowest rank of the same stop has a suitable scale. From the Graphs 4.11 above it is possible to see that the unison ranks of the lower Mixture are wider in scale by at least one note than the Choir Principal and Fifteenth which would show that Telford considered them to have some gravitas in the chorus build-up but not like a Schulze chorus where the scales were en par with the principal scale of the same division.
Metal Strings and Flutes
For both Wexford instruments, Telford was able to reduce costs by having a common Stopped Diapason bass on both Great and Choir manuals for the strings. Although called a Hohl Flute 8ft on the Great Organ, this was an alternative to a second Open Diapason or Gamba. Poignantly, it was the latter name, as commented upon earlier, which was presented to the public that helped explain its categorisation. This is easier to see in Graph 4.12 when one compares its scale to that of the Choir Viol di Gamba, which was another stop Telford and White41 copied from Hill.42 The mouth widths also show little variation with a maximum difference of 2.1mm at C13 (see Tables 4.13 and 4.15) thus attesting to its classification as a string. The Hohl Flute stop was deferential to William Hill’s adaptation of the Keraulophon
40 The mouth width was more suited to the seventeenth rank which must have been either the original idea and changed later or a novel approach for the pipe-maker. 41 The Bell Gamba 8ft is included on the Great Organ of both Ennis Pro-Cathedral (1858) and St Paul’s, Arran Quay (1859). 42 Wedgwood, James Ingall, A Comprehensive Dictionary of Organ Stops, English and Foreign, Ancient and Modern: Practical, Theoretical, Historical, Aesthetic, Etymological, Phonetic (London: Vincent Music Co., 1905, 1907, 1909), 11. 140 stop first introduced by Gray & Davison43 and has comparable scaling to that of Hill’s organ at St Mary-at-Hill (1840).44 This had been introduced previously by Telford at Dundalk RC Church (1852).45
Graphs 4.12: Bride Street: Comparison of Great Hohl Flute and Choir Viol di Gamba Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 70
60
50 Ø 40
m 30 m 20
10
0 Gt: Hohl Flute 8' Ch: Viol di Gamba 8'
The other strings on the instrument are two Dulcianas with comparable scaling, although the Choir Dulciana is slightly larger in scale. It becomes progressively larger in the bass as illustrated in the following Graph 4.13, but this was due, most likely, to the lack of an Open Diapason 8’. Wickens has commented that Samuel Green’s adaptation of Snetzler’s Dulciana ‘became the standard in early 19th Century organ-building.’46 The Wexford scales from middle C (Tables 4.14) are not far off the Durrow Swell Dulciana at 2’: 34mm; 1’:19mm and ½’: 12mm.47 All mouths (bar one) are one-fifth of the circumference which
2 follows Green’s model, plus the cut-up moves from circa /7 of the mouth-width to ¼ in the trebles. Perhaps Telford drew influence from Green’s instrument at the Chapel of Trinity College, Dublin (1797) which he moved to Durrow, Co. Laois. The Choir Dulciana compares to Hill’s Great Dulciana at St Peter-upon-Cornhill (1840) from middle C upwards.48
43 Thistlethwaite, op.cit., 201. 44 Thistlethwaite, op.cit., 241. 45 Leahy, Anne, William Telford: Organ Builder, MA Thesis (St Patrick’s College, Maynooth, 1987), 65. 46 Wickens, David C., ‘The Introduction of New Organ Stops in English Organ-Building in the 18th & 19th Centuries: Part one –to 1849,’ JBIOS 13 (1989), 11-24, 15. 47 Wickens, David C., The Instruments of Samuel Green (Metuchen: Scarecrow Press Inc., 1987), 190- 1. 48 Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 240. 141
Graphs 4.13: Bride Street: Comparison of Swell and Choir Dulciana Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 70
60
50 Ø 40
m 30 m 20
10
0 Ch: Dulciana 8' Sw: Dulciana 8'
The only Harmonic Flute on the organ owes its influence to Cavaillé-Coll who introduced these to 19th Century ears at the Basilica of St Denis at Paris (1841).49 We know that Telford was ‘one of his regular customers’50 and it is no surprise to find this stop here. (This influence and relationship is expanded in the following chapter.) The pipes of the Great
Harmonic Flute 4ft become harmonic from F18 with one hole pierced on opposite points of the body. The position of the node holes are exactly 4/9ths of the body at C37 (Table 4.17) and the others are very close which correspond to norms prescribed by Wickens.51 The scale 52 at C25 is approximately halfway between the general limits of 24.5-50.8mm for a 1’C and is closer to White’s scale used at St Andrew’s than Cavaillé-Coll’s at the same church. This will be expanded further in the second case study.
Exhibit 4.9: Bride Street: Harmonic Flute
49 Audsley, G.A., Organ-Stops and Their Artistic Registration (New York, 1921; Dover, 2002), 161. 50 Douglas, F., Cavaillé-Coll and the French Romantic Tradition (New Haven: YUP, 1999), 171. 51 Wickens, David C., ‘The Introduction of New Organ Stops in English Organ-Building in the 18th & 19th Centuries: Part two –1850 to 1870,’ JBIOS 15 (1991), 30-49, 31. 52 Ibid. 142
Wooden Flutes
The first noted collection of English transmuted wooden flutes comes from 1840, at St Luke, Cheetham Hill where William Hill modified the traditional Stopped Diapason or Flute 4’ mouth and block – as represented on the left of the diagram in Exhibit 4.10 below.53 In doing so, he inverted the lip, deepened the cap and gave the block a raised lip or effectively sunk the recess of the block to affect the tone by emphasising the second harmonic54 (the octave), in contrast to the traditional stopped diapason that contained a rich number of overtones. This is represented by the centre illustration in Exhibit 4.10. Inverting the lip was analogous to the tone production of a traverse flute where the player blows across a gap in the body wall as opposed to the traditional stopped diapason which was analogous to the fipple-format of a recorder with a normal-lip. Josiah Pittman (1816-1886) remarked on this in one of his schemes for an organ at Lincoln’s Inn Chapel, London (1855) how ‘the flute made sound like the orchestral flute with the wind blowing into it on an inclined plane so as to imitate the human mouth.’55 The idea of having solo stops with less intense harmonics follows from Bishop’s introduction of the Clarabella stop and is contemporaneous with Cavaillé-Coll’s introduction of harmonic-flutes at St Denis. Pittman went further to evaluate Hill’s flutes to those of Cavaillé-Coll’s: ‘I have only to say the new stops of Mr Hill’s own manufacture (in the Panopticon) … are a complete failure.’56 Irrespective of this castigation, it shows how the flute sounds of the organ were moving away from tradition, much in the same way musical tastes began to revere the role of the solo with dynamic accompaniment. Telford was not averse to using the harmonic flute, as exampled at Wexford and many other organs, and went to create his own wooden version at Carton House (1860). He must have learnt this technology at the least from studying the imported harmonic flute pipework from Cavaillé-Coll. Of all the flue pipework in the Wexford organs though, the wooden flutes offer us a glimpse of an evolving style taking place at Telford’s. The use of the inverted lip with sunken block would become the predominant choice of flute by the time the second generation took over in 1885. On the journey to this, Telford at Wexford assimilated and adapted Hill’s work in the previous decade to create a hybrid version of Hill’s new- styled ‘Wald Flute’ that retained the normal, un-inverted lip as portrayed in the third
53 Thistlethwaite, op.cit., 199. 54 Wickens, David C., ‘The Introduction of New Organ Stops in English Organ-Building in the 18th & 19th Centuries: Part one –to 1849,’ JBIOS 13 (1989), 11-24, 18. 55 Ms: 17 November 1855, Mr Pittman[’]s scheme for an Organ, Lincoln’s Inn Archive, J6C, 6. 56 Loc. cit., 8. 143 illustration on the right in Exhibit 4.10. Wicks referred to this style as a ‘Lieblich Gedacht’ that ‘may be substituted for the stopt diapason of the single manual from tenor C upwards.’57
Exhibit 4.10: Side profile cross-section illustration of: Traditional Stopped Diapason (left); 58 Hill’s inverted lip with sunken block (centre); Telford’s hybrid version at Wexford (right).
Samples of the Great Stopped Diapason at Bride Street can be seen in Exhibits
4.11-2 below. C1 and C13 have the traditional treatment with ordinary level blocks and caps whereas from G20 the blocks are sunk as represented in Exhibit 4.12 at C25. That Telford had chosen to adapt Hill’s Wald flute or 8ft version of the ‘Claribel flute’ as a Stopped Diapason 8ft is more remarkable given that the stop is true to its roots in not being an open stop like the former by Hill. The stoppers are bored from F18 to the top, just as those on the Choir Stopped Diapason which was similar to the Great Stopped Diapason at St Audoen’s. It seems, at first hand, that this was more out of routine than conscious choice given that the Choir Stopped
57 Wicks, M., Organ-Building for Amateurs (London: Ward, Lock & Co., 1887, R/Bardon Enterprises, 2004), 25. 58 Having a sunken block is analogous to the cavity in a transverse flute between the ‘dead’ end and the mouth piece which appears to diffuse the focus of the upper partials. 144
Diapason did not have sunken blocks. Samples of this are seen below in Exhibit 4.13.59
Exhibit 4.11: Bride Street: Great Stopped Diapason C pipes from C13
Exhibit 4.12: Bride Street: Great Stopped Diapason: C1 with traditional block and cap (top left); C25 showing sunken block (right); C49 with deep cap (bottom left)
59 Nonetheless, it was advantageous in any case for the Great Stopped Diapason because it would have helped bridged the gap in tonality between E17 and G20 by focusing the harmonic structure of the pipes.
145
Exhibit 4.13: Bride Street: Choir Stopped Diapason C13 with traditional block and cap (left); C49 with modified cap only (centre); C49 side profile with modified cap (right)
Exhibit 4.14: Rowe Street: Choir Stopped Diapason F#19 (lower) and G20 (upper) showing change of treatment of caps
In spite of the normal block, the caps still modify at G20 from being flat to slightly deeper with chamfering at the top as evinced in Exhibit 4.14 above. On closer inspection nicking is introduced on the caps from this point also which would kill any chiff from the quickened speech caused by the greater projection of wind into the pipe.60 These caps are less deep in the trebles than those on the Great which Table 4.18 and 4.20 confirm: C37 and C49 have widths of 29mm and 24mm compared to c.8mm. Exhibit 4.12 shows top C with its exaggerated cap in comparison to those on the Choir Stopped Diapason in Exhibit 4.13 and
Wald Flute as depicted in Exhibit 4.15 below; the corresponding pipe in pitch at C37 has a cap width of just 6mm. The Swell Double Diapason follows the traditional treatment with no
60 The nicking is dropped in the trebles. 146 bored stoppers or sunken blocks and caps, although chamfered, have a normal depth with C49 at 8.5mm (Table 4.19).61
Exhibit 4.15: Bride Street: Choir Wald Flute 4’ Trebles (left) and C25 mouth (right)
Exhibit 4.16: Bride Street: Swell Double Diapason 16’ C49 side (left); mouth (right)
None of the wooden scales match any of Hill’s scales at St Peter-upon-Cornhill (1840), St Mary-at-Hill (1848) or Kidderminster Town Hall (1855);62 however, at the latter the Choir Stopped Diapason has similar scaling to its counterpart on the Swell Organ. At Wexford, the Swell Double Diapason and Choir Stopped Diapason are virtually matched, as
61 Chamfering near the top of the cap prevented it acting as a quasi-box beard. 62 Thistlethwaite, op.cit., 240-2. 147 highlighted in Graphs 4.14. They are both stepped down from the Great Stopped Diapason which parallels the same treatment with the principals as depicted in Graphs 4.8 and 4.9 except the Choir principals are correspondingly smaller than those on the Swell.
Graphs 4.14: Bride Street: Wooden Pipe Scales: (w)idth x (d)epth
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 100
80
60 m m 40
20
0 Gt: Stopped Diapason 8' (w) Ch: Stopped Diapason 8' (w) Sw: Double Diapason 16' (w) Ch: Flute 4' (w)
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 120
100
80
m 60 m 40
20
0 Gt: Stopped Diapason 8' (d) Ch: Stopped Diapason 8' (d) Sw: Double Diapason 16' (d) Ch: Flute 4' (d)
148
Reeds
There is no evidence to corroborate that the third reed [Clarion 4’] was supplanted on the Swell Organ by a Celeste 8’ at the signing of the contract.63 If this was the case then the Celeste pipes would not have been racked in accordingly with spaces, as seen below in Exhibit 4.17. It is possible to see the gaps left where the reed pipes had been: all in a stepped progression of fixed boot diameters which is an axiomatic feature of reed manufacturing to this day. Exhibit 4.17: Brides Street, Swell Organ: Second Dulciana stop in place of Clarion; Gaps in the rack board where the boots had similar scale (Below).
Telford began manufacturing his own metal fluepipes from 1847,64 yet, it is unclear whether he made his own reeds or had those supplied to him. The archaeological evidence from the twin organs overwhelmingly supports the premise that the reeds there were supplied to him from outside sources. Although Telford scribed the job numbers on strategic flue pipes in their later works there were none found on the twin fluepipes from the original period 1857-8. Despite a time lapse of approximately four months between the completion of each of the instruments, it would seem impractical to clock up over thirty new contracts in that time-frame, as suggested by the job numbers seen below, scribed and stamped, on the reeds. Furthermore, the numbers do not relate to Telford’s order numbers
63 Scallan, E. (Ed.), Op.cit, 73. It was presumed to be a Vox Humana 8’. The pipe-markings for the second Dulciana acting as the Celeste are of a different provenance which would indicate a later and, more likely, a different organ-builder. 64 See Chapter Five for a further discussion on this. 149 which went over one thousand at this stage.65 Additionally, having an isolated number on the Oboe that was dissimilar to all the other reeds on the same organ was incongruous to an in- house style where organ-builders made their own pipes. Buying from a supplier off-the-shelf seems more likely the case at hand. It seems almost certain that Telford used the same supplier of reed pipework as White did for his magnum opus at St Paul’s a year later.66 Exhibit 4.18 shows identically scribed C1 and C13 spotted-metal pipes from the Great Clarion of both instruments and
Exhibit 4.19 shows a similar style of stamping for job numbers on the C1 blocks of the Clarion at the twin churches and at St Paul’s.67 Further evidence that supports this is: block, boot and socket measurements taken at St Paul’s correlate with those in Tables 4.22-3.
Church Stop Job Number Rowe Street: Great Clarion 142 Trumpet 142 Swell Vox Humana None
Bride Street: Great Clarion 177 Trumpet 177 Swell Cornopean 177 Oboe 173
The Vox Humana at Rowe Street (as seen in Exhibits 4.20) is of a different provenance that is not known to the author; stamping and script are different. It has a standard external diameter throughout the compass of c.27.5 mm (Table 4.26) which was either done for expediency or intentionally to create a dynamic change in the support of harmonic overtones as the scale ascended. Its shallots are unique in the twin organs having a beaked end of c.15º and a parallel opening reminiscent of an older style of production (see Exhibit 4.20a). Despite this, there is nothing to suggest that it is older than the rest of the organ. Frostick has noted how Gray & Davison also used these type of shallots for their Swell Clarion at St Anne’s, Limehouse (1851) which seemed at odds with their use of contemporaneous shallots.68 It is impossible to know what scaling the Swell Clarion was on the Bride
65 As deduced from various Telford instruments and Edward Henry Telford’s compiled order number list from c.1909. 66 This is akin to current practice where different organ-builders use the same supply house for parts and or pipes. 67 By all accounts from the study of the flue pipework there it appears that White used the same supplier for them also. 68 Frostick, David, A Study of the Development of English Reeds and Voicing Styles in the Nineteenth Century with Specific Reference to the Work of Gray & Davison, William Hill & Son and Henry Willis & Sons Ltd, Vol. 1, PhD Thesis (University of Reading, 2005), 103. 150
Exhibit 4.18: Clarion bass and tenor C pipe markings of St Paul’s, Arran Quay (left column); Bride Street, Wexford (right column)
Exhibit 4.19: Great Clarion bass C block stampings of St Paul’s, Arran Quay (left); Bride Street, Wexford (centre); Rowe Street, Wexford (right)
151
Exhibit 4.20: Rowe Street: Swell Vox Humana C pipes of the same scale
Exhibit 4.20a: Rowe Street: Swell Vox Humana C13 beaked shallot and parallel opening
Street organ; perhaps it also had open shallots. Albeit, the Swell Cornopean at Bride Street has the same style of shallots as its counterpart at Limehouse which Frostick has described as a ‘transitional feature.’ They ‘have a long ‘V’ opening, which extends throughout the entire length of the face in the style of Hill’s stops.’69 The shallot of C13 from Bride Street can be seen below in Exhibit 4.21 and corresponds with that at St Anne’s and also Hill’s Swell Cornopean at Kidderminster Town Hall (1855).70 The shallot internal diameter dimensions in Table 4.24 match those at St Anne’s as do the resonator scales but the face width dimensions at the shallot cap are
69 Loc. cit., 101. 70 Frostick, David, A Study of the Development of English Reeds and Voicing Styles in the Nineteenth Century with Specific Reference to the Work of Gray & Davison, William Hill & Son and Henry Willis & Sons Ltd, Vol. 2, PhD Thesis (University of Reading, 2005), 67,140. 152
Exhibit 4.21: Bride Street: Swell Cornopean C13 hybrid Shallot
Exhibit 4.22: Bride Street: Swell Oboe C13 closed Shallot
Exhibit 4.23: Bride Street: Great Trumpet C1 (above) and Clarion C25 moderately closed Shallots
153 matched to those an octave lower at St Anne’s which might explain the very large opening.71 This seems more than just an error on the instructions to the pipe-maker, but is most likely realised to make an impact on the tenor C Swell. Although they match an octave apart, the shallot openings do not match. Nonetheless the openings at C37 and C49 correspond with those at Kidderminster Town Hall.72 The shallots on the Swell Oboe at Bride Street are closed, following the Bishop tradition (as exampled in Exhibit 4.22) unlike those at St Anne’s which are open or at Kidderminster (which are transitional).73 The scales do not 74 match except the bell diameter of C37 at St Anne’s.
Exhibit 4.24: St Paul’s, Arran Quay: Great Posaune C1 with closed shallot
Exhibit 4.25: St Paul’s, Arran Quay: Great Clarion C1 with moderately closed shallot
White used a closed shallot for the Great Posaune at St Paul’s (to have a smoother tone) as seen above (Exhibit 4.24). Although he used the same scales from the middle of the
71 Loc. cit., 61. 72 Loc. cit., 136. 73 Frostick, op.cit., Vol. 1, 103, 190. 74 Frostick, op. cit., Vol. 2, 62. 154 compass as those of the Great Trumpet at Bride Street he broadened the scale out in the bass with C1: 110mm and C13: 83mm which was approximately 10mm wider (see Table 4.22).
Similarly, the Great Clarion has comparable scales in both instruments, except C1 which is wider. However, St Paul’s uses the same opening widths at the shallot cap as at Wexford. Exhibit 4.23 shows samples of moderately closed shallots used in the Great reeds at Bride Street which are similar to the sample at St Paul’s in Exhibit 4.25. When Gillen alleged that the Great reeds at Wexford ‘were scaled in the French manner’ we can only assume he was indirectly referring to scaling by Cavaillé-Coll.75 However, there is no evidence to support this claim. If one compares the Great reed scales of Bride Street to the Cavaillé-Coll reeds on the Great at St Andrew’s (see Tables 4.22-3 and
4.58-9) there is an octave difference where C1 and C13 at Wexford are comparable with C13 and C25 respectively at St Andrew’s. The scales are also smaller than any of Gray & Davison’s work studied by Frostick76 and this does not take into consideration possible Cavaillé-Coll influence under Henry Smart (discussed in Chapter Five). The scales of Bride Street are outlined in Table 4.40 below. Apart from the Cornopean, the Great reeds compare well between the Small: 3⅜’’ and Medium 4 ¼’’ scales at 1ft C under the later Henry Willis III’s assimilation of the family firm scales.77 Perhaps Telford used Willis’s pipe-maker Violette as his reed supplier. Both the Great Organ Clarion and Trumpet at Bride Street have comparable scales to two respective Willis reeds: the Swell Clarion at St Paul’s Cathedral, London (1872) and the Swell Cornopean at Union Chapel, Islington (1877).78
Table 4.40: Bride Street/Rowe Street Scales in Imperial79
8' 4' 2' 1' ½' Great: Clarion 4' 3 2½ 2⅛ 1¾ Trumpet 8' 4 3 2½ 2⅛ 1¾ Swell: Cornopean 8' 3¹¹⁄₁₆ 2⅞ 2¼ 1⅞ Oboe 8' 2¾ 2 1⁹⁄₁₆ 1¼ Vox Humana 8' 1 1 1 1
75 Gillen, op. cit., 118. 76 Frostick, David, op. cit., 153. 77 Loc. cit., 273. 78 Loc. cit., 223, 237. 79 Compiled by converting the metric numbers in Tables 4.22-6. 155
Case Study 2: St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin (White 1870)
Casework and Layout
The church was opened in January 1834 and completed in 1843.80 An organist, Mr Gormley was recorded in 183681 and his presence at an organ there in 1840.82 When Dr Michael Doyle took over as Administrator in 186883 he started a plan to replace the organ in April 1869, ‘sharing the universal feeling that the old organ was utterly unsuited both to the church itself and to the purposes which an organ is intended to serve'84 A meeting was held in the church to raise subscriptions for the new organ, chaired by the Lord Mayor, the Rt Hon Sir William Carroll, on the 14 November 1869.85 He was reported to say the following: In the course of little more than six months subscriptions to the amount of £648 have been received or promised. One of the earliest questions that occupied the attention of the committee had reference to the amount of money which it would be requisite to expend in the purchase and erection of an instrument worthy of its purposes, of the church, and of the parishioners. Inquiries were instituted in various quarters, and the conclusion arrived at was that a sum of not less than £1,000 would be needed.86
The committee was spear-headed by John and Michael Gunn from the ‘eminent musical firm of M. Gunn and Son, Grafton Street’87 who helped select the organ-builder from the various estimates submitted. It may be that the committee tipped-off the tendering organ-builders or John White specifically, regarding the price, considering how he produced the winning estimate at the basic price. We are glad to perceive that the order for the new organ in above church has been entrusted to our fellow-citizen, Mr. White, Bishop-street. The other parties from whom estimates were had are—Messrs. Bry[ce]son, Messrs. Hill, and Messrs Flight and Son, London. Mr. John Gunn, in his report to the committee, states that “Mr. White’s estimate is for an organ with 2,008 pipes, the double diapason all metal; bellows with four feeders; the pedals, draw stops, &c., to be made of hard wood, with the most recent mechanical improvements; the pipes and all other materials used to be of the very best quality; the case to be of stained pine, with speaking pipes in front, similar, I am informed, to that in St Audoen’s, High-street. The price to be £1,000, including cost of erection.88
80 Watson, E., An Enduring Presence: An overview of the history of St Andrew’s Church from its origins to the present, Monograph (Dublin, 2007), 22. 81 ICD, 1857, 148. 82 FJ, 31 January 1840, 1. 83 Watson, op. cit., 26. 84 IT, 15 November, 1869, 3. 85 Ibid.. 86 IB, Vol. 11, No. 238 (15 Nov. 1869), 255-68, 256. 87 IT, 15 November, 1869, 3. 88 IB, Vol. 11, No. 238 (15 Nov. 1869), 255-68, 256. 156
Exhibit 4.26: St Audoen’s, High Street, Dublin
Exhibit 4.27: St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin
In the immediate preceding exhibits it is possible to see that both organs have different functioning galleries that they are situated in. At St Audoen’s, the gallery is essentially purpose-built for the organ and accommodates a small choir only (Exhibit 4.26). At St Andrew’s, the organ was designed to fit in a public gallery (Exhibit 4.27) that was
157 typical of some Emancipation churches in Dublin.89 This gallery was moved from the south transept to the nave under the administration of Canon Doyle90 and it is highly likely that the architect involved with this was also involved with the design of the case. Exhibit 4.28: St Andrew’s: Carved scroll with remnants of dark stain at the bottom
Exhibit 4.29: Side Casework of: St Audoen’s (Left); St Andrew’s (Right)
As noted in the excerpt regarding the winning contract, like St Audoen’s, both cases were of stained pine. When Rushworth & Dreaper worked on the organ at St Andrew’s in 1975-1976 they scraped off this dark stain91 as seen in Exhibit 4.28. At St Audoen’s the case was also treated by later work but with a scumble effect (i.e., to give it the semblance of oak). The side panels of the casework at St Andrew’s (see Exhibit 4.29) are not cross- sectioned, but both have similar mounted ornamentation. Apart from this (and the use of pine) there is little to compare between the cases. From the front in Exhibits 4.26 and 4.27, both have three flats but Walker placed his larger prospect pipes into four projected towers where White sited four Corinthian pillars
89 Such as St Paul’s, Arran Quay, Church of the Immaculate Conception, Merchant’s Quay and St Michan’s, North Anne Street (1816). 90 Watson, op. cit., 28. 91 This can still be seen in small parts around the moulding. 158
Exhibit 4.30: Layout of St Andrew’s (not to scale)
Exhibit 4.31: Side view of Layout of St Andrew’s (not to scale) Swell-box
Open Wood
Passage - way
Console
159 to give relief to the upper case and its entablature (and pediment) which gives ample room to hide the swell-box from view. The prospect pipes of St Audoen’s were originally overlaid with gold leaf92 as at St Andrew’s with only the bottom six bases made of zinc; the rest are of plain metal, unlike at St Andrew’s where they are all of zinc.93 Even so, the mouths are different entirely with St Audoen’s having the typical English ‘bay leaf’ pressing and St Andrew’s the projected and concave French mouths. Despite the contrasting external appearance the internal layout of both organs is similar: the Choir is underneath the Swell and at a level just lower and behind the Great with the Pedal soundboards in sides (see Exhibits 4.30-1). This is not an unusual layout94 given the height restriction of having the Swell surmounting the Choir and allowing for the tracker runs to the soundboards in-line. Nonetheless, both Walker and White took advantage of an ‘N’ shaped layout of the Choir Organ which used Vogler’s simplification system with a minimum use of a roller board. White clearly copied Walker’s layout of this division with the
Exhibit 4.32: Choir Trebles in situ: St Andrew’s (top); St Audoen’s (bottom)
92 Hamilton, J. A., Catechism of the Organ, Vol. 2, (London, 1838; seventh ed.,1865, R/Buren: Frits Knuf, 1992), 204. 93 It seems unlikely that that the central towers holding the zinc basses in St Audoen’s were original given that tops of the pipes are protruding above crown shades that would have probably roofed them like the outer towers as seen in Exhibit 4.26. 94 It followed White’s previous work at Ennis Pro-Cathedral (1858) and St Paul’s, Arran Quay, Dublin (1859). 160
St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin (John White, 1870-1)95
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Gambe 8 Salicional C-C 8 Bourdon 8 Flute Harmonique C-C 8 Flute Harmonique 8 Octave 4 Principal 4 Mixture 17.19.22 III Flute Harmonique 4 Hautbois C-C 8 Twelfth 3 Voix Humaine C-C 8 Fifteenth 2 Trompette Harm C-C 8 Mixture (17.19.22) III Clarion W 4 Mixture (26.29) II Trompette C-C 8 Clarion C-C 4 Tremulant*
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Viole de Gambe C-C 8 Open Diapason 16 Dulciana 8 Bourdon 16 Gedact W/C-C 8 Flute 8 Flute C-C 4 Bombarde W? 16 Piccolo 2 Clarionette W? 8 Tonnerre*
Couplers* Composition Pedals
Sw/Gt Great 1, 2, 3 Sw/Ch Swell 4, 5, 6 Gt/Pd Sw/Pd *Combination Pedals
C-C: Cavaillé-Coll pipework W : White pipework : Other pipework is by White
placing of the stopped 2’ in front of the Clarinet as seen in Exhibit 4.32 above. It seems that the organ at St Audoen’s was an epitome for White to reference or it may well have been an ideal that the committee were trying to have emulated. It represented a leaning towards foreign tastes, especially German characteristics, as discussed further in
95 IT, 24 March, 1871, 3. 161
Chapter Five. There was very little explicit Teutonic reference at St Andrew’s except the (by then) standardised compass of C with full Pedals. As seen from its specification above, the names have a Francophile penchant and, on closer examination, at least ten stops have both flue and reed pipework that have been identified from Cavaillé-Coll.96 For this reason the pipes on the manuals were duly noted and reported to be ‘all metal save in the bourdon stop off the “swell” and the gedact and clarionette stops of the “choir”, which are of wood.’97 The latter shows how the reporter must have got confused with the irregular juxtaposition of the reed and 2’stopped wooden pipe on the Choir already noted. The instrument had a novelty stop: it was the only known tonnerre contrivance in Dublin and second in Ireland after the thunderstorm incorporated by Gray (& Son) to their instrument thirty years earlier at St Patrick’s RC Chapel, Belfast.98 Hamilton described the novelty stop as a ‘coupler for combining Double Diapason to produce mysterious and other effects.’99 This was directly related to the French post-revolution organists that used the effects to aid pastoral scene-setting in their music.100 The organ was said to also include ‘the most recent mechanical improvements’101 of which the reporter failed to include the first known usage of vertical shutters for the Swell- box in Ireland. Its addition was not unnoticed when he included it at Ballina Cathedral two years later: An admirable plan of placing the swell shades upright, causing no resistance of the pedal, and producing a perfect crescendo and diminuendo.102
This implied that the organ had a balanced Swell Pedal which was a departure from the norm of horizontal shutters that were pivoted off-centre to allow gravity to shut them. Other details of the action emphasised at the opening of his instrument at Ballina Cathedral103 were also commented on at St Andrew’s: The whole of the rubbers [rollers] are of iron with pivots working in leather bushes. The squares are made with separate brass holders, bushed with cloth, and so arranged that any single one may be detached.104
96 Cavaillé-Coll pipework has been noted in the specification. 97 IT, 24 March, 1871, 3. 98 FJ, 10 February 1840, 1. 99 Hamilton, op. cit., 211. 100 I am grateful to Laureant Bouis of Chârtres Cathedral who elucidated how contemporary organists such as Lefébure-Wely would have used or created this effect by simultaneously playing some bottom notes of the Pedal Subbass or Open Wood. In England, Schulze included a ‘thunder stop’ at the organ in Doncaster and earlier samples were termed as ‘Drum’ on a handful of eighteenth English organs such as Spitalfields, London by Bridge (1735). 101 IB, Vol. 11, No. 238 (15 Nov. 1869), 255-68, 256. 102 FJ, 26 May 1873, 6. 103 Ibid. 104 IT, 24 March, 1871, 3. 162
This bushed action may have been novel to White at the time, but it was not, however, new technology in Ireland; Telford had used it at least ten years previously at Carton House.105 Despite this, there was a juxtaposition of ideas and technology with the manual actions of St Audoen’s with its octave and sub-octave Swell couplers with no assistance, whereas St Andrew’s had neither of the couplers but a ‘new improved’ pneumatic lever.106 What exactly ‘new and improved’ referred to is unrevealed,107 but this is the first organ known where White used such a device. Again, Telford had previously introduced this technology at Christ Church Cathedral (1857) and St Dominic’s (1862), Dublin. It is tempting to consider that Charles Spackman Barker’s contemporaneous arrival in Ireland had some input on White’s instrument, but, given that he would effectively become a business competitor, it is more likely that White obtained the ‘pneumatic machines’ directly from Cavaillé-Coll, who, sold these nearly as frequently as his pipes to other organ-builders.108 It is not known whether White dealt directly with Cavaillé-Coll (as Telford did) but it is possible that he used an agent such as the emerging Simon Bartley109 who employed the services of his younger brother James.110
Exhibit 4.33: St Andrew’s: Overview of Great Pipework; C side on right
105 See Chapter Five, page 207. 106 IT, 24 March, 1871, 3. Walker added pneumatic aids to the composition pedals at St Audoen’s. 107 Although the original soundboards remain, nothing exists from the mechanical action. The organ was electrified with a simple two-stage electro-pneumatic action in the 1950’s by R.E. Meates & Son with an added console. This information was kindly given to me by Mr. Meates Jr. who recalled working on this re-modelling as a youth. 108 Douglass, op. cit., 171. 109 IT, 12 June 1874, 3. 110 FJ, 18 March 1873, 4. 163
Pipework
Principals
The layout of the Great soundboards is done in the traditional manner with the trebles of the prospect speaking pipes (the Open Diapason 16’) to the front so that the conveyances are not compromised. Twenty-three of the twenty-seven prospect pipes are speakers taking in the full central flat and adjacent notes from the side flats. The width of the Great soundboards fits behind the central section of the organ.
Graph 4.15: St Andrew’s: Comparison of Great Organ Principal Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 250
200
Ø 150
m 100 m
50
0 Gt: Double Diapason 16' Gt: Open Diapason 8' Gt: Principal 4' Gt: Fifteenth 2'
Graph 4.16: St Andrew’s: Comparison of Swell Organ Principal Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 140
120
100 Ø 80
m 60 m 40
20
0
Sw: Open Diapason 8' Sw: Principal 4'
164
On comparing the principal chorus of each manual it is clear (from the Graphs 4.15-6 above) that the scales are matched more to each other than those at Wexford. Nonetheless, they are nearly reminiscent of Hopkins & Rimbault’s referral to ‘Father Smith [who] made his Principal, Twelfth, and Fifteenth one pipe smaller than his Open Diapason.’111 Although C#s were not measured, Tables 4.42-3 and 4.46-7 gesture that the scale of the Principal followed this method where the scale of C1 of the Principal was lifted from C#14 of the Open Diapason. Hopkins & Rimbault went further by suggesting that contemporary practice relied on a progressive reduction among each principal rank such that the scale of the Fifteenth was 112 similarly deduced in order that its lowest note was derived from D27 of the Open Diapason. This is not the case at St Andrew’s since the Great Fifteenth scales (in Table 4.45) mirror those of the Great Principal (Table 4.43) which indicates that White repeated Telford’s practice at Wexford which was, as opined on page 133, to consolidate the Principal rank.
Graph 4.17: St Andrew’s: Comparison of Great and Swell Open Diapason Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 160 140 120 100 m 80 m 60 40 20 0 Gt: Open Diapason 8' Sw: Open Diapason 8'
In Graph 4.17 the scales show an expected reduction between the Swell and the Great Open Diapasons. Both White and Telford use a 5½’’ scale for bottom C of their Great Open Diapason which compares to the smallest ‘Scale 3’ from Hill’s shop book.113 Although they start alike, comparing Tables 4.2 to 4.43, show that they narrowed more in progression at St Andrew’s than at Wexford by following Wexford’s Double Diapason scales more (see
111 Hopkins, E J & Rimbault, E F, The Organ: Its History and Construction, (London, 1855, third edition 1877, R/Bardon Enterprises, Southsea, 2000), 320. 112 Loc. cit., 326. 113 Wickens, David. C., Aspects of English Organ Pipe Scaling (Oxford: Positif Press, 2004), 89. 165
Table 4.1). The Great Principal at St Andrew’s follows in the same manner by getting narrower as it goes up despite being wider at C1 than Wexford (Tables 4.3 and 4.33). Even so, the Great and Swell Principal scales at St Andrew’s are comparable with the most variance at C1 of only 2mm (Graph 4.18). Finally, the Swell principals on both instruments show the same trend of narrowing, despite St Andrew’s having a wider bass. All mouths on the St Andrew principals are generally a quarter of the circumference (done to deliver more power) unlike at Wexford where Telford stuck more to two-ninths.
Graph 4.18: St Andrew’s: Comparison of Great and Swell Principal Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 80 70 60 50 m 40 m 30 20 10 0 Gt: Principal 4' Sw: Principal 4'
Mixtures
Unfortunately, as a result of Rushworth & Dreaper’s work on the organ in the 1970s, the Great double mixtures were dramatically altered to suit the ‘neo-classical’ taste of the day: they were turned into a four-rank quint mixture and a two-rank cimbel. Notwithstanding this radical change it has been possible to make more than a conjectural summation of the original ranks as outlined in the specification. Markings on sample pipes of the lower Mixture in Exhibit 4.34 confirm that it was a Sesquialtera with scales of the second and third ranks at C13 matching the scales of a principal at ⅔’ and ½’ (in Table 4.48). White reverts to an older style of marking the trebles as a Cornet as sampled in the second rank at C37 (Exhibit
166
4.34) which supports the tierce being the first rank in the bass.114 As this follows the work of Lincoln at St John’s Chapel, Bedford Row, London (1821) and Renn at St Thomas, Stockport (1834),115 it would suggest that these pipes were carried over from the previous organ in situ from the 1830s. However, the script has been identified as characteristic of the work of the second generation John Patrick White. This stop also distinguishes itself with an idiosyncratic system of numbering the pipes in the opposite direction, namely, from the top note down. This was more likely due to error, perhaps started by an apprentice. 116
Exhibit 4.34: St Andrew’s Great Mixture III: C13 Ranks 2 & 3; C37 Rank 2 (right)
The Swell Mixture had the typical sesquialtera composition (17.19.22) but its tierce rank was exchanged from cut-down Choir Dulciana pipes by Rushworth & Dreaper to form a unison twenty-second in the bass. The original bottom C of this rank was found re-circulated in the mixture.
Metal Strings and Flutes
The Choir Dulciana was made of spotted metal in the treble and plain metal with antimony in the bass. Generally the stop was re-cycled amongst other pipework by Rushworh & Dreaper and its bass note was retained to increase or retune the bass of the Choir Viole de Gambe.
The latter and the Swell Salicional are both Cavaillé-Coll stops from C13 and this may
114 Other pipework support this premise. 115 McVicker, W. & Wickens, D., ‘Thoughts on the Inclusion of the Tierce Rank in English Mixtures Stops, 1660-1940,’ JBIOS 32 (2008), 100-162, 154. 116 The author has seen only one other organ where it happened on the same stop: St Kevin’s, Harrington St (1903). 167 account for the similarity of scale as portrayed in Graph 4.19. Table 4.50 shows that the
Dulciana at C1 shares the same scale as the Salicional and consequently prompts the question whether it too shared the same scale as the others. Regardless of this, it does elicit a traditional treatment of the mouth which is two-ninths the circumference. The Cavaillé-Coll strings are narrower from middle C upwards than the strings at Wexford and may be one of the smaller scales used by Cavaillé-Coll, considering that the scale he used for a Swell Viole de Gambe in a modest two-manual-and-pedal organ of twenty stops at a the Church of Long, 117 Somme (1877) was 6mm wider at C13 and C25.
Graph 4.19: St Andrew’s: Comparison of String Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 100 90 80 70 Ø 60
50 m 40 m 30 20 10 0 Ch: Viole de Gambe 8' Ch: Dulciana 8' Sw: Salicional 8'
The Choir Gedact has a traditional wooden stopped diapason for the bass, but from C25 White used a Cavaillé-Coll Bourdon (or Chimney Flute) which can be seen in Exhibit 4.32. In the reported specification at the dedication ceremony the only manual stop called ‘Bourdon’ was on the Great. However, there is no archaeological evidence to suggest that the Choir pipes were once in the place of the present Great stopped flute. The scale and mouth-width of this metal stop (Table 4.54) is similar to the Great Bourdon from Somme along with chimney dimensions.118 The cut-ups vary by only 1mm which may indicate that these pipes were voiced in-house before export. When Telford was ordering five stops in June 1851, Cavaillé- Coll presumed to do the voicing of them and only offered a 10% discount if Telford could
117 Besson, N. & Plet, L., ‘L’Orgue Cavaillé-Coll de l’Eglise de Long (Somme),’ La Flûte Harmonique No. 55/56 (1990), 34-79, 67. 118 Loc. cit., 64. 168 not wait three months for their delivery and wished to voice them himself.119 Also, Cavaillé- Coll was used to supplying pipework at various pitches for export.120 Because St Andrew’s is tuned to the French Diapason Normal (435Hz) which was not a known standard pitch White used, it supports the notion that an agent such as Simon Bartley may have acted on his behalf.
Exhibit 4.35: St Andrew’s Great Harmonic Flute 8’ Cs from C13
The organ at St Andrew’s contained four harmonic flutes. Like the Choir Dulciana, White chose to supply his own two on the Great Organ using spotted metal, which showed some deference to the high level of tin Cavaillé-Coll used for his pipework. Even though the Great ‘Flutes Harmonique’ are clearly flute stops which become harmonic (as seen in the middle two pipes belonging to the Great Harmonic Flute 8ft in Exhibit 4.35), they were incorrectly labelled as diapasons with pipes scribed as ‘Op’ and ‘Pr’ (see Exhibit 4.36). Why this was is enigmatic, but perhaps suggests that John Patrick White was making his own metal pipes and his pipe-maker may have been confused presuming that these expensive, tin- rich pipes, were destined to be principals. If these were imported from an established firm in
Exhibit 4.36: St Andrew’s Great Harmonic Flute 8’ C49: Mistaken labelling; Instruction for pre-voicing ‘teeth finer’ (centre); Swell Harmonic Flute 8’C49 (right)
119 Douglas, F., Cavaillé-Coll and the Musicians: A Documented Account of His First Thirty Years in Organ-Building, Vol. 1 (Raleigh: Sunbury, 1980), 302. 120 Ibid. 169
England it is hardly likely that two ranks of pipes would be incorrectly labelled. Another clue supporting this lies in the instructions written on the upper-lip of C49 of the Great Harmonic Flute 8’ in Exhibit 4.36: ‘Teeth Finer’ was the request for light nicking which would help the notes sound with a pronounced attack. This would also be closer to the Cavaillé-Coll’s style which White may have been emulating, given his similar treatment of slotting the pipes. The upper-lips are generally cleanly executed like those from the Paris house (as seen in Exhibit 4.36), though the treatment of heavily scoring the upper lip is not followed. Like the Great principals, the scaling of the Great harmonic flutes at 4ft is less than the 8ft, as depicted in Graph 4.20. Also, the Swell Harmonic Flute is less than its counterpart on the Great and likewise between the Choir and other manuals, clearly following the order of power: Great, Swell and then Choir. On comparison of all the harmonic flute scales it is surprising to find that the Great Harmonic Flute 4ft is comparable to Telford’s in Wexford, as related in Tables 4.52 and 4.17. This shows Telford’s influence on White irrespective of Telford being the first in Ireland to introduce a Cavaillé-Coll stop. Further research is needed to establish whether these were Telford’s or Cavaillé-Coll’s scales.
Graph 4.20: St Andrew’s: Comparison of Harmonic Flute Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 140
120
100 Ø 80 m 60 m 40 20
0 Gt: Flute Harmonique 4' Gt: Flute Harmonique 8' Sw: Flute Harmonique 8' Ch: Flute Octaviante 4'
170
Wooden Flutes
As expected, the Choir Gedact bass is smaller than its peer on the Great, as illustrated in the following Graph 4.21; yet White looked to the Great ‘Bourdon’ on which to base the scale of the Piccolo 2’. The Piccolo was a gesture of acknowledgement to the same on the Walker organ at St Audoen’s. Both were stopped with traditional treatment of the block and upper- lip and both went open at F#43. In the following Exhibit 4.36 (top) one can see the use of a straight, non-chamfered stopper which became an idiosyncratic house-style after 1853 that distinguished the stopped flutes from tenor or middle C of both generations of the White family. In this stop, White used moderately deep caps but chose to chamfer the bottom of the front plank (forming the ears). An example of this is illustrated in Exhibit 4.36 (bottom) which shows a gap starting at the block and getting wider to the front. This is unlike Telford’s treatment of wooden flutes (as exampled in Exhibits 4.13-6) that had a chamfer on the top front of the caps whilst leaving them flush with the front plank ears. Another distinguishing feature of this period and later White wooden flutes is the use of thicker saw cuts for the walls of the pipe. This is particularly the case in the C49 example shown below.
Graph 4.21: St Andrew’s: Comparison of Wooden Flute Scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 120
100
80 Ø
60 m m 40
20
0 Gt: Bourdon 8' (w) Gt: Bourdon 8' (d) Ch: Gedact 8' (w) Ch: Gedact 8' (d) Ch: Piccolo (w) Ch: Piccolo (d)
Because of White’s use of thicker-walled pipes it is likely he followed other builders such as Forster & Andrews and Hill in the use of a triangular cut-out at the mouth which he used on the Great Bourdon at St Andrew’s. Exhibit 4.37 below compares it to the contemporaneous organ by Hill built for the newly re-modelled Cathedral of St Fin Barr, 171
Exhibit 4.36: St Andrew’s Choir Piccolo: C37 and C49 (top) and side close-up of C37 (bottom)
Front gap
Deep Cap Front plank ears
Exhibit 4.37: Comparison of White (left) and Hill (right) 1870 Great Stopped Diapasons from C13
172
Cork. The treatment of the Great Stopped Diapason pipes there is similar (including traditionally shaped stopper handles) though White chose to keep the caps even with the front plank whereas Hill’s are deeper but not chamfered; C1 and C13 pipes (assumed to be) by Hill have a sloping block unlike White’s traditional treatment. Given the similarity of style between these contemporaneous Stopped Diapasons it is remarkable that their scales are not so closely matched. Even though they converge at middle C, Graph 4.22 shows that the Great Stopped Diapason scale at St Andrew’s was closer to Telford’s at Wexford (down to tenor C).
Graphs 4.22: Comparison of Great Stopped Diapason Scales at Bride St, St Andrew’s and St Fin Barr’s: (w)idth x (d)epth
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 100
80
60 m m 40
20
0 Bride St: Stop'd Diapason 8' (w) St Fin barr: Stop'd Diapason 8' (w) St Andrew: Bourdon 8' (w)
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' 120
100
80
m 60 m 40
20
0 Bride St: Stop'd Diapason 8' (d) S Fin Barr: Stop'd Diapason 8' (d) St Andrew: Bourdon 8' (d)
173
Reeds
The Choir Clarionette is of an English construction with closed shallots and may not be original because of a misfit of boot-size in the rackboard. Furthermore, the pipes and shallots have stamping on them which is not in keeping with White’s only extant reed, the Swell Clarion or, indeed, other reeds from this period. From marks and felt left on the side of the building-frame acting as a stay there is evidence that the Pedal Bombarde was full length. It is impossible to determine if this was by Cavaillé-Coll, but alluring to consider if it was. Five of the other reeds bear all the hallmarks of Cavaillé-Coll pipework, four with double blocks and Bertounèche shallots, as exampled in Exhibit 4.38.
Exhibit 4.38: St Andrew’s Great Trompette C25 showing Double Block and Bertounèche shallot.
Exhibit 4.39: St Andrew’s Swell: Voix Humaine blocks: C13 (left); C49 (centre); Clarion block C1 (right)
174
Exhibit 4.40: St Andrew’s Swell: Basson-Hautbois C13 tear drop shallot (left); Clarion C1 closed shallot (right)
The Swell Voix Humaine uses the shoulder block right throughout the compass, unlike the one at St Francis Xavier (White, 1886)121 and has numbered blocks (denoting standard sizes) like the more typical oval ones found in the rest of the Cavaillé-Coll reeds at St Andrew’s (see Exhibit 4.39). The Swell Hautbois is made up of ‘Basson’ narrow-scaled conical-tubed basses with tear-drop shallots, as seen in Exhibit 4.40. It has the thickest face of all the reeds with that at C1 = 2.1mm (Table 4.62) which is soldered separately onto a shallot with a reduced height resembling the Clicquot type. Frostick refers to this practically as a ‘plated shallot’122 which has a similar effect to the English closed shallot. White used the latter for the smaller-scaled Swell Clarion, as seen in Exhibit 4.40, where his pipe-maker or supplier used a traditional English type with a pronounced off-centre hole, reduced shoulder and narrower wedge. If the writing ‘Clarrion [sic] 44’ on the C1 block is original (as seen in Exhibit 4.39) then it follows in the shadow of the inverse note-numbering of the Great Mixture. The practical use of doing this would inform the pipe-maker where the flue pipes would begin: namely at G44. Graph 4.23 shows how the Swell Trompette Harmonique echoes the role that the
Cornopean took at Wexford of being the largest reed on the manuals if C25 is representative of the non-harmonic scale. Similarly, both the Great reeds practically duplicate each other’s scales. The Voix Humaine and Clarionette are more relatively matched in the bass, whereas
121 See Chapter Five, page 228 for a picture of this. 122 Frostick, D., ‘Reed Shallots … Science or Art?’, JIBOB 9 (2009), 23-27, 25. 175 the Basson-Hautbois Bell scale nearly compares with the Swell Clarion at middle C, indicating just how small the Clarion scale is, as the Graph 4.23 shows. It is hard to know why White chose this scaling and treatment for this stop. Was it thought out for space restrictions or just for the sake of expediency if the stop was in stock? As noted earlier, Frostick recorded how the reed shallots at St Anne’s, Limehouse varied. Interestingly, the
Swell Clarion there has a scale similar to that at St Andrew’s at C13 but even smaller at C25 123 and C37 (Table 4.61).
Graph 4.23: Comparison of St Andrew’s Reed scales
16' 8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 140
120
100
Ø 80
m 60 m
40
20
0
Gt: Clairon 4' Gt: Trompette 8' Sw: Tromp Harm 8' Sw: Bas-Hautbois 8' Sw: Voix Humaine 8' Sw: Clarion 4' Ch: Clarionette
123 Frostick, op. cit., Vol. 2, 63. 176
Assessing Pipe Scales to the Freiburg Normal Scale
McVicker suggested that as early on as 1840, the London organ-builder Bevington might have introduced ‘logarithmic methodology’ to his scaling of flue pipes as exampled in his export to Notre-Dame de Montréal, Canada.124 This methodology was formalised and published seven years earlier by the organist and theorist Johann Gottlob Töpfer in Die Orgelbaukunst (The Art of Organ-building).125 It consolidated the work of Georg Andreas Sorge (1703-78) who pioneered the halving ratio as the principal means of scaling pipes. Mahrenholz referred to it as ‘the new era of scaling mathematics’ that departed from the older method of ‘musical proportions, which had been the basis of scale calculations for nearly a millennium.’126 Töpfer chose to express his scaling progression in terms of an octave ratio and presented three scales based on a 2ft C pipe:127
Scale Name: A B C
Cross-Section Ratio at Octave: 1:√8 1:2⅔ 1:2½
Halving the scale on the Interval: Major 10th Perfect 11th Diminished12th
Halving semitone: 17th 18th 19th
Robertson reminded us that Scale A was Töpfer’s recommended progression as it was the geometrical mean between the extreme ratios of 1:2 and 1:4.128 Because it eventually became a regular scale to reference it was chosen as the Normalmensur (Normal Scale) at the Freiburger Tagung für deutsche Orgelkunst (Freiburg German Organ Congress) in 1926 with 8’C having a ‘standard’ diameter of 155.5mm. 129 Wickens has summarised the practicality of using the Normalmensur (NM) as a means of analysis as follows:
124 JBIOB 4 (2004), 67. 125 Töpfer, J. G., Die Orgelbaukunst (Weimer, 1833). 126 Mahrenholz, Christhard, Die Berechnung der Orgelpfeifenmensuren vom Mittelalter bis zur Mitte des 19. Jahunderts (1938, R/ Bärenreiter, 1968) translated by Williams, A. H., The Calculation of Organ Pipe Scales from the middle ages to the mid-nineteenth century (Oxford: Positif Press, 1975), 64-5. 127 Wickens, David. C., Aspects of English Organ Pipe Scaling (Oxford: Positif Press, 2004), 27. 128 Robertson, F. E., A Practical Treatise on Organ-Building (London: Sampson Low, Marston & Co., 1897), 34. 129 Andersen, Poul-Gerhard, Orgelbogen (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1956) translated by Curnutt, Joanne, Organ Building and Design (London: Allen and Unwin Ltd, 1969), 58. 177
Making direct comparisons of the scaling of different organ builders is difficult because the basic scale of each progresses in its own particular way, differing in the ‘halving’ rate and thus altering the relationship between the scales in different parts of the compass. The values for 2’C of two organ-builders might be identical, but because their scales progress differently the values at 1’C will be dissimilar. Comparison with the scaling of other organ builders is, therefore, best illustrated on a chart where these differences can be easily traced. Here, the familiar ‘Normal Scale’ chart is used , as being universally recognised.130
In the following Graph 4.24, which highlights the principal scales of the Wexford organ, it is possible to see two distinct types of progressions. Both 16’ and 8’ Diapasons on the Great Organ appear at first glance to follow ‘drawing board’ scale-patterns detailed by Dom Bédos. In reality they are more likely to be variations on an empirical traditional scale format which follow the Bédos-style method of dividing a base line into abscissae which follow the Pythagorean scale and which represent the notes of the scale. This method is described in detail in L’Art du Facteur d’Orgues131 and analysed elsewhere.132 The Great Principal Cs indicate that the stop follows a geometrical progression representative of a logarithmic path. It is close to Töpfer’s C scale, halving approximately at the nineteenth. Hereafter scales will be referred to as either following the logarithmic scales remarked by Töpfer, or variations on the Bédos method. The other principal stops in Graph 4.24 are not as clearly defined as the two formats previously highlighted. The system of notation of pipe scales (which show variations from the NM) has the unfortunate by-product of suggesting in visual terms that scales derived from non-logarithmic, or the Bédos method or empirical variations of the traditional geometric scales, are derivations from a logarithmic norm – which they are not. Furthermore, Wickens has suggested that the ‘more artistic’ organ-builders would introduce variations if using Töpfer scales; what was important was ‘the fixed progression intrinsic to the scale.’133,134 It does appear that the disparities of the Swell principals are minor, whereas the Choir principals have a noticeable step between 1’C and ½’ C which is consistent with the Great Twelfth (see Graph 4.24a in Appendix 4d).
130 Wickens, David C., ‘Linking Archival Information with Archaeological Evidence’, JBIOS 31 (2007), 164-75, 167. 131 Bédos de Celles, Dom François, L’Art du Facteur d’Orgues, (Paris: Delatour, 1766-78; R/Geneva: Éditions Slatkine, 2004), 60-77. 132 Downes, R, Baroque Tricks: Adventures with Organ Builders, (Oxford: Positif Press, 1983), 99-100 and Armitage, J. V., & McVicker, W. R., ‘The Flue Scales of Dom Bédos de Celles: A Re-evaluation’, Journal of the Institute of Musical Instrument Technology, Vol. 2 New Series (April 1997), 1-39, 19- 32. 133 Wickens, David C., ‘The Study of English Organ Pipe Scaling’, JBIOS 22 (1998), 52-71, 57. 134 David Hall, Managing Director of the Pipe-making firm F. Booth & Son Ltd. of Bramley has confirmed that in his experience pipe-makers tend to vary the progression according to their accumulated experience and understanding of the acoustics of the building. 178
Graph 4.24: Bride St: Principal scales compared to the Freiburg Normal Scale (NM)135
8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' NM 0
-2 Gt: Double Diapason 16' Gt: Open Diapason 8' -4 Gt: Principal 4' Gt: Fifteenth 2' -6 Ch: Principal 4' Twin Ch: Fifteenth 2' -8 Sw: Open Diapason 8' Sw: Principal 4' -10 Sw: Fifteenth 2'
-12
Key: Vertical Axes represent the number of Semitone deviations from the NM ‘0’
Graph 4.25: St Andrew’s: Principal scales compared to the Freiburg Normal Scale (NM)
8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' ⅛' NM 0
-2 Gt: Op Diapason 8'
-4 Gt: Principal 4' Gt: Fifteenth 2' Sw: Op Diapason 8' -6 Sw: Principal 4'
-8
-10
135 Normalmensur (NM) 179
Graph 4.26: Bride St: String and Flute scales compared to the Freiburg Normal Scale (NM)
8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 12 10 8 6 4 Gt: Hohl Flute 8' 2 NM 0 Gt: Flute Harmonique 4' -2 Ch: Dulciana 8' -4 -6 Ch: Viol de Gamba 8' -8 -10 Sw: Dulciana 8' -12 -14 -16 -18 -20
Key: Vertical Axes represent the number of Semitone deviations from the NM ‘0’
Graph 4.27: St Andrew’s: String and Flute scales compared to the Freiburg Normal Scale (NM)
8' 4' 2' 1' ½' ¼' 12 10 8 Ch: Viol de Gambe 8' 6 4 Sw: Salicional 8' 2 NM 0 Gt: Flute Harmonique 8' -2 Gt: Flute Harmonique 4' -4 -6 Sw: Flute Harmonique 8' -8 -10 Ch: Flute Octaviante -12 -14 Ch: Bourdon -16 -18 -20
180
The Great principals at St Andrew’s all show variations on the Bédos method (as illustrated in Graph 4.25) whereas those on the Swell Organ follow Töpfer’s A scale. This is consistent with the archaeological evidence at the instrument where the principals and mixtures of the Great Organ have a different provenance to those on the Swell Organ. The Great Harmonic Flute at Wexford appears to follow a fixed progression which is greater, as expected, than the Töpfer scales. Of all the strings at Wexford, the Swell Dulciana follows Töpfer’s Scale C the closest (see Graph 4.26). It is difficult to assume the scale progression of the others without measuring more than the Cs. In the next Graph (4.27) it is easier to interpret that of the two strings at St Andrew’s, the Swell Salicional tends towards Töpfer’s Scale C while all the harmonic flutes appear to show fixed progressions. Finally, the Choir metal Bourdon has Cs which conform to Töpfer’s Scale C. Pipe scales taken from the Telford Great Organ at the Augustinian Church, Galway (1904) reveal that the firm were still adopting a Töpfer C Scale for the 4’ and 2’ principals. It is clear that the scope of further analysis of pipework through archaeological research is a project that could help establish the trends of Telford or White throughout their output.
Concluding Remarks
Assessing pipe scales in themselves does not distill a clear picture of any organ-builder’s work. The Freiburg Normal Scale came about from a renewed interest in the Baroque master organ-builders and how they scaled pipes. De Graaf sums up well the juxtaposition of surveying and observing a craft that has a long history without the aid of computed calculations to normative standards.136 Strangely, measurements beginning with the Orgelbewegung and up to today are given in millimetres. We can find measurements of old pipe-diameters in hundreds of publications but without an indication of how they arose, what relation they had to other stops and to the specification as a whole or to the acoustics of the building. I think nobody can understand these numbers, in the first place because old builders did not calculate with such numbers, even less with millimetres, but drew their scales on paper or on a piece of pipe-metal, using their own standards.137
136 See footnote 134. 137 de Graaf, G. A. C., ‘Scales of Historical Organ Stops and their Interpretation’, The Organ Yearbook, Vol. 28 (1998/9), 5-24, 5. 181
Even though pipe-makers to this day would confirm the last statement, one cannot ignore the impact of different influences, whether technical or theoretical, that would have made an impact on the evolution of an organ-builder’s style. It is clear from the two case studies that they have revealed an aspect of this evolution: namely the incorporation of fixed progression and Töpfer’s scales. Edmund Schulze (1824-78) used Töpfer’s scales in particular and was highly influential on English organ-builders such as Forster & Andrews, Brindley and Kirtland & Jardine who adopted this method of scale progression.138 Others such as Gray & Davison, Hill, Walker and Willis did not take to it and still carried on with more traditional methods.139 Robertson pointed out that although an experienced voicer might ‘overcome singular irregularities in scaling,’ the regular scale would help anyway and in particular those ‘artists of inferior skill to produce a tolerable result.’140 It is not known when he started to introduce these but William Telford did possess a copy of Marie-Pierre Hamel’s Nouveau Manuel Complet du Facteur d’Orgues in 1849 (the same year it was printed)141 which also mentioned the use of Töpfer’s scale A and measurements in millimetres.142 Although both White and Telford incorporated Töpfer’s progressions in the instruments studied, it is clear that they also held onto traditional ‘drawing board’ methods of scaling, particularly with regard to the Great Organ Diapasons. However, from the scaling of the other principals on the Great Organ it has shown that White chose a conservative route which tallies with his extremely old-fashioned English treatment of the Mixtures. In contrast, twelve years previously, Telford had already modernised his Great Mixtures at Wexford. There is much spoken folklore that White was a student of Cavaillé-Coll.143 This has been aided, not inconsiderably, by the known presence of Cavaillé-Coll reeds at St Andrew’s.144 This research cannot find anything to substantiate this, for reasons that follow. John Patrick White combined three different styles of pipework in building this instrument. His own house-style for the Great principals and mixtures with traditional scaling, bought in pipework with Töpfer scaling, and, lastly, Cavaillé-Coll pipework. All the metal flue
138 Wickens, David C., ‘The Study of English Organ Pipe Scaling’, JBIOS 22 (1998), 52-71, 53. 139 Loc. cit., 55. 140 Robertson, loc. cit. 141 Douglas, op. cit., 244. 142 Hamel, Marie-Pierre, Nouveau Manuel Complet du Facteur d’Orgues, ou, Traité Théorique et Practique de l’Art de Construire les Orgues (Paris: Roret, 1849), 96-101. 143 The Organ Club: Ireland Tour 2005, Brochure (2005), 23. 144 Watson, op. cit., 28. 182
pipework not of French origin follows English treatment of construction, with no heavy scoring and longer dubbing of the upper lips. Other than the Choir Dulciana and Great Harmonic Flutes the metal is plain or with added antimony in the 8ft basses. Both White and Telford assimilated styles that looked to Hill when it came to the wooden flutes. However, White referenced Telford more so than Hill in the scaling of his Great ‘Bourdon’ (Stopped Diapason). Similarly, the scaling of the Great Harmonic Flute 4ft follows Telford who did reference Hamel’s suggested scale of 70mm for 4’ C (C1) of the Harmonic Flute at Wexford, but then subsequently varied the progression.145 Lastly, when it came to the reeds, there was no sense of understanding the majestic scaling and shallot treatment of the trumpets. If White had indeed been a student of Cavaillé-Coll he surely would not have resorted to using a closed shallot or a narrow-scale for the Clarion on the Swell Organ. As stated earlier, these scales were reminiscent of work done by Gray & Davison twenty years previously, and betray that influence (if any) of French practice, rather than that of Cavaillé-Coll,. Even looking back to 1858 and presuming John Patrick had some influence with his father at the helm when St Paul’s, Arran Quay was commissioned, they were more akin to Telford in choosing the same reed-supplier – but still they took a retrograde step in their Mixture composition and duplication of principals, considering this organ was a contemporary of the Wexford organs. St Andrew’s is the first known organ where White used Cavaillé-Coll pipework, and as suggested, with the use of an agent. This comes twenty years later after Telford imported his pipework for Adare Manor.146 It is known that Telford had direct correspondence with the Parisian organ-builder from at least 1849,147 if not earlier, considering that he had visited La Madeleine two years previously for the opening of the Cavaillé-Coll organ there.148 If John Patrick White had had a special relationship with Cavaillé-Coll then surely by the time he took over the running of the family firm at the end of 1859 there would be more evidence to show this and perhaps a greater congruence of style by the time the St Andrew organ was commissioned.
145 Hamel, op.cit., 113. 146 See Chapter Five for more on this. 147 Douglas, op. cit., 244. 148 SD, 21September 1847. 183
Chapter 5 The Style, Influences and Development of the Organ from the second-half of the Nineteenth Century.
Introduction
This Chapter offers an overview of some of the changes that took place from mid-nineteenth century through to the dawn of the twentieth century in Irish organ-building. After looking at aspects of pipe-making, it focuses on the influence of Hill on Telford and the subsequent reaction of White. It goes on to expose one of the few ‘Irish’ mid-century traits in organ- building: the Doublette. In general terms, it reviews the melange of influences expressed from the large iconic instruments to smaller organs when they were moved to the sanctuary space post-Reform, and then looks at some of the continental influences and how they were realised in Ireland. This Chapter reveals for the first time details of the experimental work of Barker in Dublin and shows how he tried to envisage the future of the organ. It concludes with a review of the direction the White and Telford second generation gave to Irish organ- building
The evolution of organ-building during the nineteenth century in many ways paralleled developments in technology. The application of pneumatic devices was one such example. Cavaillé-Coll’s first use of the newly-patented ‘pneumatic lever’ at St Denis (1841) was pivotal in changing the future of the French Organ. No longer was coupling one manual to another the same strain physically, but octave coupling also became possible. This Chapter highlights how this manifested itself in Ireland, along with some of the French features that Cavaillé-Coll brought to the organ. Just as new developments in technology had an influence on organ-building so did the discovery of appreciating ‘first principles’ in voicing. As open- tip flue voicing became standardised practice of the Orgelbewegung movement in the 1950s, so was a comparable movement experienced one hundred years previously through Schulze’s work at the Great Exhibition (1851). In this Chapter his influence is considered both through
184 the Irish output of English organ-builders and also with the Irish manufacturer’s interpretation. As this technology began to infiltrate organ-building in the British Isles, another technological aide helped to supplant the use of man-power to pump the bellows; this was the ‘Novel Application of Water Power,’1 alias the water engine. In 1863, one such pioneering firm of engineers, Schiele and Co. was commented on by the Manchester Guardian and subsequently in the Irish press.
That if all the results achieved by Mr. Schiele be equally successful, a new feature will be rapidly developed in applying water power, especially in cases where a small amount of power may be required at irregular periods; as in the case of working the bellows of organs.2
By the end of the third quarter of the century both Telford and White had introduced this technology to those clients who could afford it. With a constant supply, air pressures could be raised which meant that organs could become gradually louder. This was especially relevant with the development of the town hall organ where more divisions could produce varied effects.
Exhibit 5.0: Advertisement by John White3
As a reflection of the centres of Industry, Ireland had nothing to compare with the Great Halls of Leeds, Birmingham or Sheffield except Hill’s work at the Ulster Town Hall. However, nuances were expressed through some of the larger church instruments by Telford and White. Whilst the chapter begins with a look at the start of pipe-making, it ends by noting how conservative practices of the indigenous industry in Ireland were, to a large degree, unabated by the second generations of Irish organ-builders at the end of their careers.
1 IT, 24 October 1863, 1. Copied from the Manchester Guardian, 22 October 1863. 2 Ibidem. 3 Advertisement c.1880. 185
Pipe-making
The account from the Dublin Builder in 1860 (see Appendix 3, page 337) illustrated a busy workplace at Telford’s manufactory. Various branches of construction were considered but at the heart of this description was a reference to pipe-making ‒ something which was not nascent until his first order for export. When Telford commenced making metal pipes in 1847,4 it is highly likely that he brought over a pipe-maker from England to set this up at his manufactory, given the sheer amount of expertise needed to make approximately 2,000 flue pipes for his premier instrument at Radley College in less than a year.5 This also included the skill-set needed for the Double Diapason front pipes6 which Singleton commented upon after visiting Telford’s workshop.7 I settled upon the final plan and details of the front. The centre pipe will be 20 feet long, (including the leg,) and will be made of pure tin without alloy, and look like silver. We anticipate a very fine tone from this metal, ‒ but these large pipes will cost a great deal of money. They are usually now made of zinc, and therefore light, and cheap. But zinc is an ugly metal, and we will not have any gilding: so we are driven to tin and expense. Tin is now £120 a ton.
This passage proves that Singleton had a realistic sense of his aesthetic palette; to have front pipes of pure tin was going to cost him dearly. Little wonder then that the instrument ended up twice its original price of £1,000. His rejection of the emerging use of zinc also reveals that this technology was at hand in Ireland.8 Eight years on, White appeared to be more conservative than Telford when he reacted with some disdain at the thought of zinc being used for the making of pipes: ‘The pipes we get from one of the best London makers of good block tin; we never use the
4 N, 4 December 1847, 16. 5 The organ was ordered in April 1847 and ready in March 1848. 6 That Singleton noticed these prospect pipes were slightly damaged en route to Radley College is a testament to their home manufacture. See: SD, 21 April 1848. 7 SD, 12 June 1847. 8 It is not known when Telford first used zinc front pipes. The Telford instrument that was at The Free Church, Great Charles Street, Dublin (see Exhibit 3.11 top right) until 1988 (and then moved to the church of the Assumption, Callan, Co.Killenny) may be the earliest extant. According to John Holmes it had a zinc Open Diapason front but gilded with real gold leaf. JHA. The original case is dated from 1839 by two sources (but without reference): Gillen, Gerard, ‘William Telford and the Victorian Organ’ in Gillen, G. & White, H. (Eds.), Irish Musical Studies: Music and the Church, Vol. 2, (Dublin: IAP, 1993), 108-28, 109 and
This announcement came just after the death of John White in September 1859. Although the sons reassured their customers of a homogeneous enterprise, it was not to be (see Chapter Two). Soon into the 1860s they went their separate ways, and it was only Thomas White who became a metal-pipe maker to the trade.14 Although he was short-lived, it is feasible that he may have started this just before the father’s demise, given the four-year interval between his death and the company’s rebuttal of the use of zinc. There is no evidence, however, of a new style of pipe-making in the family-firm’s last opus at St Paul’s, Arran Quay, Dublin. Regardless of comments about his father’s successor ‘having a
9 N, 17 March 1855, 1. 10 This is also supported by archaeological evidence. 11 The pipework from the eighteenth century generally used a higher percentage of tin, akin to continental builders. 12 The Green part of the organ at Durrow is a case at hand where the internal metal pipework is of a higher tin content than the front pipes by Green (See Chapter Three). 13 N, 24 September 1859, 18. 14 TD, 1862. 47 187 commodious factory’15 there is no written evidence that John Patrick White made metal pipes either, even though archaeological evidence is presented in Chapter Four to suggest that he may well have done so.16 Either way, he may have used the same firm as his father did for some of his work. On the matter of prospect pipes, most of his instruments used zinc fronts as was common from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards.17
Exhibit 5.1: Cobh (Queenstown) Cathedral (Telford, 1905): tin front pipes, polished and burnished
It is likely that for the best part of sixty-years the organ for Radley College was unique in Telford’s output in possessing tin front pipes.18 It was not until 1905 that the firm, now in the care of the second generation, supplied seventy-seven front pipes of tin for Queenstown (Cobh) Cathedral.19 It is no surprise that both instruments cost £2,000 each and had exclusive sponsors. As Singleton was the main benefactor for the former, the philanthropist Andrew Carnegie donated half the funds for the latter.20 In Exhibit 5.1 it is possible to see that the prospect pipes were hand-planed. This shows a traditional evolution
15 ICD, 1863, 428. 16 John Holmes mentions in The Organ in Ireland, Monograph (Unpublished, 1993) that both Telford and White provided pipes and sheet metal for pipe-making to the industry. 17 From archaeological evidence. 18 One possible exception may be the organ for Adare Manor, County Limerick (1850). 19 MT, Vol. 60, No. 920 (1 October 1919), 521-524, 521-2. 20 I, 30 January 1905, 6. 188 and there is no evidence from the metal pipework inside that they were treated differently.21 This is in contrast to the machined-planed technology (for internal and external pipes) used by Stahlhuth from Aachen two years previously at Stradbally parish church, Queen’s (Laois) County and in 1896 at Clane, County Kildare. See Exhibit 5.2.
Exhibit 5.2: Stradbally, Laois (Queen’s) County (Stahlhuth, 1903): Tin Front Pipes (Left); Clane, County Kildare (Stahlhuth, 1896): Tin Gedeckt pipes (Right)
Apart from zinc bases at Queenstown (Cobh) Cathedral,22 the flue and reed metal pipework was all spotted metal (see Exhibit 5.3). This reflected the significance of the project at hand and drew a parallel with Audsley’s contemporaneous remarks: ‘In really good work no alloy inferior to that known as “spotted metal” should be employed.’23 However, in stark dissimilarity to this were the contemporary instruments by Telford at St Kevin’s, Harrington Street, Dublin (1903) and the Augustinian Priory, Galway (c.1904). Both had zinc front pipes, zinc bases and plain metal flue pipework (see Exhibit 5.4); the only exception being spotted metal for the reeds.24 The two generations at White’s followed suit, using spotted metal generally, but not always, for the reeds and plain metal for the flue pipes;25 albeit John Patrick White did follow his father in using more tin in the plain metal alloy.26 There were
21 From a site visit.. 22 None of the display pipes are speakers. 23 Audsley, G. A., The Art of Organ-Building, Volume 2 (New York: Dodd, Mead, & Co., 1905; R/Dover, 1965), 506. 24 SV. 25 For example, spotted metal on all reeds at St Paul’s, Arran Quay, Dublin, but not at Ennis Cathedral. Similarly: at St Francis Xavier’s, Dublin but not St John the Evangelist, Kilkenny. 26 As found on examination of extant pipework. 189 also exceptions when both Telford and White used tin pipes from Cavaillé-Coll or his suppliers. This is discussed later and also referenced in Chapter Four. Exhibit 5.3: Cobh (Queenstown) Cathedral (Telford, 1905): Spotted Metal Pipes on Great C Soundboard
Exhibit 5.4: Plain Metal Pipes on Great Soundboard: St Kevin’s, Harrington Street, Dublin (Telford, 1903) (Left); Augustinian Priory, Galway (Telford, c.1904) (Right)
It is uncertain why the Telford firm did not make more use of spotted metal for the flue work, but monetary considerations must surely have been at the heart of the matter. In this regard they were not anomalous to some of their contemporaries in England. As noted earlier, tin was a substantial expense and was only considered where there were wealthy patrons (an example is the Willis organ at Blenheim Palace). The break in using higher levels of tin in the alloy from many of the England-based eighteenth century organ-builders was heralded in by competition from the first quarter of the nineteenth century onwards. With
190 organ-builders, such as Hill, lowering prices just to get a contract, precedence was set right throughout England and then Ireland. Bearing in mind White was the first to competitively lower their prices in Ireland (as discussed in Chapter Three) it is an affirming testimony to their bias of a tonal aesthetic that they did use a higher level of tin in their plain metal alloy for internal pipework. It is tempting to draw analogies between this and continental practices where builders such as Cavaillé-Coll used tin pipes; but it must not be forgotten that White still used plain metal. Scientific analysis of metal samples has yet to be carried out in order to be conclusive. As far back as 1860, Brindley of Sheffield presented possibly the first instrument in Ireland where all the metal pipework was made of spotted metal. This was at Kilmore Cathedral, County Cavan. Perhaps Brindley made up for the cost of doing so by using wooden pipes for both the prospect and bass pipes of the Open Diapason on the Great (see Exhibit 5.5); or, the benefactor of the organ footed the bill. As a disciple of Schulze,27 though, Brindley would have been well aware of the importance of the metal alloy in tone production. This cognisance was not lost on another influential German, Heinrich Bewerunge (1862-1923), who became the first professor of ‘Church Chant and Organ’ at St Patrick’s College, Maynooth, County Kildare in 1888. 28
Exhibit 5.5: Kilmore Cathedral, County Cavan (Brindley, 1860): Gemshorn 4’ spotted metal pipes from the Choir Organ (Left); wooden façade dummies with wide mouths (Right)
Reverend Bewerunge was credited for bringing the organ-builder Stahlhuth to Ireland when he was chosen to build an instrument for the New Chapel at Maynooth29 Both
27 Bicknell, S, The History of the English Organ, (Cambridge: CUP, 1996, R/2005), 373. 28 White, H. and Lawrence, N., ‘Towards a History of the Cecilian Movement in Ireland’ in Gillen, G. & White, H. (Eds.), Irish Musical Studies: Music and the Church, Vol. 2, (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1993), 79-107, 79-80. 29 Idem. See specification in Appendix 1d, page 330. 191
William Hogson Telford and John Patrick White attended the opening preview of this instrument on the 6 August, 1890.30 They would have acquainted themselves not only with the electro-pneumatic technology but also the use of the high tin content in the pipework. Whether this prompted them to change their outlook is not evident, but Bewerunge would remain an important influence in the Catholic Church in Ireland and certainly began to set his mark by choosing a foreign national over an indigenous or English organ-builder so soon after his appointment. Bewerunge’s critique and commentary of the use of plain metal below exposed his predilection to the continental use of higher tin in their pipework. It is generally considered that a mixture of three parts tin and one part lead is the best for practical purposes, some admixture of lead being necessary to make the tin more workable. Sometimes a larger percentage of tin is used for appearance sake, but the tone is scarcely altered by that. In these countries a favourite material is what is called ‘spotted metal,’ an alloy of about equal parts of tin and lead. When the two ingredients are mixed at about this proportion, in the casting spots appear on the surface of the alloy, which look very pretty, and are the more brilliant the more-up to a certain percentage- there is of tin in the mixture. When there is a great preponderance of lead in the mixture, no spots appear, and we have what is known as ‘plain metal.’ This material, I think, ought not to be used in any organ at all. The difference in price between it and spotted metal is not very much, after all, and the advantages of the spotted metal are very great. I should strongly advocate, therefore, that those who order organs, should insist on getting best ‘spotted metal’ for the pipes; unless, of course, ‘pure tin,’ that is to say, tin with only a slight admixture of lead be used. If this were done generally, the art of organ-building would be greatly benefited.31
It is not surprising then that Bewerunge endorsed Stahlhuth’s work and saw in it a paradigm of virtue. It went one step further than Brindley did by using tin for the majority of his metal pipework. This was comparable to the pipework of Cavaillé-Coll which both Telford and White had used in previous instruments, so their awareness of its tonal and structural benefits were already surely known to them. See Chapter Four and later in this Chapter for further commentary on this. The pipe metal for the new organ at the Dominican Church, Drogheda (1897) was reported to be mainly spotted metal.32 That it was so noted may pay testament to Bewerunge and Stahlhuth’s influence. However, this was an exception rather than the norm in Telford’s oeuvre. Even the Dublin organ-builder Browne, who tuned the Brindley organ at Kilmore33 and copied Brindley’s stylised wooden triangular stopper handles, did not subscribe to the use of a high percentage of tin in his pipe-metal alloy.
30 LE, Vol. 11, No. 33 (3rd Series) 1 September 1890, 65-73, 67. 31 IER, Vol., 5, 4th Series (January – June 1899), 123-35, 124-5. 32 IT, 15 April 1897, 6. 33 SV: from dated signature on organ case. 192
There is little evidence to suggest that there was more than one house in Dublin manufacturing metal pipes in the final quarter of the nineteenth century and that was at Telford’s manufactory. Any uncertainty about this lies with William Browne, who was a contemporary of both William Telford and John White. In 1875 he built an instrument at Leighlin Bridge (RC) Church, County Carlow, where it was reported that ‘all the metal pipes, reeds, as well as every detail, have been made in Messrs. Browne’s factory’ in Camden Street.34 If this testimony was correct then it was the only exception and at complete odds with two separate reports concerning Telford’s output. The first was a contemporaneous account in 1874 when the Irish Builder noted that there were ‘no metal pipes made in Ireland except in this manufactory’35 and the second came shortly after the death of William Telford in 1885 with the following redacted report from Telford’s workshop:36 The manufacture of metal pipes forms an important element of the organ-builders art. The material is cast on the premises being so amalgams of lead procured from the Mining Company of Ireland and tin imported from Cornwall…The width of the mouth is in all cases a quarter of the circumference of the pipe…Messrs Telford are the only organ builders in Ireland making their own metal pipes, those in the cases of Christ Church Cathedral and the Royal University being samples of the size to which they extend, the longest being about 22 feet.
The description (see Appendix 3, page 338 for full account) reveals few surprises regarding the process of pipe-making, except that the lead was procured from indigenous sources. It does also tell us that Telford conformed to an emerging standard of using a quarter-mouth for flue pipes whereas in their earlier days they used approximately a two ninths-mouth. This was as a direct influence from Schulze which was done to make the pipes speak louder. Chapter Four case studies show that by 1870 White had introduced this to his principals.
Stops
In 1850, Telford acknowledged that they had embraced some of the tonal changes that their English counter-parts had brought to the development of the organ: ‘The Bourdon, teneroon, viol di gamba, wald flute, echo dulciana cornet, and doublette, are stops recently introduced
34 IB, Vol. 17, No. 377 (1 September 1875), 233-250, 248. 35 IB, Vol. 16, No. 358 (15 November 1874), 307-320, 312. 36 IT, 27 May 1885, 5. 193
St Peter’s College, Radley, Oxfordshire (William Telford, 1847)37
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Open Diapason 16 Double Diapason (wood\metal) 16 Open Diapason (great) 8 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason (small) 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason (wood) 8 Dulciana 8 Quint 5⅓ Principal 4 Principal (great) 4 Principal (small) 4 Principal 4 Twelfth 2⅔ 1 Tenth 3 /5 Fifteenth 2 Twelfth 2⅔ Twenty-Second 1 Fifteenth 2 Sesquialtera III Octave Flute (wood) 2 Cornet (dulciana) III Sesquialtera IV Trumpet 8 Mixture III Oboe 8 Double Trumpet 16 Trumpet 8 Clarion 4
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to g1
Stopped Diapason (wood) 8 Double Double Open Diapason 32* Dulciana 8 Double Open Diapason (wood) 16 Viol di Gamba 8 Double Open Diapason (metal) 16 Principal 4 Open Diapason 8 Wald Flute (wood) 4 Principal 4 Fifteenth 2 Twelfth 3 Mixture III 38 1⅓ Fifteenth 2 Cremona 8 Sesquialtera IV Double Trumpet 16 Trumpet 8
Couplers Composition Pedals
Sw/Gt Six Sw/Ch Gt/Pd Sw/Pd *(1853)
37 Hopkins, E J & Rimbault, E F, The Organ: Its History and Construction, (London, 1855, third edition 1877, R/Bardon Enterprises, Southsea, 2000), 801-2. 38 Gillen, G., ‘William Telford and the Victorian Organ’ in Gillen, G. & White, H. (Eds.), Irish Musical Studies: Music and the Church, Vol. 2 (Dublin: IAP, 1993), 108-28, 122. He has referred this stop as a Mounted Cornet which he may have taken from some of John Holmes’ notes. However, the latter referred to this stop as a Mixture in his 1993 Monograph: The Organ in Ireland. 194
Great George Street Chapel, Liverpool, (William Hill, 1841)39
Great C to f3 Swell C to f3
Bourdon [C-B] 16 Bourdon [C-B] 16 Teneroon Open Diapason 16 Teneroon Dulciana 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Stopped Diapason Treble 8 Stopped Diapason Treble 8 Quint 5⅓ Principal 4 Principal 4 Suabe Flute (wood) 4 Stopped Flute (metal) 4 Twelfth 2⅔ Twelfth 2⅔ Fifteenth 2 Fifteenth 2 Flageolet 2 3 Tierce 1 /5 Sesquialtera III Sesquialtera III Mixture II Mixture II Echo Dulciana Cornet V Doublette II Contra-Fagotto 16 Trombone 8 Cornopean 8 Clarion 4 Trumpet 8 Octave Clarion 2 Oboe 8 Clarion 4 Swiss Cromorne-flute 8
Choir C to f3 Pedal C to d1
Stopped Diapason 8 Grand Open Diapason 16 Dulciana 8 Bourdon 16 Claribel-Flute 8 Principal 8 Oboe-Flute 4 Fifteenth 4 Wald Flute 4 Sesquialtera V Piccolo 2 Trombone 16 Corno-Flute 8 Cromorne 8 Pedal Octave?
Couplers Solo Organ (Swell keys)
Sw/Gt Tuba Mirabilis 8 Ch/Gt Gt/Pd Composition Pedals Sw/Pd Ch/Pd Four
39 Bicknell, S, The History of the English Organ, (Cambridge: CUP, 1996, R/2005), 237. 195 into this country by Messrs. Telford.’40 In essence this was an indirect tribute to the pioneering work of William Hill (1789-1870) who helped bridge the gulf between the Romantic English organ and its Classical progenitor. This influence had already begun to creep into Telford’s work from the mid-1840s onwards and by 1847 it was easy to implicate Hill as a tacit mentor to Telford. The Radley organ was a case in hand. The Radley instrument was Telford’s largest to date; sticking to the German system, all divisions went from C. Almost certainly it was inspired by Hill’s organ at Great George Street Chapel, Liverpool (1841) which stretched to embrace the new frontiers H. J. Gauntlett (1805-1876) was prescribing for the English organ, and yet still held to a sense of the older classical organ. The Radley instrument superseded it with a 56-note manual compass and probably the first thirty-two note pedal-board in the British Isles.41 The independent Pedal division is striking with ten stops, yet did not contain the new ‘Bourdon’ stop (Stopped Diapason) that Hill had for the Pedal Organ. Both organs shared doubling of the Open Diapasons on the Great, but Hill diverged with only one principal on the Great and Swell. Hill still stuck to splitting the Stopped Diapasons into Bass and Treble and did so with the 16’ manual flues with the novel ‘Teneroon’ stop – something that Telford and White would imitate into the 1850s. In many ways Hill was setting the blueprint for the future English organ with his specification. Even though most of his Swell organs did not contain a 16ft reed until later,42 the Swell at Great George Street Chapel had one. This early Full-Swell Organ was also capable of fulfilling the role that the English Choir and Echo Organs once had: accompanying and providing a seperate solo. Telford kept the 16ft manual reed on the Great and curiously placed a wooden 2ft there also. (See reference to St Olave below). Whether this followed Hill’s stopped wooden Piccolo is not known, but Hill used a Flageolet on the Swell and demoted (or promoted) the Choir Organ to that of an enigmatic division with his German-inspired solo stops. This was different to Telford’s Choir Organ which looked to more halcyon days, despite the use of a Viol di Gamba (which, from evidence of early Telford instruments, was likely a Bell Gamba) and a Wald Flute. Apart from these two Hill stops, this division had the same specification as the Choir Organ at Durrow (see Chapter Three). The Mixture stop was a last-minute addition not on the specification included on the invitation to the workshop
40 RDS, 8 July 1850, Catalogue of Articles, (Dublin: Gill, 1850), 61. 41 The manual and pedal compasses are confirmed in Hopkins, & Rimbault, op. cit., 801-2. 42 Thistlethwaite, Nicholas, The Making of the Victorian Organ (Cambridge: CUP, 1990), 198. 196 exhibition in March 1848.43 Its addition, is not as remarkable as it may seem, since the division was retrospective not only in specification but in construction: the Choir Organ at Radley was the only known functional Chair Organ that Telford ever built.44 Telford borrowed Hill and Gauntlett’s idea of the Echo Dulciana Cornet and the use of gross mutations on the Radley organ with the inclusion of the seldom-used Tenth stop. The Radley organ was completed two years later than Hill (and Gauntlett’s) new instrument at the Church of St Olave, London Bridge, Southwark where the Great Organ alone had twenty-seven stops including several mutations and peculiarities.45 It may well have been influenced by this. The Tenth or Decima was a stop Hill favoured between the years 1843 and 184546 and it was the only one known that Telford ever included. Bevington followed suit at the Mechanic’s Hall, Nottingham one year later47 and Willis used two as part of a lower mixture in 1855 at St George’s Hall, Liverpool.48
Doublette
One of the more remarkable influences on Telford was the use of the Twenty- second stop. Both he and Hill used a 1ft stop but in different guises. Apart from the latter’s instrument at St Luke, Cheetham Hill, Manchester (1840), where it functioned in pitch as a Flageolet,49 Hill used the Twenty-second as part of the second rank of the compound Doublette stop – referred by Hill and Gauntlett as a ‘Sedecima and its octave,’50 or, essentially as an octave mixture. Telford chose to keep it as two separate stops: Fifteenth and Twenty-second or for all intentions just a one-rank Doublette. If there is anything that could be said to be an Irish corollary of the organ mid-century in the United Kingdom then it was this use of a single rank 1ft that can be found in Telford and White instruments up to 1860. There were few anomalies in England, but not enough that could be identified as prevalent: two known examples are the Doublette 1ft Willis used on the Great Organ for the instrument he presented at The Great Exhibition (1851)51 and the same-named used earlier by Bishop at
43 SD. 44 The Chair organ at Trinity College Chapel, Dublin was by Green (1797). See Chapter Three. 45 Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 508-10. 46 Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 197. 47 Ibid., 462. 48 Ibid., 136-7. 49 Ibid., 466. 50 Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 509. 51 Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 453. 197
St Giles, Camberwell (1844).52 The earliest known in Ireland was called a Twenty-second in the Flight & Robson organ that was erected and finished by Gray at St Francis Xavier’s, Dublin in 1834 (see page 252 for specification).
St Malachy’s, Belfast (William Telford, 1847)53
Great CC to f3 Swell C to f3
Bourdon w 16 Db Stopped Diapason 16 Teneroon m 16 Open Diapason 8 Great Open Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Small Open Diapason 8 Principal 4 Stopped Diapason 8 Twelfth 3 Principal 4 Fifteenth 2 Twelfth 3 Doublette 1 Fifteenth 2 Sesquialtera III Doublette 1 Cornopean 8 Sesquialtera III Hautbois 8 Mixture II Posaune 8 Clarion 4
Choir C to f3 Pedal C to e1
Viol de Gamba 8 Grand Db Open Diapason 16 Stopped Diapason 8 Double Trombone 16 Clarabella 8 Unison Trombone 8 Principal 4 Wald Flute 4 Fifteenth 2
Coupling Stops 4 Composition Pedals
Sw/Gt Sw/Ch Sw/Pd Gt/Pd
Josiah Pittman in one of his schemes for an organ at Lincoln’s Inn Chapel, London (1855) remarked on the 1ft stop as a ‘Doublette Octave.’54 It was an incidental but reflected acknowledgement of this nuance of understanding when Sperling recorded the
52 NPOR, N16312. 53 Hopkins, & Rimbault, op. cit, 830-1 Leahy, Anne, William Telford: Organ Builder, MA Thesis (St Patrick’s College, Maynooth, 1987), 57-8. 54 Ms: 24 November 1855, Mr Pittman[’]s scheme for an Organ, Lincoln’s Inn Archive, J6C, 7. 198 specification at St Malachy’s RC Church, Belfast. He must have presumed that it had two, two-rank Doublette stops55 and recorded it as such; Hopkins and Hamilton were more astute when they noted just the one.56 Despite this, it seems that Sperling was not the only one to assume the 1ft rank was part of a compound stop. White and Sons’ London-pipe-maker also presumed that the 1ft rank was the second rank of a Doublette or octave mixture. The pipe- markings in Exhibit 5.6 show that even though the two samples by White and Sons were called ‘Doublette’ and Twenty-second (‘22’) they were both considered the second rank of a compound stop by the pipe-maker. The Doublette has the number ‘2’ denoting it as a second rank whereas the Twenty-second has ‘=’ implying the same.
Exhibit 5.6: Doublette pipe (left) and Twenty-second pipe (right)57
Whether this was contemplated by White or not it seems that convenience played a seductive trick: any instrument offering a Doublette stop could get the compound version by also drawing the Fifteenth. In this approach, they imitated Telford directly. As the instrument at Radley was an emissary for Telford it is worth pondering why he chose to call the 1ft rank there a ‘Twenty-second’ and not a Doublette. Was he worried that he would have
55 Sperling, 3:134 in Boeringer, James, Organ Britannica: Organs in Great Britain 1660-1860: A complete Edition of the Sperling Notebooks and Drawings in the Library of the Royal College of Organists, Vol. 2, (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1986), 49-50. 56 This is corrected by three other sources: Hopkins, & Rimbault, op. cit., 830-1; Hamilton, J. A., Catechism of the Organ, Vol. 2, (London, 1838; seventh ed.,1865, R/Buren: Frits Knuf, 1992), 210-1; Leahy, op. cit., 57-8. 57 Doublette pipe (bottom C), Great Organ, St Paul’s, Arran Quay, Dublin, White & Sons (1859); Twenty-second pipe (f#1), Finger Organ, Gorey RC Church (now moved to Taghmon, County Wexford), White & Sons (1853). 199 been criticised for misleading the cognoscenti? In any case, it was just after his instrument at St Malachy’s, Belfast where he used the one-rank Doublette stop name twice. The French origins of the Doublette stop represented a 2ft pitch rank;58 namely two octaves above the standard 8’ pitch. Roland Galtier’s extensive survey of nineteenth century organ-builders in France (1997) has produced only one uncharacteristic reference to a 1ft version to this same stop name at St-Pierre, Avignon. The instrument was built (c.1820) by the Italian organ-builder Lodovico Piantanida who, along with his accomplice Giovanni (Jean-Baptiste) Mentasti, had three separate Doublette stops at 2ft, 1ft and ½ft pitch.59 Apart from this Galtier noted that most instruments predominantly named the 1ft rank a Sifflet. The 1ft stop went generally out of fashion in France by the mid-nineteenth century just as it became of interest to the English organ-builders and Telford. Audsley refers to the German and English builders who used it as a compound stop of two ranks.60 As seen above, Hill used the name Doublette to signify a 2’ and 1’ octave mixture. An unusual derivation of it occurred at Merseburg Cathedral where the two ranks of 4’ and 2’ were used.61 This contemporary organ by Friedrich Ladegast (1855) located this stop on the Hauptwerk (Great Organ), although it was an octave lower than anything known in England; it was juxtaposed by the Sifflöte 1’ on the Oberwerk (equivalent to open Swell Organ).62 It is doubtful Telford looked further afield than England to draw an Irish application of the one stop 1ft rank. The earliest known reference to a 1ft stop by an Irish builder was in 1843 by Telford at St Columba’s College, Stackallan, County Meath.63 He used the stop up to 1857 for his instrument at Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin. The first known used by White is from 1853 for the large finger-organ at Gorey (RC) Church.64 White ultimately absorbed Telford’s realisation of the one rank 1’ Doublette stop at Ennis Cathedral in 1858, where the Swell had a separate 1’ stop.65 A year later White included a second Doublette stop for the Great Organ at St Paul’s, Arran Quay also. It is evident from the specification in Exhibit 5.7 that it was
58 Sumner, W. L., The Organ: Its Evolution, Principles of Construction and Use (London, 1952, fourth edition 1973, 1981), 308 and correspondence with Dr. Nicholas Thistlethwaite. It generally referenced the Fifteenth whereas the 2’ flute was known as the Quarte (de Nazard) from the Cornet décomposé of the Classical organ and eventually was replaced by the name Octavin in the Romantic organ. 59 Galtier, R., Le Facture d’Orgues en France de 1800 à 1870, Vol. 1 (Lille: ANRT, 1997), 115-6. There was also a Quinte 1⅓’ and a Quinte ⅔’. 60 Audsley, G. A., The Art of Organ-Building, Vol. 1 (New York: Dodd, Mead, & Co., 1905; R/Dover, 1965), 523. 61 Idem. 62 OR, February 2011, 60. 63 Leahy, op. cit., 53. 64 See specification in Appendix 1a, page 297. 65 See specification in Appendix 1a, page 298. 200 not a compound stop and gave into the same expedient measures that Telford used: it provided an extra stop on the console for approximately half the price of the compound version.
Exhibit 5.7: Organ specification, St Paul’s, Arran Quay, Dublin66
Evidence at St Paul’s and from the recorded specification of Telford’s most evolved instrument in a stately home, Adare Manor, County Limerick, may suggest that both White and Telford conceived the Doublette to be used with the Fifteenth (as represented in the composite stop). In Exhibit 5.8 it is possible to see that the top octave of the 1ft rank on the Swell Organ at St Paul’s has not even been prepared for in the rack-board and the specification of Adare Manor (on page 203) shows only forty-eight pipes for the Doublette on either the Swell or Great Organ. On both accounts, playing the top notes with the 1ft rank
66 ICD, 1859, 430. 201 would need another stop drawn to compensate for the missing high notes and a 2ft rank would seem like the obvious choice to do this. A Swell Duplex (or octave coupler) at St Paul’s would not have helped, given that there was no extra octave of Fifteenth trebles on the Swell. Perhaps this coupler was originally influenced by the Diaocton stop, introduced in c.1841 by George Maydwell Holdich (1816-96), which did include twelve extra notes.67
Exhibit 5.8: St Paul’s, Arran Quay: Swell soundboard with missing trebles which were not prepared for
Foreign Influences
It is reasonable to assert from the specification of St Paul’s, Arran Quay, that White and Sons were influenced by Telford’s organ for St Malachy’s (RC) Church, Belfast. Despite this conservative progression, the novel use at St Paul’s of a Sforzando Pedal (which operated a temporary Great to Swell) paralleled Gray & Davison’s work at Newcastle-upon-Tyne Town Hall (1859).68 Telford used this device three years later at St Saviour’s, Dublin.
67 Matthews, Rodney, George Maydwell Holdich, Organ-Builder of London (1816-1896): Background, Life and Work, Vol. 1, PhD Thesis (Reading University, 2004), 49-51. 68 Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 283-4. 202
Adare Manor, County Limerick (Telford & Telford, 1850)69
Great C to f3 Swell C to f3
Bordoon 16 {12} Bordoon [sic.] 16 Teneroon 16 {42} Open Diapason 8 Great Open Diapason 8 {42} Dulciana 8 Flute Harmonique 8 {42} Principal 4 Stopped Diapason (bass) 8 {12} Dulciana Principal 4 Viol de Gamba 8 Flute Harmonique 4 Clarabel 8 {42} Fifteenth 2 Principal 4 Doublette 1 {48} Wald Flute 4 Cornet (Dulciana) III Twelfth 3 Bassoon 8 {16} Fifteenth 2 Oboe 8 {38} Doublette 1 {48} Vox Humana 8 {42} Furniture IV {204} Cymbale III {160} Bombarde 16 {42} Trumpet 8 Clarion 4 Tremolo
Choir C to f3 Pedal C to e1
Hohl Flute 8 Open Diapason 16 Stopped Diapason (bass) 8 {12} Violon 16 “ “ (treble) 8 {42} Open Diapason 8 Flute-a-Pavillon 8 {42} Furniture IV Flute Harmonique 8 {42} Trombone 16 Dulciana Principal 4 {42} Trumpet 8 Flute Gedacht 4 {42} Piccolo 2 Cor Anglais 8
Coupling Stops 7 Composition Pedals
Gt/Pd Sw/Pd Sw/Gt “ , octave below Sw/Ch Ch/Gt {Number of pipes}
69 Dunraven, op. cit., 16. 203
Henry Smart (1813-79) was the main driving force that influenced Gray & Davison’s work for the concert hall.70 After visiting Paris he brought much of Cavaillé-Coll’s influence to bear on the organ at the Glasgow City Hall (1852).71 It was the first concert instrument erected in Great Britain in which appeared sub and super octave couplers, harmonic flutes, and other improvements, which Smart had seen the value of in Paris, and lost no time in applying to our own manufacture.72
Smart followed in the footsteps of others like Gauntlett, Hopkins and Novello73 who had visited Continental Europe. Some looked at their builders’ work as a catalyst for change. Telford was no different when working on his magnum opus at Radley. Mr Telford has been over to Paris to see a magnificent organ lately erected by Cavaillé Coll in the Madeleine, – besides other organs. He says that the French builders are far in advance of the English in almost every point. Their pedal reeds are tremendous, and grand in the extreme. He hopes to get ours from Cavaillé, and if so, he says our organ will be ‘unequalled in England’.74
Although Telford never got to include any reeds by Cavaillé-Coll at Radley, his largest known mansion organ at Adare, County Limerick was the first known to contain stops by the French firm. A very fine organ, built by Telford of Dublin, occupies a position over two small arches immediately opposite the entrance: it is of great compass, having 44 stops and 2,353 pipes, [see p.21]; the stops were selected with great care by the present Earl of Dunraven, several of them having been procured from Monsieur Cavaillé-Coll, the celebrated organ-builder in Paris; and when played by his Countess, who is a perfect mistress of the instrument, the effect is indescribably beautiful.75
The specification (previous page) is exceptional in Irish organ-building, let alone in the mid- nineteenth century. It was eclectic and forward-looking, drawing together English, German and French stops as the description and commentary states. It was obviously a testament of Lord Dunraven’s own taste as well as a perfect opportunity for William Telford to provide yet another exemplar to the patron of St Columba’s College, whose personnel were also associated with its sister school at Radley. The instrument at Adare pre-dated Gray & Davison’s introduction of Cavaillé-Coll-styled stops at Glasgow City Hall and was likely to have been one of the first organs in the British Isles to include these stops procured from the French builder himself – it also had a reversed console. Along with the Swell sub-octave to
70 As a skilled draughtsman he was able to give clear technical instruction to the organ-builder (that Gauntlett (a lawyer) could not to Hill) as evinced in his drawings for the pinnacle of Gray & Davison’s work for the concert hall at Leeds Town Hall (1859). 71 Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 278. 72 Spark, W., Life of Henry Smart (London, 1881), 162. 73 Bicknell, op. cit., 232-4. 74 SD, 21 September 1847. 75 Dunraven, Caroline, Countess of, Memorials of Adare Manor (Oxford: 1865), 15. 204
Great coupler there is also the first recorded Choir to Great coupler in Ireland. It was the first attempt by Telford in Ireland at a ‘Symphonic’ style through the inclusion of so many 8’ stops, together with so many by Cavaillé-Coll. The use of duplication was all but gone and implied only by the presence of the Dulciana Principal on the Swell Organ. This sense of narrow scaling was paralleled on the Pedal Organ with the use of the Violon[e] – another first in Ireland. Although the ‘Bordoon’ [Bourdon] stop was introduced, it was not realised on the Pedal Organ, yet, this division was competently served to provide a cantus firmus or support an organo plenum passage by Bach. Other than the Swell Cornet, the Fourniture and Cymbale mixtures on the Great were a complete contrast (in name) to what had gone before. Whether or not the former of these ‘Gallic’-named stops contained a third-sounding rank, as most of Telford’s Mixtures or Sesquialteras did, it is tempting to consider that this organ may have been the first (but highly unlikely) not to do so. Eight years on the twin organs at Wexford had quint mixtures as seen in Chapter Four.76 Even though the Viol de Gamba stop is given a hybrid spelling, accenting the French flavour of the instrument, there was reference to Hill via the Teneroon, Wald Flute and Piccolo stops. Furthermore, the German named stop, Hohl Flute, was most likely another of Hill’s version of Gray & Davison’s Keraulophon, and, the Flute Gedacht, a stopped Wald Flute.77 All-in-all, the Choir Organ had an abundance of solo stops, as conveyed by the lack of separate basses for each.78 As a consequence (and despite the Symphonic gesture of a Choir to Great coupler) the division echoed more closely Hill’s direction in the Victorian Choir Organ, as already depicted at Great George Street Chapel, Liverpool. Both the Vox Humana on the Swell and the Bombarde on the Great also lacked a bass. This treatment is more English than French considering that, progressively in the nineteenth century, the Vox Humana was used in France as a precursor (and then a compliment) to undulating strings and the Bombarde was used to give some sense of vibrant gravitas, especially with the thrill of the tone provided by the Clicquot/Bertounèche shallots in the bass. Nonetheless, this instrument, as a whole, can be considered Telford’s first known departure from the English Organ and a progressive contemporary among its English peers. The French flavour continued a decade later, but in a subtler way, at another stately home: Carton House, County Kildare.
76 In Leahy, op. cit., 26, she asserted that Telford mostly used quint mixtures. This is erroneous given archaeological evidence to the contrary. 77 Other examples of Telford’s Hohl Flute are: Wexford (1858) and currently at the English Organ School (1863). Many of Telford’s later Lieblich Gedact’s are similar in construction with inverted lip, projected cap and sunken block. 78 See the number of pipes for each on page 203. 205
Exhibit 5.9: Carton House, Saloon Room: Organ (Telford, 1860)
Exhibit 5.10: Carton House: Diagrammatic Layout of Organ (not to scale)79
Swell Great
Regulator arm
Bellows
Pedal Bourdon
79 As realised from SV. 206
In 1857, Lord Edward Fitzgerald designed the magnificently ornate case for his estate home in which Telford furnished the still extant instrument three years later (Exhibit 5.9).80 Telford found an ingenious solution to the layout of the organ which is revealed in the previous diagram (Exhibit 5.10). Given the archway opening that divides the organ, he provided three double-rise bellows (circa three feet square each), all connected to rise simultaneously, on the left side of the case.
Exhibit 5.11: Carton House: Bellows (left); Underaction behind Console (right)
Regulator arm Gt action Gt stop action Sw action
Bellows1
Bellows2
In Exhibit 5.11 (left) it is possible to see the regulator arm that connected the floating frame of each and achieved this. Collectively, this would give the same pressure as one nine-foot square bellows. The wind was raised by a water engine in the basement below the bellows. In Exhibit 5.11 (right) the mechanical action for the Great was straightforward using older technology with wooden rollerboards and arms. The Swell action used newer technology with iron rollers and wooden arms behind the keys, and then at the other end used iron arms converting the vertical movement into horizontal movement. Transmission via a diagonal rollerboard and an end-on rollerboard finally operated the pallets.81 The stop action
80 The dates are confirmed from an inscription on the left dummy case and Swell soundboard label. 81 The Swell action movement can be summarised with arrows at either end of a roller as follows: 207 was neatly realised with its own wooden trundles and iron rollers. Apart from the ventil to operate the Pedal Bourdon there were no composition pedals to aid the player. (For specification see Appendix 1, page 309). Perhaps Lord Fitzgerald was no match as a player to Lord or Lady Dunraven, whose instrument had seven.
Exhibit 5.12: Carton House, County Kildare: Console
At the console (Exhibit 5.12), the keys are uniquely more akin to those of the piano, with bevelled sharps and rounded naturals. Those stops for the Swell were coloured in red and those for the Great in black and both were laid out in a single terrace resembling that of a finger organ, or more aptly a Cavaillé-Coll Choir organ of two-manuals. This latter connection is endorsed by a simple copy of the French manufacturer’s house-style of Pedal rail-guard that encompasses one ventil and three coupler pedals, seen at the bottom of Exhibit 5.12.82 Telford yet again paid homage to Cavaillé-Coll when it came to two stops on the Great Organ. The first was the Harmonic Flute 4’ (Exhibit 5.13 left) which he unusually adapted by using wooden pipes, pierced and double-length. The second was the Cor Anglais 8’ (Exhibit 5.13 right) that had all the hallmarks of being an imported stop. It was made of spotted metal with the ticking side reversed and planed with half-length resonators in the bass
1. Key roller towards console 2. diagonal rollerboard at l. h. side of console 3. Squares at r. h. side of top of archway to end-on rollerboard under Swell Pallet 82 The Pedalboard is retractable with brass hooks at the end of the keys pulling down trackers. 208 and extended boots in the tenor octave to aid any resonance problems. Alongside the centred- blocks and straight tuning-wires, the stop used a free-reed. Correspondence between Telford and Cavaillé-Coll show that this stop was probably one of those bought in from the Paris house.83
Exhibit 5.13: Carton House, Great Organ: Pipework (left); Cor Anglais (right)
Harmonic Flute 4’
Free Reed
France was not the only country to bear influence on organ-building in Ireland or England. As seen before, through the influence of Mendelssohn, Gauntlett and S. S. Wesley, amongst others, the organ music of J. S. Bach was introduced to the British Isles. This had a reflective effect on the direction of the English organ thanks to organ-builders such as Hill. After Schulze’s instrument was hailed as a wonder, with its open-foot voicing and clear resounding choruses, at the Great Exhibition (1851), it became increasingly fashionable for organ-builders to include ‘German’ stops or stops with German nomenclature as part of the menu to be sampled by organists.
83 Douglas, F., Cavaillé-Coll and the Musicians: A Documented Account of His First Thirty Years in Organ-Building, Vol. 1 (Raleigh: Sunbury, 1980), 244. This free-reed was not commonly used in Ireland. 209
The instrument (Job No. 687)84 commissioned for St Audoen’s, Dublin in 1861 was such an example, where Walker included no less than seven ‘German’ stops. In the specification below they appear on the Swell and Choir Organs as: Gemshorn, Spitzflöte, Rohrflöte and Lieblich Gedact. Although they must have been novel for the organist they were, to all intents and purposes, platitudinous offerings in their original conception. In Exhibit 5.14 the workshop ledger shows that these stops were to be constructed on typical English lines quite unrelated to the German versions. The aforementioned were to be realised by the pipe-maker as a ‘Principal’ or ‘Open Diapason’ for the first two (depending whether they were at 4’ or 8’ pitch), and as a ‘Stopped Diapason’ for either of the last two. Thistlethwaite summarised that this type of practice ‘alerts us to the superficial nature of German influences in the work of many English builders at this period.’85 Although Thistlethwaite acknowledged that Walker’s instruction reflected an expedient solution appropriated by trend, it was not what finally transpired. What may have started off as a perfunctory reference was realised much more thoroughly. On examination of the extant pipework it is clear that the pipe-maker did indeed succeed in delivering conically- shaped bodies for the Gemshorn and Spitzflöte. In Exhibit 5.15 it is unmistakable that these stops are true to their namesake; even the 8’ basses of the Swell Spitzflöte (as seen in Exhibit 5.16 left) are tapered. The Rohrflöte on the Swell and Choir were also made as metal Chimney Flutes (with wooden bases and perforated stoppers in the tenor octave). Only the Lieblich Gedact (in Exhibit 5.15 right) was made akin to a typical (but narrow-scaled) English wooden Stopped Diapason. Furthermore, pipe-markings bear out a homogeneous Teutonic reverence. The Rohrflöte pipe sampled in Exhibit 5.16 (right) could so easily have been scribed: ‘Stopped Diapason’ or ‘Flute,’ as was written in the workshop notebook in Exhibit 5.17 below, but was scribed as ‘Rohr fl’. Along with the reeds, these Chimney Flutes were made out of spotted metal which was indirectly deferential to Schulze. The provision of traditional resonators with bells, down to the bass, for the Oboe stop (see Exhibit 5.16 left) confirms attention to detail and a ‘no-expenses spared’ approach, where many builders, including Telford and White, used the bassoon bass.86 Another influential landmark instrument from England that followed Walker’s approach to quality was the Town Hall
84 See copy of workshop ledger below in exhibits 5.14 and 5. 85 Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 389. 86 This was achieved by not including the inverted bell on the narrow-scaled tapered resonator. 210 organ at Belfast (1862) by William Hill which used ‘thicker and stronger pipe metal’ including ‘spotted metal.’87
St Audoen’s RC, Dublin (J W Walker, 1861)
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Diapason 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason 8 Spitzflöte 8 Gamba (German) 8 Rohrflöte 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Principal 4 Gemshorn 4 Flute 4 Dulcet 4 Twelfth 2⅔ Mixture 12.15.19.22 IV Fifteenth 2 Horn 8 Full Mixture 15.19.22 III Oboe 8 Sharp Mixture 19.22.26.29 IV Clarion 4 Trumpet 8 Clarion 4 Tremulant
Choir C to g3 Pedal C tof1
Dulciana 8 Open Diapason 16 Lieblich Gedact 8 Bourdon 16 Gemshorn 8 Principal 8 Spitzflöte 4 Mixture 12.15.22 III Rohrflöte 4 Trombone 16 Piccolo 2 Trumpet 8 Clarionet (TC) 8
Couplers Composition Pedals
Sw Sup Oct Great Organ 6 Sw Sub Oct Swell Organ 4 Sw/Gt Sw/Ch Sw/Pd Gt/Pd Ch/Pd
87 Bicknell, op. cit., 254. 211
Like the contemporary organ by Hill at the Ulster Hall, the mixtures at St Audoen’s contain no tierce rank.88 This was yet a further testament to the equal temperament movement advocated by Hopkins and those disciples of Schulze. Furthermore, Walker’s instrument possesses tiered choruses that are an incipient reference, as realised internally, to the Werkprinzip. The Great Organ, boosted with a four-rank Sharp Mixture, provided a possible Organo Pleno effect suitable for the contrapuntal music of Bach. In Walker’s Account ledger the Great composition pedals had full Great Organ up to both Mixtures excluding the reeds. These were then brought on or off by a separate reversible toe pedal (also bringing on the Pedal reeds).89 Similarly, the low Mixture on the Swell included a twelfth as the bottom rank which edified the harmonic super-structure of the principal chorus to support the plenum effect of an Oberwerk division. All-in-all, this organ was more than a token gesture to one of the growing tastes of the day.
Exhibit 5.14: Copy of workshop specification for St Audoen’s, Dublin90
88 Bicknell, op. cit., 256. 89 Copy of Workshop Account ledger at Walker’s, 492 . 90 Walker Shop Books, Vol. 2, 15. I am grateful to the organist at St Audoen’s for allowing me to access this copy sent by Walker. 212
Exhibit 5.15: St Audoen’s, pipework: Swell (left); Choir (right)
Gemshorn Rohrflöte Rohrflöte Lieblich Gedact Spitzflöte Gemshorn
Exhibit 5.16: St Audoen’s, Swell: Spitzflöte bass (left); Rohrflöte pipe (right)
Spitzflöte
Apart from the contemporary instrument by Brindley at Kilmore, this was the first in Dublin to have so many exotic stops with German nomenclature. Even Telford’s organ for
213
Exhibit 5.17: Copy of notebook specification for St Audoen’s, Dublin91
Christ Church Cathedral, completed in 1857, had only two.92 Notwithstanding this, Walker integrated these influences in a manner that did not saturate the sense of the English organ. He had, after all, continued what Hill had started to do with the Swell and Choir Organs by using them as the main platform to introduce something new. Walker’s roots with the English Organ are evinced by the use of traditional Stopped Diapasons for the 8’ and 4’ flutes on the Great Organ and 8’ on the Choir Organ. Other than the latter ‘Lieblich Gedact,’ the ‘German’ Gamba stop93 fell short in realisation; as was common with John Patrick White, it was in essence, a smaller-scaled Open Diapason. (White’s ‘German’ Gamba at St Paul’s, Arran Quay was none other than a Hill-styled ‘Bell’ Gamba.) The use of the Dulcet stop is ambiguous. If it was intended as a ‘Dulciana Principal’ then it referenced a token from the past. If not, Walker may have misconstrued this along the lines of a Schulze ‘Geigen Principal’ or ‘Violino’94 where its tonal impact as a narrow-scaled soft Principal is lost.95
91 Copy of Specification Notebook at Walker’s, 15 gratefully passed on to me by the organist at St Audoen’s. 92 Great: Gemshorn 4’; Choir: Lieblich Gedact. See Leahy, op. cit., 69-70. 93 See Exhibit 5.17. 94 Hughes, B., The Schulze Dynasty: Organ Builders 1688-1880 (East Sussex: Musical Opinion Ltd, 2006), 62. This was one of a number of stops added by Schulze to the organ at the Temple Church, London where Hopkins was organist. Hopkins had previously visited the German organ-builder at Paulinzella, Germany. The Specification in 1859 was (See Hughes, B., loc. cit.): Gt: Db Diap 16, Op Diap 8, Op Diap 8, St Diap 8, Hohl Fl 8, V d Gam 8, Pr 4, Oc 4, Nas Fl 4, Tw 2⅔, Ft 2, Mix III 2, Sh Mix V 2, Sm Tr 8, Lg Tr 8, Cl 4. 214
Similarly the inspiration for the Horn is unclear. Its position to the fore of the Swell when the other reeds are to the rear (see Exhibit 5.1 left) would indicate that it was intended as Hopkins96 and Schulze97 understood it to be: a powerful wide-scaled Trumpet. All-in-all, the close timing (1859) of the work carried out by Schulze at the Temple Church, London98 may have been a considerable factor of influence for Walker’s instrument. Similarly, his opus at St. Audoen’s would likely have sent ripples through the organ scene in Dublin. As Chapter Four outlined, it was seen as a marker for White on which to base his instrument at St Andrew’s, Westland Row. Telford completed his largest church instrument to-date in Ireland at St Saviour’s, Dominick Street, Dublin, in the same year as the Ulster Hall organ. Both had four manuals (though the former was originally intended as three),99 replete with the first full-length 32ft flue stop in Ireland (and the second ever of Telford’s output). Perhaps deferential to Walker’s work at St Audoen’s, there were four exotic-named stops that Telford used associated with German nomenclature: Gedact, Gedact [Bourdon], Lieblich Gedackt, Gemshorn. The explicit reference to a ‘Cone’ Gamba on the Swell was either deferential to the conical- shaped Spitzflöte on the Swell at St Audoen’s since both Telford and White used the ‘Bell’ version of Hill’s stop as part of their house-style up to this time, or an acknowledgement of Hill’s tapered stop that he contemporaneously employed on the Choir Organ at the Ulster Hall.100 Similarly, the use of the term ‘Octave’ rather than Principal may mirror the choice of stop name at the Ulster Hall101 or reflect a more strident or ‘clear and strong’ (perhaps Schulze-like) sound as referenced by Hopkins at the Temple Church,
Ch: Lieb Bd 16, Spz Fl 8, Viol Dp 8, Dul 8, Lieb Ged 8, Fl Trav 8, Gems 4, Viol 4, Lieb Fl 4, Mix III 2, Cor d Bas 8. Sw: Bd 16, Op Dp 8, Rohr Ged 8, Pr 4, Rohr Fl 4, Tw & Ft 2⅔, Mix IV 1⅓, Db Bass 16, Fr Horn 8, Htby 8, Orch Ob 8, Cl 4. Pd: Sb Bs 32, Op Bs 16, St Bs 16, Vl 16, Qt 10⅔, Vcl 8, Tw & Ft 5⅓, Tr 16. Cp: Sw/Gt, Sw/Ch, Ch sub/Gt, Sw/Pd, Ch/Pd. 95 In Hopkins & Rimbault, op. cit., 663, Hopkins refers to the contrasting sounds of the Great Open Diapasons and Principals as either ‘smooth and mellow’ or ‘clear and strong.’ 96 Hopkins & Rimbault, op. cit., 314. 97 Audsley, G. A., Organ Stops and their Artistic Registration (New York: Gray & Co., 1921; R/Dover, 2002), 169-71. 98 Hughes, loc. cit.. 99 DB, Vol. 2, No. 16 (1 April 1860), 233. 100 Hamilton, J. A., Catechism of the Organ, Vol. 2 (London, 1838; seventh ed., 1865, R/Buren: Frits Knuf, 1992), 212. 101 Ibid. Apart from the Choir Organ, Hamilton refers to ‘Octave’ on the Great and Swell Organs whereas the Musical World (XLI, 1863:5) quoted in Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 398-9 has ‘Principal’. 215
St Saviour's Church, Dublin (Telford 1862)102
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Open Diapason 16 Gedact Bourdon 16 Great Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Salicional 8 Dulciana 8 Gedact 8 Cone Gamba 8 Octave 4 Octave 4 Twelfth 3 Flute Hamonique 4 Fifteenth 2 Fifteenth 2 Full Mixture III 2 Mixture III 2 Sharp Mixture III 1 Contra Fagotti 16 Cornopean 8 Oboe 8 Clarion 4 Tremulant
Choir C to g3 Solo C to g3
Lieblich Gedact 16 Open Diapason, Harmonic 8 Salicional 8 Gamba 8 Viol di Gamba 8 Octave, Harmonic 4 Stopped Diapason 8 Trumpet 8 Gemshorn 4 Clarion 4 Suabe Flute 4 Piccolo 2 Clarionet 8
Couplers Pedal C to f1
Sw/Gt unisons Contra-Bass (open) 32 Sw/Gt sub-ctaves Double Open Diapason 16 Sw/Gt super-octaves Violone 16 Sw/Ch unisons Octave 8 So/Sw Ophecleide 16 So/Gt Trombone 8 Gt/Pd unisons Gt/Pd octaves Composition Pedals Sw/Pd Great: Four Swell: Two Sw: Sforzando Gt/Pd
London.103 Walker himself had noted for St Audoen’s that ‘the scale of the Diapasons are to be full and bold.’104 The use of two Mixtures on the Great was not atypical for Telford but up
102 JHA, Newspaper cutting and DB ‘Organ Building in Dublin,’ Vol. 2, No. 16 (1 April 1860), 233. It contained 52 Stops and 2,396 pipes. 216
to this (with exception to the Adare anomaly) was in the form of Sesquialtera and Mixture.105 The new reference to ‘Full’ and ‘Sharp’ Mixtures on the Great shows Telford keeping abreast with the current trend set not only by Walker’s instrument at St Audoen’s but simultaneously by Hill’s Great Organ at The Ulster Hall, Belfast106 and Bevington’s new organ for St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin (1863-5).107 The composition of Telford’s mixtures on the Great and Swell concurs in the lowest rank with those at the Ulster Hall whereas the Sharp Mixture at St Audoen’s starts with the nineteenth. Telford’s Swell Mixture maybe his first not to have a seventeenth in the bass and thus reveals a stop that was more integrated with the emerging English Full-Swell. Although St Saviour’s had eclectic influences in the specification it did not have an over-riding Francophile lilt as its ancestor had at Adare. There were three exceptions that stood out. Apart from the Flute Harmonique, the use of super and sub-octave couplers are reminiscent of St Audoen’s. Although Walker had provided pneumatic assistance to the composition pedals108 there was no pneumatic lever added to the coupler actions which provided both sub and super-octave coupling on the Swell Organ. (This division is tedious to play with both couplers added and wearisome when also coupled to the Great Organ.) Given that there were inter-manual octave couplers at St Saviour’s, it was likely that Telford used some form of pneumatic aid as he had done for the first time at Christ Church Cathedral five years previously.109 The other feature alluded to the contemporaneous instrument at St Sulpice, Paris. Telford’s extraordinary use of harmonic Principals on the Solo Organ was a bold move and perhaps a first in any organ of the British Isles.110 What the inspiration was for Telford is unknown, but at St Sulpice the Grand Orgue contained a Principal- Harmonique 16’.111 Also, Cavaillé-Coll split the Grand Orgue (Great Organ) into two. The latter contained the Principal chorus up to 2’ whereas the Grand Choeur (Solo Organ)
103 Hopkins, & Rimbault, op. cit., 663. In Audsley, loc. cit., 198, he noted that the ‘Octave’ stop was not prevalent by J. W. Walker & Sons only having been used eight times since 1858 and 1903. 104 Walker Shop Books, Vol. 2, 16. 105 For example: National Exhibition, Cork (1852), Dundalk RC Church (1852) and Twin Churches, Wexford (1858). 106 Bicknell, op. cit., 255. 107 IT, 25 February 1865, 3. St Patrick’s also had a Sesquialtera. 108 As noted in the workshop ledger from Walkers. 109 Grindle, W. H., Irish Cathedral Music, PhD thesis, (Dublin, Trinity College, 1985), 213. 110 Not one specification in the British Isles referenced these stops as indexed by Hopkins, & Rimbault, The Organ: Its History and Construction (London, 1855, third edition 1877, R/Bardon Enterprises, Southsea, 2000), 659-833. Whether they were effectively flutes is not known but their conception appears to be otherwise. 111 Hopkins, & Rimbault, op. cit., 523. 217
formed mostly the upper work with compound and reed stops,112 not unlike a practical realisation of the Jeux de Combination ventil. Nonetheless, at St Saviour’s the Great Organ contains the plenum chorus up to mixture, while the reeds, Gamba and harmonic stops were placed on the Solo Organ which looked more towards the English Town Hall Organ. It is not known whether Telford used Cavaillé-Coll ventils or progressive wind pressures, like Gray & Davison did with Smart,113 but St Saviour’s was noted for having ‘five bellows and reservoirs’ and ‘three pressures of wind.’114 In many ways, the Town Hall Organ was England’s answer to the French Symphonic instrument as espoused by Aristide Cavaillé-Coll. There was no mystery that the advance of engineering, with playing aids such as the pneumatic lever, ventils, and the hydraulic blower, enabled the organist to use the divisions in a homogeneous dynamic that made the instrument act like an integrated orchestra. Alongside this, solo stops were plentiful, but, at 8’ pitch. This type of organ experience was keenly anticipated in the churches and cathedrals when instruments were moved or re-built and accommodated in the re-ordered sanctuaries according to the reform of the Established church. At St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin, the extensively re-built organ (1865) was placed away from the demolished screen and was commented on thus: The new organ was built for St. Patrick’s Cathedral by Messrs Bevington and Sons, of London, and is fixed behind the stalls at the north side of the choir. The instrument shows two points, one over the keyboard, filling the arch with gilt diapason pipes, the other large sixteen feet pedal diapason. The organist is well placed for hearing the choir; but the builders have had to exercise great mechanical skill to accomplish what is done, and about 300 of the old pipes have been used again, including three of the stops by Renatus Harris, making up the total of 2,750. The tone is very sonorous and powerful, without any hardness or harshness; the diapason work smooth and round; the solo stops – viz, gamba, claribel, clarionet, and flutes – are very telling. Indeed the instrument, as a work of art, in voicing and mechanism, reflects great credit on the builders, and is well worthy of the beautiful edifice and service it is built for.115
A contemporaneous account of Telford’s work at the Church Of The Molyneux Asylum, Upper Leeson Street, shows similar elements noted above. A very fine and powerful organ has been erected by Messrs. Telford and Telford, St. Stephen’s-green, in the above church, and was used for the first time at divine service on Sunday last. The instrument, although not quite finished, gave very general satisfaction. The
112 Idem. 113 Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 280-3. 114 JHA, Newspaper cutting. 115 IT, 25 February 1865, 3. 218
Carmelite Church, Whitefriar Street, Dublin (White, 1865)116
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Diapason 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Gamba 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason [Bass] 8 Octave 4 Clarabella Flute 8 Suabe Flute 4 Principal 4 Fifteenth 2 Harmonic flute [4] Mixture Twelfth 3 Cornopean 8 Fifteenth 2 Oboe 8 Sexquialtra III Clarion 4 Posaune 8 Clarion 4 Tremblant
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f3
Gedact 8 Double Open Diapason 16 Dulciana 8 Octave 8 Gemshorn 4 Trombone 16 Solo Flute 4 Piccolo 2 Clarionet 8
Couplers Composition Pedals
Sw/Gt Gt/Pd Sw/Pd
diapasons are round and full; the mixtures bright and charming; the solo stops are really charming; the reed stops very fine, and the 16 feet double open diapason (pedals) grand.117
As discussed in Chapter Two, White had very few commissions from the Reformed or Established Church and relied on the majority of work from the Catholic hierarchy. Whether he tendered for the large job at St Saviour’s is unknown, but circumstances at this time would not have been in his favour after the loss of manpower at the firm. When his brothers eschewed the family business, John Patrick White had to continue as the sole heir with the added handicap of losing at least two established organ-builders and a trainee pipe-maker. This was later testified by the notice that one of his largest instruments for the Carmelite
116 DB, Vol. 7, No. 130 (15 May 1865), 121-132, 132. 117 DB, Vol. 5, No. 82 (15 May 1863), 81-92, 90. 219
Llandaff Cathedral, (Gray & Davison, 1861)118
Great C to f3 Swell C to f3
Bourdon (w) 16 Double Diapason (w) 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Gamba 8 Keraulophon 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Harmonic flute (tc) 4 Fifteenth 2 Twelfth 3 Mixture II Fifteenth 2 Cornopean 8 Mixture IV Oboe 8 Trumpet (Horizontal) 8 Clarion 4
Choir C to f3 Pedal C to e1
Double Diapason (w) 16 Open Diapason (w) 16 Spitzflute 8 Bourdon (w) 16 Dulciana (tc) 8 Principal (w) 8 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Trombone (w) 16 Clarionet Flute (tc) 8 Gemshorn 4 Flute (w) 4 Piccolo (w) 2 Clarinet (tc) 8
Couplers Composition Pedals
Sw/Gt Great: Four Sw/Ch Swell: Two Sw/Pd Gt/Pd Ch/Gt Ch/Pd
Church, Whitefriar Street, Dublin (1865) had ‘been built by Mr. John White and Son of 17 Bishop-street.’119 Perhaps, due to this set-back, White’s work during this period showed a much more middle-of-the-road evolution. Although White did follow Telford’s lead at St Saviour’s with the use of a Double Open Diapason 16’ and no Bourdon 16’ on the Pedal Organ, the specification at Whitefriar Street had its roots in the family’s pre-eminent earlier
118 BOA, Gray & Davison Shop Book 6, no. 10119 in Bicknell, op. cit., 253-4. 119 N, 13 May 1865, 12. 220
work at St Paul’s, Arran Quay (see page 201). On the Great Organ a Harmonic Flute was added at Whitefriar Street, minus duplication and the Doublette; on the Swell Organ it was a Clarion, Hill’s Suabe Flute and a Mixture instead of the Twelfth, Doublette and Dulciana Cornet; and finally on the Choir and Pedal Organs, one 16’ stop each was removed or added. Although Bevington’s instrument at St Patrick’s contained two Mixtures and one Sesquialtera120 on the Great, the organ at Whitefriar Street had only a Sesquialtera on the Great, as did two of his subsequent instruments in 1866 at St Peter’s, Drogheda121 and St Peter’s, Phibsborough.122 This showed that at this time, White did not fully embrace the Schulze School of quint mixtures. Apart from White’s use of such ‘German’ stop names as Octave, Gemshorn and Gedact as seen above, the rest were typically conservative English stop names. As such, this organ had a specification very much characteristic of Gray and Davison’s work at Llandaff Cathedral (1861). Apart from the Choir couplers and stops like the Spitzflute and Clarionet Flute, the organs vary little. Bicknell has categorised the specification above as a typical exemplar of Gray & Davison’s output for this period but also as a portent to their ‘gradually taking a position in the second rank.’123 In many ways, the same could be said for White in Ireland. It was not until he got the contract (1869) for St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin that his profile was raised. (See case study in Chapter Four.) On the merit of his selection it was noted. Of Mr. White’s capabilities, the committee is in a position to form a correct opinion. I have spoken to several organists who have had practical experience of instruments built by him, and they agree in saying that they are soundly and durably made, and satisfactory to play upon, and that his manufacture has shown a marked and progressive improvement within the last few years.124
Along with White’s proposed two mixtures on the Great Organ, the influence of Walker was not far away. Indeed, his instruments dropped the use of the name Sesquialtera from thenceforth. It was obvious that Walker’s instrument had a public profile from the following comments. The pipes and all other materials used to be of the very best quality; the case to be of stained pine, with speaking pipes in front, similar, I am informed, to that in St Audoen’s, High- street.125
120 IT, 25 February 1865, 3. (See specification in Appendix 1d, page 326). The Swell also had a Mixture and Sesquialtera. 121 DB, Vol. 8, No. 154 (15 May 1866), 121-134, 133. (See specification in Appendix 1a, page 299). 122 DB, Vol. 8, No. 160 (15 Aug 1866), 199-210, 209. (See specification in Appendix 1d, page 300). 123 Bicknell, op. cit., 254. 124 IB, Vol. 11, No. 238 (15 Nov. 1869), 255-68, 256. 125 Ibidem. 221
White must have known the stakes were high to prevail not only over the tenders of Hill and Bryceson. The judges too, including Sir Prescott Stewart at the helm, would have to be impressed. After all, it was Stewart who had assented to Bevington’s work at St Patrick’s. Perhaps this was why White chose to radically depart from the past and introduce something novel: a hybrid style of organ with many Cavaillé-Coll stops, (pneumatic lever) and Dublin’s only Tonnerre accessory stop. (See Chapter Four). The Spirit of France that Telford had known twenty years earlier was now resurrected by White. This period provided Ireland with an increased exposure to a new-found French aesthetic. Charles Spackman Barker (1804-79), the accredited inventor of the patented ‘pneumatic lever’ had departed Paris after his factory became a casualty of the Franco- Prussian War126 and emigrated to Cork around the time White was commissioned to build the instrument at St Andrew’s. Almost penniless and approaching sixty-eight years of age, he assembled ‘a motley crowd of journeymen’ from France, Germany, Holland and America127 to work on his most prestigious commission in Ireland at Dublin’s Roman Catholic Cathedral. Even the esteemed American Hilborne Roosevelt was asked to assist, but surreptitiously so. Roosevelt’s direction and advice was most invaluable, being, moreover, given in the most chivalrous and generous spirit, but of the absolute result achieved it is perhaps better to say nothing. No man, not even a Rossevelt or a Father Willis, could reconstitute order out of such chaos.128
Exhibit 5.18: Pro-Cathedral, Great Organ (1872): Rohr Flute (Bourdon) by Barker129
126 Hinton, J. W., The Story of the Electric Organ (London, 1909; R/Portsmouth: Bardon Enterprises, 1997), 42. 127 Idem. 128 Hinton, J. W., op. cit., 43. 129 This is now located on the Swell Organ where it was photographed. 222
St Mary’s Pro-Cathedral, Dublin (Charles Spackman Barker, 1872)130
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Open Diapason 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason 8 Keraulaphon 8 Hohl Flute 8 Voix Celestes 8 Rohr Flute 8 Harmonic Flute 8 Principal 4 Lieblich Gedact 8 Twelfth 3 Salicional 4 Fifteenth 2 Harmonic Flute 4 Mixture III-V Octavin 2 Posaune 16 Voix Humaine 8 Trumpet 8 Trumpet 8 Clarion 4 Oboe & Bassoon 8
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Viol di Gamba 8 Double Open Diapason 16 Dulciana 8 Contrebasse 16 Flauto Traverso 8 Db Stopped Diapason 16 Stopped Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Principal 4 Violincello 8 Clarionet 8 Octave 4 Bombarde/Db Trum 16 Trumpet 8
Coupler and Combination Pedals s
Ch/Gt Crescendo Combination of Gt Sw/Gt Gt: Organ Diapasons Sw/Ch Sw: Trumpet Ch/Pd Ch: Clarionet Gt/Pd Pd: Reeds [Sw/Pd] Sw Pedal Sw: Tremolo
The organ and mechanical arrangement include pneumatic lever to great couplers; detached key boards; high and low wind pressure; supply, combination, and coupler pedals; crescendo adaptation to a certain number of great manual stops, in addition to that usually made to those of the third or swell manual. The front pipes (supported by a massive base in joinery forming pedestal, and divided into three groups by pilasters), are made of zinc, as is also the double trumpet of the pedals. Bright spotted metal (half tin and half lead) has been used for all the other pipes in the organ.131
130 IT, 7 October 1872, 3. 131 Idem. 223
Despite the ‘chaos’, Barker introduced many new features of organ-building to Ireland. He also acknowledged the continental practice of using good-quality pipe-metal. In Exhibit 5.18 the Great ‘Rohrflute’ (stamped ‘B’ourdon) has spotted-metal which he likely imported from France. He obtained the soundboards from the Bryceson brothers, who had shown a previous interest in his use of electric action at St Augustin, Paris (1867),132,133 but then applied their own electric action to the organ at St Michael’s, Cornhill in 1868.134 These soundboards used two different pressures to accentuate the treble – an idea first advocated by Cavaillé-Coll but not known to be a feature of White or Telford’s work.135 Barker experimented further than Cavaillé-Coll had done and placed the Great Jeux de Combination (upper-work with reeds) on a higher pressure in the Swell box augmenting the dynamic capacity of the instrument. The quality of the tone has something peculiar about it, not often to be met within large organs. The diapasons are full, rich and mellow, while the 16 and 8 foot trumpets on the great organ placed as they are upon a heavy pressure of wind, give a majestic resonance to the chorus of the organ that impresses you immediately. The reeds and mixture stops of the great organ being enclosed within the swell box enable the player to produce a crescendo on the great organ which heightens the effect.136
This was, in some manner, a forward-looking attempt to fuse the idea of a separate Solo division (or Grand Choeur by Cavaillé-Coll) and to place it under expression: thus the prototype of an enclosed Solo Organ was effectively born; with or without heavy pressure reeds. Bryceson and Morten went on to repeat this layout at Ss Peter & Paul’s RC Church, Cork four years later.137 Along with a French-styled detached console with at least twelve combination pedals operating ventils and couplers, Barker also brought with him the Voix Célestes stop which is believed to be the first ever in Ireland. One commentator noted that it ‘and the “voix humaine” must be heard to be appreciated. They are both a wonderful success.’138 W. T. Best was familiar with the ventil system introduced by Gray & Davison
132 Hinton, op. cit., 46-7. 133 A description of this work was referenced in Ireland: ‘New Device in Organ Building -- Mr. Barker having been commissioned to build an organ for the Church of St. Augustin, at Paris, intends to introduce there a new device, in which, by the aid of electricity, the communication of key with pipe, at present a cumbrous and complicated piece of business, is replaced by something simpler.’ See IB, Vol.6, No. 106 (15 May 1864), 89-100, 100. 134 Hopkins & Rimbault, op. cit., 256. 135 Telford’s instrument at Armagh Cathedral (1874) may be the only exception. 136 FJ, 23 September 1872, 2. 137 Hopkins, & Rimbault, op. cit., 832; SV. 138 FJ, 23 September 1872, 2. 224
and even recommended it in his organ tutor.139 He was a natural choice to officiate at the opening of this organ140 and only a year after he obliged at St Andrew’s.141 Despite the many novel ideas offered in this instrument at the Pro-Cathedral, it lost many admirers as time went by. Regrettably, some comments about its creator were nothing short of disparaging and a shallow eulogy to his memory. A few years ago, moreover, the Cathedral, Marlborough-street, supplied itself with a large organ from some itinerant foreigner, and that organ, it may be added, has been a sore affliction to performers from that day to this, and to many others as well.142
Hinton pulled no punches either in stating that Barker’s last opus, at St Patrick’s (RC) Church, Monkstown, County Dublin (1873)143 was ‘even more unsatisfactory.’144 Two years on Telford must have taken some note of Barker’s work at the Pro- Cathedral at Armagh (RC) Cathedral, as he used two soundboards on the Great Organ on different pressures. Along with this he used a reversed console with angled jambs.145 Nonetheless, his specification was much more traditional and leaned less towards the direction White had embraced at St Andrew’s. White continued to flourish, though, with his new penchant for things French. At Ballina RC Cathedral, County Mayo (1873), he used French-styled or-named stops from Trompette, Flute Harmonique, Octavin Harmonique to Sousbasse on the Pedal.146 The solo and reed stops made of the purest spotted metal and tin, and some of the finest specimens of voicing are also introduced. The instrument above described is remarkable for power without noise, and for softness combined with purity and brilliancy of tone.147
He may have been helped by his brother James to source some of these stops. James became the organ-builder to a newly established musical instrument ‘warehouse’ owned and run by Simon Bartley (See Chapter Two). The latter appeared also to be an admirer of French musical taste and became an Irish agent for Mr Debain’s harmoniums and pianofortes. While visiting these workshops at Paris, a news correspondent met Bartley and reported that Mr Cavaillé-Coll, ‘who so peremptorily refuses his reed pipes to everyone else, has consented to
139 McVicker, W. & Wickens, D., ‘Thoughts on the Inclusion of the Tierce Rank in English Mixtures Stops, 1660-1940,’ JBIOS 32 (2008), 100-162, 133. 140 IT, 7 October 1872, 3. 141 IT, 24 March 1871, 3. 142 N, 4 April 1885, 8. 143 FJ, 13 June 1873, 3. 144 Hinton, . cit., 43. 145 IB, Vol. 16, No. 358 (15 November 1874), 307-320, 312. 146 FJ, 26 May 1873, 6. (See specification in Appendix 1a, page 301). 147 Idem. 225
supply them to Mr Bartley exclusively.’148 This was surely affected writing at the most, given two years previously, Walker added a Cavaillé-Coll Vox Humana stop to Telford’s magnum opus at Radley.149 However, it did express, at the very least, a public consciousness of the special novelty these stops could bring to the English (and Irish) organ. The integration of power and novel sounds had permeated much of the thoughts of organists and organ-builders alike. This was also reflected in the small-to-medium two- manual instruments150 which were ‘bread and butter’ for all organ-builders in Ireland. William Brown & Son also followed Telford and White, even if belatedly so. At St Jude’s, Inchicore (1875), they placed typical solo stops that Telford and White had introduced over fifteen and ten years previously. Fine organ at St Jude’s Church, Inchicore has been re-constructed, and important improvements effected by the addition of several new stops- viz., a viol di gamba, flute harmonique, clarionet and Open Diapason of large scale and additional Pedal pipes. The quality of the new stops is particularly good, largely increasing the volume and variety of tone. Space for the new pipes has been provided by enlarging the upper part of the case, which is brought forward on a handsome projecting cove with moulded ribs; additional illuminated pipes being placed in the end.151
In the same year at Whitechurch Parich Church, County Dublin they mixed French with German nomenclature, just as T.C. Lewis might have done.
Whitechurch, County Dublin (Brown, 1875)152
Swell C to g3 Choir C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Viol de Gamba 8 Dulciana 8 Lieblich Gedact w 8 Rohrflöte w 8 Flute Harmonique 4 Principal 4 Lieblich flöte w 4 Flautina 2 Oboe 8 w: wood
Couplers Pedal
Sw/Ch Bourdon 16 Sw/Pd
148 IT, 12 June 1874, 3. 149 Alden, J. H., ‘Organs of St Peter’s College, Radley,’ The Organ, Vol. 23 (1944), 100. 150 Thanks to the large number of dioceses for a small Island the Cathedrals were smaller than in England and proportionally were so many of the churches spread among the parishes. 151 IB, Vol. 17, No. 380 (15 October 1875), 281-294, 293. 152 IB, Vol. 17, No. 364 (15 February 1875), 45-58, 47. Opened 7 February. 226
Two years later Telford built an instrument at St Paul’s, County Cork with octave couplers and Barker’s new introduction to Ireland: the Voix Célestes. Like Brown’s synthesis of German and French elements shown above, this organ evoked the spirit of the late Victorian style that would be taken up by Telfrod’s apprentice, W.T. Magahy, as exampled at Roscarberry RC Church, County Cork in 1895.153
St Paul’s Church, Co. Cork (Telford, 1877)154
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Salicional 8 Viol d’Amour 8 Gamba (grooved to above) 8 Voix Celeste 8 Lieblich Gedacht 8 Rohr Flöte 8 Flute Harmonic 4 Flautina 4 Fifteenth 2 Bassoon and Oboe 8
Couplers Pedal C to f1
Sw/Gt; Sw Sub-Oct/Gt; Sw Oct/Gt Bourdon 16 Sw/Pd Gt/Pd
Conservative Endings
White’s business grew in the year 1876 with the construction of five new instruments155 and seven in 1877;156 but the pinnacle came in 1886 when he was commissioned to build one of his largest organs at St Francis Xavier’s, Dublin. In Exhibit 5.19 it is possible to see that the specification is not influenced on French lines. Apart from the harmonic flute, the Great Organ is English in nature with its roots back to his father’s earlier instruments, but this time surmounted by a five-rank Mixture and a ‘Tuba.’ This was not a high-pressure reed but one
153 IMA. (See specification in Appendix 1c, page 321). 154 IB, Vol. 19, No. 432 (15 December 1877), 361-, 374. 155 ICD, 1877. 156 ICD, 1878. 227
Exhibit 5.19: St Francis Xavier’s, Dublin (White, 1886): Specification (left);157 Vox Humana pipe (top right); ‘Tuba’ Bass pipes (bottom right)
evolved from the Posaune house-style Trumpet with simple hoods158 as seen in Exhibit 5.19 (bottom right). Notwithstanding the token French Octavin or Bourdon stop on the Swell
157 LE, Vol. 9, No. 5 (1 May 1888), 39. 228
Organ, it is a traditionally-styled English Full-Swell division with the absence of the Voix Célestes stop. Although, the Oboe159 and Vox Humana stops were made of tin and of French origin (note the nut-shaped block, plated shallot and long boot of the Vox Humana pipe sampled in Exhibit 5.19 top right), the other reeds were essentially English-styled stops. White used the Schulze-style nomenclature typically adopted by Telford in the Choir Organ with the use of ‘Leiblich’[sic.] flutes but they were probably English in construction, given examination of contemporaneous pipework at the Franciscan Church, Limerick. The Choir 4ft there had a sloping block like the Hill-styled Oboe flute160 but did not have an inverted lip; this distinguishes White’s wooden flutes from Telford’s. By the last quarter of the century Telford was using inverted-lip flutes, generally with sunken blocks for all his manual wooden flutes with the exception of the bass octave of the stop or generally the Swell Bourdon. The 16ft strings on the St Francis Xavier’s organ were said to be wooden with a construction like the Schulze Hindley Violonbass, where the lower lip was recessed to incorporate a bridge161,162 and the three ‘solo’ stops under expression were placed in a second Swell box integrated on the Choir division unlike Barker’s stops under the Swell Organ box. This was, perhaps, Ireland’s first Solo division within a Swell box, and it essentially heralded the future direction of the English organ in Ireland. John Patrick White’s turning-point in his career came after he replaced Barker’s instrument at the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin in 1896163 with an organ of forty-one stops. As much as there was ill-regard for Barker’s instrument, no-one can guess the embarrassment that White must have felt after Hill was requested (just less than four years later) to re-work the new organ, and its action, while adding a fourth manual.164 White finished his career off by building smaller one-and two-manual instruments with bought-in consoles and pneumatic- action components. One of his last known instruments was at St Agatha’s, North William Street (1908) with a stop-list which would have felt more at home in the previous century.165
158 LE, Vol. 7, No. 2 (1 February 1886), 20. He may have placated the organist since his original advertised specification had ‘Posaune’ rather than ‘Tuba.’ 159 As the organ was greatly altered in 1977 it is presumed that the French Oboe now on the Swell Organ is the same as it was and not the ‘Orchestral Oboe’ from the Solo Organ. 160 Thistlethwaite, op. cit., 200. 161 This information was kindly shared with me by Aiden Scanlon who worked on the organ in 1977. 162 See Figure 34C in Bonavia-Hunt, Noel, The Church Organ (London: The Faith Press, 1920), Drawing (Back Flap). 163 ICD, 1897, 351. 164 JHA. 165 See specification in Appendix 1a, page 306. 229
As White’s career faded, the Telford firm continued to thrive, building many large three-manual instruments. After their thirty-four stop organ for Armagh RC Cathedral in 1875166 the approach settled to more formulaic specifications after their founder William passed away in 1885. Like White, they synthesised some French and German references but settled on a style that had its core firmly in the English tradition. Their forty-five stop organ at Cobh Cathedral (1905) can be considered the highlight of their later work. Like White, they also bought in foreign consoles, actions and even Swell boxes which they did for this organ. In Exhibit 5.20 (left) there is an extant example of the console Telford used for their larger tubular pneumatic instruments after the turn of the century at St Kevin’s, Harrington Street, Dublin (1903); this is similar to the original at Cobh Cathedral, Letterkenny (RC) Cathedral, and the re-builds at St Andrew’s, Andrew Street, Dublin and Armagh (RC) Cathedral.
Exhibit 5.20: St Kevin’s, Dublin: Console (left); Cobh: Trumpet Bass pipes (right)
Note the specification of the Choir Organ at Cobh is limited and not as progressive as the combined Choir and enclosed Solo division at St Francis Xavier’s. There are no French-styled pipes, but, as discussed at the beginning of this chapter, all the metal pipework is spotted (except zinc which is used for the flue basses.) Of the two instruments, Cobh has just one extra stop on the Swell Organ: Voix Célestes. Albeit, it is the Great Organ
166 Holmes, J., ‘The Organs and Organists of Armagh Cathedral’, Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society, Vol. 13, No. 2 (1989), 230-85, 231-2. There were three stops extra stops prepared. 230
Cobh (Queenstown) Cathedral (Telford, 1905)167
Tubular Pneumatic Action (Electric Kinetic Blower)
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Salicional 16 Lieblich Gedackt 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason 8 Large Open Diapason 8 Gedackt 8 Small Open Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Gamba 8 Voix Celeste 8 Flute 8 Principal 4 Stopped Diapason 8 Wald Flute 4 Quint 5 /3 Harmonic Piccolo 2 Principal 4 Mixture III Gemshorn 4 Double Bassoon 16 Flute 4 Cornopean 8 Twelfth 2⅔ Oboe 8 Fifteenth 2 Clarion 4 Mixture 17.19.22* III Double Trumpet 16 Trumpet 8 Clarion 4 Tremulant
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Gamba 8 Open Diapason 16 Dulciana 8 Violone {1} 16 Stopped Diapason 8 Bourdon {2} 16 Clarabella 8 Octave 8 Harmonic Flute 4 Cello {3} 8 Clarinet 8 Flute {4} 8 Quint 10⅔ Bombard 16 Trumpet 8
Couplers & Pedal Helps for Manual Pistons (combination)
Sw/Pd Swell Pedal Organ: {1, 2, 3, 4} Sw: 9 Sw/Gt Gt 9 Sw/Ch Choir Pedal Organ: {1, 2, 3} Pd 9 Gt/Ch
Sw/Gt Gt/Pd
167MT, Vol. 60, No. 920 (1 October 1919), 521-524, 521-2. * SV. 231
with seventeen stops that is the most substantial and largest of any heretofore indigenously manufactured instruments; it takes up two soundboards, split into C and C# sides. Other than Telford’s Great Organ at Armagh (1874), there is no evidence that White or Telford did follow Hill’s experiments with splitting the windchest pressures. The Cobh organ certainly did not follow the new Willis instrument at St Patrick’s Cathedral (1901) with the overall use of high pressures for the reeds. Although Telford used a hooded trumpet (see Exhibit 5.20 right) just as White did at St Francis Xavier’s, neither put the reeds on the Great on higher pressure than the flues. In many ways both firms exhibited conservative values in organ-building. The composition of the Great Mixture stop at Cobh is particularly telling: 17.19.22. This is essentially a formulaic structure of the old Sesquialtera. By choosing to stick with this, the Telfords revealed at heart a traditional and retrospective outlook as they brought the business into the twentieth century. This is borne out in other later instruments at the (RC) Cathedral, Enniscorthy (1893),168 St Joseph’s Redemptorist Church, Dundalk (1894),169 and St Kevin’s, Dublin (1903).170 What was in keeping with fashion was their adoption of Casson’s ‘Pedal Helps’ which was a feature Bewerunge advocated for the organist. How the organist, technology and music interacted with each other to affect the style of organ-building is central to the next chapter.
Conclusion
Taking responsibility for the style of any organ presumably depended primarily on the skill- set of the organ-builder. As described succinctly (and somewhat reminiscent of a description in L’art du facteur d’Orgues by Dom Bédos)171 in 1860, William Telford had that generic expertise needed. 172 Mr. Telford was engaged making the working drawings for this instrument and we cannot conceive an occupation requiring more universal information and skill than a clever organ
168 IT, 22 November 1893, 5. 169 IT, 3 April 1894, 5. 170 SV. 171 Bédos de Celles, Dom François, L’Art du Facteur d’Orgues, (Paris: Delatour, 1766-78; R/Geneva: Éditions Slatkine, 2004), ‘Avertissement’ page before the Preface. 172 DB, Vol. 2, No. 16 (1 April 1860), 233. 232
builder. He must have practical knowledge as an architect, engineer, carpenter, joiner, worker in metals; be versed in music, acoustics, pneumatics and mechanics.
Furthermore, when it came to the ‘music’ and ‘acoustics’ skill-set we know that it was he and his brother Henry who shared the responsibility for the tuning, voicing and regulation of their instruments.173 Being at the very essence of how the organist realised his art would have helped them to react quickly to the current and fashionable music that usually came from England. Just as Hill responded in the first instance to the Mendelssohn era of England, so Telford followed suit by introducing some of his novelty stops. After his magum opus at Radley he over-shadowed Gray & Davison’s work in collaboration with Smart who looked to Cavaillé-Coll as an inspiration. Thus, his second iconic work at Adare was given its genesis. Schulze affected the English organ-building scene after the Great Exhibition. His influence in Ireland was first witnessed by Brindley at Kilmore and then in Dublin through some of Walker’s work at St Audoen’s. This instrument, along with Hill’s at the Ulster Hall set a new standard which Telford tried to emulate with his third iconic instrument, at St Saviour’s and White did later at St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin. Although the pipework of John White and William Telford was slightly different (as discussed in Chapter Four), the former allowed the other to dictate the pace of change. In many ways the second generation of the White dynasty could not keep up after the death of the father, and it was not until John Patrick’s landmark instrument at St Andrew’s that he was duly considered as a serious contender. Despite his advertised claim that he had ‘the largest [manufactory] in Ireland’174 it was Telford’s enterprise which built more and larger instruments. Their pipe-making floor was just one testament to this. However, their approach to their later instruments was retrospectively conservative. One of the reasons may lie with the second generation. Unlike John Patrick White,175 William Telford’s successors, William Hogson and Edward Henry, handed the voicing over to someone else. By doing this, they distanced themselves from the very epicentre of organ-building’s connection with the musician. The voicers were William Tackaberry and William Abell, whose father John had come over from England.176 Even as
173 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/167. 174 Advertisement c. 1880. 175 KJI. 176 Holmes, John, ‘The Organs and Organists of Armagh Cathedral’, Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society, Vol. 13, No. 2 (1989), 230-85, 236 & JHA. 233
far back as 1885 a journalist visiting the workshop noted that there was a full-time hand at this.177 In connection with them is the “Voicing-room” where the pipes are subjected to the skilful hand of one whose whole time is devoted to their careful and delicate tuning.
If White had recovered from his perceived faux-pas at the Pro-Cathedral, he may have been more inspired to take chances. His fusion of styles, as exampled at St Francis Xavier, demonstrated a strong and robust future. Unfortunately, this is something not seen in his later smaller instruments.
177 IT, 27 May 1885, 5. 234
Chapter 6
Post-Emancipation Choral Practices in Ireland — a contextual reference
Introduction
This final chapter proposes that there was a relationship between the functional (or musical) use of the organ and organ-building. It deliberately moves away from focusing on technological and archaeological aspects of organ-building in order to acquire a comprehensive understanding of the subject-matter.
Organ-builders did not work in isolation, but aimed to please their clientele, who, as we have seen in Chapter Three, were mostly clergy. They bought instruments to serve a function in their churches. As such, the relationship between the instrument and its auditory space can be best understood through the type and use of music played upon the instrument – more frequently as an accompaniment to singing in church and less so as a solo instrument. For this reason the author has chosen to address choral practices as one of the significant facets of musical life in Ireland relating to the organ. Grindle has already comprehensively looked at the history of music at the Anglican Cathedrals in Ireland,1 Boydell specifically at Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin2 and Dempsey at Armagh Cathedral.3 Also, a musicological study of choral pieces has been presented in Historical Anthology of Irish Church Music (1999).4 There is little documented, however, to illuminate our understanding of choral practices in the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland after Emancipation. Choosing this watershed event is a good place to start, for the obvious reason that it provided a new platform for the organ-
1 Grindle, W. H., Irish Cathedral Music, (Belfast, 1989). 2 Boydell, Barra, A History of Music at Christ Church Cathedral (Suffolk, 2004). 3 Dempsey, Anne, ‘The Armagh Cathedral Collection’ in Murphy, M. & Smaczny, J. (Eds.), Irish Musical Studies: Music in Nineteenth-Century Ireland, Vol. 9 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2007), 130- 48. 4 Gillen, G. & Johnstone, A. (Eds.), Irish Musical Studies: Historical Anthology of Irish Church Music, Vol. 6 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1999). 235 builder’s output, and was also contemporaneous with Telford’s commencement as an organ- builder in Ireland.
The Irish Member of Parliament, under the Act of Union, Daniel O’Connell paved the way for the Act of Catholic Emancipation in 1829.5 Before this, Catholic activity began to bubble below the surface on account of the Catholic Relief Bill in Ireland (1793)6 which later enabled the building of the Royal Seminary at Maynooth (1795)7 and opened the way for Catholic chapels to be built off the main streets of towns. Meanwhile, in London, Catholic worship had maintained a certain level of openness, thanks to the embassy chapels which catered for the needs of the diplomats and their subjects. Vincent Novello (1781-1861) was a Catholic organist at one of these chapels and had much influence on church, choral and organ music as a music collector and arranger. In particular, it was his editorial house-style, as a music publisher, that affected the organ and its use in Ireland. It is possible that James Chapman Bishop (1783-1854) introduced his composition pedals as a consequence of (or conversely, influenced) this editorial style.
This chapter looks at the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin as a leading centre of liturgical music- making and draws inferences to the practices at the London embassy scene. Choral and organ repertoire, ensemble singing and the influence of Novello’s publishing style are considered alongside musical samples from the classical Mass repertoire. From primary source material contained in the Hamilton Papers in the Dublin Diocesan Archives this is the first time correspondence of the first Emancipation organist at the Pro-Cathedral, Haydn Corri is revealed. It offers invaluable insight on the interactions and musical concerns of an organist with church authorities, choir members and most importantly, organ-builders including Telford. The effects of both ecclesiological reform and the Caecilian movement in Ireland on the organ, hymnody, choral settings for the Mass and the standard of singing are also discussed. Some of the music performed at the opening or dedication of the instruments by Telford and White is likewise included. Finally, the chapter draws to an end having noted that many of the organ-builders in question were also organists or musicians which compliments the extensive approach taken in this chapter.
5 Mitchell, John (Ed.), The History of Ireland: from the Treaty of Limerick to the present time: being a continuation of the history of the Abbé MacGeoghegan, Vol. 2 (Glasgow: Cameron & Ferguson, 1869), 169. 6 Op. cit., Vol. 1, 208 7 Ibid., 261. 236
The Pro-Cathedral, Dublin
In March 1835 Bishop McLaughlin of Derry wrote to the administrator of the Roman Catholic Pro-Cathedral in Dublin. He wanted to know what the current practice was of attributing responsibility for tuning the organ; specifically, was it the duty of the organist?8 This correspondence (see Exhibit 6.1) gives an indication, first of all, of the perceived relationship between the organist and his instrument, and secondly, of the importance in which Dublin (and by default) the Pro-Cathedral was regarded for setting the standard. On examination of the correspondence of the first-known post-Reformation, Irish Roman Catholic musical appointment at the Pro-Cathedral of the metropolis, a meaningful insight can be gained into the working life of an important organist, his interaction with his instrument and the organ-builders that maintained it.
Exhibit 6.1: Letter from Bishop of Derry 1835.9
Rev’d Sir,
I request to know by return of post what is the custom in the Metropolis with regard to Organists, are they or are the[y] not obliged to attune the organ when out of repair. I am Revd Sir in good haste your most faithful and servant.
Derry 2nd March 1835
X P McLaughlin
Mr Haydn Corri, Organist
Although Joseph Lewis Haydn Corri10 (1785-1860)11 had performed at the opening of the new and unfinished Metropolitan Cathedral in 1825, it was not until 1828, at the eve of the
8 This may have been an indirect reference to the Bishop’s European experience (if any) where Continental organists usually tuned the reeds. 9 DDA, Hamilton Papers, Letter 2 March 1835. 10 See
Act of Catholic Emancipation, that he became its first professional musical appointee through services as organist.12 In Exhibit 6.2 it is possible to see the specification of the instrument he was to have at his disposal. The organ, originally opened in 1825,13 was built by the Dublin organ-builder Timothy Lawless ‘under the inspection of Sir Edward Bellew’14 who was a trustee of the Royal College of St Patrick, Maynooth.15 Although its specification was moderately conservative, encompassing an essentially eighteenth-century style with no pedal stops, there were some signs of current taste. For example: the Swell Organ contained a
Exhibit 6.2: Specification of Organ built by Timothy Lawless for the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin.16
11 He was the son of the Italian composer, Domenico Corri (1746-1825), who settled in Edinburgh and became a music publisher and teacher there. Haydn Corri (his preferred shortened name) travelled to Ireland from Edinburgh a few times as an accompanist before finally settling in Dublin in 1821. This was largely due to his wife Ann Adams (Adami) (1800-67) who gained employment as a singer at the newly established Theatre Royal, Hawkins Street. See
Pro-Cathedral Church of the Immaculate Conception, Dublin (Lawless, 1825)
Great Organ Swell Organ Double Open Diapason 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Stop Diapason 8 Stop Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Social [Salicional?] 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Flute 4 Twelfth 2⅔ Oboi 8 Fifteenth 2 Sesquialtera Choir Organ Cornet Mixture Open Diapason* 8 Trumpet Treble 8 Social [to G] 8 Trumpet Bass 8 Stop Diapason 8 Principal* 4 Flute 4 Fifteenth* 2 * Choir stops not completed in 1839
Flute 4ft instead of a Cornet and the Great Organ used the Double Diapason as the embryonic stepping stone to provide Pedal gravitas. Also, the use of the Salicional stop on the Great and Choir Organs was a departure from the traditional use of the Dulciana stop. Perhaps pursuant to the demise of the organ-builder, Corri grew impatient with the state of the instrument in 1839, as exampled in the following letter. I was delighted to see His Grace the Archbishop in the Cathedral yesterday and appearing in such good health. I hope it was your convenience to mention the state of the organ and thereby to prevent any further delay. I regret to appear so troublesome but I am sure you will excuse it when you are aware that filling the responsible situation I have the honour to hold. The parishioners will naturally throw all the blame upon my shoulders for they have nice ears and you are well aware Reverend Sir, that ill-natured criticism is always plentiful. 17
Due to the ‘state of the organ’ the theme of the relationship between the organist and his instrument was echoed again when Corri feared that ‘the parishioners will naturally throw all the blame upon my shoulders.’ It is reasonable to appreciate this assumption, given the general understanding by any audience that a musician should care for his instrument. Yet, this was something not as easily realised with a large immovable instrument with hundreds, if not thousands of components. Nonetheless, he went on to demonstrate that he had
17 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/210. 239 sufficient knowledge of the instrument to be aware of what work needed to be done, even if he had not the practical skills to carry it out. (Nov.r 3rd/39) I went yesterday to Mrs Lawless’s. House attended by Mr Morrison and my son to inspect the state of the organ I was promised by her for tomorrow’s (Monday) use and I found it, as I was led to suspect without even the action finished, only one set of pipes planted, the pipes which should be gilt for the case, plain and turned, not even primed to receive colouring or gilding, in fact this organ requires at least 2 weeks hard labour to be fit for use. As I am extremely anxious Reverend Sir, to prove to you, that I was not premature in obtaining another organ to save any character with the Reverend W Finn & the public if it could be your convenience to favour me, by going to see it. I should feel greatly obliged and the sight of it, would favour what I here state. I do not like to appear dissatisfied, but I really think, indeed am convinced, that a very sluggish attention is paid to the perfecting of the organ of the Church. I have 5 stops on the Great Organ as yet untouched, and am obliged to play upon 5 instead of 10. I think it my duty towards yourself Reverend Sir, as well as to His Grace & the congregation to make these remarks, the use of these of course rest with your own inclination.18
This communication showed that Corri had credible status in his position as organist; he had enough clout to influence the Cathedral board to prevent the acquisition of ‘another organ.’ After opening the instrument with only five foundation stops on the Great Organ19 and having remained with it incomplete, as he outlined the specification (see Exhibit 6.2) in 1839; he obviously wished to see the project through. Even so, he subsequently had to prevail upon a different work-ethic with the organ-builder’s widow and her new journeyman Hull. Finding this untenable, he skilfully reverted to distance himself from his choice. (May 1st /40) This morning the organ was locked and Mrs Lawless has the only key, therefore the Benediction was obliged to be performed without it. Mr Hull broke my key and I never since could obtain another. I really must say, that from the nonchalance of those parties, and the indifference whether they do this duty or not, I feel myself but a cypher instead of Principal in the Choir. Perhaps Sunday I shall be the same way served. 20
At odds with and indifferently treated by the organ-builders, Corri then attempted to re-assert some semblance of control, albeit in an obeisant manner, as an advocate for ‘the welfare of my employers.’ Post-haste he urged for a second opinion with all subsequent work to remain within his remit, thereby enforcing the link between the musician and his instrument. (August 15th /40) The state of the organ this day is beyond endurance. I feel it is my duty towards you Reverend Sir as the Principal of the Church, to speak with boldness from the sincerity of my intentions for the welfare of my employers. A stranger organ builder should be made to visit with you and the Rev Mr Laphen, the organ and to regularly inspect the state it is in who should make an estimate to you of the
18 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/260. 19 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/280. 20 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/3/202. 240
value of the work done and also give an estimate as well as a time by instead how soon he would complete it. And then the whole should be placed under my entire control & inspection during the working of it. I am Reverend Sir you will excuse me for believing myself a better judge of organ- building than yourself and it will never be properly finished unless some person who understands it and feels an interest in its completion, is appointed overseer. I really know not how to proceed tomorrow, even the bellows will not give wind to the pipes. Really no time should be lost. 21
Telford had been asked previously as a ‘stranger organ-builder’ but declined to get involved once he became aware of unfinished business by another organ-builder.22 Mrs Lawless, under the auspices of her journeyman, Mr Hull, was the organ-builder that continued the work; Corri noted the latter as the more efficient of the two. (Dec 19th /40) I was trying the pleasure to find you on yesterday & the day before in reference to the organ and when I was unsuccessful again yesterday I had an interview with the Reverend Mr Laphen and requested him the favour to convey to you, my conversation; it was to the following effect-that I had almost daily overlooked Mr Hull in his labours and that I was highly pleased with the attention and progress he was affecting in the completion of the instrument; also requesting he might be saved the loss of time occasioned by the intrusive visits of Mrs Lawless, who I understood from your Reverend Sir, was not to interfere with Mr Hull. I, having been honoured by your reliance on my attention to the proper fulfilment of Mr Hull’s duty. There is no reason that Mr Hull should be delayed his payment, as I have strictly watched his excitations. I will have the honour tomorrow morning to pay my respects & explain further. 23
Corri asserted his executive skills with pride and also self-reflected deference when he acknowledged the Administrator’s trust in his ability to oversee the work. However, Mrs. Lawless went on to remind the Administrator that she was both the person in charge and that she was not remiss in her duty to her journeyman, despite any platitudes received directly from Corri. (Dec 23/40) I beg leave to remind you that three pounds five shillings is all that has to be paid Hull when your organ would be finished. Out of that I paid him one pound two shillings the five pounds I promised when the organ here is finished. Please look to this and you will find I paid him regular. I furnished the three stops of pipes that was wanted to finish the Choir Organ24 with every other required if he says there is cause wanting let him let you know as there is he brushing him with honey. 25
21 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/3/315. 22 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/171. 23 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/3/305. 24 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/280. The three stops added to the Choir Organ were: Open Diapason, Principal and Fifteenth. Given earlier correspondence in DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/260,describing ‘the pipes which should be gilt for the case,’ and that the Great Diapasons and Principal had been installed in the first instance it would suggest that the Choir Organ was housed in a separate case. Corri had noted the most unusual ‘coupler movement wanted to unite Gt[sic.] organ and Choir not in specification.’ 241
Mrs. Lawless’s son Robert may have stepped in at some stage to work or do some tuning,26 but from Easter 1841 Telford was paid £6.6.0 per year to tune the organ.27 Having been dismissed by Corri from tuning the organ previously in May 1839,28 Telford treated a further complaint with some degree of nonchalance, knowing that he had Dublin’s most prestigious tuning contracts and plenty of work. The letter in Exhibit 6.3 is respectful and courteous to the Archdeacon, but shows Telford confidently asserting himself, particularly in the last paragraph, when he changes the focus of attention from the matter-at-hand to a self- promoting invitation to the Reverend Hamilton to peruse his latest opus at the Cistercian settlement at Mount Mellery. In the last line, Telford specifically mentioned ‘to hear its power.’ Was this an indirect quip at the Lawless instrument at the Pro-Cathedral which could have been lacklustre by comparison? A little over a month later Corri made it abundantly clear who had the ultimate control over his instrument. (Oct.r 2nd/43) Rev.d Dear Sir, The week before last I called upon Mr Telford and complained of the state of the organ & he said, he really thought he must give it up, or at least that his brother would do so, but would write to him in the country. I last week requested of him at least to attend the organ until something was decided but I regret to say I was obliged to remain at his mercy, and had a disgraceful organ to play yesterday. I pray you as something decided his many objections make me afraid he has no wish to keep it & therefore if he keeps up this annoying suspense it is to the inquiry of the respectability of one of the departments of the Church. 29
It seems apparent that Telford did not distinguish this instrument as a priority, otherwise he would have seen to it to give the ‘satisfaction’ as he claimed in the letter in Exhibit 6.3. Yet, on further consideration, it may be that Telford ultimately resented the manner in which Corri dealt with him ‒ if one considers the opening line of the brief above. The thought of the organist calling to the workshop on St Stephen’s Green to remonstrate about an organ which Telford had not even built (or was permitted to finish or improve upon), and then to have been dismissed by Corri and overshadowed by a widow and her journeyman, would surely have added insult to injury. Feeling impotent, Corri projected Telford’s
25 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/3/309. 26 In DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/5/100, Master Robert Lawless was called upon to tune the organ for the Abbey Convent at Rathfarnham in 1842 and in DDA, Hamilton Papers, Receipt 30 October 1848, he subsequently tuned the organ at the Pro-Cathedral. 27 DDA, Hamilton Papers, General Receipts. 28 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 36/2/167. 29 DDA, Hamilton Papers, Letter 2 October 1843. 242
Exhibit 6.3: Letter from Telford to Archdeacon Hamilton, 1843.
30th August 1843
Rev.d Sir,
I am extremely sorry that Mr Corri
should have any complaint to make. I
believe the organ is very dirty and will not
stand in tune, but will examine it this week,
the reason the trumpet was not in tune last
Sunday was that I could not get the keys of
the organ, they were not to be had where Mr
Corri said they had been left. I am most
desirous of giving satisfaction and this is the
very first complaint that has ever (to my
knowledge) been made of want of attention
to any organ entrusted to my care and I have
every instrument in Dublin that is of any
consequence.
I have just finished a very large one
for the Abbey of M.t Mellery, on a novel
construction, would you or any of your
friends do me the honour of calling in
tomorrow or Friday to hear its power.
You would much oblige,
Your very obedient servant,
Will.m Telford,
Organ Builder 30
30 DDA, Hamilton Papers, Letter 30 August 1843. 243 indifference as a slight not on him but on the very church authorities he worked for. This was not to make much difference. (Oct.r 16th /43) Reverend Sir, I am exceedingly sorry to be obliged again to complain of the state of the organ. Yesterday it was in a wretched state of dissonance. I am sure Mr Telford does not feel the least interest in keeping the instrument in tune, and therefore solicit, you will allow me, to place the organ, under the care of a person to whom I can with confidence look to the greatest attention being paid to it. 31
The tone of this letter would endorse the notion that there was undeniably some antipathy between Corri and Telford. To all intents and purposes, the tone suggests that Corri expected Telford to honour his position as the leading organist of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, whereas Telford had presumed, through earlier correspondence, that Corri should have been aware that he was the premier organ-builder to all Christian denominations in Ireland. Records show that Telford did continue a presence in order to maintain and tune the organ at the Pro-Cathedral.32
The first Choral Ensemble at the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin
At the opening of the Cathedral on the 14 November 1825, Haydn Corri, along with choir, performed Mass in C minor by Mozart.33 Although it has been assumed there was a regular choir from the start, there is contradictory evidence to suggest that he was always its director. In 1834, the choir’s conductor was reported to be a Mr Stensbury of the Theatre Royal, Hawkins Street.34 This position was most likely as a result of the association with Corri’s wife, Ann, who was a singer at the same venue. It was in January 1835, that Corri appears indefatigably to have taken the helm and provided the following list (Exhibit 6.4) of regulations for his singers.35
31 DDA, Hamilton Papers, Letter 16 October 1843. 32 DDA, Hamilton Papers, Receipts. 33
Exhibit 6.4: Fines and regulations, to be rigidly observed by the members of the Choir of the Church of the Conception, Marlborough St. Dublin. 36
During the High Mass S d
For non attendance until after the Asperges, or has commenced 0 6
For Do [ditto] until after the Introit has commenced 1 0
For Do Do Kyrie eleison 1 6
For Do Do Gloria in Excelsis 3 0
For Do Do Credo 5 0
For Do Do Sanctus 6 0
For Do Do Agnus Dei 7 0
For Do Do Benediction 8 0
After High Mass
At one o’clock sharp-for absence not having previously appeared in the 10 6 Choir on the duty
The list above (Exhibit 6.4) indicates the parts of the Ordinary that were sung. Apart from the Introit there is no mention of any other sung parts of the Proper at the Mass (the repertoire will be discussed more fully later). Importantly, the list reveals that the Pro-Cathedral had a paid choir and its members were treated on a professional basis with a pro-rata fee per sung item. The notion of singing on a voluntary basis (or as part of a vocational offering to the church) did not seem to be entertained. The implication of this would suggest that there was an expectation of a standard vocal ability which was prized over religious conviction or duty. One year on, it is possible to get a greater sense of the workings of the choir and its organist with the next communiqué (see Exhibit 6.5). Corri highlights his opinion of potential choir candidates. It shows that each of the singers underwent a trial before being accepted as a member of the choir. The implication of a (professional) standard, where only singers that had an apposite level of ability would suffice, is further supported in the case of his simple ‘would not do’ rejoinder to the applicant Mr McGill. Corri’s commitment to his singers can be seen, especially in the light of his suffering from gout on Sunday 24 January 1836 (see Exhibit 6.5). He described in greater detail how he had to be ‘carried on shoulders’
36 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 35/5/106. 245
Exhibit 6.5: Quarter Summary (29 January 1836) of weekly trials, new members and deputies of the Choir of the Church of the Conception, Marlborough St. Dublin.37
Sunday Nov 1st Mr McGill sang upon trial as 2nd Bass [-] would not do
Sunday 8th Mr Bishoff commenced 2nd Bass. Very good and extremely attentive. Mr Levi attended for Mr Morrison. Sunday 15 Mr Bishoff went to concert at Athlone by permission. Sent deputy Mr Haigh. Very good Mr Levi attended for Mr Morrison. Sunday 22nd Mr Bishoff returned Mr Morrison returned. But Mr Levi attended for him, to be paid. Sunday 29th All well
Sunday Dec.r 6 Do [ditto]
Tuesday 8th Do
Sunday 13th
Sunday 20th Mr Rainsford 3rd Bass first attendance
Christmas 25th Mr Rainsford attended am & pm
Sunday 27 All well
1836
Jan. 1st 3 All well 6th We forgot to tell Rainsford, the only time he was absent & that anybody else’s fault but his own.
Sunday 10th Rev Mr Hamilton agreed to the engagement of Mr Rainsford at £5 per quarter
Sunday 17th Miss Adami dangerously ill. Mrs Corri & Masters Pat & Harry attended.
Sunday 24th Mrs Corri & Masters Pat & Harry attended. Myself with both feet in Gout.
in order to attend whence he ‘did not play, but conducted [with] the fingers.’38 This anecdotal incident did inform us that he had a deputy organist at hand and one which would continue to ‘do so should I remain confined on Sunday.’39 It appears he was not the only one to have someone else cover for him. The singers Bishoff and Morrison had also their own deputies, as seen in Exhibit 6.5. Given the nature of absenteeism, the singers (those established and
37 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 35/6/73. Miss Adami, who was either Corri’s niece or sister-in-law, was aided by his wife and two sons. 38 Ibid. 39 Ibid. 246 their deputies) must have been capable sight-readers to cope with the ad hoc performances. This is backed up by the entry on Sunday 15 November 1835 (in Exhibit 6.5) that indicates Bishoff was performing at another venue. Again, the use of capable and paid deputies would appear a remarkable demonstration of the church’s predilection to maintaining a standard over an amateur’s vocational religious offering. As in most cases, the pay-master (clergy) had the final word over those who wished to be hired on a more permanent basis. I forgot to inquire of you, what I am to say to Mr. Bedford. He has attended the last three Sundays and this Holiday (All Saints). He has refrained from seeking any situation as a Choral Singer, until I gave him a final answer. I shall therefore feel greatly obliged your favouring one as early as convenient your commands. 40
Unfortunately for Corri, there was occasional interference from the clergy that meant haphazard success to much of what he was trying to achieve. The following missive highlights a situation that Corri had to contend with for one of the year-quarters, and gives the source of obfuscation as the Archbishop of Dublin himself. It seems that the latter had chosen a female singer who was far from satisfactory to sing with the gentlemen of the choir. Corri gives a forthright yet eloquent premise for his ‘professional occupation’ to be left autonomous and cleverly explains, as a corollary, to the Reverend Hamilton about voice- leading through the metaphor of a string quintet, whose named members were known to both. [3 Hamilton Row, Merion Square Jan 31st /37] Reverand [sic.]Dear Sir,
I have daily made inquiries in anxiety for your restitution to convalescence, and rejoice to hear your health is much improved. I had wished greatly to have had the honour of an interview, about the present state of the Choir, and from your having desired me to have patience. I had hoped the end of this quarter would remove the present difficulty. I need not enter further into particulars Revd Sir you well know my opinion, and that of the Choir, also the parishioners, and the extreme difficulty of my situation between sincere esteem and undisguised friendship (for a most excellent man, as well as his being most worthy as also dignified and condescending in his duty, as a distinguished member of the Clergy.) And my reverential duty, to His Grace the Archbishop as his most humble and truly devoted servant, in any official capacity in the Cathedral. Revd Sir, I pray you, I beg of you, to allow me in my professional occupation, to be unfettered by the shackles of personal gratifications or pecuniary motives, from any individuals be they whomsoever they may. But let me work the whole of my department without control, except I should attempt to infringe beyond the sum applied for that purpose. In music, the Melody or Air is always the first point. It should be permanent, and be pleased to remember Revd Sir, five male voices require a Soprano of very considerable power, to bear up against them, and I will not say more of the present case, but, that it is
40 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 35/6/112. 247
much too weak, as also very much out of tune. Indeed we are losing the fame we had acquired, by the inefficacy of our present first (soprano) singer or female voice. Had you Drayonetti for Double Bass,, Lindly for Violincello, Choralt [sic.] tenor and Mori principal 2nd Violin with an amateur to lead whose violin was of poor quality and who did not step in tune. It would render the whole imperfect and bad. In the cause of my duty to yourself Reverend Sir, as my superior and director, for the grandeur of the Cathedral duty, added to some respect I wish to attain for myself as a professor: I pray you listen to this humble solicitation. As Wednesday next (tomorrow) begins the new quarter, I am urged to trespass this painful trouble upon your immediate kind consideration.
I have the honour to be Reverend Sir, Most respectfully, Your very devoted and most humble servant
Haydn Corri. 41
The attention of the reader is immediately drawn to the lack of a suitable descant singer. The sense of frustration is almost palpable when Corri invoked his credentials as a musical professor. By explicitly using the term ‘amateur’42 to refer to the singer’s capability, he was, essentially reprimanding the Archbishop’s interference for ‘personal gratifications or pecuniary motives.’ Later correspondence, from a Reverend Gaffney of the Jesuits at Gardiner Street, Dublin, demonstrates a similar mentality that Corri was alluding to. (8 March/50)
Would it not be of material importance to the Collection, on next Sunday, if the attractive voice of Miss Hayes could be secured for the occasion? Her engagement with the theatre closes, they say, onto tomorrow night, which is her benefit night. How many pious persons, that will not go to the theatre would gladly avail themselves of the opportunity of hearing this other Jenny Linn in the Metropolitan Church? It is a mere suggestion I throw out; what do you think of it? If it meet your approbation, it would be time enough to publish it on Saturday night & Sunday morning, nor do I suppose she would like to have it known before that time, in order not to injure her benefit night. She is a protestant, but it seems a very charitable person.43
It is unmistakable what the primary motive was: the collection. In this case, it was a theatrical singer’s end-of-season performance he was suggesting to cash in on. Again, the notion of religious conviction or duty is second to the business of the (musical) proposal. He euphemistically interjected how a ‘pious’ audience could benevolently receive the opportunity to be (spiritually) entertained in the ‘Metropolitan Church’ and he almost obsequiously assumed that the singer would gladly give her services to the church for free,
41 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 35/7/97. 42 This term is surely afforded further gravitas when one considers that his wife was a professional singer. 43 DDA, Hamilton Papers 37/2/234. 248 even though not a Roman Catholic. While the nuances of religious practices, motivation and inter-religious themes are beyond the scope of this thesis, they share some relevance once the musical significance is understood. Hence, the mention of publishing the religious event above is not unusual, as it shares its roots with common performance practice: advertisement for an audience and preferably a paying one. In as much as Corri did not welcome the interference from the clergy he was not one always to practice what he preached. In the following correspondence we are afforded a view ‘from the tables turned’ after Corri poached a female singer from St Nicholas of Myra’s, Francis St, Dublin.44 In due course, the incumbent there, Reverend Flanagan, did not approve, and addressed the matter to the Dublin Archbishop himself. Regardless of the ironic juxtaposition, with Corri now as the malefactor, at least there was something commendable in his action as organist and choir director: he wished to choose singers for the standard they would bring to his choir. As such, he offered a sense of integrity or Kantian categorical imperative to his art, for art’s sake.
Francis St Parochial House Sept. 28/47 My Lord [The Most Rev. Dr. Murray],
I regret exceedingly to be under the painful necessity of calling your Grace’s attention to a very unpleasant act of interference with my choir by some person having authority over the choir of Marlboro St. One of my female singers Miss De la Vega who had been taught by my organist and principally in my choir, where she has been attending for the last 4 years, has been engaged to sing in the choir of Marlboro St. When, as my organist gave her notice on Sunday last, she is to commence singing on Sunday next, without giving me or him the slightest notice at least up to Sunday last. He learned it for the first time by the application of a female singer who proposes to fill her place. He gave her immediate notice of it, which I communicated directly to the Rev. John Hamilton but without any reply since.
It is only a few weeks since the Tenor singer of my choir who was taught by my organist, was about to have engaged in another Choir without notice, but on my remonstrating, the engagement was retracted.
If such interference which is contrary to all the rules of Society, is allowed, it is quite impossible to keep up a regular Choir, except when there are superior means to compensate the singers. I strive in this miserable locality to make out £80 per year to pay the organist and 4 singers for very moderate attendance, but this organist very properly says, that, besides the injustice of taking away those whom he spent much time to teach, the moment they become efficient, it will be impossible for him in future to fulfil his contracts with me to provide singers, if they are not required by the heads of other choirs in Dublin, at least to give due notice before they are engaged.
44 Three years previously, Hayden Corri’s son Eugene even passed off the opportunity to sing at the Cathedral with his father so that he could stay loyal at St Nicholas of Myra’s. See DDA, Hamilton Papers, Letter 7 October 1844. 249
I am not unreasonable enough to expect that Miss De la Vega would bind herself to my Choir for a salary very inferior to what she could get in another choir, but I am entitled to due notice that I may have time to provision, and I consider it a very great violation of all rules of propriety and justice to receive news before she gives that notice.
Apologising my Lord for troubling your Grace with this disagreeable communication – I have the honour my Lord to remain your Grace’s devoted humble servant,
M. Flanagan.45
Aside from reproaching the Archbishop about appropriate etiquette, this letter is significant in aiding our understanding of musical practices post-Catholic Emancipation in Dublin. It outlines that the role of the organist was not dissimilar to their counterpart in the Anglican Church in providing choral training to their singers. The organist was also obliged to procure trainee singers. It also confirms that it was the norm for city churches to have a paid choir similar to the Pro-Cathedral Church. It further endorses the practices established at the Pro- Cathedral of treating singers on a professional basis rather than on a religious or vocational footing. Choirs were also for mixed voices and whether or not this was a reaction from the previous practice of using poor boys to sing the psalms in the Anglican Church is unknown.46 What is notable is the small number of people actually in the choir described above. In some ways it is reminiscent of the early foundation of Vicars Choral that began to promulgate from the fourteenth century onwards (see Chapter One). Inasmuch as a city parish church was replicating the practices at the Pro-Cathedral it could be said that the musical practice in the Catholic Church (in Dublin) contemporaneously echoed that of the Oxford Movement with its corollary of introducing a cathedral paradigm of musical worship to the Anglican parish church. On a cynical note, it also could be remarked that what was happening at the Pro- Cathedral was not that greatly elevated above the larger city-centre parish churches such as St Nicholas of Myra. At a basic level, the organists at some of these churches surely had superior instruments to that at the Pro-Cathedral. Despite the Reverend Flanagan’s protestations of having little funds to provide much he did possess a fine organ with F compass and Pedal stops only recently built by Telford. Even the organ at St Francis Xavier’s, Gardiner Street, Dublin, which Gray installed in 1834, was larger and more versatile.47
45 DDA, Hamilton Papers 37/1/63. 46 There is no evidence to suggest that there was any attempt to re-establish a single-sex choir of boys and men as had been done at the two pre-Reformation cathedrals in Dublin. 47 Sperling, 3: 130 in Boeringer, op. cit., 49-50. 250
St Nicholas of Myra, Dublin (Telford, 1842)48
Great FF to f3 Swell G to f3
Open Diapason large 8 Double Stopped Diapason 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Dulciana 8 Stopped Diapason w[ooden] 8 Stopped Diapason w 8 Principal I 4 Principal 4 Principal II 4 Twelfth 3 Twelfth 3 Fifteenth 2 Fifteenth 2 Sex III Sex [sic] III Trumpet 8 Mixture II Hautboy 8 Trumpet 8 Clarion 4
Choir FF to f3 Pedal FF to f
Open Diapason 8 Double Open Wood 16 Stopped Diapason 8 Unison Open Metal 8 Dulciana 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Twelfth 3 Flute w 4 Fifteenth 2 Fifteenth 2 Cremona 8 Coupling Stops
At St Nicholas of Myra’s there was a similar set up as at the Pro-Cathedral, where singers were paid quarterly.49 It is worth giving some attention to payment records to gain further insight to the make-up of the Choir. The date of the receipt in Exhibit 6.6 coincides with Corri’s frustration with the Archbishop of Dublin planting an ‘amateur’ female lead in his choir for the same quarter. This is reflected in the collective receipt: moreover, no female name is recorded which would suggest that there were male altos. On the other hand, from the previous account of trials in 1836 (Exhibit 6.5), where Corri mentioned ‘second’ and ‘third’ bass singers, it might be more reasonable to infer that the six named gentlemen were split into three tenors and three basses. On examination of extant receipts it is possible to form an impression of how the choir developed. Table 6.1 summarises these findings. As expected, Corri’s stipend of £12.10.0 was the most costly, and the organ blower’s, at
48 Sperling, 3: 129 in Boeringer, James, Organ Britannica: Organs in Great Britain 1660-1860: A complete Edition of the Sperling Notebooks and Drawings in the Library of the Royal College of Organists, Vol. 2, (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1986), 51. 49 DDA, Hamilton Papers, Letter 7 October 1844. 251
St Francis Xavier’s, Gardiner Street, Dublin (Flight & Robson, 1834)50
Great FF to g3 Swell F to g3
Double Diapason m & w CC 16 {51} Db Stopd Diapason bass w 16 {51} Open Diapason (large) 8 Db Open Diapason treble m 16 Open Diapason (small) 8 {51} Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason m 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Quint m 5⅓ {51} Principal 4 Principal 4 Flute w 4 Twelfth 3 Fifteenth 2 Fifteenth 2 Sesquialtera III Twenty second 1 Cornopean 8 {42} Sesquialtera III Trumpet 8 Mixture II Hautboy 8 Trumpet 8 Clarion 4 Clarion 4 Tremolo
Choir FF to g3 Pedal FF to f
Open Diapason 8 Double Open Wood 16 Dulciana w 8 {51} Unison Open Wood 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Keraulophon 8 {44} Principal 4 Flute 4 {51} Fifteenth 2 Cremona 8 {39} {Number of pipes} Total: 2072
Coupling Stops 8 Composition Pedals
Gt/Pd 4 Couplers: probably as written Sw/Pd Sw/Gt Sw/Ch
nearly a tenth of the price, the least.51 Although the table is incomplete there are enough female entries to show that Corri was able to procure ‘professional’ or suitable trebles and more than one at a go. Apart from Miss Emily McNally’s low stipend of £2.10.0 there was
50 Sperling, 3: 130 in Boeringer, op. cit., 49-50. ‘Finished and erected by Gray. H & R confirm Sperlings’s spec in 1st & 3rd ed.10 stops added by its sale in MT 28 (1877): 56 adds to total of 45.' 51 To get an idea of the value of money in 1847, it was possible to buy one dozen bottles of Port for: £1.16.0. and two pounds of sugar for £0.1.4. 252
Exhibit 6.6: Receipt of Payment on 1 February 1837 to Corri and his Choir members at the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin.52
Corri £12.10.0 Bedford £ 7.10.0 Hudson £ 7.10.0 Coleman £ 6. 5.0 Bishoff £ 5. 0.0 Laphen £ 7.10.0 Morrison £ 7.10.0
Quarter end.g 1 Feb 1837
Reverend Sir, I have this day received from your hands the sum of thirty eight pounds fifteen shillings with which I will pay the quarterly salaries due 1st February to the following members of the Choir- Mess.r Bedford, Hudson, Coleman & Bishoff. Also my own.
Hayden Corri
Exhibit 6.7: Receipt of Payment on 1 April 1853 to the Choir Conductor at the Pro- Cathedral, Dublin.53
Received from the Very Revd Archdeacon Hamilton the sum of £7.10-0 being one quarter’s salary due 1st April 1853 to J.W. Glover as conductor of Marlboro St Chapel Choir for J.W. Glover
Thomas F. Glover
£7.10-0
no obvious gender-imbalance in terms of payments. The coveted Miss Francesca de la Vega, trained by the organist of the large Telford instrument at St Nicholas of Myra’s and gently pilfered by Corri, can be seen to have been paid the same rate of £6.5.0 as one of his stalwarts Mr John Coleman. Some of the payments were on a monthly or ad hoc basis,
52 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 35/7/98. 53 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 1834-53. 253
Table 6.1: Extant Record of Choir Payments at the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin.54
1842 January April July October
John W. Coleman £6.5.0 £6.5.0 John Morrison £5.0.0 2 months £7.10.0 £7.10.0
Organ Blower £1.5.0 £1.5.0
1843 January April July October
John W. Coleman £6.5.0 £6.5.0 John Morrison £7.10.0 £7.10.0
Organ Blower £1.5.0 £1.5.0 £1.5.0
1848 January April July October
John W. Coleman £6.5.0 £6.5.0 John Morrison £3.15.0 £3.15.0 Alice Smith £6.5.0 William Ledwidge £3.17.0 -3wks £5.0.0 Francesca de la Vega £6.5.0 £6.5.0 J. W. Glover £6.5.0 £6.5.0
Organ Blower £1.5.0
1852 January April July October
John W. Coleman £6.5.0 £6.5.0 £6.5.0 John Morrison £1.5.0 per month Alice Smith £6.5.0 £6.5.0 £6.5.0 William Ledwidge £5.0.0 various…… £5.0.0 Jane Gerrard £5.0.0 Feb £5.0.0 May £5.0.0 Aug Julia Whitley £1.13.4 per month J. W. Glover £6.5.0 £6.5.0 £2.0.0
1853 January April July October
John W. Coleman £6.5.0 £6.5.0 John Morrison £1.5.0 per month Alice Smith £6.5.0 £6.5.0 William Ledwidge £5.0.0 Jane Gerrard £5.0.0 Feb Julia Whitley £1.13.4 Feb per month Emily McNally £2.10.0 J. W. Glover £7.10.0 £7.10.0
54 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 1834-53. Fees are quarterly based unless specified. Those in italics are composite payments. 254 presumably to help their cash flow. In the case of Haydn Corri, correspondence reveals that he was often in pecuniary dire straits and was bailed out several times by the Reverend Hamilton.55 In Exhibit 6.7, one member of the choir, John William Glover (1815-99), got a pay rise of £1.5.0 by the end of 1852 for his role ‘as conductor of Marlboro [sic.] St Chapel Choir’, despite already having done so as far back as 1849. His skills in conducting the choir may have gone hand-in-hand with those as a composer of choral music, as evinced in Exhibit 6.9.56 These may have aided his promotion if Corri was content to preside at the organ. However, Glover had experience under his belt having enterprisingly set up the Royal Choral Institute in 1851 to train working-class singers.57 He would eventually take over from Corri as organist of the Pro-Cathedral.
Choral Repertoire
Although the choir comprised few paid competent members, there is little known to substantiate that this group simply acted a core group which might prop up other non-paid members, despite Corri’s earlier rebuke of amateur singers. On perusal of the following exemplar from 1847 (see Exhibit 6.8),58 there is nothing in this list to suggest any further appendage to the choir, apart from guest soloists who were family members. The programme Corri presented for this small group was seasoned favourites: ‘I hope the enclosed list of music will meet your approbation; they are all gems.’59 This list was likely a setting for an Advent Season Feast Day Mass60 or perhaps the Christmas Day Mass, which he presented to the Administrator for his imprimatur: ‘I shall request your permission to see the printer when he is arranging the programme for publication.’61 The fact that this (and other possible
55 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 1834-53. 56 N, 19 November 1849, 4. 57 Beausang, I., ‘From national sentiment to nationalist movement, 1850-1900,’ in Murphy, M. & Smaczny, J. (Eds.), Irish Musical Studies: Music in Nineteenth-Century Ireland, Vol. 9 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2007), 36-51, 36. He was also professor of vocal music to the Normal Training College of the National Board of Education. 58 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 37/1/209. 59 Ibid. 60 Note the inclusion of ‘Benediction’ that was also a fixture of Sunday High Mass seen in Exhibit 6.4. 61 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 37/1/209. This was likely to be a normal practice when comments in Reverend Gaffney’s brief are also considered in DDA, Hamilton Papers, 37/2/234. 255
Exhibit 6.8: Programme of Music for Advent Feast Day or Christmas Day Mass (1847) at the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin.
Principal Vocalists Mrs Haydn Corri Miss Emma Jane Corri And Miss F. de la Vega __ Mr Morrison Mr Coleman and Mr Glover Members of the Choir __ Assisted by Mr Henry Corri __ Conductor at the Organ Mr Haydn Corri __ Kyrie Eleison from Haydn No 6 The Solos by: Mrs H Corri, Miss De la Vega, Mr Morrison & Mr Coleman Gloria in Excelsis from Haydn No 3 The Solos by: Mr H Corri, Miss De la Vega, Mr Morrison & Mr Glover Solo ‘Qui Tollis’ by: Mr Henry Corri __ At the Offertory
Solo Anthem and Choir: Laudate Pueri, Zingerelli Mrs H Corri Credo- from Cherubini’s Mass No 3 Duet: Et in carnatus est, Mrs H Corri & Miss De la Vega Sanctus- from Mozart’s Requiem Quartette “Benedictus” Mrs H Corri, Miss, De la Vega, Mr Morrison & Mr Henry Corri Agnus Dei from Haydn’s No 15 __ At Benediction Chorus: Tantum Ergo Novello Solo: Genitori Mr Morrison Solo: Ave Maria Cherubini Miss de la Vega Laudate Dominum - omnes 256 performances by soloists, such as Miss Hayes mentioned on page 248) was to be publicised, is a further reflection of the extended appetite among the middle classes for social and cultural events that paralleled the growth of attendees at the concert hall. There is no doubt of the extra dimension of entertainment (albeit ‘spiritual’) that this would have brought to the congregation, particularly when the music shared its ancestry with (composers of) Opera seria and buffa alike. Temperley has aptly summarised: The popularity of continental mass music was due less to the fact that it was Roman Catholic than to the fact that it was a model of religious music frankly secular and theatrical in idiom. It was at least equalled by the liking for excerpts from oratorios.62
In Exhibit 6.8 it is possible to see that the ‘gems’ Corri referred to were principally Viennese Mass settings of the Ordinary (of which Corri’s godfather Haydn was mostly represented) together with a Credo by Cherubini. The other setting in the Mass was an ‘anthem’63 by Zingarelli (1752-1837) that was sung at the Offertory. All the parts of the Ordinary follow the main feature of the Missa Cantata style, with sections for Cori Concertante – as highlighted by Corri on the list for solos, duets and quartets. By choosing this type of repertoire, Corri could take best advantage of the relatively small number of choir members and use the organ accordingly: with continuo accompaniment in these sections and then to fill out the voices in the Ripieno sections. Two years on, this can be seen even more acutely with the following example (Exhibit 6.9) at the Pro-Cathedral, where the choir performed at an annual Charity Sermon for one of Ireland’s oldest charitable trusts: the Sick and Indigent Room Keepers. This occurred on a Sunday afternoon almost directly after the High Mass so the choir members would have been those on the normal Sunday duty. Importantly, out of seven pieces selected for performance ‘by the Choir,’ only one was for full choir; the rest were for solo, duet or quartet. Logic dictates that Corri and Glover would have promoted the best attribute of the choir. In this case it appears to be the soloists who collectively made up the numbers of the choir. This supports the extant evidence that the choir was not large. Even so, as the advertisement shows, there was emphasis on a separate conductor which undoubtedly freed up the organist to concentrate on the accompaniment; ultimately this was equally a testament to the eminence of the role of the organ in choral music at the Pro-Cathedral.
62 Temperley, N., The Music of the English Parish Church, Vol. 1 (Cambridge: CUB, 1979, 2006), 286. 63 Corri used the word ‘Anthem’ to reference the setting of Psalm 113 by an Italian Composer which reflected terminology from the Anglican tradition. This is not surprising given the emergent position only twenty years on from the Emancipation Act (1829) of the Roman Catholic Church in the British Isles. 257
Exhibit 6.9: Performance by the Pro-Cathedral Choir for a Charity Sermon 1849. 64
In the absence of an organ, it is useful to note the perception of accompaniment that Corri had in mind for a choir. For instance, on hearing there was only the use of a seraphim (a small type of harmonium) for the recently opened church of St Lawrence O’Toole, Dublin, he commented on the need for something greater to fill the church: ‘I have the parts of the orchestra of No 12 Mozart.’65 He proposed the following ‘band’ of musicians that would accompany the choir there for Christmas morning in 1849: ‘Grand PianoForte, 4 Violins, Tenor, Double-Bass & Violincello.’66 This informs us directly of the importance for Corri of a strong backing for a choir, and indirectly implies that the organ would have functioned similarly with strong accompaniment where needed. It also tells us that, not only was his choice of Mass setting style similar as the others in Exhibit 6.8, but very typical of the day for a church musician in the British Isles. The so-called Mass ‘No.12’ spuriously attributed to Mozart67 was the second most popular print-run after Handel’s Messiah by the successful music printing firm of Novello.68
64 N, 19 November 1849, 4. 65 DDA, Hamilton Papers, Letter 17 December 1849 66 Ibidem. 67 Cooper, Victoria L., The House of Novello: Practice and Policy of a Victorian Music Publisher, 1829-1866, (Hants: Ashgate, 2003), 55-6. 68 Loc. cit., 75. 258
Exhibit 6.10: Receipt of Choral Music from the music publisher Novello (1852).
Oct 28 1852
Mr J W Glover
June 4 | Palestrina No.4 “ 6 “ 1 Set Voc “ 3 “
Oct 28 | Palestrina No.2 “ 7 “ Vocal Parts “ 3 “ £ “19 “
Carriage from London 4-0 1-3-0
Recd the above
J. W. Glover69
A receipt in 1852 (as seen in Exhibit 6.10) shows other music ordered and mailed from the firm in London for the choir at the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin. This time the items for delivery were Masses by Palestrina. It is possible to see that each Mass was ordered in two parts: a set of vocal parts and the other was almost certainly an organ reduction. If music was not shipped directly it was obtained from local distributors, such as Bussell’s Royal Harmonic Saloon on Westmoreland Street, Dublin. An extant receipt from same in October 1854 confirms the tremendous appetite for the Viennese school for the choir at the Pro- Cathedral with purchases of a Sanctus & Benedictus by Mozart and a Mass by Haydn.70 This proclivity, though, was based around the Rite of Mass, and it was not particular to the Pro- Cathedral or its choir. Mozart was the choice at the launch of the new organ at Letterkenny Cathedral, Co. Donegal (1852) where it was noted that the London organ-builder Henry Bevington:
69 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 1834-53. 70 DDA, Hamilton Papers, 1834-53. Receipts. 259
was kind enough during that period [of erecting the instrument] to give instructions to an amateur choir consisting of the elite of the young Catholic ladies of Letterkenny; the Misses Gallagher, nieces of his lordship, the Misses Murray, and Miss Teresa Gallagher whose voices did every justice to Mozart’s grand mass.71
At the opening of the Telford organ at St Saviour’s Dominick Street, Dublin in 1862 ‘the sacred music of the mass was Beethoven’s sublime composition in C.’72 This echoed what had happened at the opening of the Pugin designed Roman Catholic Church of St Mary’s Derby in 1839, except that the Beethoven Mass was accompanied by ‘full choir and orchestra.’73 For the opening of the White organ at the Carmelite Church, Whitefriar Street, Dublin in 1865, the following items were performed during the twelve o’clock High Mass: Kyrie, Mozart No.12 Gloria, Haydn, No.2 Credo, Haydn No.3 Sanctus, Mozart No.12 Agnus Dei, Haydn No.16. 74 Like those sampled in Exhibit 6.9, the numbers above assigned to the Haydn and Mozart masses are typical of the editorial style of Vincent Novello.75 The popular (but unauthenticated) ‘Mozart No. 12’ in G was featured twice at the Carmelite Church and owes its printed source from his edition of Mozart masses in 1820.76 In a similar manner, the Haydn masses correspond respectively to his Collected Edition of Haydn’s Masses (1820s).77 Comparable to the Sunday tradition at the Pro-Cathedral, there was Benediction after both of these commemorative Masses. At St Saviour’s ‘the O Salutaris, from Sebastian Bach, the Tantum Ergo, from Schubert, were given exquisitely, and the grand Te Deum of Witzka concluded the ceremonials’78 whilst at the Carmelite Church Benediction featured Rossini’s Tantum Ergo with a conclusion of the ‘Hallelujah’ Chorus by Handel. When it came to choral performances outside of the Mass, choral settings of the Ordinary were not generally part-and-parcel of public concerts or performances at Charity Sermons events. There was more emphasis on repertoire from Oratorios such as Handel’s Messiah, Israel in Egypt and Theodora or Mendelssohn’s St Paul, as illustrated in exhibits 6.9 and 6.11. Even
71 N, 1 May 1852, 16. The paucity of female singers and lack of male singers is further testament to an acceptance of choirs (including amateurs) being comprised of small numbers. 72 JHA, Unkown Title of Broadsheet. ‘After the Epistle, a theme from Hesse was beautifully played by Mr. Tibury. At the Offertory an andante passage from Mozart was produced with exquisite grace, going far to realise the perfection of organ instrumentation.’ 73 Hill, Rosemary, God’s Architect: Pugin and the Building of Romantic Britain (Lane, 2007; London: Penguin, 2008), 219. 74 N, 13 May 1865, 12. 75 Cooper, op. cit., 54. 76 Ibidem. 77 Cooper, op.cit., 66. The Haydn masses ‘No 2’refers to Hoboken No. XXII:9 and ‘No.3’ refers to Hoboken No. XXII:11 and were previously published by Breitkopf and Härtel. ‘No. 16’ refers to Hoboken No. XXII: Nr.12. 78 JHA, Unkown Title of Broadsheet. 260
Latin pieces in these exhibits were antiphons or extracts from particular Catholic works such as the Stabat Mater by Rossini.
Exhibit 6.11: Extracts from an advertisement of a Charity Sermon at St Francis Xavier’s, Gardiner Street, Dublin79
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There is little information regarding the choir or ‘eminent artistes’ that performed at the Charity Sermon at St Francis Xavier’s, Dublin in September 1849 (see Exhibit 6.11) but the programme mirrored similar events such as at the Pro-Cathedral two months later (Exhibit 6.9) in that the majority of sung works were opportunities for separate voices to demonstrate their skills. It is not surprising, then, to find Corri and others use words such as ‘vocalists’ that could be interchangeable with ‘choir’ (as seen in Exhibit 6.8). Although we are not aware of the make-up of the choir at the Carmelite Church, Whitefriar Street, we are informed of the number and type of ‘vocalists’ that comprised the ‘regular’ choir of St Saviour’s, Dominick Street in 1862:
Soprani: Miss E. Williams, Miss E. Thomas, Miss White Contralti: Mrs. Cantwell, Mrs. Callanan Tenori: Mr. Cantwell, Mr. Harding, Mr. McDermott Bassi: Mr. Ledwich, Mr. Haughton.80
79 N, 15 September 1849, 1. 80 JHA, Unkown title of broadsheet. 261
A few remarks may be made about this. The numbers are comparable to those at the Pro- Cathedral in 1853 given the extant records there. Even though there were two more singers recorded at St Saviour’s, the number was still modest to fill a church building that is approximately twice the length of the nave of the Pro-Cathedral. The handful of ladies that came to sing the Mozart Mass in Letterkenny Cathedral could not have filled the large building, yet the reporter commented on how they ‘did every justice’ to it regardless of any noted appearance of a tenor or a bass. Furthermore, it would hardly have seemed appropriate that such an established organ-builder as Bevington would have run the risk of embarrassing the impact of his new instrument, let alone his skills as an accompanist had the ladies in question let the occasion down. Thus, the comments of the reporter may have been supportable after all, given that it must have been accepted practice for congregations to hear a more subdued result than modern ears are used to with larger (amateur) choirs. So, assuming that the mixed choir of St Saviour’s were trained and could project their voice down the building, the effect would similarly not have carried at St Saviour’s or in any of the large churches that had sprung up around Dublin and the provincial towns post-Catholic Emancipation. Our attention is now turned to the question that arises: why did these Catholic churches tended to have small choirs (both paid and amateur) in the early to mid-nineteenth century?
The Influence of Novello
The connection between the music sung, its edition, and how the organ was intended to accompany it, may have had a larger part to play regarding choir-singing in churches in Ireland, let alone in England. As discussed, many of the editions of music sung by these choirs were from the publishing house of Novello. (One example, Exhibit 6.12, features the front cover of ‘Mozart’s Masses’ arranged by Novello that was used at St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin.) It is fitting therefore to look at some key aspects of the pioneering editorial style of its founder, and to consider their ramifications – not only on a choir and its output, but moreover, on the way in which this impacted on the style of organs built in and the way they were used in Ireland.
262
Exhibit 6.12: Front Cover of ‘Mozart’s Masses’ by Novello from the music library of St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin 81
Table 6.2: Editorial Registrations from Twelve Easy Masses by Vincent Novello82
Voice Dynamic Organ Registration pp Swell Stopped Diapason. Bass line Choir Stopped Diapason. Solo(s) p Swell 2 Diapasons Choir Stopped Diapason & Dulciana Choir p Great 2 Diapasons mf Great 2 Diapasons & Principal f Great 2 Diapasons, Principal, Fifteenth ff Great 2 Diapasons, Principal, Twelfth, Fifteenth, Mixture, Cornet treble & Sesquialtera bass
It should not have to be overstated that the relationship between a choir (or ‘vocalists’) and its accompaniment is crucial; particularly so, when the composer has intended one to compliment the other. One of the critical aspects of this is the balance between tone and volume. Vincent Novello, in his score reductions for choir and organ, usually recommended a graded registration which he believed complimented the dynamic
81 Novello, V., ‘The Celebrated Arrangement of Mozart’s Masses,’ Novello’s Cheap Musical Classics, Vol. 20, (London: Novello, 1820, R\1830s). Exhibits 6.13 and 6.14 are from this collection. 82 Muir, T. E., Op. cit., 72. 263 range from p to ff. The use of stops suggested for each level can be seen in Table 6.2 and are taken from his Twelve Easy Masses from 1816.83 Vincent Novello introduced Masses from the classical composers, so favoured in Ireland and England, at the (Roman Catholic) Portuguese Embassy Chapel,84 where, as organist, his accompaniments ‘were widely acclaimed and influential.’85 Accordingly, it is worth bearing in mind the instrument on which he likely based these registrations.
Portuguese Chapel, South Street, London (G. P. England, 1808)86 Built originally by Jordan as two manual
Great GG to f3 Choir GG to f3
Double Diapasons* 16 Dulciana tc 8 Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Principal 4 Stopped Diapason 8 Flute 4 Principal 4 Cremona tc 8 Twelfth 3 Fifteenth 2 Sexquialtera IV Mixture II Cornet c IV Trumpet 8
Swell E to f3 Pedals to d
Open Diapason 8 * 24 pipes Stopped Diapason 8 Principal 4 Cornet c III Trumpet 8 Long octaves Hautboy 8 {Number of pipes} Total: 1460
83 Muir, T. E., Roman Catholic Church Music in England, 1791-1914: A Handmade of the Liturgy? (Hampshire: Ashgate, 2008), 71. 84 Elvin, L., Bishop and Son, Organ Builders: The Story of J.C Bishop & his Successors (Lincoln: Elvin, 1984), 188. He was organist there from (1798-1823) after singing as a choirboy and learning the organ under Samuel Webbe (1740-1816) at the Sardinian Embassy Chapel (Lincoln’s Inn). 85 Kent, Christopher, ‘A Revolution in Registration-Marsh to Mendelssohn: A View of English Organ Music 1788-1847,’ JBIOS 13 (1989), 25-44, 30. 86 LM, 149. 264
There is little to distinguish its specification from the Lawless organ at the Pro- Cathedral (page 239) that Corri played upon. Both had roots in the eighteenth century, where the Great Organ alone was vested with the utmost dynamic range (based on stops); Table 6.2 reflects this for the choir ensemble from p to ff. Here, the gradation of volume between p, mf and f is conservative with the respective addition of the Principal and Fifteenth stops. It is with the ff that there is a large jump to full Great without Trumpet.87 Aside, these stop changes, particularly the latter, were prime examples of how Bishop’s invention of composition pedals in 180988 could have been put to good use. Whether Novello had these adapted at the Embassy Chapel is unknown, but James Chapman Bishop (1783-1854) was likely to have been influenced by him given correspondence between both and work done where Novello acted as an organ-building advisor.89 The scope of Novello’s instrument could not be considered excessively loud once these dynamics are analysed. Even Vincent Novello’s daughter, Mary Cowden-Clarke described the organ as ‘not very large, but exquisitely sweet-toned.’90 It is in this context that choirs in Ireland such as that at the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin may not have seemed so limited, since the organ there would equally not overpower them (if only on the basis of the stops chosen according to the Novello editions). Novello’s daughter went further to illuminate our understanding of ritual practice by describing a typical scenario at Mass and one which inferred this subtle balance between voice and accompaniment: With attentive hush were oftentimes listened to, the strains of Mozart, Haydn, Beethoven or Himmel [sic], in some soft offertory, breathed out by four well-disciplined voices, sustained by Vincent Novello’s smooth fingers.91
The Embassy Chapel would not have been large to start with, but even so, Novello’s daughter described how the congregation had to concentrate ‘with attentive hush’ in order to hear only four ‘well-disciplined voices’.92 This compliments what was happening in Dublin in the early to middle part of the nineteenth century in two ways. Firstly, there were regular performances by a handful of singers at the liturgy, and secondly, they were trained singers which would imply some form of stipend. Hence, when Rev. Flanagan’s letter (page 249)
87 There are variances of this in the scores when the Trumpet is marked for addition. For example, see Novello (Ed.), Mozart’s Mass No.12, Octavo Edition (London: Novello, 1859), 66 (Bottom system). 88 Elvin, op. cit., 46. 89 Loc. cit., 188-9, 199. 90 Kent, C., op. cit., 30. 91 Clarke, Mary Cowden, The Life and labours of Vincent Novello, (London: Novello & Co., 1864), 4 in Kent, C. op. cit., 30. 92 It is difficult to assume she was writing figuratively about the numbers of ‘voices’ per part because of the extent to which the congregation had to quieten to hear them in the first instance. 265 from the parish of St. Nicholas of Myra, Dublin is re-invoked, it is easy to understand why he was so annoyed to have lost one of his only four trained singers to the choir at the Pro- Cathedral. It further illustrates the earlier point regarding the enthusiasm of a congregation (or effectively an audience) when one considers that ‘it became a fashion to hear’ the performances at the embassy chapel.93 Listening to few voices performing cannot be as easily appreciated by current congregations where the organs are more powerful, the choir members more plentiful and a personal amplifier system is ubiquitous and taken for granted in large buildings. Given that the Pro-Cathedral in Dublin was considered a paradigm of church music in Ireland, it is easy to understand how the set-up there was promulgated around the provinces.94 Although it had more than four singers, the balance between numbers of voices and the power of the organ would have been kept in check by the dynamics that were expressed in registration, as recommended by Novello in his editions. This would also have been the case in larger spaces such as St Saviour’s, Dominick St, Dublin where not only the choir or number of ‘vocalists’ was greater but the organ was larger. It is worth turning to some musical samples taken from two Irish Victorian church libraries to consider how an organist might best use the organ to accompany a choir.
Music Samples
The shared G compass of the eighteenth and early nineteenth century, as typified by the instruments at hand for Novello and Corri, is illustrated with octaves (and fifths) in the oblong edition of Mozart Masses (in Exhibits 6.13 and 6.14).95 The tiered dynamics of registration follow those in Table 6.2 above and are similarly repeated in Novello’s octavo edition of ‘Mozart’s Mass No. 12’ in Exhibit 6.15. There is a clear demarcation between the registrations for any of the solo parts which were designated for the Swell or Choir Organs and the use of the Great Organ which takes over as an accompaniment to the chorus in Exhibit 6.15 below. These registration settings, apposite to the dynamic markings of p and mf, also follow those sampled in Table 6.2.
93 Elvin, op. cit., 188. 94 The size of the building there is not large for a cathedral space 95 See footnote 81. 266
Exhibit 6.13: Kyrie (opening system) from ‘Mozart Mass No. 4,’ Novello (Ed.) in music library of St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin
Exhibit 6.14: Kyrie (opening system) from ‘Mozart Mass No. 9,’ Novello (Ed.) in music library of St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin
267
Novello also flavoured the score with solo organ-stops to mimic similar orchestral shades: note the ‘Swell Hautboy’ in the last bar of Exhibit 6.15, the ‘Choir Flute’ on the second bar of the next Exhibit (6.16) and the ‘Choir Cremona’ from the first bar in last Exhibit (6.17). These orchestral colourings were just that: they did not add anything to the loudness per se of the organ, but gave a practical insight of how the early Victorian organ was recommended to be used and, as such, were very typical of voluntary registrations by William Russell (1777-1813). It is not surprising then that some practical features akin to this type of registration, such as Tenor C Swells and small softly voiced Choir Organs (both with solo registers), continued to be realised by Irish organ-builders beyond the middle of the nineteenth century. References to the use of Pedals were threefold: first, a pedal-point to serve as a function of harmony, as seen in the third bar of the second system in Exhibit 6.15; second, as a bass line providing depth in the form of octaves, as illustrated in the first system of Exhibit 6.16; and third, as a means of giving a bass line when the arrangement of the manual accompaniment was busy – an example can be seen in the second and third bar of Exhibit 6.17. 96 As befitted his instrument, Novello implies the use of the Great to Pedal coupler as the way of using the Pedals. Exhibit 6.16 exposes how he realised this. In the first bar of the extract the score is marked ‘Ped. Great Diap.’ as à la Reutter broken chords are played on the Swell keys. The low C is played on the pedals, while the left hand can choose to play its octave above. However, when the right hand moves onto the Choir manual with its falling melody line in the second bar, the left hand continues the broken chords on the Swell but cannot reach tenor G, whereupon the organist must choose to play octaves on the pedals if he follows the score to the letter; the same is implied in the fourth bar. It is probable that agile players did play these pedal octaves, but dubious whether Novello intended this to be strictly the case. 97 In reality it was the overall effect that would be considered, and this is elucidated when the editorial direction is much clearer regarding the use of pedals. A case in hand is the first system in Exhibit 6.17 where the pedals are playing just one note at a time which balances the upper parts very effectively.98 Novello further advised the use of different stops
96 Here, the bass line is essentially non-obbligato when it is implied in the higher accompaniment; but, without the use of the pedals its effect would be lost, so, in effect, it can be considered obbligato. 97 As far back as 1833 when pedals were still a novelty on organs in England and Ireland, it was remarked that Novello’s Select Organ Pieces which included reductions from the Viennese composers, Cherubini and Palestrina ‘certainly calculates his adaptions for superior organists, and is not sparing of notes.’ From The Harmonicon, July 1833 in Cooper, op. cit., 61. 98 There are octaves present but two octaves part. 268
Exhibit 6.15: Qui Tollis (extract) from ‘Mozart Mass No. 12,’ Novello (Ed.) in music library of Mount St Alphonsus, Limerick99
99 Novello (Ed.), Mozart’s Mass No.12, Octavo Edition (London: Novello, 1859), 24. 269
Exhibit 6.16: Et Incarnatus Est (extract) from ‘Mozart Mass No. 12,’ Novello (Ed.) in music library of Mount St Alphonsus, Limerick100
(via the Great Organ) to create different effects on the Pedals. The contrast between the two references on the use of the pedals in Exhibit 6.16 is quite telling. When Novello recommended the Great Open Diapason 8’ in the first instance, he was doubling the octave, and fulfilling the second function pointed out above. The second time, however, gives the closest effect of a progenitor for a separate Pedal division that can be seen with the marking on the bottom system of the score of ‘Ped 8va Double Diap. alone.’ It is evident here (and in all the examples) that Novello was working from the basis of a low G compass where the pedalboard pulldowns
100 Novello (Ed.), Mozart’s Mass No.12, Octavo Edition (London: Novello, 1859), 54. 270
Exhibit 6.17: Agnus Dei (extract) from ‘Mozart Mass No. 12,’ Novello (Ed.) in music library of Mount St Alphonsus, Limerick101 Quoted Registration: Swell Principal and Diapason; Choir Cremona; Great 2 Diapasons and Principal
matched the same depth of compass as the Great Organ. As part of the 1808 enlargement of the Jordan instrument at the Portuguese Chapel, a Double Diapason 16’ stop was added on the Great Organ102 and when Leffler inspected it he noted that it comprised of ‘Open Wood Pipes to fiddle G.’103 Thus, when Novello recommended the use of these pipes (presuming he based his editorial registration on his own instrument) he was taking advantage of an Open Wood stop that a following generation of organists would come to take for granted as the most commonly found independent pedal stop.
101 Novello (Ed.), Mozart’s Mass No.12, Octavo Edition (London: Novello, 1859), 94. 102 LM, 149. 103 Ibid. 271
Organ Repertoire
One of the knock-on effects of the embryonic Pedal Organ in England was a lack of repertoire for the instrument and its new independent division. What was needed was a composer of repute who could fill this void. In 1829 Novello met Mendelssohn, and, like Attwood and Gauntlett, appreciated the reception of organ works by Johann Sebastian Bach that he brought with him.104 After printing his Songs without Words for piano in 1832 and then an edition of Bach’s Prelude & Fugue in e (BWV 533),105 Novello co-printed in 1837 with Breitkopf und Härtel, Mendelssohn’s Three Preludes and Fugues, Op. 37 from which the fugue in d had been personally presented to him. Ten years later the impact was felt in Ireland, at the opening of the Telford organ at St Malachy’s, Belfast. The early reception of Bach’s music had centred on his collection of forty-eight Preludes & Fugues (alias The Well- Tempered Clavier). Consequently, the name of Bach became synonymous in England with the musical form fugue106 and was also treated similarly in Ireland when (Sir) Robert Prescott Stewart (1825-94) played Mendelssohn and some of Bach’s ‘fugues’ (see Exhibit 6.18). It is not known whether Robert Stewart got to hear, see or meet Mendelssohn but given that Elijah was premiered at Birmingham Town Hall in August 1846,107 it would seem too good an opportunity to have missed for the recently appointed organist of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin. Two other figures known to him, Joseph Robinson (1816-98) and John Stanford previously travelled from Dublin to hear Mendelssohn’s Lobgesang performed (as part of the composer’s second appearance as conductor and organist) at Birmingham in 1840.108 They were invited to hear Mendelssohn improvise afterwards.109 Inasmuch as Bach’s organ music was often generically mis-termed under the heading of fugue, correspondingly so was the organ repertoire by Mendelssohn. An example of this occurred at a Charity Sermon at St Francis Xavier’s, Dublin in September
104 Little, W. A., Mendelssohn and the Organ (New York: OUP, 2010), 201. 105 Ibid. 106 Little, op. cit., 441. In a letter dated 17 December 1844 from Mendelssohn to the publisher Charles Coventry (1798/9-1856), he outlined: ‘Pray alter the inscription which is to be found at the bottom of every page: Bach’s Fugues, etc. Why is Bach’s name always connected with Fugues? He has had more to do with Psalm-Tunes than with Fugues; and you call the beginning of your Collection Bach’s Studies, which I like much better. Pray altar this, & call it either Studies, or Organ-music, or Chorales, or as you like but not Fugues.’ 107 Pilkington, M. (Ed.), Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, F., Elijah, Op. 70 (London: Novello, 1991), viii. 108 Robinson was a mentor to Robert Stewart and composed choral settings as a member of the choir at Christ Church Cathedral. John Stanford was the father of Sir Charles Villiers Stanford. See O’Dea, L., ‘Sir Robert Prescott Stewart,’ DHR, Vol. 17, No.3 (June 1962), 77-93, 81. 109 Little, op. cit., 59-60. 272
Exhibit 6.18: Review of organ recital to mark the opening of the Telford organ at St Malachy’s, Belfast (1847)110
1849 where an ‘Organ Voluntary’ by Mendelssohn was performed (see Exhibit 6.11). The liberally used eighteenth century heading of Voluntary which could describe any solo organ piece reflected some of the public’s unfamiliarity of musical forms such as Sonata for the organ.111 Albeit, a year previously, at a Telford workshop performance of the Radley organ in March 1848, this was not the case when Robert Stewart played two of Mendelssohn’s Sonatas; they were noted as such in the programme:112
1) Mendelssohn, Elijah: Recitative, Overture and Chorus ‘Help Lord’ 2) Bach, Pastoral Symphony: Selection 3) Rinck, Voluntary in Bb 4) Spohr, Faust: Opera Melody 5) Mendelssohn, Sonata No. 1
110 N, 15 May 1847, 5. 111 Little, op. cit., 438-9. In a letter to Coventry dated 29 August 1844, the composer abstrusely declared ‘I do not know what it means precisely’ when the publisher Charles Coventry innocently inveigled his way to refer to his Sonatas as such. 112 Leahy, Anne, William Telford: Organ Builder, MA Thesis (St Patrick’s College, Maynooth, 1987), 41. Bach’s Sinfonia (Pastoral Symphony) refers most probably to his Christmas Oratorio. 273
Interval
1) Mendelssohn, Elijah: ‘Hear ye Israel’ 2) Mendelssohn, Sonata No. 2 3) Hesse, Trio in A 4) Hesse, Grand Fugue in c 5) Handel, Samson: Overture
The growth of their popularity and acceptance into Irish musical culture was given testament on the return of the Radley organ to Dublin’s Industrial Exhibition five years later where commentators referred to them as the ‘celebrated Sonatas for the organ.’113 When Prescott Stewart chose the recital programme above it was exclusively German in content and may have been a deliberate gesture of homage to the organ’s disposition towards the ‘German System’ (with C compass). Moreover, apart from Bach and Handel, the selections were sufficiently contemporary114 and split equally between those for organ solo and transcriptions. A tacit tribute to Telford’s work was when Robert Stewart unexpectedly added a vocal transcription (perhaps the same as above) by Louis Spohr (1789-1859) at St Malachy’s, Belfast the year previously, enamouring the audience to such a degree that ‘it did not need the human voice to add to its expression’ (as reported in Exhibit 6.18). Robert Stewart obviously had the two Sonatas by Mendelssohn as standard repertoire, since he chose to play these in January 1859 at the workshop recital for the organ to be installed in the Church of the Assumption, Wexford and this time, a fugue (probably BWV 543) by Bach was performed.115
1) Handel, Concerto 2) Mozart, Adagio 3) Mendelssohn, Sonata No.1 4) Bach, Fugue in a 5) Mozart, Mass No. 8, Agnus Dei 6) Dussck [sic.], Rondo 7) Mendelssohn, Theme (& Variations) posthumous 8) Mendelssohn, Sonata No.2 9) Beethoven, Rondo in C
113 Sproule, John (Ed.), The Industrial Exhibition of 1853: A detailed catalogue of its contents (Dublin: McGlashan, 1854), 245-8. 114 Christian Heinrich Rinck (1770-1846); Adolf Friedrich Hesse (1809-63). 115 FJ, 4 January 1859, 3. 274
The Rise of Amateurs
The line between music for the liturgy and concert was often breached, as transcriptions for organ were not just confined to concert performance. At the offertory of the opening Mass of Telford’s magnum opus in Dublin at St Saviour’s (1862) ‘an andante passage from Mozart was produced with exquisite grace, going far to realise the perfection of organ instrumentation.’116 When it came to the opening of White’s magnum opus at St Andrew’s, Dublin (1871) there was an eclectic mixture of music under the broad title of ‘oratorio:’ The oratorio opened with an overture and sacred cantata, played by Mr. Best, which unquestionably proved that the ambition of the constructor had been fully recognised. Mozart’s beautiful 12th Mass, which followed, was heard with sincere pleasure, as it brought out not alone the qualities to the new organ but fully tested the abilities of the vocalists. Of Mr. Best’s playing, it need only be said that he delighted his audience, and none could fail to express the genuine appreciation of the excellent manner in which the selections were sung. In the first part the “Kyrie Eleison” was admirably rendered with organ and full band accompaniment. The “Credo” was excellently delivered, but the “Inflammatus” was the gem of the interpretation. The “Benedictua” was likewise unexceptionally well sung, but appeared a little too trying to the gentleman who took the tenor part. The quartettes in the second portion of the programme were given with harmony and true appreciation. “The Lord is a Man of War”, as sung by two well known amateurs, was listened to with felicitous attention, and Mr. Cummins’ version of Haydn’s exquisite “In Native Worth” was a fine exposition of vocal talent. Miss Fennell’s singing was as usual beyond the sphere of adverse criticism, and the pieces rendered by Miss Bessie Craig and Miss Herbert were alike acceptably received. The choruses throughout exhibited complete organisation, and Mr. R.M. Levey as conductor portrayed undoubted skill.117
The use of terms such as ‘oratorio’ and ‘cantata’ were inappropriate to the setting but followed in the footsteps of similar words such as ‘fugue’ and ‘voluntary’ mentioned before. We are not informed of what the ‘cantata’ or ‘overture’ comprised, but the famous organist W. T. Best played less music for solo organ. Perhaps this was a reflection of the inclination of the organ committee towards choral music at best or an expression of unfamiliarity of organ repertoire at worst. Irrespective of the amateurs involved, a critical aspect of the performance was highlighted: the ‘tenor part appeared a little too trying to the gentleman.’ This comment may indicate that standards were beginning to fall in the capital in the final third of the nineteenth century, perhaps as a result of the increasing number of amateur choruses. A year later at the opening of Barker’s magnum opus in Ireland at the Pro- Cathedral, Dublin, Best was called once again to preside at the organ. In this instance there is more said about his performance, even though the names of the pieces played at the
116 JHA, Unkown Title of Broadsheet. 117 IT, 24 March 1871, 3. 275 beginning are generically labelled ‘preludes’ and ‘fugues’ – which would suggest the music of Bach. Mr. Best understood the genius of the organ, and played upon it the fittest and most appropriate music. Preludes variegated with harmonies wherein the sustaining powers of the instrument were beautifully displayed and fugues, whose telling easily traced subjects, kept a continuous flow upon the ear and chased each other through a labyrinth of modulations, always pursuing, never overtaking, till they met in a colossal burst of harmony that made the heart of the auditor burst with joy. His passion, his abandon, his fire, his energy, and his pathos were efficient in developing all its resources, and showing that soul can be united to sound by the supremacy of genuine art in the performer chaining as it were to his triumphal chariot wheels the best and most elevating sympathies of our common nature.118
As at St Andrew’s, the concert was encapsulated under the heading of ‘oratorio’, but this time it was the Italian Opera Company who offered their services to provide the ultimate cross-over expression of musical theatre in church. From the following extract it appears that their members regularly performed on a Sunday at various churches in Dublin. If this was the case it was providential for them, as it provided free publicity for their non-liturgical performances. It signalled, however, the end of the small paid choirs around the city of Dublin since this would only have happened in churches where the regular choir was not paid on a professional basis. The specific mention of the illustrious Madame de la Vega as the last surviving member of the choir at the Pro-Cathedral adds further testimony that the choir there, in all probability, became voluntary in the latter half of the century. The vocal performance was also worthy of the occasion. Never since the first year that he came to Dublin as entrepreneur has Mr. Mapleson neglected to use the large influence which he possesses with the principal members of the Italian Opera to induce them to give their services for charitable and religious purposes. In this way, bazaars have been highly benefited by the local contributions of Melle Titiens; and the Catholic churches of the city have every Sunday during the stay of the operatic artists in Dublin resounded with the music interpreted by them. Yesterday the great prima donna surpassed herself in effort to do justice to the excerpts set down for her. Her solo, “Pieta Signor” – resuscitated from the forgotten works of Stradelia – was a marvel of religious fervour given with the high artistic power possessed by the executant. None less deserving of commendation were the “Facut portem” of Madame Trebelli-Bettini and the “Pro peccatis” of Signor Agnesi. The tuo “Gratia agimus”, from the “Gloria” of Rossini’s “Messe Solennelle” was admirably sung by Madame Trebelli-Bettini, Signor Bettini and Signor Foli; and the “Cujus anmam” of Signor Bettini could not be surpassed for wondrous power of voice and executive skill. Madame De La Vega Wilson – who has the rare story to tell of being the sole surviving member of the choir as it existed more than twenty years ago, and who has outlived all the clergy, with one exception, attached to the Church when she joined it, but who still maintains her brilliant voice in full vigour – gave Gounod’s “Ave Maria” in exquisite style. The obligate to this most expressive composition were played by Herr Ellsner – who kindly volunteered his very valuable services, as he does on every occasion that a good work has to be performed – and Melle Jennsen whose wonderful arpeggio were heard with intense satisfaction. The choruses were very brilliant. The stupendous “And the Glory of the Lord” was wonderfully well delivered, as were likewise Mendelssohn’s “As the Heart Pants” and Hayden’s “Achieved is
118 IT, 7 October 1872, 3. 276
the glorious work”. Such a concert of sacred music is rarely to be enjoyed in Dublin. Pity that some effort is not made in Dublin to accomplish a musical festival with such elements as were here brought together. The oratorio appropriately closed with a grand organ marche religious of Adolpe Adam played by Mr. Best.119
When the reporter commented that this type of concert was not common-place it is possible that the congregation was no longer used to a high standard of artists performing at church and particularly at the Pro-Cathedral itself. If Madame de la Vega was still reputed to have had an excellent voice and was representative of the standard of the original choir, then there was truly a dearth that had crept in the second half of the century. In order to try and understand why this was the case it is useful to look at what was happening in the Established Church.120
Tractarian Reform and Hymnody
With the tide of Ecclesiological Reform that started with Tractarianism and was taken up by the Cambridge Camden Society, the architecture of most of the Anglican churches was adapted. In form the antithesis of the “sermon house” of the previous two centuries, the pattern neo- medieval church conceived by the Ecclesiologists was designed to permit service and sacrament to be “decently and rubrickally celebrated”.121
‘In broad churches’ where ‘the style of music savoured of the “cathedral” service,’122 organs were concomitantly removed from their traditional perches on west galleries or rood screens and placed in purpose-built spaces or chambers beside the chancel. This was to done to accompany newly-accommodated choirs in or near the chancel and concurrently support the congregation if it was participative. Outside a collegiate setting, a lay choir in the Roman Catholic tradition could essentially be removed from the liturgical action and thus stay in a West-end organ-gallery. In contrast with the Choral Revival in the Anglican Church, newly- formed lay choirs with ‘a wide variety of liturgical standards’ had now the chance to be
119 IT, 7 October 1872, 3. 120 Established Church refers to the Anglican Church also known as the Church of Ireland on this island. It became dis-established in 1870. 121 Rainbow, Bernarr, The Choral Revival in the Anglican Church, 1839-1872 (Oxford, 1970; Suffolk: Boydell Press, 2001), 263. 122 Ibid., 283. 277 robed.123 Symbolically, they became part of the liturgical action which, in effect, was parodying the ancient monastic tradition (but not to Tractarian ideals). On the following page are two different layout drawings of new Irish churches in the 1860s: the first (Exhibit 6.19) is Anglican (Church of Ireland) and the second (Exhibit 6.20) Roman Catholic. In the first plan, the architect provided a typical solution for Milltown Parish Church (1864) and marked clearly where the organ was to be placed: ‘organ chamber over vestry.’ Note that the position of the vestry has been moved from the end of the chancel, where the sacristy is situated in the second plan, to accommodate the organ. No mention is made of the organ in the outlined plans of the second example for Ballyhooley Church (1867) because it was assumed that an organ would be placed in the customary way in the west end, following the traditional format. Subsequent commentary about the drawing confirmed this: ‘an organ gallery terminates the western end of the nave, beneath which a convenient porch is arranged.’124 If an older church was being re-modelled, a number of features were typically transformed to match. One such example was St Patrick’s, Trim, Co. Meath in 1867 which cost in excess of £1,400; the changes consisted in removing the old porch, and an unsightly gallery, substituting open pews for the antiquated ones in previous use, the insertion of new foliated windows set in cut stone, the erection of a vestry, a compartment for an organ, and a new chancel125
Larger established church buildings did not escape re-ordering either. At St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin, the Harris organ was removed from the screen (see Exhibit 1.3) and a large three-manual organ by Bevington was recessed above the arches in the north chancel in 1865 (see Exhibit 6.21). Telford had submitted a plan to split the Harris organ and place it on either side of the chancel.126 Furthermore, he re-summoned what Harris had proposed more than one hundred and fifty years previously for St Paul’s Cathedral, London: to build a Grand Organ and Pedal at the west end, but in this instance would have been played from the choir console with electric action.127 Apart from being Ireland’s first known indigenous proposal to adventure with electric relay action, it is worth considering why he proposed this in the first instance. One of the problems of putting organs in chambers was that the egress of sound was seriously curtailed. Telford had had experience at Christ Church Cathedral,
123 Ibid., 263. 124 IB, Vol. 9, No. 178 (15 May 1867), 115-128, 120. 125 Conwell, E. A., ‘A Ramble Round Trim,’ JRHAAI ,4th Series, Vol. 2, No. 2 (1873), 361-430, 394. 126 Eccl, Vol. 26, No.167 (April 1865), 99-100. This would have foreshadowed the treatment of the Father Smith organ at St Paul’s Cathedral, London. 127 Ibid. 278
Exhibit 6.19: Layout of Miltown Parish Church, Co. Dublin (1864) by T.Drew, architect.128 Altar Organ
Exhibit 6.20: Layout of RC Church, Ballyhooley, Co. Cork (1867) by Pugin and Ashlin, architects.129
Organ Altar
128 IB, Vol. 6, No. 119 (1 December 1864), 239-250, 244a. 129 IB, Vol. 9, No. 178 (15 May 1867), 115-128, 120a. 279
Exhibit 6.21: Re-ordered chancel of St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin, with the new Bevington organ (1865) placed in recess of lancet windows.130
Dublin, where the Pedal stops were considered weak because they spoke into the nave131 and knew that he would have had no height restrictions at the west end of the Cathedral. Moreover, when it came to congregational accompaniment, the Grand Organ chorus would impact more effectively where the pipes, not forced, could effectively be better heard. In any case neither was his plan accepted nor was Bevington’s instrument fully appreciated for the very reasons outlined. One of its critics passed judgement saying that the diapasons of ‘the organ just placed in S. Patrick’s, Dublin, is a proof of anything but power’132 and in general
130 JHA, Source Unknown. 131 Milne, K., Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin: A History (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000, 2010), 348. 132 Eccl, Vol. 26, No.167 (April 1865), 114. 280
‘the tone is very thin and light’133 and ‘the pedal with its four stops is totally inadequate to the support of the full ”great” and “swell” combined.’134 Despite the natural musical disadvantage for the organ to be housed in a chamber and further boxed-in with display pipes (as seen in Exhibit 6.21), the end result of re- ordering in the Anglican Church was not lost on the Tractarians. Due to their ‘ideal of congregational singing’135 as Temperley put it, they brought about: the transformation of ‘psalmody’ into ‘hymnody’ in the Church of England. This development was stimulated by their discovery of the Latin hymns of the Roman Breviary, which brought home the fact that hymns were Catholic as well as Evangelical. In translating these, and reviving the tunes that went with them, they not only enriched the store of English hymns, but changed the status of the hymn itself from an unauthorised addition to an integral part of the service of public worship.136
This approach can be seen clearly documented at the opening of the new organ for Morning Worship in Zion Church, Rathgar, Dublin (1863) where the following report gives a first- hand account of how the future of the Anglican liturgy in a parish setting was going to look like. –A very beautiful organ was on Sunday used for the first time in this noble church, which is now fully completed, and is one of the most spacious and churchlike edifices in or near Dublin. The organ is placed on the floor of the church in a space specially built for it, and it is expected that, as the instrument of accompaniment and the singers are in close proximity, that it will induce more general congregational singing than is usual (unfortunately) in our churches in Ireland. The tone of the organ is so full and mellow, with so fine and rich a bass, that we think it must induce every one who has any voice to join in this most delightful mode of praise and workshop that man is capable of offering. The Rev. preacher in his sermon urged the congregation in the strongest terms to take an active part in the singing, quoting numerous tests in support of his reasoning, and if we may judge of the impression he made on the audience by the improved and earnest manner in which they sang the Doxology after the sermon, we may expect to hear very fine and very general singing in all the chants, psalms, and hymns.137
The spread and enthusiasm for congregational singing was not just a Tractarian ‘ideal;’ it was also a reality fuelled by the rise of Methodism and the Evangelical movement that gripped congregations from the working-classes upwards. Inasmuch as the spread of the Town Hall organ entertained audiences with popular music, and choral societies catered for growing urban populations, hymnody provided a means through which the congregation could, at a basic level, participate in the service. Moreover, it was a relative solution to participation: for the less musically literate, hymnody provided a place in worship, and
133 Ibid., 99. 134 Ibid. See specification in Appendix 1d, page 326. 135 Temperley, op. cit., 257. 136 Ibid., 262. 137 IT, 10 February 1863, 2. 281 correspondingly, a place in the choir might satisfy those more enthusiastic or musically proficient. Psychologically, the end result was a commonality of feedback and entertainment that was comparative at all levels. Just as Novello & Co. provided for the Catholic Church, it tailored equally for the new market in choirs singing parts of the Anglican Service in a parish setting. Robert Stewart was one of the many composers commissioned to write a setting of the Te Deum for choir and organ in Novello’s Parish Choir Book; itself started in 1866 in the Musical Times supplement.138 They also commissioned anthems, responses and canticle settings from other living noted musicians who were well aware of the popularity of music from oratorios and classical mass settings. Thus, ‘in providing new choral music, composers tried to produce similar effects with the limited resources of a parish choir.’139 Robert Stewart also found himself working for The Association for Promoting Christian Knowledge (APCK) in Ireland as editor for the 1874 edition of The Church Hymnal that contained 475 hymns.140 This followed 280 hymns and three doxologies in the 1864 edition and its nineteenth-century precursor: Hymns for Public Worship with 180 hymns in 1856.141 In response to this The Catholic Psalmist compiled by C. B. Lyons was first published in 1858 for use at Mass, Benediction and Vespers.142 This remarkable primer followed what the Tractarians had done by using hymns with English translations ‘to the very same airs which are assigned to the corresponding Latin originals’143 but also provided two Gregorian chant Masses (Exhibit 6.22).144 The first was Mass VIII: De Angelis from the Vatican Edition and the second was Mass I or Messe Royale from Cinq Messes en plein- chant (1699) by Henri Dumont (1610-1684).145 Due to the Irish Colleges at Leuven and Paris,146 the choice of the Messe du Dumont would not have been out of place for those priests who had attended seminary there; a decade previously, it appeared as the Messe du
138 Temperley, op. cit., 288. 139 Ibid., 286. 140 Church Hymnal with Accompanying Tunes (Dublin: APCK, 1960, 1974, 1976), iv. 141 Ibid. In England, the following were popular hymn books: Christian psalmody (1833), Bickersteth; Selection of psalms and hymns (1853), Kemble; Psalms and hymn (1853), SPCK; Hymns ancient and modern (1861), Mercer; Church psalter and hymn book (1869), Mercer. See Temperley, N., op. cit., 297. 142 Lyons, C. B., The Catholic Psalmist; or, Manual of Sacred Music (Dublin: Duffy, 1858). 143 Loc. cit., vi. The tunes did follow the originals but were altered with a strophic metre. 144 Lyons, C. B., op. cit., 218, 222. 145 Van Wye, B., ‘Organ Music in the Mass of the Parisian Rite to 1850 with Emphasis on the Contributions of Boëly’ in Archbold, L and Peterson, W. J. (Eds.), French Organ Music from the Revolution to Franck and Widor (Rochester: URP, 1995), 22. 146 Yet alone the seminary attached to St Sulpice, Paris where some Irish priests were trained. 282
Exhibit 6.22: Kyrie & Gloria (excerpts) in the Catholic Psalmist (1858) from the music library at St Francis Xavier’s, Dublin
Exhibit 6.23: Arrangement for SS-SATB of Regina Coeli (excerpt) by Samuel Webbe the Elder in The Catholic Psalmist (1858)147
147 Lyons, op. cit., 14-5. 283
premier ton in the Graduel de Paris (1846 edition).148 Moreover, this Mass setting must have been sung at the Catholic Embassies in London, as it was represented along with the Missa de Angelis as two of the five Gregorian masses that Novello had published in Twelve Easy Masses (1816).149 Perhaps, it was known to Novello through his time spent as a schoolboy in France.150 It seems that Lyons used Novello’s formula of presenting music that was practical. Indeed, Muir, in his study of nineteenth-century Catholic music in England, put it thus: ‘Vincent Novello recognised that the average Catholic organist could not realise a figured bass, so he provided full parts. Likewise, he expanded much of Webbe’s music from two or three parts to a standard SATB choral combination.’151 In Exhibit 6.23 there is an extract from The Catholic Psalmist of the Marian antiphon: Regina Coeli that would have been sung at Vespers during the Easter season. The setting is by Samuel Webbe the Elder (1740-1816) that moves from duet to quartet voices, with an organ accompaniment that may have been realised by Novello.152 Lyons referenced Webbe’s sub-title for the Regina Caeli as an ‘Anthem from Holy Saturday till the Eve of Trinity Sunday’153 but made the following note regarding small or musically-shy congregations: ‘when voices cannot be had to sing this Anthem in harmony, the 1st Treble part alone may be sung, and in a lower key.’154 This echoed similar choral groups when Novello published Webbe’s Eight Anthems (c.1785) or Twelve Anthems (c.1801)155 in the 1840s, intending the collection to suit ‘families or small choral societies.’156 Inasmuch as the The Catholic Psalmist was an Irish Roman Catholic response to the growth of hymnody in the Church of Ireland, let alone the Evangelicals, they all reflected the rise of congregational input in matters of music, and, by implication, the growth of the amateur; this paralleled the rise of choral societies. In many ways the bodies of amateur singers that constituted the ranks of the chorus at an oratorio were not unlike the body of hymn singers in the church. Similarly, those noted professionals (or well-trained amateurs
148 Van Wye, op.cit., 33. 149 Muir, op.cit., 71. 150 Palmer, Fiona M., Vincent Novello (1781-1861): Music for the Masses (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), 14. 151 Muir, op.cit., 80. 152 < http://www.rism.org.uk/manuscripts/147918?peek=129&wheel=mnskrpt_uu > accessed on 23 December 2011. An original manuscript (1771), housed at the British Library, exists in the Key of F. 153 Lyons, op. cit., 14. 154 Lyons, op. cit., 14. 155 Weaver, Paul, et al. "Webbe." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online, accessed on 23 December 2011
that might sing solo parts) reflected those that sang parts of the service in the chancel (Anglican) or the organ loft (Catholic). At the opening of the organ by White at St Teresa’s, Clarendon Street, Dublin (1876), this admixture can be appreciated in the following notice. Unlike previous instances, the use of the word ‘oratorio’ (in Exhibit 6.25) is correctly applied. Apart from the ‘distinguished artistes’ who were the soloists for the oratorio, there was no sign of a specific chorus that could be typecast as paid or professional. Instead there was ‘a full and efficient chorus’ as the closest thing to it. The notion of charging congregations to attend echoes the selling of tickets at a concert where certain seats were at a premium. Notwithstanding the practice of paying for a pew at church there was no mention in the advertisement that the charges were to defray costs towards the organ. Even if this was the intention it inferred a new status as ‘professional’ amateurs for those musicians that partook. This contingent status was seen a year later at the opening of the new organ by White at St Patrick’s, Wicklow (1877) where there was a ‘concert of sacred music… assisted by several distinguished Amateurs.’157
Exhibit 6.25: Advertisement for opening of the White organ at St Teresa’s, Clarendon Street, Dublin (1876)158
With the rise of numbers partaking in choirs and a palpable sense of participation in worship, the need for smaller paid choirs became effectively impracticable. However, what came with these larger numbers was a new sense of standard to fill the void. The acme of this
157 FJ, 21 July 1877, 7. 158 N, 25 November1876, 16. 285
in the Catholic Church was the 1879 Dublin Commission on Sacred Music which brought in approved lists of music. In the Chair was Bishop Nicholas Donnelly who led a committee of five other members of the clergy who made decisions from music lists known or presented to them.159 The following extract from the third meeting gives a flavour of some of the decision-making:
The Commission then resumed the examination of the Masses sent in for the approbation of the Commission with the following result.
Messe Troisieme — Gounod. Kyrie, Credo, Sanctus and Benedictus approved. If Gloria should be recast, might be approved.160
The Gloria from Gounod’s Messe Troisième was just one of many of the settings of the Mass that fell victim to the standards enforced by the Irish Society of St Cecilia that were to sweep through the country. The organ of deliberation of the commission’s results was in the publication of Lyra Ecclesiastica which began in 1878.161 This monthly bulletin helped promote a standard that could be applied to the vast number of amateur choirs that promulgated as vociferously as the building of new churches. It copied what Novello did with the musical supplements to the Musical Times. The primary function of the music supplement was to provide Irish cecilian choirs with cheap and easily accessible copies of music suited to the various ecclesiastical functions.162
The bulletin was foreshadowed for two years by St Cecilia edited by brothers Francis and Léopold De Prins who were typical of a number of Belgian organists that helped to enforce the Ratisbon-led Caecilian movement in Ireland; they took up positions in St Alphonsus, Limerick and St Mary’s Cathedral, Cork respectively.163 It was no surprise that the Catholic Church in Ireland, gripped by the Caecilian movement, opened its arms to organists from this country, since organ tutelage at the Lemmens School at Malines was an official proponent of this model of church music. Apart from those Irish organists that did train there, others, like Smith and Seymour signed up to this ethos. John Patrick White was also a subscriber to the Lrya Ecclesiastica164 and as an organist, he played for some of the Caecilian functions. In the
159 DDA, Commissio Musicae Ecclesiasticae, 66. 160 Ibid. 161 Daly, K. A., Catholic Church Music in Ireland, 1878-1903 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1995), 22. 162 Ibid., 30. 163 Collins, P., ‘Emissaries to “a believing and a singing land”: Belgian and German Organists in Ireland, 1859-1916’ in Collins, P. (Ed.), Renewal and Resistance (Bern: Lang, 2010), 35-6. 164 Daly, K.A., op. cit., 44. 286
following Exhibit (6.26) his profile as an organist was acknowledged. The notice of the Pontifical High Mass in some ways is austere, but represents how standards for an amateur choir, albeit the Cecilian Choir, had reached a new high being intertwined with religious sobriety. Apart from promoting Stile Antico polyphonic Mass settings, chant was also at the centre of the Caecilian movement – a cause reinforced later by the Solemnes Revival. In the same year as he was noted accompanying the Pontifical Mass, White built a Choir Organ (Exhibit 6.27) at the chancel of the Pro-Cathedral to serve the growing use of this type of antiphonal singing. This heralded in eventually, and perhaps ironically, a desire to return to a paid choir in 1901, when Edward Martyn, a member of the landed Gentry, provided a bursary at the Pro-Cathedral for men and boys known as the Palestrina Choir.
Exhibit 6.26: Notice of Pontifical High Mass (1884) with John White as organist.165
165 N, 5 January 1884, 16. He accompanied on an organ by Bevington. 287
Exhibit 6.27: Choir Organ by White (1884), Pro-Cathedral, Dublin
Closing remarks regarding music-making and organ-building
It is not surprising to find that John Patrick White was an organist of some repute, since nearly thirty years previously he had helped to open his father’s instrument at the Pro- Cathedral of Ss Peter and Paul, Ennis.166 At Ballinrobe Convent in 1874 he had collaborated with local singers to open the instrument that he built,167 just as Bevington had done over twenty years previously at Letterkenny Cathedral. The Telfords were no different and sometimes went to great lengths to help create an atmosphere that was musically literate but theatrical in its effect. Accordingly, in a triumphant gesture to celebrate their magnum opus in the north of the country they went to the trouble of hiring kettle drums from the theatre168 to support Haydn’s Imperial Mass in D, conducted by William Hodgson Telford, to open the organ at St Patrick’s Roman (RC) Cathedral, Armagh (1875).169 It cannot be taken for granted or readily understood, by modern ears, the impact an organ had on the acoustic
166 MT, Vol. 8, No. 183 (1 May 1858), 238-245, 243. 167 TH, 3 October 1874, 3. Quoted example at Ballinrobe Convent where he collaborated with the local parish choir. 168 Letter from Telford to the Lord Primate, 25 May 1875 in Holmes, J., ‘The Organs and Organists of Armagh Cathedral’, Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society, Vol. 13, No. 2 (1989), 230-85, 244. 169 Armagh Guardian, 21 May 1875 in loc. cit., 240. 288
space, let alone the audience it was speaking to. The following description on hearing Telford’s large instrument in St Saviour’s, Dublin (1862) gives some sense of the awe and majesty felt by a listener. The first tones of this great instrument burst in grand melody on the ears of the densely crowded congregation in the overture to Handel’s “Saul”, and a person would be almost inclined to believe that the thing material had a human soul, and told glad tidings to all present.170
This sense of the church space as a dramaturgical auditorium was never far removed as entertainment and the transcendent were blended on a fine line both within and without the liturgy; the organ was critical to this and interdependent on the musical acumen of those performers and listeners. Organ-builders like White and Telford would have had to have appreciated the juxtaposition of musical tastes which, on one hand, made up the palette of the church attendees, and, on the other, reflected current technology; as such, one was driving the other. As seen in the primary example of the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin, it is understandable why the Lawless instrument at the time suited the music Corri chose for the ‘vocalists’ that sung it and vice versa. Although Irish politicians may have led the way to Catholic Emancipation, influences from fashionable members of London society who attended the Catholic Embassy Chapels had more effect on music played in the church, let alone the Catholic Church in Ireland. At the heart of this was Vincent Novello and the music publishing company he founded in 1811 (and later ran from 1829 by his son J. Alfred)171 that became an iconic investiture of the musical version of the Industrial Revolution. The influence he and his company had on music for the church in the British Isles cannot be overstated. Palmer commented that ‘his editorial practices served as a conduit for the dissemination of often previously dormant material.’172 Consequently, he introduced music, such as the Viennese Masses, that became fashionable; then as a businessman he saw the potential market in growing congregations, and, more importantly, the rise of the amateur musician. Namely: significant adjustments were made in the style and presentation of music, originally designed for professional performers and wealthy listeners, so as to meet the needs of lower-middle and working-class Catholics.173
At the core of Novello’s house-style was a standardisation of dynamics expressed through organ stops that he based, in all probability, on the organ on which he played. In terms of
170 JHA, Broadsheet of unknown source. 171 Cooper, op. cit., 1. 172 Palmer, op. cit., 215. 173 Muir, op.cit., 80. 289
specification, the organ Corri played (like others from the early nineteenth century) did not differ vastly from that which Vincent Novello played in London. Both were typically ‘insular’ and, assuming Corri’s had pedal pulldowns, both represented the type of organ that was to pervade many churches in Ireland. So, in the case of Novello’s printed reductions for organ, the stops allocated for the dynamics are modest, thus matching the small ensembles that were available in the Pro-Cathedral or other Dublin city churches. It is no revelation then that some later provincial instruments, such as the Bevington organ in Ballyshannon (1858), had only a tenor C Swell and one 16ft open pedal stop, since the mainstream of music performed would have likely used the organ in accordance with the recommendations on the published scores – as found in many Catholic Church music libraries in Ireland. Moreover, the solo organ repertoire that spanned from oratorio transcriptions to the music of Bach and Mendelssohn did not strictly require the use of a full-compass Swell. When the last editor of Lrya Ecclesiastica, Heinrich Bewerunge, German Professor of Chant and Organ at Maynooth, criticised the continued use of tenor C Swells in Ireland,174 it was an indirect reference to a Schulze-inspired German organ tradition that would eventually take over Ireland, just as it had done in England. Another continental influence, the Cecilian Movement, was particularly felt in Ireland, and by 1916 the Belgian agent of this, the Lemmens Academy at Malines, had trained at least six organists who worked in Ireland.175 In 1889 Bewerunge had looked to Aachen to choose Stahlhuth as the organ-builder par excellence to erect an instrument for the reputedly largest stalled chapel in the world at Maynooth Seminary (see Appendix 1d, page 330 for specification). Yet, despite the full-compass Swell, this division had only one reed rank: an Oboe. This approach was not followed by Telford and White towards the beginning of the twentieth century who stuck with the English tradition of having more reeds under expression (in a Swell-box) than not. Furthermore, there was little to distinguish in specification between comparable organs that White and Telford were building for either of the main Church denominations, despite any placement of organs in chambers. The reform that occurred in the Anglican Church was echoed in Ireland by the Caecilian Movement within the Catholic Church. Thanks to publishers such as Novello there was a commonality of literature such as oratorio transcriptions, Mass and anthem settings,
174 IER, Vol., 5, 4th Series (January – June 1899), 123-35, 127. 175 Collins, Paul, ‘Strange voices in the “Land of Song”: Belgian and German organist appointments to Catholic cathedrals and churches in Ireland, 1859-1916’ in Murphy, M. & Smaczny, J. (Eds.), Irish Musical Studies: Music in Nineteenth-Century Ireland, Vol. 9 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2007), 114- 29, 114. 290
and solo organ pieces easily accessible to a growing population of amateur musicians. As in England, the growth of hymnody in Ireland matched the rise of amateur choirs, just as the technology of the Town Hall organ with higher pressures matched the volume of choral societies. The desire to have a full-English Swell was a natural consequence where the organ became more Symphonic. What became possible for an organ to achieve in secular performances was now facilitated in churches. The knock-on effect towards the end of the century was an instrument that could accompany either a small choir, or a congregation. As the organ headed towards the twentieth century, both the Anglican and Roman Catholic Church in Ireland had embraced renewed change in the milieu of related cultural and social phenomena in which organ-building adapted accordingly. With regard to English practice, Temperley aptly put it that ‘with increasing affluence citizens wanted to see in their parish church a material improvement reflecting the improvement in their own status;’176 the same could be said in Ireland.
176 Temperley, Nicholas, Studies in English Church Music (Surrey: Ashgate, 2009), 315. 291
Conclusion
The previous chapters have highlighted some of the evolution and influences on organ- building in Ireland prior to, and during (what some might describe as) its golden age in the nineteenth century. Temperley’s summation of the evolution of choral practices in England exposes a socio-cultural phenomenon that could have applied to Ireland (as outlined in Chapter Six) and by context to organ-building in the same era. The development of choral music in the parish church was in no sense a victory for the Oxford Movement, or indeed for any group of idealistic churchmen. Rather was it a triumph of secular materialism and snobbery over the revival of religious spirit that had marked both the Evangelical and the Tractarian movements.1
The organ was akin to a commodity, prone to the vicissitudes of economics as well as culture: the more affluent a church congregation, the greater the choices clergy and organist had in order to implement the latest trends. Just as instruments from the nineteenth century adapted or replaced older ones, as discussed in Chapter Three, this process would repeat itself in the next century. It is clear from Chapter Four that the organ at St Andrew’s, Westland Row underwent many changes from its original state. First there were changes to the Great Diapason trebles which were similar to the work Evans & Barr were doing in Ireland in the early twentieth century, then, conversion to electro-pneumatic action with a detached console, and, finally, some ‘neo-classical’ alterations. Similarly, White’s instrument at St Francis Xavier’s, Dublin (1886) had work done in 1927 by Telford, and then in 1977 the organ was radically re-built to suit the neo-classical trends of the day. It could be said that Ireland started its own ‘classical’ organ revival with the work of Pels, a Dutch organ-builder, who installed a new organ at the chapel of St Columba’s College, Rathfarnham (1958) which was contemporaneous with Marcussen’s new instrument at the Finnish Seamenn’s Mission, London.2 Although the organ at St Columba’s did not have tracker action, it espoused a new thinking which followed the type of continental orientation Downes’s project had championed six years previously at the Brompton Oratory and four after the Royal Festival Hall.3 Walker’s re-build of St Bartholomew’s, Clyde Road, Dublin (1963) was probably the first revival organ in Ireland to have tracker action.
1 Temperley, Nicholas, Studies in English Church Music (Surrey: Ashgate, 2009), 316. 2 Rowntree, John P. & Brennan, John F., The Classical Organ in Britain, Volume 1: 1955-1974 (Oxford: Positif Press, 1975, second ed. 1987), 16. 3 Rowntree, John, ‘Organ Reform in England-Some Influences’, JBIOS 3 (1979), 5-16, 6-8. 292
The last re-build at St Francis Xavier’s and the 1971 re-build of the Pro- Cathedral, Dublin, seemed to follow a template of having certain stops such as 16ft and 4ft reeds on the Pedal that looked perhaps to the classical-revival Frobenius organ at Queen’s College, Oxford (1965). Later mechanical-action instruments at Ballina (RC) Cathedral (1974) by Kenneth Jones, and at Dún Laoghaire (1974) by Rieger, also copied this instrument closely in the manual specification. ‘The previous, large, heavy, pneumatic 3- manual organ’4 was typical of the language used to describe an older instrument that was antithetical to the revival when a smaller tracker instrument was built by Jones at Bray (RC) Church (1978). As at Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin (Jones, 1984), the original larger instrument was thrown out. History was repeated when Telford replaced the instrument at the Cathedral by Byfield who, in turn, had replaced the Harris instrument (as discussed in Chapter One); albeit, the older instruments were sold on. The organ at the Chapel of St Columba’s College marked the collaboration with the Irish engineer and historian John Holmes who designed a new case for this instrument. Holmes, in his unpublished notes, extolled the virtues of both the leading nineteenth-century Irish organ-builders Telford and White, and how their work might and should be preserved at any cost – yet, as an adviser, he chose to use artistic licence when he saw fit. Two examples that stand out are Ss Peter & Paul’s, Monasterevin, and St Patrick’s (RC) Cathedral, Armagh. The fifteen-stop Telford organ from 1865 at the former church had, by his admission, a ‘good tone’ with tracker action in a church where the acoustics were ‘good,’5 yet, the chance of re- designing the organ (1983)6 with a split-case proved too tempting, even if it meant building an entirely new organ without tracker action. In 1988 he teamed up again with The Irish Organ Co. substantially to add to and re-build the large Telford organ at Armagh (1875, 1904).7 McKee made the following comments regarding this. I have been opposed to Mr Holmes’ scheme from the outset on the grounds that Telford’s magnificent instrument should have been faithfully restored rather than used as the basis for an enlarged instrument embracing several tonal schools and employing (largely unneeded) new exotic sounds. The old instrument, which I have played on several occasions during my time in Armagh, had become thoroughly unreliable, but one was always aware that this was an instrument of unique excellence and quality.
4 Jones, K., ‘The New Organ in the Church of the Most Holy Redeemer, Bray’, JBIOS 5 (1978), 116- 22, 116. 5 JHA. 6 Holmes, John, ‘The Organs and Organists of Armagh Cathedral’, Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society, Vol. 13, No. 2 (1989), 230-85, 271. 7 See Appendix for Specification. 293
I am still convinced that rather than spend money on additions (such as the horizontal trumpet and the sets of tuned bells), a thoroughly good new action should have been commissioned.8
Kenneth Jones had described how the original soundboards were in place and could have been re-used with a new action.9 Perhaps this would have occurred more readily with a different team of advisor and organ-builder – but this scenario implicitly asks the question of how we should best approach conservation of our heritage in this art-form. Contemporary taste has since swung around in favour of trying to appreciate the integrity of an instrument as a product of its time. Foundation stops introduced to organ- building in Ireland in the nineteenth century, which were considered an anathema only thirty years ago, are now been re-discovered. In many ways this aspiration to understand the relevance of context has mirrored what has happened in musicology: the growth of Urtext editions of musical scores bears testimony to this. This sense of appreciating and understanding context has been central to the way this thesis has been executed. What it may lack in specifics only creates the opportunity for further research and exploration. For example, the author has acknowledged (in Chapter Four) that there is enormous potential to understand more fully the evolution of Irish pipework, its scaling, and its provenance. Similarly, topics like the ergonomics of console layout and design, or, actions and their evolution, need further attention. Chapter Five highlighted William Telford as the first Irish organ-builder to introduce the pneumatic lever in Ireland and the first to propose using electric relay action. Although Telford’s proposal pre-dated the use of electricity in an Irish instrument by Barker, there is very little known about any use of electric action with Irish organ-builders in the nineteenth century. We are fortunate, though, to know what John Patrick White’s sentiments regarding pneumatic and tracker action were in 1889. Many of the Tubular Pneumatic systems put forward are lamentably defective, although the touch is always light, but as perfection has been reached by the genius of some builders, the old mechanical train of cumbersome springing drawstop and tracker action is doomed, and I, for one, would be slow in resuscitating it.10
His strong condemnation of tracker action may owe much to his experience as a musician. In the following statement, he implies that one of the principal functions of the instrument (housed in a ritual space) was to accompany singing.
8 McKee, Joseph, The Organ in Ulster: A Survey, Vol. 1, PhD Thesis (Queen’s University, Belfast, 1991), 199. 9 KJI. 10 LE, 1 May 1889, Vol. X, No. 17, 35. 294
The advantage of being able to place the console anywhere away from the organ so as that the Organist can hear the instrument and control his choir is incalculable...11
White’s own evolved performance practice as an organist or choir master must have affected his evolution as an organ-builder. Chapter Six has looked at this background of related performance practices to understand its impact on the development of the instrument in Ireland during the nineteenth century. Although it has addressed a missing link in Irish post- Emancipation choral practices, and suggested the influence of the Novello editorial house style, there is a lot more to be done to draw out links between other publishers and their directions for the use of the organ as an accompanying instrument. Chapter Six also made reference to solo organ repertoire – similarly, more research is needed. Understanding the significance of the low G-compass was brought to light by its use in early Novello editions in the nineteenth century. In a similar way, chronicling repertoire (and their editions) played on historical instruments may draw out implications regarding the use, for example, of the Tenor C Swell in Ireland. Chapter Three discussed the relationship between functionality and artistry in an era of manufactory and competitiveness. It and Chapter Four also made some headway in identifying the involvement of architects on case design. Some case fronts are intriguing – others, a version of a standard formula. Chapter Three highlighted how simple designs were repeated or mutated until, and during, the mid-nineteenth century. White did acknowledge the role architects had to offer when case designs could be freer thanks to the non-use of mechanical action: architects have now afforded to them a grand opportunity for arranging the acoustic position of the organ, as well as perfect facility for improvements in the design of the case, and of free display of the frontage pipes, to the abandonment of the hideous four-post bedstead arrangement.12
Although archival material is scarce, there is future work that could be done to amass further evidence of the direct involvement of architects on organ cases. For example, in 1876, White built a large three-manual organ for St Teresa’s, Clarendon Street, Dublin. Its case design was a replica of Hill’s case at the Ulster Hall (1862). Was this approved by Hill or by the architect involved? Or, was there one involved at Clarendon Street? In general, this thesis offers a sample of Irish specifications, of which many are presented for the first time, in the Appendix. There is yet, though, to be a thorough database of information on the instruments in Ireland like the National Pipe Organ Register (NPOR)
11 Ibid. 12 Ibid. 295
held at the British Organ Archive. Some people have tried to provide for this on a casual basis. For example, Raymond O’Donnell’s Irish Pipe Organ Page website13 has done a lot to act as a resource for interested parties to give and collate contemporary information on organs. Even so, it is useful to consider the survey work of McKee, in Ulster, as a good starting point for the complete island of Ireland. In the Republic of Ireland, there continues to be an ad hoc system of consultation that needs to be addressed in some manner. It is not uncommon for advisers to be chosen on the basis of their musicianship skills, or status in the musical world, rather than on the basis of possessing a proficient understanding of the historical, musical, and technical evolution of the instrument. Ireland may do well in having a body such as the Association of Independent Organ Advisers (AIOA)14 that assesses expertise in this area. In any case, this thesis will hopefully enlighten future conservation or re-building programmes of work on Irish instruments. It should also aid the insight of any musician who uses these instruments, and those choral directors or singers that interact with them.
13
Appendix 1a: Specifications by White
Gorey Church, Co. Wexford (John White & Sons, 1853)1
Swell C to f3 Pedal C to g
Open Diapason 8 Pull downs Dulciana 8 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 2 Composition Pedals Stopped Diapason Treble 8 Principal 4 Flute 4 Fifteenth 2 Octave 1 Trumpet 8
Portarlington Church, Co. Laois (John White & Sons, c.1853)2
Swell C to f3 Pedal C to c
Open Diapason 8 Pull downs Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Stopped Diapason Treble 8 Principal 4 Clarabella Flute 4 Fifteenth Bass 2 Fifteenth Treble 2 Oboe 8
Abbeyleix Church, Co. Laois (John White & Sons, 1855)3
Great C to f3 Pedal (1 octave)
Open Diapason 8 Pull downs Viol de Gamba 8 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Stopped Diapason Treble 8 Principal 4 Flute 4 Fifteenth Bass 2 Fifteenth Treble 2
1 SV. Now at Taghmon Church, Co. Wexford. 2 SV. Now at Killenard, Co. Laois. 3 SV. Now at Ballyroan Church, Co. Laois. 297
Ss Peter & Paul’s Pro-Cathedral, Ennis (John White & Sons, 1858)4
Great C to g3 Swell E to g3
Teneroon tc 16 Double Diapason 16 Great Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Viol di Gamba tc 8 Principal 4 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Twelfth 2⅔ Clarabella Solo mc 8 Fifteenth 2 Principal 4 Doublette 1 Principal 4 Sesquialtera 17.19.22 III Twelfth 2⅔ Trumpet 8 Fifteenth 2 Hautbois 8 Sesquialtera 17.19.22 III Trombone 8 Trumpet 8 [Clarion Bass] 4 Clarion 4
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Stopped Diapason, Bass 8 Pedal Diapason 16 Stopped Diapason, Treble 8 Dulciana tc 8 Principal 4 Flute tc 4 Fifteenth 2 Cremona fg 8
Couplers
Gt/Pd Sw/Gt Sw/Pd Ch/Pd
4 SV. Now at Our lady of Refuge, Rathmines, Dublin. 298
St Mary’s Convent, Kingstown (John White, 1861)5
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Double Diapason 16 Viol di Gamba 8 Keraulophon 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Echo Flute 4 Clarabella 8 Cornopean 8 Principal 4 Oboe 8 Flute 4 Twelfth 3 Fifteenth 2
Couplers Pedal (2 octaves)
Sw/Gt Bourdon 16
3 Composition Pedals
St Peter’s Church, Drogheda (John White, 1866)6
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Bourdon 16 Dulciana 8 Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Clarabella Flute 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Fifteenth 2 Harmonic flute 4* Octave 1 Twelfth 3 Cornopean 8 Fifteenth 2 Sexquialtra Tremulant* Trumpet 8 Clarionete 8
Couplers* Pedal C to e1
Sw/Gt Open Diapason 16 Gt/Pd Sw/Pd *Pedals
5 FJ, 3 June 1861, 3. Compass is assumed. 6 DB, 15 May 1866, Vol. 8, No. 154, 121-134, 133. *Pitch not indicated but assumed. 299
St Peter’s Church, Phibsborough, Dublin (John White, 1866)7
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Bourdon 16 Gamba 8 Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Clarabella Flute 8 Octave 4 Principal 4 Fifteenth 2 Harmonic flute 4* Mixture Twelfth 3 Cornopean 8 Fifteenth 2 Sexquialtra Trumpet 8
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to e1
Gedact 8 Open Diapason 16 Keraulophon 8 Solo Flute 4 Piccolo 2 Clarionet 8
Couplers
Sw/Gt Gt/Pd Sw/Pd
Church of the Visitation, Fairview (John White, c.1868)8
Great C to g3 Swell c to g3
Open Diapason 8 Double Diapason 16 Dulciana tc 8 Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Principal 4 Clarabella Flute tc 8 Cornopean 8 Principal 4 Harmonic Flute 4 Twelfth 3 Fifteenth 2
7 DB, 15 Aug 1866, Vol. 8, No. 160, 199-210, 209. *Pitch not indicated but assumed. 8 SV. 300
Couplers Pedal C to e1
Sw/Gt Bourdon 16 Gt/Pd 2 Composition Pedals
Belvedere College Chapel, Dublin (John White, c.1871)9
Great C to g3 Swell c to g3
Open Diapason 8 Bourdon 16 Viole de Gambe 8 Open Diapason 8 Bourdon 8 Salicional 8 Flute Harmonique 4 Principal 4 Piccolo Harmonique 2 Clarinette 8
Couplers* Pedal C to d1
Sw/Gt Sousbasse 16 Gt/Pd *Composition Pedals
2 acting on the Great
Catholic Cathedral Church, Ballina, Mayo (John White, 1873)10
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Salicional 8 Viole de Gambe 8 Bourdon 8 Octave 4 Flute Harmonique 8 Mixture III Principal 4 Clarinette 8 Twelfth 3 Horn 8 Fifteenth 2 Mixture III Trompette 8 Tremulant*
9 SV. 10 FJ, 26 May 1873, 6. 301
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Dulciana 8 Open Diapason 16 Gedact 8 Sousbasse 16 Flute Harmonique 4 Octavin Harmonique 2
Couplers* *Composition Pedals
Sw/Gt 3 acting on the Great Sw/Ch Gt/Pd Sw/Pd
Ss Mary & Peter’s, Arklow (John White, 1878)11
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 1 8 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 2 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Bourdon 8 Gamba 8 Dulciana 8 Harmonic Flute 4 Principal 4 Fifteenth 2 Flute 4 Mixture III Twelfth 3 Horn 8 Fifteenth 2 Mixture II
Couplers Pedal C to e1
Sw/Gt Open Wood 16 Sw/Pd Gt/Pd
11 CD, 1879, 256;
Choir Organ, St Mary’s, Pro-Cathedral, Dublin (John White, 1884)12
Swell C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 16 Clarabel 8 Dulciana 8 Couplers Salicional 8 Principal 4 Man/Pd Mixture II Super Octave Ped Cornopean 8 Super Octave
Tremulant* Combination pistons: p, mf, f
Three Patrons Church (RC), Rathgar, Dublin (John White, 1885)13
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Bourdon 16 Salicional 8 Contra Gamba 16 Claribel 8 Open Diapason 8 Octave 4 Gedact 8 Twelfth 3 Octave 4 Fifteenth 2 Fifteenth 2 Mixture Cornopean 8 Trumpet 8 Oboe 8 Clarion 4
Tremulant
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Dulciana 8 Pedal Pipes 16 Viol de Gamba 8 Gedact 8 Couplers Flute 4 Piccolo 2 Gt/Pd Clarionet 8 Sw/Pd Sw/Gt
12 SV. New Console added by T&T (1928). 13 LE, Vol. VII, No 1, 8. Rebuild of T & T (1870) organ built for the Athenaeum, Limerick. Played on Christmas Day at Rathgar; heard at Artisan’s Exhibiton previous summer. 303
St John’s, Kilkenny (John White, 1887)14
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Diapason 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Gamba 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Clarabella 8 Dulciana 8 Octave 4 Harmonic Flute 4 Harmonic Flute 4 Mixture II Fifteenth 2 Oboe 8 Mixture IV Horn 8 Clarinet tc 8 Trumpet 8
Couplers* Pedal C to f1
Sw/Pd Open Diapason 16 Gt/Pd Bourdon 16 Sw/Gt Octave 8
*Composition Pedals
3 acting on the Great
Franciscan Church, Limerick (John White, c.1888)15
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Open Diapason 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Gamba 8 Salicional 8 Harmonic Flute 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Clarabella 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 (Flute 4) Flute 4 Mixture III Fifteenth 2 Contra Fagotta 16 Mixture IV Cornopean 8 Trumpet 8 Oboe 8 Clarion 4 (Clarion 4)
Tremulant
14 LE, Vol III, No 13, 29-30. 15 SV. Specification based on archaeological evidence. 304
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Viol de Gamba 8 Open Diapason 16 Dulciana 8 Bourdon 16 Lieblich Gedact 8 Octave 8 Lieblich Flute 4 (Flute 8) Clarinet 8 Bombarde 16
St Joseph’s, Berkeley Road, Dublin (John White, 1892)16
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Bourdon 16 Gamba 8 Open Diapason 8 Claribel 8 Unda Maris 8 Principal 4 Hohl Flute 8 Flute 4 Principal 4 Twelfth 3 Mixture III Fifteenth 2 Cornopean 8 Trumpet 8 Oboe 8
Tremulant
Couplers Pedal C to f1
Sw/Gt Open Diapason 16 Sw/Pd Bourdon 16 Gt/Pd Sw octave 3 Composition Pedals
St Michan’s, Halston Street, Dublin (John White, 1897)17
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Bourdon 16 Claribel 8 Open Diapason 8 Harmonic Flute 8 Lieblich Gedackt 8 Gamba 8 Bell Gamba 8 Dulciana 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Mixture Piccolo 2 Oboe 8 Clarinet 8 Tremulant
16 SV; IT, 9 May 1892, 7. 17 IT, 8 February 1897, 6. 305
Couplers Pedal C to f1
Sw/Gt Open Diapason 16 Sw/Pd Bourdon 16 Gt/Pd
Gt: 3 Double-acting Pneumatic Pistons Sw: 3 Double-acting Pneumatic Pistons
St Agatha’s, North William Street, Dublin (John & Herbert White, 1908)18
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason (Maj)* 8 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Gamba (TC) 8 Dulciana 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Claribel 8 Principal 4 Principal + 4 Twelfth 3 Flute 4 Fifteenth 2 Flageolet 2 Cornopean 8 Horn (prepared for) * 8 Oboe 8
Tremulant
Couplers Pedal C to f1
Sw/Gt Open Diapason 16 Sw/Pd Bourdon 16 Gt/Pd Bass Flute (ext.) 8
18 SV with information by Trevor Crowe. *Unit chest at back, probably by Evans & Barr when organ was moved from ground level alcove to public gallery (1947). +Added by Irish Organ Company. 306
Appendix 1b: Specifications by Telford
Castle Dobbs, Carrickfergus, County Antrim (William Telford, c.1845)19
Great GG/GG# to f3 Swell C to f3
Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Twelfth 3 Fifteenth 2 Fifteenth 2 Hautboy 8 Sesquialtera bass Cornet treble Trumpet 8
Choir GG/GG# to f3 Pedal C to e1
Dulciana 8 Pedal Pipes 16 Stopped Diapason 8 Principal 4 Fifteenth 2
Coupling Stops
Sw/Gt Sw/Ch Ch/Pd Gt/Pd
Masonic Hall, Molesworth Street, Dublin (Telford and Telford, 1848)20
Great C to g3 Swell c to g3
Open Diapason 8 Bordoon [sic.] 16 Viol de Gamba 8 Dulciana 8 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Principal 4 Stopped Diapason Treble 8 Fifteenth 2 Principal 4 Doublette 1 Fifteenth 2 Hautbois 8 Sesquialtera II
19 NPOR; EHTN: 414. 20 SV: Moved to Carrick-on-Shannon Church in 1855. 307
Couplers Pedal C to f1 (now)
Sw/Gt Subbass Pedals 16 Gt/Pd 3 Composition Pedals (Shifting)
Templemore Church, County Tipperary (Telford & Telford, 1850)21
Manual GG to f3 Pedal (Octave and a half)
Open Diapason 8 Pulldowms Dulciana 8 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 2 Composition Pedals Stopped Diapason Treble 8 Principal 4 Twelfth 3 Fifteenth 2
Westport Church (CoI), Co. Sligo (Telford and Telford, 1852)22
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Bourdon 16 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Open Diapason 8 Clarabel 8 Dulciana 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Flute 4 Fifteenth 2 Fifteenth 2 Hautbois 8 Sesquialtra III
Couplers Pedal C to f1 (now)
Coupler Unison [Sw/Gt] Bourdon 16 Pedal Coupler [Gt/Pd] 3 Composition Pedals
21 RDS, 8 July 1850, Catalogue of Articles, (Dublin: Gill, 1850), 61. 22 SV. 308
Carton House, Co. Kildare (Telford & Telford, 1860)23
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Bourdon 16 Gamba 8 Open Diapason 8 [Stopped]Diapason Bass 8 Dulciana 8 [Stopped]Diapason Treble 8 Octave 4 Flute Harmonic 8 Doublette 1 Octave 4 Piccolo 2 Fifteenth 2 Oboe 8 Mixture 17.19.22. III Cor Anglais 8
Couplers* Pedal C to d1
Sw/Gt Bourdon 16 Sw/Pd Gt/Pd *Pedals
Church of the Immaculate Conception, Clondalkin (Telford & Telford, 1867)24
Great Swell
Double Open Diapason 16 Open Diapason 8 Bourdon 16 Dulciana 8 Open Diapason 8 Principal 4 Dulciana 8 Fifteenth 2 Stopped Diapason 8 Oboe 8 Rohr Flute 8 Principal 4 Flute 4 Fifteenth 2 Mixture III
Couplers Pedal
Sw/Gt Double Diapason 16 Sw/Pd Gt/Pd 3 Composition Pedals
23 SV. Case Designed by Lord Fitz Gerald, 1857. Doublette changed to Flute 4. 24 IB, Vol. 9, No. 178 (15 May 1867), 115-128, 127. 309
Bethal Church, Kingstown (Telford & Telford, 1867)25
Swell C to f3 Choir C to f3
Open Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Gamba 8 Lieblich Gedact 8 Rohr Flute 8 Wald Flute 4 Octave 4 Piccolo 2 Fifteenth 2 Bassoon & Oboe 8 Pedal C to f1
Couplers Bourdon 16
Sw/Ch Sw/Pd Ch/Pd
Armagh Cathedral (Telford & Telford, 1874-5)26
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Open Diapason 16 Bourdon (Gedact) 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Flute Harmonique 8 Dulciana 8 Gamba 8 Rohr Flute 8 Hohl Flute 8 Octave 4 Octave 4 Fifteenth 2 Flute Harmonique 4 Mixture III Twelfth 2⅔ Cornopean 8 Fifteenth 2 Oboe 8 Mixture V Clarion 4 Trumpet 8 Clarion 4* Tremulant
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Salicional 8 Double Db Open Diapason 32* Viol di Gamba 8 Grand Double Diapason 16 Lieblich Gedact 8 Sub-bass Bourdon 16 Flauto Traverso 4 Quint 10⅔* Dulcet 4 Open Diapason 8 Piccolo Harmonique 2 Octave 4 Bassoon and Clarionet 8 Posaune 16 Trombone 8*
25 IT, 6 December 1867, 4. The article stated that the organ had c.600 pipes which would indicate the compass given. 26Holmes, John, ‘The Organs and Organists of Armagh Cathedral’, Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society, Vol. 13, No. 2 (1989), 230-85, 231-2. This information is taken from the cathedral archives. * Stop prepared for. 310
Couplers Composition Pedals
Sw/Ch Sw: 3 Sw/Gt Gt: 3 Sw/Gt Octave Sw/Gt Sub-Octave Sw/Pd Gt/Pd
Omagh Parish Church (Telford & Telford, 1877)27
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Bourdon 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Gamba 8 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Flute a Pavillion 8 Rohr Flute 8 Hohl Flute 8 Octave 4 Flute Harmonic 4 Fifteenth 2 Twelfth 3 Cornopean 8 Fifteenth 2 Oboe 8 Mixture III-IV
Couplers Pedal C to f1
Sw/Gt Double Open Diapason 16 Sw/Pd Gt/Pd 3 Composition Pedals
Donaghendry Church, Stewartstown (Telford & Telford, 1877)28
Swell C to g3 Pedal C to c1
Open Diapason [unenclosed] 8 Bourdon 16 Hohl flute 8 Dulciana 8 Coupler Principal 4 Flute Harmonique 4 Twelfth 2⅔ Fifteenth 2 Oboe 8
27 IB, Vol. 19, No. 415 (1 April 1877), 91-106, 104. 28 IB, Vol. 19, No. 429 (1 November 1877), 313-328, 321. Manual compass assumed. 311
Royal Irish Academy of Music, Telford & Telford (1879)29
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Lieblich Gedacht 8 Lieblich Flute 4 Gamba 8 Bassoon and Oboe 8 Flute Harmonic 4 Piccolo Harmonic 2
Couplers Pedal C to f1
Sw/Gt Bourdon 16 Sw/Pd Gt/Pd Hydraulic Blowing Engine
Dundrum (RC) Church, County Dublin (Telford & Telford, 1885)30
Swell C to g3 Pedal C to e1
Open Diapason * 8 Bourdon 16 Gamba * 8 Unison 8 Lieblich Gedacht 8 Dulciana 8 Voix Celeste 8 Coupler Octave 4 Flute Harmonic 4 Twelfth 2⅔ Fifteenth 2 Oboe 8 *unenclosed
Poor Clares Convent, Newry (Telford & Telford, 1886)31
Swell Pedal
Open Diapason 8 Bourdon 16 Gamba 8 Voix Celeste 8 Coupler Flute Harmonic 4 Dulciana Principal 4
29 IT, 3 December 1879, 5. 30 LE, 1 March 1886, Vol. VII, No. 3, 21-32, 32. Manual compass assumed. 31 LE, 1 May 1886, Vol. VII, No. 5, 45-56, 55. 312
St. Aidan’s Cathedral, Enniscorthy (Telford & Telford, 1893)32
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Open Diapason 16 Lieblich Bourdon 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Lieblich Gedacht 8 Gamba 8 Salicional 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Principal 4 Octave 4 Wald Flute 4 Harmonic Flute 4 Piccolo 2 Twelfth 2⅔ Mixture 19.22 II Fifteenth 2 Cornopean 8 Mixture 17.19. 22 III Oboe 8 Sharp Mixture 26.29 II Vox Humana 8 Trumpet 8 Tremulant
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Dulciana 8 Double Open Diapason 16 Clarabella 8 Bourdon 16 Lieblich Flute 4 Quint 10⅔ Flageolet 4 Open Diapason 8 Clarinet 8 Posaune 16
Couplers 5 Composition Pedals
Sw/Gt Blowers Signal Sw Oct/Gt Sw Sub/Gt Sw/Ch Sw/Pd Gt/Pd
32 IT, 22 November 1893, 5. 313
St Joseph’s Redemptorist Church, Dundalk (Telford & Telford, 1894)33
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Double Diapason 16 Rohr Flute 8 Open Diapason 8 Clarabella (grooved) 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Gamba (grooved) 8 Salicional (grooved) 8 Dulciana 8 Voix Celestes 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Flute Harmonic 4 Wald Flute 4 Fifteenth 2 Mixture 17.19.22 III Double Clarionet 16 Cornopean 8 Oboe 8 Vox Humana 8
Tremulant
Couplers Pedal C to f1
Sw/Gt Double Open Diapason 16 Sw/Pd Bourdon 16 Gt/Pd Open Diapason 8
Blowers signal 3 Composition Pedals
St Kevin’s, Harrington Street, Dublin 8 (Telford & Telford, 1903)34
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Open Diapason 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Salicional 8 Dulciana 8 Gamba 8 Célestes 8 Clarabella 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Octave 4 Octave 4 Flute 4 Flute 4 Fifteenth 2 Principal 4 Mixture III Fifteenth 2 Bassoon 16 Mixture 12.17.19.22 IV Horn 8 Trumpet 8 Oboe 8 Voix Humaine 8
Tremulant
33 IT, 3 April 1894, 5. 34 IT, 17 November 1903, 8; SV. 314
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Gamba 8 Open Diapason 16 Dulciana 8 Bourdon 16 Stopped Diapason 8 Octave 8 Flute 8 Flute 8 Piccolo 2 Trombone 16 Clarinet 8 Clarion 8
Coupling Stops Combination Pistons (fixed settings)
Sw/Gt Sw (3): p.; f.; o Sw/Ch Gt (4): p.; f.; ff.; o Gt/Ch Sw/Pd Gt/Pd
Augustinian Church, Galway (Telford & Telford, c.1904)35
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Open Diapason 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Gamba 8 Dulciana 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Lieblich Gedackt 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Harmonic Flute 4 Wald Flute 4 Twelfth 2⅔ Fifteenth 2 Fifteenth 2 Mixture III Cornopean 8 Oboe 8
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Viol d’Orchestra 8 Open Diapason 16 Dulciana 8 Bourdon 16 Clarabella 8 Pedal Octave 8 Harmonic Flute 4 Clarinet
Couplers Composition Pedals
Sw/Gt Sw/Ch Sw/Pd Gt/Pd
35 SV. 315
Ballysonnon Church, County Kildare (Telford & Telford, 1907)
Swell C to g3 Pedal C to c1
Open Diapason * 8 Bourdon 16 Gamba* 8 Dulciana 8 Coupler Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Clarabella 8 Principal 4 Flute Harmonique 4 * unenclosed
St Colman’s Cathedral, Newry (Telford & Telford, 1910) 36
Great C to a3 Swell C to a3
Double Open Diapason 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason I 8 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason II 8 Gedackt 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Viol d’Orchestre 8 Clarabella 8 Dulciana 8 Principal 4 Celeste tc 8 Flute Harmonic 4 Principal 4 Twelfth 2⅔ Wald Flute 4 Fifteenth 2 Mixture 12.15 II Mixture 17.19.22 III Double Bassoon 16 Trumpet 8 Cornopean 8 Oboe 8 Tremulant
Choir C to a3 Pedal C to f3
Stopped Diapason 8 Open Diapason 16 Dulciana 8 Violone 16 Gamba 8 Bourdon 16 Flute 4 Octave 8 Piccolo 2 Flute 8 Clarinet 8 Bombarde 16
Coupling Stops * Combination Pistons
Gt/Ch Gt/Pd Gt : 4 Sw/Gt Sw/Pd Sw: 4 Sw/Ch Pd: 4
36Callender, Michael E., Newry Cathedral and the Telford Organ, Monograph (Unpublished, c.1980). * Couplers not stated but suggested. 316
St Michael’s, Kingstown [Dún Laoghaire], Co. Dublin. (Telford & Telford, 1914) 37
Great C to a3 Swell C to a3
Double Open Diapason 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason I 8 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason II 8 Gedeckt 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Muted Viol 8 Bourdon 8 Dulciana 8 Clarabella 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Wald Flute 4 Flute Harmonic 4 Fifteenth 2 Twelfth 2⅔ Cornopean 8 Fifteenth 2 Oboe 8 Mixture III Vox Humana 8 Trumpet 8 Tremulant
Choir C to a3 Pedal C to f3
Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 16 Lieblich Gedeckt 8 Violone 16 Viol d’Orchestre 8 Bourdon 16 Suabe Flute 4 Octave 8 Musette 8 Flute 8 Clarinet 8 Trombone 16
Tremulant
Coupling Stops Combination Pistons
Sw Oct Gt : 3 Sw/Gt Sw: 4 Sw/Ch Gt/Ch 5 Free Combinations Sw/Pd 2 Composition Pedals Gt/Pd
37Holmes, J, The Organ In Ireland, Monograph (Unpublished, 1993). 317
Appendix 1c: Specifications by other Irish Organ-builders
Mitchelstown Convent (John Seymour Murphy, 1858)38
Swell C to g3 Pedal 1½ octaves
Open Diapason 8 Bourdon 16 Stopped Diapason 8 Viol di Gamba 8 2 Composition Pedals Clarabella Flute 8 Principal 4 Fifteenth 2 Trumpet 8
Stradbally Church, Queen’s [Laois] County (Browne and Son, c.1870)39
Swell C to g3 Choir C to g3 Enclosed
Open Diapason 8* Viol di Gamba 8 Dulciana 8* Gedact w 8 Clarabella w 8* Lieblich Flute w 4 Flute Harmonique 4 Twelfth 3 Fifteenth 2 Oboe tc 8
Couplers Pedal C to e1
Ch/ Sw Bourdon 16 Sw/Pd Ch/Pd 2 Composition Pedals on Swell 1: All stops 2:*
38 N, 13 November 1858, 13. Opus 36. 39 SV. 318
Kilcock RC Church, Co. Kildare (Simon Bartley/James White, 1873)40
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Bourdon 16 Double Diapason 16 Open Diapason 8 German Gamba 8 Dulciana 8 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 Clarabella 8 Stopped Diapason Treble 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Sesquialtera III Flute Harmonic 4 [Cornopean 8] Twelfth 2⅔ Clarion 4 Fifteenth 2 Trumpet 8
Couplers Pedal 2 Octaves
Sw/Gt Pedal pipes 16 Sw/Pd Gt/Pd
North Strand Church, Dublin (Browne and Son, 1874)41
Swell C to g3 Choir C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Gamba 8 Dulciana 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Principal 4 Flute Harmonique 4 Twelfth 3 Fifteenth 2 Oboe 8
Couplers Pedal C to e1
Ch/Sw Bourdon 16 Sw/Pd
40 IT, (1873, Mar, 15), 4. FJ, (18th March, 1873), 4; JHA. 41 IB, 1 Oct 1874, Vol. 16, No. 355, 263-276, 275. It is likely that the Choir is also enclosed. Pedal compass is assumed. 319
St Livinius’s, Wicklow (Browne and Son, 1878)42
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Double Stopped Diapason 16 Gamba 8 Open Diapason 8 Clarabella 8 Dulciana 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Wald Flote 4 Oboe 8 Twelfth 3 Fifteenth 2 Mixture III Clarinet 8
Couplers Pedal C to e1
Sw/Gt Bourdon 16 Sw/Pd Gt/Pd 3 Composition Pedals on Great
Holy Trinity Church, Crosshaven, County Cork (Magahy, c.1890)43
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Lieblich Bourdon 16 Stopped Diapason 8 Open Diapason tc 8 Dulciana 8 Rohr Flute 8 Suabe flute 4 Viol d’Orchestre tc 8 Spare Stop Voix Celeste 8 Spare Stop Principal 4 Oboe 8
Tremulant
Couplers Pedal C to f1
Sw Octave Bourdon 16 Sw/Gt Sw/Pd Gt/Pd Composition Pedals
42 IB, Vol. 20, No. 441 (1 May 1878), 129- 142, 140. Case is by Samuel Green (1786) that was removed from Cashel Cathedral. 43 Report by Trevor Crowe, 6 March 2001. 320
Parish Church, Roscarberry, County Cork (Magahy, 1895)44
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Geigen Principal 8 Gamba 8 Vox Angelica 8 Lieblich Gedact 8 Voix Celeste tc 8 Principal 4 Harmonic Flute 4 Suabe flute 4 Twelfth 3 Flautina 2 Oboe 8
Couplers Pedal C to f1
Sw/Gt Open Diapason (prepared) 16 Sw/Pd Bourdon 16 Gt/Pd Bellows Signal
44 IMA; SV. 321
Appendix 1d: Specifications by English or Foreign Organ-builders
South Catholic Chapel, Cork (Hugh Russell, 1808)45
Great GG/GG# to f3 Long octaves Choir GG/G# to f3
Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Flute 4 Flute 4 Twelfth 3 Swell f to f3 {played from Choir keys} Fifteenth 2 Sexquialtera III-IV Open Diapason 8 Mixture II Trumpet 8 Trumpet 8
Ss Peter and Paul’s, Kinsale (Hugh Russell, 1809)46
Great GG to f3 Swell g to f3
Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Trumpet 8 Flute 4 Twelfth 3 Fifteenth 2 Sexquialtera III Mixture II Trumpet (prepared) 8 Short octaves
45 LM, 136. 46 LM, 150. 322
St Mary’s, Mary St, Dublin (Flight & Robson, 1826)47
Great GG to f3 Swell [g? to f3]
Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Flute 4 Twelfth 3 Hautboy 8 Fifteenth 2 Sesquialtera Pedal Trumpet 8 Cornet Pedal Pipes 16
Coupler Sw/Gt
St Patrick’s Roman Catholic Chapel, Belfast (Gray and Son, 1840)48
Great GG to g3 Swell GG to g3
Open Diapason m 8 Double Diapason Bass 16 Open Diapason m & w 8 Double Diapason Treble 16 Stopped Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason m 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Twelfth 3 Twelfth 3 Fifteenth 2 Fifteenth 2 Sesquialtera III Sesquialtera III Cornet III Trumpet 8 Mixture II Hautboy 8 Trumpet 8
Choir GG to g3 Pedal C to c1
Dulciana 8 Pedal Pipes 16 Stopped Diapason Bass 8 (Double Open Diapason) Stopped Diapason Treble 8 Clarabella49 8 Principal 4 Flute 4 Cremona 8 Thunderstorm
47 McSweeney, Pauline, The Organ and Harpsichord in Ireland before 1870 (MA thesis, UCC, 1979), 111-2. 48 FJ, 10 February 1840, 1. 49 Hamilton’s Catechism of the Organ, Vol. 2, (1865, R/Buren: Frits Knuf, 1992), 211. 323
Coupling Stops 4 Composition Pedals
Sw/Gt Gt/Pd Ch/Pd
Letterkenny Cathedral, Co. Donegal (Henry Bevington, 1851)50
Great C to f3 Swell C to f3
Open Diapason 8 Double Open Diapason 16 Stopped Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Clarabella 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Dulciana 8 Principal 4 Keraulophon 8 Wald Flute 4 Principal 4 Doublette II Flute 4 Cornopean 8 Twelfth 2⅔ Clarion 4 Fifteenth 2 Sexquialtra III Mixture II Pedal 2 octaves Trumpet 8 Clarion 4 Double Open Diapason 16 Cremona 8 Double Stopped Diapason 16 Trombone [16]
Couplers
Ballyshannon RC Church, Co. Donegal (Bevington & Sons, 1858)51
Great C to f3 Swell C to f3
Bourdon 16 Double Open Diapason 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Gamba 8 Clarabella 8 Principal 4 Dulciana 8 Cornopean 8 Principal 4 Flute tc 4 Twelfth 2⅔ Fifteenth 2 Sesquialtra IV Trumpet 8 Cremona tc 8
50 Sperling, 3:136 in Boeringer, James, Organ Britannica: Organs in Grteat Britain 1660-1860: A complete Edition of the Sperling Notebooks and Drawings in the Library of the Royal College of Organists, Vol. 2, (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1986), 53. 51 Information kindly shared by Trevor Crowe; CD, 1858, 438-9. 324
Couplers Pedal C to c1
Sw/Gt Pedal Pipes 16 Gt/Pd 3 Composition Pedals (Shifting)
Kilmore Cathedral, County Cavan (Brindley, 1860)52
Great C to g3 Swell c to g3
Double Diapason 16 Violin Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Gedact 8 Gamba 8 Octave 4 Rohr Flute 8 Mixture II Principal 4 Cornopean 8 Twelfth & Fifteenth II Oboe 8 Mixture IV Trumpet 8
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Lieblich Gedact 8 Bourdon 16 Dulciana 8 Bass Flute 8 Gemshorn 4 Flute 4 Clarinet 8
Couplers 5 Composition Pedals
Sw/Gt Gt/Pd
Convent Chapel, Naas, County Kildare (Bevington & Sons, 1863)53
Swell C to f3 Pedal C to c1
Bourdon bass 16 Pull downs Open Diapason tc 8 Stopped Diapason bass 8 Claribel tc 8 Gamba tc 8 Dulciana tc 8 Principal 4 Flute tc 4 Mixture I2.15 II
52 SV. 53 SV. 325
St Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin (Bevington & Sons, 1863-5)54
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Open Diapason 16 Bourdon, Double Diapason 16 Open Diapason (No.1) 8 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason (No. 2) 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Gamba 8 Salicional 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Wald Flute 4 Harmonic Flute 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Mixtures 12.15 II Twelfth 3 Sesquialtra 17.19.22 III Sesquialtra III Double Trumpet 16 Mixture Cornopean 8 Sharp Mixture Oboe 8 Tromba 16 Clarion 4 Trumpet 8 Clarion 4
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason (wood) 16 Viol da Gamba 8 Open Diapason (metal) 16 Dulciana 8 Principal (wood) 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Trombone (wood) 16 Flute (metal) 8 Claribel Flute 4 Principal 4 Piccolo 2 Bassoon 8 Clarionet 8
Couplers 7 Composition Pedals
Sw/Gt Sw/Ch Ch/Pd Gt/Pd Sw/Pd
54IT, 25 February 1865, 3; Grindle, W. H., Irish Cathedral Music, PhD Thesis (University of Dublin, Trinity College, 1985), 203-4. Great Mixture ranks are not known. 326
Centenary Chapel, Stephen’s Green, Dublin (Forster & Andrews, 1869)55
Great Swell
Double Open Diapason 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Bell Gamba 8 Salicional 8 Dulciana 8 Principal 4 Stopped Diapason 8 Fifteenth 2 Principal 4 Mixture III Harmonic Flute 4 Horn 8 Twelfth 2⅔ Oboe 8 Fifteenth 2 Mixture III Trumpet 8 Cremona 8
Couplers Pedal
Sw/Gt Open Diapason 16 Sw/Pd Stopped Diapason 16 Gt/Pd Sw octave/Gt
St Finbarre’s Cathedral, Cork (Hill, 1870)56
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Double Open Diapason 16 Bourdon (wood) 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason (No. 2) 8 Salicional 8 Gamba 8 Principal 4 Stopped Diapason w 8 Stopped Diapason w 4 Harmonic Flute 8 Wald Flute 4 Principal 4 Fifteenth 2 Twelfth 3 Mixture III Fifteenth 2 Double Trumpet 16 Mixture IV Cornopean 8 Posaune 8 Oboe 8 Clarion 4 Clarion 4
55 IT, (1869, Feb, 19), 3. 56BOA, William Hill Order Books, Vol 2, 65-66, 71. 327
Choir C to g3 Pedal C to f1
Open Diapason 8 Sub Bass 32 Dulciana 8 Open Diapason 16 Gedact (wood) 8 Bourdon 16 Gemshorn 4 Violon w 16 Suabe Flute 4 Principal m 8 Flautina 2 Bass Flute 8 Clarinet 8 Fifteenth m 4 Vox Humana 8 Trombone w 16
Couplers
Sw Oct/Gt Sw/Gt Sw/Ch Ch/Pd Gt/Pd Sw/Pd
St Patrick’s, Monkstown, Co. Dublin (Barker, 1873)57
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Gedacht 16 Flute Traversiere 8 Open Diapason 8 Gamba 8 Salicional 8 Voix Celestes 8 Rohrflöte 8 Harmonic Flute 4 Principal 4 Cornopean 8 Twelfth 3 Fifteenth 2
Couplers Pedal C to f1
Sw/Gt Sub-base 16 Sw/Pd Open Flute 8 Gt/Pd
57 FJ, (1873, June, 13), 3. 328
St Munchin’s, Limerick (Bryceson Brothers & Morton, c.1875)58
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Lieblich Gedact* 16 Salicional 8 Open Diapason 8 Lieblich Gedact 8 Voix Céleste* 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Harmonic Flute 4 Flageolet 2 Fifteenth 2 Oboe 8 Mixture II
Couplers Pedal C tof1
Sw/Gt Open Diapason 16 Sw/Pd Bourdon 16 Gt/Pd
Blower signal 3 Composition Pedals
Convent Chapel, Clonakilty, County Cork (Bryceson Brothers & Ellis, 1878)59
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Open Diapason 8 Octave 8 Dulciana 8 Salicional 8 Gedact 8 Gedact 8 Principal 4 Suabe flute 4 Harmonic Piccolo 2 Oboe 8
Couplers Pedal C to g1
Sw/Gt Bourdon 16 Sw/Pd Gt/Pd 4 Composition Pedals
58 SV. *Labels missing but sounding as the stops named. 59 N, 31 August 1878, 8 and SV. 329
Chapel, Maynooth College, County Kildare (Stahlhuth, 1890)60
Great Swell
Principal 16 Bourdun 16 Principal 8 Principal 8 Harmonic Flute 8 Gedact 8 Gamba 8 Aeoline 8 Soft Flute 8 Salicional 8 Octave 4 Octave 4 Octave Flute 4 Concert Flute 4 Twelfth Flute 2⅔ Fifteenth Flute 2 Fifteenth Flute 2 Mixture III 3 Seventeenth Flute 1 /5 Fagott (bass) 8 Mixture V Oboe (treble) 8 Bombarde 16 Trumpet 8
Couplers Great Pedal / Swell Pedal*
Sw Oct Principal 16* Sw/Gt Sub-bass 16* Sw Sub/Gt Dulciana 16* Gt/Sw Fifth 10⅔ Gt Oct Principal 8* Sw/Pd * Flute 8* Gt/Pd * Octave 4* Pd Oct Posaune 16 Trumpet 8* Clarion 4*
Ventil Pedals 2 Ventil Pistons
Crescendo Pedal 6 Double acting Combination Pistons
60 LE, No. 33 (3rd Series) 1 September 1890, Vol. 11, 65-73, 68. 330
Trinity Church, Rathmines, Dublin (Bishop & Son, 1895)61
Great C to a3 Swell C to a3
Double Open Diapason 16 Bourdon 16 Open Diapason (large) 8 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason (small) 8 Rohr Flute w & m 8 Clarabella 8 Vox Angelica 8 Viola 8 Voix Celestes 8 Principal 4 Geigen Principal 4 Wald Flute w 4 Flute w & m 4 Fifteenth 2 Flautina 2 Mixture III Mixture III Trumpet 8 Contra Fagotto 16 Cornopean 8 Oboe 8 Clarion 4
Choir C to a3 Pedal C to f1
Violin Diapason 8 Open Diapason 16 Lieblich Gedact w & m 8 Bourdon 16 Dulciana 8 Violone m 16 Harmonic Flute 4 Quint w 12 Salicet 4 Principal m 8 Harmonic Piccolo 2 Bass Flute ext 8 Clarinet 8 Trombone w & m 16
Couplers Combination Pedals
Sw octave Gt: 3 Sw/Gt Sw: 3 Sw/Ch Gt/Pd [left & right] Ch/Gt Ch sub/Gt Sw/Pd Gt/Pd Ch/Pd
61 IT, 12 Oct 1895, 6. 331
Stradbally RC Church, Queen’s [Laois] County (Stahlhuth, 1903)62
Great C to g3 Swell C to g3
Rohr Bordun 16 Prinzipal 8 Open Diapason 8 Harmonic Flute 8 Gedackt 8 Gamba 8 Prinzipal 4 Vox Coelestis 8 Mixture 15.19.22 III Harmonic Flute 4 Trumpet 8 Sesquialtera 12.17 II Oboe 8
Couplers Pedal C to f1
Sw/Gt Open Diapason 16 Gt/Pd Subbass 16 Sw/Pd Sw Sub/Gt Sw Oct/Gt
3 Ventil Keys: (+ Cancel) 6 Combination Keys
Adjustment Combination
Fixed Combination
Stops
62 SV. 332
Appendix 1e: Current Specification of St Andrew’s, Westland Row
St Andrew’s Church, Westland Row, Dublin (Rushworth & Dreaper, 1976)63
Great Swell
Double Op Diapason 16 Open Diapason 8 Open Diapason 8 Harmonic Flute 8 Stopped Diapason 8 Salicional 8 Harmonic Flute 8 Voix Celeste 8 Principal 4 Principal 4 Harmonic Flute 4 Mixture III Twelfth 3 Vox Humana 8 Fifteenth 2 Oboe 8 3 Tierce 1 /5 Trumpet 8 Mixture IV Clarion 4 Cimbel II Trumpet 8 Clarion 4 Tremulant
Choir Pedal
Viol de Gambe 8 Open Diapason 16 Gedeckt 8 Bourdon 16 Flute 4 Octave 8 Piccolo 2 Choral Bass 4 1 Larigot 1 /3 Fagot 16 Clarionette 8 Fagot (ext.) 8
Couplers Pistons
Sw/Gt Gt 1,2,3 Sw/Ch Sw 1,2,3 Gt/Pd Ch 1,2,3 Sw/Pd Pd 1,2,3 Sw Pis/ Pd Sw oct & sub oct Sw oct/Gt Crescendo Pedal
63 SV. 333
Appendix 2: Excerpts from an interview with Kenneth Jones 28 September 2007
Kenneth Jones: The White organs that I know are nearly all in the later period and therefore perhaps his earlier instruments showed a bit more of the earlier characteristics of what we’ll call the British organ for want of a better word. He, the earliest White organ that I would know, would be the much since abused one which is in Rathmines, I forget the name of the church, with the big dome yeah. Now that organ was originally in Ennis Cathedral in 1858 you know it yeah, I haven’t seen it for a long time, from my memory of when I did visit it once to inspect it, about 10 years ago or so, it had quite a musical sound, it wasn’t a bad organ, it was very unfortunately placed, it wasn’t designed for where it is. White was a very bold, in a way that Willis was in the way he voiced all his pipes by mouth and he was a very, very able voicer indeed. He took a very bold line with his reeds where other reeds were tending to become more smooth. White kept using fully open shallots with a square end rather than the French style rounded, but his reeds, the Whites reeds therefore have a more éclat than the work of many other organ builders of the period. Where he fell down, where he went astray was he continued to take a very personal interest in his instruments and I feel he didn’t really get going in the factory sense whereas his output should suggest that so he started buying in everything except pipes maybe, we don’t even know about that but he started buying in actions, pneumatic actions from Germany and all his later organs, up to an including, the one originally in the pro-Cathedral have these German actions. He liked to use lower pressure for his flues, more and more musical pressures perhaps than these German actions depended on high pressure, and he did somehow, as far as I know, I could be wrong about this, because I have no evidence, his later organs we know that they were unreliable and didn’t work terribly well because of these actions but we also know as far as I believe that White was still using his more vocal pressure for the flues and that he didn’t put in a separate high pressure action for the pneumatics. And that is one of the reasons why the organ in the pro-Cathedral was re-built so soon after it was put in by White, rebuilt by Hill and enlarged and the action was changed…
Kenneth Jones: Magahy had been the foreman in Telfords works in the soundboard department and he set up on his own in the 1870’s in Cork. Built very solid organs but that
334
was his side, was not the tonal side or the voicing side so much so his organs were built on quite a solid rather grand scale, we are just restoring one down in Bantry at the moment, in the Catholic Church, two manual, strict restoration, tracker of course…
Kenneth Jones: I would have to think back where there are French reeds in other Telford organs but there are, I bet you, I bet you. I think there was one or two in Armagh Cathedral, whether they are still there or not, of course, you know about that organ, what happened to it.
Paul McKeever: … opportunity, wasn’t it?
Kenneth Jones: I put in a proposal for there before it was done, before it was messed around with, Georges Minne was there already, the organ had been redone by Telford, one of these examples where they put in a German bought in console and pneumatic action, changing it from the original Barker lever moving one to each side and even the soundboards were stacked one above the other, two halves of the great and the pull down wires went up and came up through holes and went up into the upper soundboard, very interesting, it was a good organ of its style, of its period. I put a proposal to have it re-sighted, restored to its original and to have a Barker lever put back into it and to be put back to its original specification…
Kenneth Jones: White had, despite what he claimed, had a limited output and we don’t know what the prices quoted were, I suspect that White was quoting lower prices. The Catholic Church would then perhaps give White work and that would be exemplified by the pro- Cathedral where you couldn’t do it for the quotation made – it might be that. I don’t know, haven’t a clue and the fact that he ended up bankrupt, you know, which is a fate of nearly every organ builder. I mean, seriously, right the way down to myself, I mean, there is no way we could have built here as an organ building concern without my supporting personally, supporting the company, from my own resources, not making profit, with Kenneth Jones Limited, no way, can’t do it. Nearly every organ builder runs into this situation Grant, Deegan & Bradbeer are the people in England were supported, Casson Organ Company, built very fine little organs, some bigger ones too. Thomas Casson was a Welsh Banker; he just threw money at it. Walkers, Walkers have been in whisky money.
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Paul McKeever: Johnny Walker?
Kenneth Jones: Yeah, the Walker
Paul McKeever: I didn’t know that, so they are Scottish.
Kenneth Jones: Well it’s the Walker family, who kept that company in existence.
Paul McKeever: My goodness, I never realised that.
Kenneth Jones: I don’t think they do now, I don’t know… Who else, Lewis, great organ building company and so on, Lewis was a very wealthy business man, supported by his own private funds. We all do it, you know, it’s a vocation.
Paul McKeever: I wonder what White was….
Kenneth Jones: White didn’t have it, maybe that’s their problem. Telford, supported by his leather merchant father, until, he got going in his own way and he had a ropey time around the 50’s.
Paul McKeever: I presume that was due to the famine, was it or….?
Kenneth Jones: Well the famine may have had some effect on it, but it may have been that his father died, I don’t know when his father died but he would have died about then, wouldn’t he? Anyhow I’m just mentioning that that could have been an influence in the case of White, he got work with the Catholic Church because he was able to get work as he quoted too low and he didn’t have any of his own personal financial or private finances to inject into the business. That’s all I can think…
336
Appendix 3: Articles on Dublin Organ-Building
ORGAN BUILDING IN DUBLIN (1860)64
This branch of art manufacture being one of the few remaining in which our countrymen are to any important extent engaged, and maintain a position of excellence at home, the following brief sketch of its history, and the details of manipulatory operations connected with the production of that noble instrument, “the organ,” must prove interesting:- During the latter part of the last, and commencement of the present century, there resided in Dublin a justly-celebrated organ builder and harpsichord maker, named Ferdinand Weber, whose instruments were distinguished for excellence in materials, finish, and tone. The organs in St. Werburgh’s and St. Thomas’s Churches are the only specimens of his manufacture, as we are informed, now remaining in the city. To him succeeded Woffington (the builder of the organ lately burnt in St. Andrew’s Church), Lawless, Hull, Leaman, and others, who, however-it must be admitted with regret- did not follow the laudable example of their predecessor, but permitted the character of Irish organs to become much deteriorated. They have been succeeded by the Telfords of our own time, who by their talents, industry, and integrity have attained, in the manufacture of organs, a position of which they may justly be proud, and to which they have imparted a character for national celebrity. As an evidence of the appreciation in which the productions of these manufacturers-who, it must be conceded, without prejudice to others in their line, take precedence in their art-is held elsewhere, we may name that they have built the organs at the Colleges of St. Peter’s Radley, Oxford; St. Aidan’s Birkenhead; and Turvin Hall, Chester; at the parish churches of Weeton, Yorkshire, Padstow, Cornwall; Shepperd’s Burton, Frome, Somerset; Douglas; Penzance, Cornwall; St. Ives, Cornwall: those for the Earl of Harewood, Countess Dowager Dunraven, Clearwell, Gloucestershire; Countess of Mayo, Lord John Thynne, &c.; and for New Zealand Wellington Church, with many others. To enumerate in detail their various works in this country, would be to step beyond the bounds of our province as regards preference to individuals, but in justice we present the information approximately in the following brief summary, viz.:-Nine cathedrals, including Limerick, Kildare, Christ Church (which is a magnificent instrument), Dundalk, &c.; six collegiate halls or churches, embracing Trinity College, Dublin, Maynooth, All Hallowes, &c.; the Chapel Royal, St. Matthew, and Dublin Castle, the Freemasons’, Ancient Concerts’, and University Choral Halls, and Catholic University, in this city; twenty-two monasteries, convents, and asylums; and nearly one hundred parish and other churches throughout Ireland. Among those now in progress for our city we may include the instruments intended for St. Catherine’s Roman Catholic Church, the Catholic University, the Royal Hibernian Military School, and St. Saviour’s Dominican Church. The former we had an opportunity of inspecting on the occasion of a recent visit to the extensive manufactory of the Messrs. Telford, and it will be in two cases, occupying each side of the west window, the performer sitting between, and have three benches of keys, pedals, and pedal pipes. The latter will, we understand, be unequalled in Ireland, and will be a fine pedal instrument of 6 stops, with open diapason of 32 feet. The case will extend 37feet in height by 26 feet in width (designed in style of Gothic, suited to the surrounding edifice, by the architect, Mr. McCarthy), the front pipes illuminated, to contain three benches of keys, and the cost about £1,200. Mr. Telford was engaged making the working drawings for this instrument and we cannot conceive an occupation requiring more universal information and skill than a clever organ builder. He must have practical knowledge as an architect, engineer, carpenter, joiner, worker in metals; be versed in music, acoustics, pneumatics and mechanics.
64 DB ‘Organ Building in Dublin,’ Vol. 2, No. 16 (1 April 1860), 233. 337
We were much gratified with the bustle and business tone pervading the building. On the ground floor some men were engaged casting the metal in sheets to make the metal pipes. This metal is a compound of tin and lead, and is melted in a cauldron holding about a ton and a-half. When properly mixed and ready, it is poured into a box, which is moved along a bench, leaving behind it a sheet of liquid metal, of the requisite thickness, on a lining of ticken. The pipes are cut out of these sheets, turned on mandrils, and soldered up. Others were engaged on a large bellows; some at the case and training; others at the sound-boards and action; every portion of the instrument being made on the premises, with the exception of the keys. Drawings are first made of every portion of the instrument, and then each part is allotted to that particular branch. Numerous hands are busily employed on an organ for His Grace the Duke of Leinster, at Carton, and the greatest care is taken with every particle to produce the most perfect workmanship and finish, and when erected no doubt will contribute an additional specimen of scientific ingenuity and superior workmanship. Messrs. Telford are also engaged on large organs for Shane’s Castle, and for St. Mary’s Church, Youghal. It gave us very much pleasure to see so much doing amongst us in this noble art; but if Irishmen would only behave with more patriotism and common sense, there would be many such, and more extensive manufactories in every branch.
IRISH INDUSTRIES65
ORGAN BUILDING IN DUBLIN (1885)
The organ combines in its completeness the effects of almost every other instrument, and is capable of an expression to be obtained from no other musical invention. It is fitly called the king of musical exponents, ranging in tone from the most delicate pianissimo to the most boisterous forte, and stands alone as the only adequate representative of the orchestra, which in many respects it surpasses. The actual origin of the organ will probably remain in obscurity, though many musicians are of the opinion that the first attempt at the production of sounds from pipes can be recognised in those known as “Pamltan”, which consisted of a row of reeds bound firmly together and played by means of breathing into them. An old chronicler of local events tells us that, during the latter part of the last and commencement of the present century, there resided in Dublin a justly celebrated organ builder and harpsichord maker named Ferdinand Weber, whose instruments were distinguished for excellence in materials, finish and tone. The organs in St. Werburgh’s and St. Thomas’s Churches are the only specimens of his manufacture now remaining in the city. To him succeeded Woffington the builder of the organ burnt more than twenty years ago in St. Andrew’s Church, Lawless, Hull, Leaman, and others, who, however, did not follow the laudable example of their predecessor, but permitted the character of Irish organs to become much deteriorated. They have been succeeded by the Telfords of our time, who by their talents, industry, and integrity, have attained in the manufacture of organs a position of which they may justly feel proud, and to which they have imparted a character for national celebrity. There are three other organ builders in Dublin – Mr Richard Benson, Cuffe Street; Mr. William Brown, Camden Street; and Mr. John White, York Street – all worthily maintaining the high prestige of Ireland in the matter of this manufacture; but without prejudice to these makers, it may be fairly said that Messrs Telford and Telford take precedence in their art. In their time they have made their names well known in England, having at various periods built organs for the Colleges of St. Peter’s Radley, Oxford; St. Aiden’s Birkenhead; and Turvin Hall, Chester; for the Parish Churches of Weston, Yorkshire, Padstow, Cornwall, Shepherd’s Burton, Frome, Somerset;
65 IT, 27 May 1885, 5. 338
Douglas, Isle of Man; Penzance and St. Ives, Cornwall; as well as the instruments for the Earl of Harewood, the Countess Dowager, Dunraven, the late Lord O’Neill, Shane’s Castle; and for a great many members of the nobility in all parts of the United Kingdom. Their organs are to be found in most Irish Cathedrals and collegiate churches, Protestant and Catholic; in monasteries, convents, and asylums and in parish churches and chapels, only one opinion of their style and finish existing – that they cannot be surpassed by the works of any other makers in the world. This is an important tribute to Irish genius, but the firm of Telford and Telford have industriously earned it, and are fairly entitled to all the advantages it can bring them.
This branch of art manufacture is one that highly commends itself to all interested in maintaining industry and culture among artists and artisans in Ireland; and with the view of investigating the particulars of the manufacture of organs in Dublin, our representative visited the factory of Messrs. Telford and Telford, Stephen’s Green West, whose name and reputation are so well known, not only in these Kingdoms, but in the Colonies, as builders who combine excellent materials and workmanship with artistic skill and quality, of tone and general finish. The firm has been established in the city since 1830 when the late Mr William Telford revived this ancient branch of manufacture which at the time had almost become extinct. By his industry and talent he soon secured the patronage of a considerable number of the clergy and laity, who entrusted him with the improvements of many of the best known organs in the country and with orders for new instruments, amongst others for Christ Church Cathedral, Trinity College, Francis Street Catholic Church, Francis Street, St Anne’s Church, &c. The organ for St. Nicholas’s Church, Francis street, built in the year 1847, was considered so beautiful an instrument, containing many hitherto unknown improvements in Ireland, with great exuberance of tone that a meeting of the musical profession was held and a congratulatory resolution passed and signed by nineteen of the most eminent professors in Dublin, expressing their entire approval of the work so successfully carried out by native hands.
The premises at Stephen’s Green are of much greater extent than one would suppose possible viewing the house from the square and the variety of employment afforded to artisans is instructive and convincing of this: much more encouragement might be given to workmen here if all those requiring organs in this country would entrust their orders to native makers. The manufacture of metal pipes forms an important element of the organ-builders art. The material is cast on the premises being so amalgams of lead procured from the Mining Company of Ireland and tin imported from Cornwall. These are melted together in a copper bowl then cast into sheets, a process affected by pouring it in a molten state into a wooden trough and running the trough rapidly along a bench effaced with ticking. The metal escapes from the trough through a narrow horizontal opening at the back, leaving a layer of metal behind it as it proceeds, and the wider the cutting is, of course, the thicker will be the sheet of metal produced. After being cast to an approximate thickness the metal is planed down to the precise thickness required. It is then cut into portions of the shape necessary to give to the pipes the required size and form, and is then finally worked up. The three parts which comprise the pipe are first separately prepared. The sheet of metal is rolled around a wooden cylinder or cone, called a “mandrel”, and the edges are closely soldered together. At the lower part of the body thus soldered the mouth is formed by flattening a portion of the cylinder and by cutting away a horizontal slip of the metal. The width of the mouth is in all cases a quarter of the circumference of the pipe. In the case of large pipes the mouth is formed by cutting away a piece of metal of considerable size, and replacing it by a sheet called the “leaf”, having the mouth cut on its lower edge. The foot is formed in a similar manner, and has a flattened portion corresponding to that of the body. The “voicing” is done in another room. Messrs Telford are the only organ builders in Ireland making their own metal pipes, those in the cases of Christ Church Cathedral and the Royal University being samples of the size to which they extend, the longest being about 22 feet. It is intended to display some specimens at the forthcoming Artisans’ Exhibition.
The wood pipe-making is carried out on the ground floor. Here many workmen are employed, assisted by a steam engine and machinery engaged in case-making, wooden pipes, bellows,
339
framings, &c. The largest pipes in Ireland were manufactured here – viz. the pedal diapasons in St. Saviour’s Church, Dominick Street, the lowest pipe being 32 feet. On this floor are also the iron works and forge, where all the iron roller boards, rollers, and fittings for hydraulic blowing machinery are made. Over the work-top is the organ action and sound-board atelier where all the interior mechanism is cast and put together, a branch of the work requiring great skill and training in manipulating. Both this room and the corresponding one below are fully 60 feet long. In connection with them is the “Voicing-room” where the pipes are subjected to the skilful hand of one whose whole time is devoted to their careful and delicate tuning. The erection and putting together of the various parts is the next process. This is done in a very extensive wareroom about 80 feet long and 40 feet high. In it there are now several organs in the course of completion. One beautiful instrument for Fethard Roman Catholic Church is in playing order and from its tone and mechanism seemed to be a very good specimen of the skill of the makers. Of the total amount, this organ costs less than 5 percent of the piece of the work which is imported from England; and we are assured that if more extensively supported, the firm would make every part of the work in their factory. In addition to organ building, the encouragement of organ playing is not lost sight of, there being a studio with an excellent instrument blown by hydraulic power in the establishment and it is intended still further to develop this study by the addition of another manual, to be played by electro-pneumatic mechanism.
The present members of the firm – Messrs W.H. and E.H. Telford - are well known in the musical circles as being not only skilled in their work of organ building, but also in music. The elder partner is a Bachelor of Music of Trinity College and is always well forward in the work of promoting high class music in the city. They were instructed in all the branches of their business by their father who established the firm fifty-five years ago and who, until shortly before his death very recently, aided them with his long experience and counsel. Among organs of four rows of keys built at this factory within the last few years, those of Christ Church Cathedral, St. Malachy’s Roman Catholic Church, Belfast and the large additions to the noble structure in St. Patrick’s Cathedral are justly celebrated. Of the latter organ, Sir Robert Stewart has placed on record his opinion that “our city for the first time possesses an instrument which, in the almost endless variety of its tones and in its general weight, power and brilliancy, rivals the best examples of the organ in England and on the Continent”. This at least is one of our native industries that can fairly bid defiance to the best efforts of the foreigner; and although Irishmen are occasionally found sending orders for organs abroad, there has still been accorded to this noble manufacturer a generous home parsonage which we hope to see very largely extended in the future.
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Appendix 4a: Diagrammatic Key to Tables
Metal Flue Pipe: ← Ø → Scale or Internal Diameter
→ ← Pipe Wall Thickness Distance to slot
Harmonic Hole Diameter ↔
Ear
Flue
Languid Bevel
Languid Thickness ↕ ↔
Foot Length
Ear below Languid
Tip
341
Metal Flue Pipe Mouth:
Distance between Nicks
Mouth Width
Upper lip
Ear
Cut-up
↔
Languid
Flue
Lower lip
342
Wooden Pipe:
← Depth (D) → Internal
| ← → | External
Open Speaking Length
Pipe Body Length
Upper Lip
Block
Cap Length (L)
Cap Depth (D) == Block Pin from Bottom
↔ Foot Length
Tip
↔ External Foot Diameter | ← → |
343
Wooden Pipe Mouth:
← Width (W) → Internal
| ← → | External
Upper Lip (Cut-out)
Cut-up Block
Cap
↕ ↔ Chamfer Set down of Cap from Block
Distance between Nicks
Stopper: [Top] [Front] [Front]
Width
Depth
Length
Top length Bottom length
‘Chimney’ Bore (Ø) Stopper out of pipe
344
Reed Pipe: Trumpet Clarinet Oboe
[Front] [Front] [Side] Scale ← Ø → ← Ø → ← Ø →
Pipe Wall Thickness → ← Bell
Neck Resonator
Length
Cone Tip Ø ↔
Socket
Shoulder/Block (L)
Tuning Spring
Shoulder
Block
Boot
Shallot
Boot Taper
Block Ø Spring to block end Tongue to “ “ Shoulder to “ “
Tip ↔ Shoulder (w) Shallot from block Wedge
345
Shallot: Closed Open Bertounèche
↔
Shallot Face
Length
Shallot Opening
End/Cap ↕
Internal Ø
Height Wall → ←
Width
346
Appendix 4b: Tables of Case Study 1 (Chapter Four)
Church of the Assumption, Bride Street, Wexford (Telford, 1858)
All measurements are in millimetres (mm) unless noted otherwise.
Table 4.1: Bride St: Great Double Open Diapason 16’
C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 132.5 74.1 52 28 Mouth Width 102 59.3 40 19.2 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 1/4 1/4 1/5 Cut-up 27 15.7-17.1 9.3 - 10.5 6 Languid (↕) 6 3 1.4 Nicking (↔) 1.5 1.2 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.8 0.5 Flue 1.2 1
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 40/33 x 10 n/a Foot Length Front (n/a) 205 Tip 6.2 4.1
Table 4.2: Bride St: Great Open Diapason 8’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 141.3 81.2 55 30 18.2 Mouth Width 108 62.3 40.5 22 12.4 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 1/4 2/9-1/4 2/9-1/4 2/9 Cut-up 29 16.7-17.6 9.7 - 10.9 7 - 8 3.9 Languid (↕) 6 3.5 3.5 2 1.3 Nicking (↔) 1.5 1.4 1.2 Pipe Wall Thickness 1.6 1.25 1 0.6 0.6 Flue 1.2 1.1 0.7
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 43/34 x 10 n/a n/a Ear (↕) below languid 9 Foot Length front 208 200 Tip 7 5.7 3.4
Table 4.3: Bride St: Great Principal 4’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 G56 Diameter (Ø) 67 41.8 27.7 (ext) 16.3 10.4 7.8 Mouth Width 49.7 29.8 19.4 11.2 6.8 6 Mouth : Circumference 2/9-1/4 2/9 2/9-1/4 2/9 1/5 1/4 Cut-up 13 - 14.2 8.9 - 9.5 5.7 - 6.5 3 - 3.6 6 1.6 Languid (↕) 4.5 2.6 1.8 1.3 0.8 0.8
347
Nicking (↔) 2 1.5 0.9 0.8 0.5 0.6 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.8 0.7 0.9 0.6 0.5 0.6 Flue 1.4 0.9 0.9 0.6 0.5 0.5
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 49/32x10 32.5/23x6 n/a n/a n/a n/a Ear (↕) below languid 8 6 n/a n/a n/a n/a Foot Length 248.5 212 193 181 168 168.5 Tip 7.6 5.1 4.5 3.3 2.4 2.2 Tuning Length 1173 576 280 137 65 ---
Table 4.4: Bride St: Great Twelfth 2⅔’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 45 29.5 17.3 11.9 8.5 Mouth Width 33.1 20.7 12.5 8.4 6.5 Mouth : Circumference 2/9-1/4 2/9 2/9 2/9 1/4 Cut-up 9.7 - 10.3 6.3 - 6.7 3.5 2.5 1.7 Languid (↕) 3 1.9 1.3 1.1 1 Nicking (↔) 1.5 1 0.9 0.7 0.6 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.9 0.8 0.5 0.5 0.5 Flue 0.9 0.7 0.6 0.4 0.4
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 35/24 x 7 24/16 x 5 n/a n/a n/a Ears (↕) below languid 5 3 n/a n/a n/a Foot Length 201 176.5 172.5 168.5 176 Tip 5 3.6 2 2.5 2.7
Table 4.5: Bride St: Great Fifteenth 2’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 40 25 16 10 6.8 Mouth Width 28.3 17.9 10.9 7.5 5.2 Mouth : Circumference 2/9 2/9-1/4 2/9 2/9-1/4 1/4 Cut-up 8.6 - 9.1 5.1 - 5.6 3.4 - 3.7 2.5 1.2 Languid (↕) 2 1.8 1.3 1 0.9 Nicking (↔) 1.4 0.8 0.9 0.7 0.4 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.8 0.8 0.5 0.6 0.6 Flue 0.8 0.8 0.7 0.5 0.5
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 30/23 x 6 n/a n/a n/a n/a Ears (↕) below languid 5 n/a n/a n/a n/a Foot Length 187 162 156 157 146 Tip 4 3.3 2.5 2.8 1.6
348
Table 4.6: Bride St: Swell Open Diapason 8’
C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 70 42.6 27.5 16.9 Mouth Width 50.2 30 19.5 12 Mouth : Circumference 2/9 1/4 2/9 2/9 Cut-up 14.2 - 15.1 9 - 9.9 5.2 3.2 Languid (↕) 3.6 2.7 1.7 1.2 Nicking (↔) 1.8 1.3 1.1 0.9 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.9 0.8 0.7 0.6
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 51/35x10 32.5/22.5x7 n/a n/a Ears (↕) below languid 9 6.5 n/a n/a Ear Wall 1 1.2 n/a n/a Foot Length 245 221 207 191 Tip 7 5.4 3.9 3.4
Table 4.7: Bride St: Swell Principal 4’
C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 39.5 25.4 15.5 10.2 Mouth Width 29 18.1 10.7 8 Mouth : Circumference 2/9-1/4 2/9 2/9 1/4 Cut-up 7.5-8.1 5.5-5.8 2.9 1.7 Languid (↕) 2.5 1.8 1.6 1.1 Nicking (↔) 1.2 1 0.7 0.7 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.8 0.7 0.7 0.6
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 32/24x6.5 n/a n/a n/a Ears (↕) below languid 6 n/a n/a n/a Ear Wall 1 n/a n/a n/a Foot Length 225 201 182 167.5 Tip 4.4 4 2.8 2.4
Table 4.8: Bride St: Swell Fifteenth 2’
C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 24.3 14.9 10.1 6.8 Mouth Width 17.1 10.5 7 5.1 Mouth : Circumference 2/9 2/9 2/9 2/9-1/4 Cut-up 4.8-5.2 2.7 1.7 1.3 Languid (↕) 1.7 1 1 1 Nicking (↔) 0.9 0.7 0.5 0.5 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.7 0.7 0.6 0.6
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) n/a n/a n/a n/a Foot Length 176 167 164 161 Tip 2.9 2.2 2.1 2.2
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Table 4.9: Bride St: Choir Principal 4’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 60 37 24 14.5 10.6 Mouth Width 45.8 27 16.8 10.2 7 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 2/9-1/4 2/9 2/9 1/5-2/9 Cut-up 12.3 - 12.7 7.2 - 7.8 4.4 - 4.9 2.9 1.9 Languid (↕) 3 2.2 2 1.2 1 Nicking (↔) 1.7 1.5 1 0.8 1.7 Pipe Wall Thickness 1 0.7 0.7 0.6 0.4 Flue 1 0.8 0.9 0.5 0.5
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 46/33 x 9 28/21 x 5 none none none Ear Wall 1.5 1 n/a n/a n/a Foot Length 240 225 210 190 177 Tip 5.4 3.8 3.2 2.6 2
Table 4.10: Bride St/Rowe St: Choir Fifteenth 2’
Flue C1 C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 36 36.7 23.7 14.6 9.9 5.6 Mouth Width 25.7 26.2 15.8 10.2 6.7 5 Mouth : Circumference 2/9 2/9 1/5-2/9 2/9 2/9 2/7 Cut-up 7.7 - 8.3 7.5 - 8 5 3.2 2 1.7 Languid (↕) 2.2 1.9 1.9 1.3 1.1 0.7 Nicking (↔) 1.4 --- 0.8 0.6 0.7 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.9 0.9 0.8 0.6 0.45 0.3 Flue 1 ------
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 27/19 x 6 --- n/a n/a n/a n/a Ear Thickness 1 --- n/a n/a n/a n/a Foot Length 174 184 169 165 161 166 Tip 3.6 ------
Table 4.11: Bride St: Mixture Composition (See Chapter Four)
Table 4.12: Bride St: Great Mixture III; Mixture II
C1 I C1 II C1 III C1 I C1 II Diameter (Ø) 38 29 24.5 18 14.3 Mouth Width 21.5 21 17 12.1 10.3 Mouth : Circumference 1/5 2/9 2/9 2/9 2/9 Cut-up 8 - 8.8 5.7 - 6.3 5 - 5.7 4 - 4.2 3 Languid (↕) 2.8 2.4 1.7 1.4 1.2 Nicking (↔) 1.3 1.1 1.2 1 0.8 Pipe-wall Thickness 0.8 0.7 0.5 0.6 0.6
350
Flue 0.9 0.6 0.7 0.6 0.7
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 30/21x5.5 20.5/15 x 4 n/a n/a n/a Ear (↕) below languid 7 4.5 n/a n/a n/a Foot Length 181 181 172 158.5 158.5 Tip 5 3.5 3.3 2.4 1.9
Table 4.13: Bride St: Great Hohl Flute (Gamba) 8’
C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 64 36.5 21.5 14 Mouth Width 39.2 22.2 14.5 8.8 Mouth : Circumference 1/5 1/5 2/9 1/5 Cut-up 12.8 - 13.7 7.6 - 7.8 4.5 - 4.8 3.3 - 3.5 Languid (↕) 3.5 2.4 1.2 1.6 Nicking (↔) 1.4 0.8 0.6 0.7 Pipe-wall Thickness 1 0.8 0.6 0.5 Flue 1.1 0.7 3.6 0.4
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 41/22x8.5) 19/16x5) n/a n/a Ear (↕) below languid 7.5 3 n/a n/a Foot Length 225 215 202 98 Tip 7 3.8 2.6 2.2 Hole from languid 1047 463 186 69 Hole diameter 3.4 2 2 1.4 Tuning Length (Res) 1118 547 (286)265 (138.5)126
Table 4.14: Bride St: Swell Dulciana 8’
C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 50.5 33.9 21.7 13.5 Mouth Width 33.4 20.4 12 7.8 Mouth : Circumference 1/5-2/9 1/5 1/5 1/5 Cut-up 10.8-11.5 6.2-6.8 3.8-4.1 2.7 Languid (↕) 3.3 2.4 1.6 1.2 Nicking (↔) 1.2 0.9 0.7 0.6 Pipe-wall Thickness 0.8 0.8 0.7 0.6
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 32/24x8.5 23.5/17x5 14/10x3.5 9/6.5x2.5 Ear (↕) below languid 8 5 3.5 3.5 Ear Wall 1 0.8 0.9 0.7 Foot Length 229 216 202 187 Tip 4.3 2.9 2.2 2
351
Table 4.15: Bride St: Choir Viol di Gamba
C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) external 67.5/34.8/57.7 38.5/21.2/37.9 24/13/26.4 16/9.3/18 Mouth Width 41.3 24 14.4 9.7 Mouth : Circumference 1/5 1/5 1/5 1/5 Cut-up 11.8 - 12.8 6.2 - 6.9 4.2 2.6 Languid (↕) 3 2.4 1.8 1.2 Nicking (↔) 1.7 1.1 0.8 0.7 Pipe-wall Thickness 1 0.6 0.5 0.6 Flue 1.5 0.6 0.6 0.4
Ears (↕ x ↔) 40 x 98 27 x 20 16.3 x 13.8 10/7 x 10 Ear Thickness 0.7 0.6 0.5 0.6 Foot Length 250 221 205 185 Tip 5.5 3.5 2.7 1.9 Tuning Length (Res) 1225 608 310 152 Bell Length 120 61 48 25
Table 4.16: Bride St: Choir Dulciana 8’
C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 60 35 21.5 14 Mouth Width 37 21.6 13.3 9.6 Mouth : Circumference 1/5 1/5 1/5 2/9 Cut-up 11.2 - 12.1 6.6 - 6.8 4.1 - 4.4 2.5 - 2.7 Languid (↕) 2.5 1.8 1.5 1.1 Nicking (↔) 1.5 1.2 1 0.6 Pipe-wall Thickness 0.8 0.7 0.6 0.6 Flue 1.3 1 0.5 0.5
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 37/26 x 8 21.5/16 x 4 14/11 x 2.5 none Ear Thickness 1.2 1 0.8 n/a Foot Length 235 214 207 175 Tip Hole 5.1 3.2 2.5 2
Table 4.17: Bride St: Great Flute Harmonique 4
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 70 51.5 36.8 24.5 16 Mouth Width 50.7 36.4 27 16.5 10.8 Mouth : Circumference 2/9-1/4 2/9 2/9-1/4 2/9 2/9 Cut-up 12 - 12.8 9.1 - 9.7 8.1 - 8.6 4.5 2.4 - 2.8 Languid (↕) 3.5 2.7 2.5 1.8 1.2 Nicking (↔) 2.2 1.9 1.2 0.7 0.8 Pipe-wall Thickness 0.8 - 1.1 0.9 0.7 0.7 0.5 Flue 0.8 0.7 0.7 0.6 0.5
352
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 50/38 x 10 37.5/25.5 x 7 30/21x34 22/17x25 9.5/8x10 Ears (↕) below languid 7 6 10 6 6.5 Original Ears (↕) 28 17 11 Orig. Ears (↕) below languid 6 4 4 Foot Length 240 235 223 205.5 196 Tip 5.5 5 3.7 3.2 3.2 Harmonic Hole from languid 265 125 65 Harm Hole Diameter Ø 1.6 1.5 1.4 Speaking Length 580 275 136
Table 4.18: Bride St: Great Stopped Diapason 8’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Internal Scale (W x D) 92 x 111 48 x 59 28.5 x 35.5 17 x 23 11.6 x 17.6 External Scale (W x D) 122 x 140 70 x 82 43 x 51 29 x 36 24 x 29 Cut-up 28 16.5 9.5 - 10.5 6.9 5.1 Set-down from Block 2 2 1.5 1.5 1.2 Sunken Block (↓) n/a n/a 7 4 4 Nicking (↔) 4.1 3 1.8 (Cap 2.3) 1.6 (Cap 2) 1.4 Upper lip (Cut out) 92 52 32.5 24.5 20 Cap (L x D) 114 x 16.5 91 x 13 71 x 11 62 x 29 55 x 24 Pipe Length 1300 713 397 206 125 Op. Speaking Length 1186.5 621 329 145.5 71 Stopper bored (Ø) n/a n/a 8 5.5 3 St. out of pipe (↑) 35 15 22 45 26.5 St. Length 120 90 75 60 46 St. Top (↕) n/a 20 17 11.5 13 St. bottom (↕) 20 25 22 20 15 Foot Length 153 152 149 150 149 Foot Diameter (ext.) 42.6 30 21 15.7 13.8 Foot Bore\Tip (Ø) 24 18.5 8.1 6 4.6 Block pin 50 56 45 35 30
Table 4.19: Bride St: Swell Double Diapason 16’
C25 C37 C49 Internal Scale (W x D) 39.5 x 50 23.3 x 30.2 14.7 x 19.8 External Scale (W x D) 60 x 70 39.5 x 46.4 26.8 x 32.7 Cut-up 13.6 8.5 5.5 Sunken Block (↓) n/a n/a n/a Nicking (↔) 2.4 1.8 1.4 Upper lip (Cut out) 48 32.2 25.6 Cap (L x D) 77x 13 67 x 10.5 63.5.x 8.5 Pipe Length 693 372 204.5
353
Op. Speaking Length 617 305 148 Stopper bored (Ø) none None none St. out of pipe (↑) 37 35 37 St. Length 88.5 70 61 St. Top (↕) 17 17 16 St. bottom (↕) 19 20 16 Foot Length 150 150 150 Foot Diameter (ext.) 29.4 21 15.4 Foot Bore\Tip (Ø) 14.4 7.8 6 Block pin 43 35 26
Table 4.20: Bride St: Choir Stopped Diapason 8’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Internal Scale (W x D) 87 x 105 40 x 49 23.7 x 30 15 x 20 10.5 x 14.5 External Scale (W x D) 115 x 133 59 x 69 37 x 44 26 x 30 19 x 24 Cut-up 25 14 9 5.1 4.3 Set-down from Block 2.5 1.5 1.5 1 1 Sunken Block (↓) n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a Nicking (↔) 3.7 2.7 2.2 (Cap 2.6) 1 0.9 Upper lip (Cut out) 85 47 32.5 22 18.5 Cap (L x D) 115 x 18 81 x 11 69 x 10 61 x 8 56 x 8.5 Pipe Length 1300 698.5 396.5 205 135 Op. Speaking Length 1186 618.5 332 147 80 Stopper bored (Ø) n/a n/a 7.4 5.5 3.6 St. out of pipe (↑) 20 25 32 37 25 St. Length 125 84 70 60 53 St. Top (↕) n/a 23 19 14 11 St. bottom (↕) 20 22 20 17 11 Foot Length 152 150 151 150 148 Foot Diameter (ext.) 43 27 20.5 15.3 13.6 Foot Bore\Tip (Ø) 24.5 12.5 8 6 4.5 Block pin 70 45 32 34 29.5
Table 4.21: Bride St: Choir Wald Flute 4 Note: Sunken blocks end at C#50
C13 C25 C37 C49 Internal Scale (W x D) 32 x 41.5 19 x 23.3 13.3 x 14.5 8.7 x 11 External Scale (W x D) 47.5 x 55.5 30 x 34.5 22 x 24.5 16.1 x 19 Cut-up 11.5 6.7 4.9 3 Set-down from Block 2 1.5 1.2 0.8 Sunken Block (↓) 10 7 3.5 3 Nicking (↔) 1.8 (Cap2.5) 1.3 0.8 1 Upper lip (Cut out) 42 25 20 14.3
354
Cap (L x D) 74 x 11 70.5 x 8 61.5 x 6 59 x 5.5 Pipe Length 620 324.5 182 109 Op. Speaking Length 547 260 125 54 Foot Length 150 150 147 147 Foot Diameter (ext.) 25 16 13.6 10 Foot Bore\Tip (Ø) 10 6 4.5 4.3 Block pin 35 34 32 30
Table 4.22: Bride St: Great Trumpet 8’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 100/11.5 75/10 64 54 45 Length/(res.) 2304/2190 1140/1067 572 295 145 Wall 1 0.9 0.8 0.8 0.7 Shallot Open. 8.4 x 59 6.2 x 39 5.2 x 29 4.2 x 22 3.2 x 16 Sh. Face (↔) 10/3 7.8/2.3 6.8/1.9 5.5/2.5 4.5/2 Sh. Length 104 70 53 38.5 27.5 Sh. Int. Ø 9 7 6 4.9 4 Sh. end (↔) 17.5/11.5 12.6/9 10.1/7.6 8.3/6.5 6.6/5.5 Sh. end (↕) 15.3/11.2 10/8.8 9/7.5 6.9/6.3 5.8/5.4 Sh. Wall 1.1 0.9 0.8 0.8 0.7 Sh. Cap 1.4 1 1 1 0.9 Tongue 0.66 0.4 0.3 0.16 0.1 Block Ø 48/41.2/40.2 36.2/31.1/30 33.6/28.2/26.8 30.8/26/24.8 27.6/23.4/22.6 Shoulder (↔) 38/37 29/27 25.2/24.5 23.3/22.5 21/20.2 (+Sh.)/Bl. (↕) 40/26.5 30/20 26.5/17.5 22.5/15 12.7/195 Spring → ) 10 7.5 3.5 3.4 3 Tongue → ) 19.9 13.2 13 12.4 11.8 Shoulder → ) 26 19 17.3 16 15 Shallot → Bl. 81 56 33 24 7.8 Socket 59 42 n/a n/a n/a Boot Length 200 175 175 174 173 Boot Taper (↕) 35 n/a n/a n/a n/a Tip 12.2 8.7 8.2 7 6.6 Clasp (↓) 33 104 65 n/a n/a
Table 4.23: Bride St: Great Clarion 4’
C1 C13 C25 C37 Diameter (Ø) 76/9.5 65 54 43 Length/(res.) 1155/1068 576 291 140.5 Wall 0.8 0.8 0.9 0.7 Shallot Open. 5.6 x 29 4.4 x 23.5 3.7 x 16.6 3 x 11.8 Sh. Face (↔) 7.8 x 2.5 6 x 2 4.8 x 2 4 x 1.8
355
Sh. Length 70.7 52.9 28.5 26.8 Sh. Int. Ø 7.2 6.2 4.8 4 Sh. end (↔) 11.9/9 10.2/8 8/6.5 6.5/5.3 Sh. end (↕) 10.8/8.9 9.3/7.8 7.1/6.2 5.9/5.1 Sh. Wall 1 0.9 0.8 0.6 Sh. Cap 1 1 1 0.9 Tongue 0.4 0.27 1.8 1.6 Block Ø 36.4/31.1/29.6 33.4/28.2/ 27.2 30.6/25.9/24.7 27.7/23.4/22.5 Shoulder (↔) 27.6/26.5 25.6/24.7 23.4/22.9 20.9 x 20 (+Sh.)/Bl. (↕) 40/30 18.5/26.5 14.5/23 13/20 Spring → ) 4 3 3 2.8 Tongue → ) 13.5 12.3 12.4 11.9 Shoulder → ) 18.7 17 16 14 Socket 41 n/a n/a n/a Boot Length 175 175 172 172 Boot Taper (↕) n/a n/a n/a n/a Tip 9 8.4 4.8 7 Clasp (↓) 225 185 n/a n/a
Table 4.23a: Bride St: Great Clarion 4’
Flue C49 Diameter (Ø) 9.5 Mouth Width 7 Mouth : Circumference 2/9-1/4 Cut-up 2 Languid (↕) 0.9 Nicking (↔) 0.7 Pipe-wall Thickness 0.6 Flue 0.6 Ears n/a Foot Length 164.5 Tip 2.7
Table 4 .24.: Bride St, Wexford: Sw Cor 8’ Separate resonators from C13 to F18
C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 93/10.6 72.5 57 46 Length 1166 580 290 146 Wall 0.6/1.3 0.7 0.6/0.7 0.6 Shallot Open. 6.8x63.3/66 5.2x47.6/50.7 3.7x32/35 3.2x22.8/24.6 Sh. Face (↔) 8.8x3.5 7x2.5 5.5x2 4.5x2 Sh. Length 69.6 53.5 38.4 28.2 Sh. Int. Ø 8 6.6 5.3 4.2
356
Sh. end (↔) 10.1/13.6 8.4/11 7/8.8 5.9/7.1 Sh. end (↕) 12/9.7 8.2/9.9 6.8/7.9 5.7/6.1 Sh. Wall 1 0.9 0.9 0.8/0.9 Sh. Cap 1.4 1 0.9 0.8 Tongue 0.45 0.3 0.2 0.1 Block Ø 36.4/31/29.7 33.5/28.2/27.1 30.5/25.9/24.7 27.9/23.4/22.7 Shoulder (↔) 27.5/26.8 25.7 x 24.7 22.5x22.7 20.6 x 20 (+Sh.)/Bl. (↕) 30/20.5 26/17 22.6/14.5 19.9/13.2 Spring → ) 5 3.5 3 3 Tongue → ) 13.3 12.4 12 11.4 Shoulder → ) 18.3 17.5 15.5 14.7 Shallot → Bl. 50 32.2 21 13.7 Socket 43 n/a n/a n/a Boot Length 174 174 174 173 Boot Taper (↕) n/a n/a n/a n/a Tip 9.6 7.7 7.7 6.6 Clasp (↓) n/a n/a n/a n/a
Table 4.25: Bride St: Swell Oboe 8’ Separate resonators from C13 to F18
C13 C25 C37 C49 Bell Diameter (Ø) 69 50 39.5 32 Length/bell 1104/236 54.8/137 268/74 128/35 Wall 0.9 0.7 0.8 0.7 Shallot Open. 5.8x25 4.8 x 20 3.9/16.6 3.3 x 12 Sh. Face (↔) 7.8x2.7 6 x 2.5 5 x 1.5 4.5 x 2 Sh. Length 70.5 52.5 39 27.3 Sh. Int. Ø 6.9 6 4.7 4 Sh. end (↔) 12.6/9.2 10.1/7.7 8.1/6.3 6.8/5.3 Sh. end (↕) 11.4/8.9 8.8/7.5 7.1/6.1 5.9/5.2 Sh. Wall 1.1 0.8/0.9 0.8 0.7 Sh. Cap 1.2 1 1 0.8 Tongue 0.4 0.25 0.15 0.1 Block Ø 36.4/31.3/29.7 30.5/25.8/24.7 28/23.3/22.7 28/23.6/22.6 Shoulder (↔) 27.9/26.9 23.2/22.4 21 x 20 20.3/19.8 (+Sh.)/Bl. (↕) 30.4/20.8 22.8/14.8 20/13 20/13 Spring → ) 4.6 3 3 3 Tongue → ) 13.5 11.2 11.4 12 Shoulder → ) 19 15.6 15 15 Shallot → Bl. 49 31.5 20.7 14.7 Boot Length 172 174 174 173 Boot Taper (↕) n/a n/a n/a n/a Tip 8.1 7.6 6.9 6.9
357
Table 4.26: Rowe St, Wexford: Swell Vox Humana 8’
C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter Ext (Ø) 27.5 28 27.5 27.5 Length 400 240 170 110 Res.Taper (↕) 69 54 46 35 Wall 0.7 1 1.5 0.7 Shal op 3.2/2.5 2.8/1.4 2.7/2 2.7/2.2 Sh. Length 70 52 38.2 27 Sh. Int. Ø 7.6 6.6 5.9 5 Sh. closed end (↔) 10.6 8.8 8 6.8 Sh. closed end (↕) 10 8 7.1 6.3 Sh. Wall 1 1 0.9 0.8 Sh. end from vertical 1 0.6 0.7 0.3 Tongue 0.3 0.2 0.2 0.16 Block Ø 33.8/28.4/27.9 30/26.7/25.5 28.2/23.7/22.4 24.4/21/20.7 Shoulder (↔) 24/22.5 23/20 20/18.5 17/16 (+Sh.)/Bl. (↕) 25/16.3 25/15 19.9/13.6 16.6/11.3 Spring → ) 5 4 4 2.9 Shoulder → ) 19.6 18 15 14.9 Shallot → Bl. 41 30 17 12.2 Boot L 175 170 160 155 Tip 6.2 5.6 6.2 5.3
Table 4.27: Rowe St: Great Double Open Diapason 16’
C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 48 27.5 Mouth Width 17.4 Mouth : Circumference 1/5 Cut-up 5.8-6.5 Languid (↕) 2.3 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.6 Languid Bevel (c.) 45º Ears Yes
Table 4.28: Rowe St: Great Open Diapason 8’ (ears drop at f#43)
C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 53 30.3 18.4 Mouth Width 19.9 12.9 Mouth : Circumference 2/9 2/9 Cut-up 5.9 – 6.5 Languid (↕) 3 Nicking (↔) 1.4 1.2
358
Languid Bevel (c.) 45º Ears yes n/a
Table 4.29: Rowe St: Great Principal 4’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 66 40 28 (ext) 15.7 10.5 Mouth Width 50 28.5 17.2 11.2 8 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 2/9 2/9 1/4 ¼ Cut-up 14.5 - 15 9.8 - 10 6 2.6 - 3.5 2.2 Nicking (↔) 1.9 1.2 1 0.8 0.7
Ears (↕ x ↔) 50x9 27x5 15.5x4 n/a n/a Foot Length 230 210 190 190 180 Tip 6 4.7 4.5 3.3 2.5
Table 4.30: Rowe St: Great Twelfth 2⅔’ Ears drop at Tenor F
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 46 29.3 18.3 11.6 7.7 Mouth Width 30.6 18.6 12.7 8 5.1 Mouth : Circumference 2/9-1/4 2/9 2/9 2/9 1/4 Cut-up 10.2 - 10.9 6.5 – 7.1 3.8 – 4.3 2.3 – 2.6 1.3 Languid (↕) 3 2.3 1.6 1.3 0.8
Ears (↕ x ↔) 32/23x7 20/16x5 n/a n/a n/a Foot Length 201 176.5 172.5 168.5 176
Table 4.31: Rowe St: Great Fifteenth 2’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 39.6 25 15.9 10.6 6.8 Mouth Width 28.5 18.3 10.8 7.7 4.9 Mouth : Circumference 2/9-1/4 2/9-1/4 2/9 2/9-1/4 2/9-1/4 Cut-up 8.6 -new 5.1 - new 3.3 - new 2.2 1.2 Languid (↕) 3.3 2 1.9 1.4 1 Nicking (↔) 1.1 1 0.6 0.6 0.4 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.8 0.7 0.6 0.6 0.5 Languid Bevel (c.) 45º 60º 60º 60º 60º
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 30/22 x 6 n/a n/a n/a n/a Ears (↕) below languid 5 n/a n/a n/a n/a Foot Length 187 165 166 160 159
Table 4.32: Rowe St: Choir Principal 4’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 62 37.4 23.3 14.6 10.1
359
Mouth Width 45.2 27.6 17 10.2 7.4 Mouth : Circumference 2/9-1/4 2/9-1/4 2/9-1/4 2/9 2/9 Cut-up 13.5 -9 7.4 - 8 5-5.4 2.7 1.9 Languid (↕) 4.2 3 2.2 1.1 1.1 Nicking (↔) 1.6 1.7 0.9 0.8 0.7 Pipe Wall Thickness 1 0.7 0.7 0.8 0.5 Languid Bevel (c.) 60º 45º 60º 60º 60º
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 45.5/32 x 9 2 6.4/20.1 x 6 n/a n/a n/a Foot Length 240 221 186 190 177
Table 4.33: Rowe St: Great Hohl Flute (Gamba) 8’
C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 63.5 35.7 21.5 13.7 Mouth Width 38.8 22 13.8 9.3 Mouth : Circumference 1/5 1/5 1/5 2/9 Cut-up 14.2 - 14.9 7.9 – 8.6 4.5 - 4.7 2.5 – 2.7 Languid (↕) 3.1 2 1.6 1.5 Pipe-wall Thickness 1 0.8 0.6 0.5 Languid Bevel (c.) 60º 60º 60º 60º
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 40/30x9.5 23/11x5 13/8x4 n/a Foot Length 222 211 202 156
Table 4.34: Rowe St: Choir Viol di Gamba
C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) external 67.9/36/65 38.4/21.4/35.5 23.8/13.5/22.4 16/9.2/18.6 Mouth Width 41.5 25 15.7 10.7 Mouth : Circumference 1/5 2/9 2/9-1/4 2/9-1/4 Cut-up 12.3 - 12.8 7.3 – 7.5 4.6 3.8 Languid (↕) 3.8 2.7 2.1 1.2 Pipe-wall Thickness 1 1 1 0.8 Languid Bevel (c.) 45º 45º 60º 45º Bell Length 148 61 34 26
Table 4.35: Rowe St: Choir Dulciana 8’
C13 C#26 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 62.5 36.8 24.4 14.8 Mouth Width 36.9 22.7 14.5 8.6 Mouth : Circumference 1/5 1/5 1/5 1/5 Cut-up 12.8 - 13.4 6.6 – 7.9 5.1 – 5.2 3 Languid (↕) 4 3.1 1.6 1.3 Nicking (↔) 1.1 0.8 0.7 0.7
360
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 38.5/27.5 x 9 24/17 x 6 16/8 x 3.5 9.5/7.5x2.5 Foot Length 235 214 207 175
Table 4.36: Rowe St: Great Flute Harmonique 4
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 69 51.5 36.1 24.3 N Mouth Width 51.8 38.6 27.2 17.9 E Mouth : Circumference 2/9-1/4 2/9-1/4 2/9-1/4 2/9-1/4 W Cut-up 12 - 14.3 8.2 - 10.9 7.9 - 8.1 4.3 Languid (↕) 3.5 2.7 2.5 1.8 P Nicking (↔) 2.2 1.9 1.2 0.7 I Pipe-wall Thickness 0.8 - 1.1 0.9 0.7 0.7 P Languid Bevel (c.) 55º 55º 45º 60º E
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 50/36 x 11 38/26 x 8.5 (cut) (cut) S Ears (↕) below languid 12 7 n/a n/a Foot Length 237.5 195 209 198.5
Table 4.37: Rowe St: Great Stopped Diapason 8’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Internal Scale (W x D) 82 x 99 48.5 x 60 28.1 x 36.3 18.2 x 24 12.4 x 17.5 External Scale (W x D) 111 x 129 73 x 82.5 44.2 x 52.2 30.8 x 36.5 23.5 x 29 Cut-up --- 16.2 10.6 - 11.1 7.5 5 Upper lip (Cut out) --- 51 32.5 24.6 19 Cap (L x D) --- 93.8 x 15 68 x 9.5 63.2 x 10.2 55 x 9 Stopper bored (Ø) n/a n/a 8.5 6.2 4.5
Table 4.38: Rowe St: Choir Stopped Diapason 8’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Internal Scale (W x D) 88 x 107 39.5 x 49.5 24 x 30.7 15.3 x 20.2 10.4 x 14.8 External Scale (W x D) 115 x 133 58.5 x 72 38.4 x 47.2 27.5 x 32.5 20.2 x 24.2 Cut-up 24 - 26 13.8 11.2 6 – 6.3 3.9 Set-down from Block 2 2 2 1.3 1 Sunken Block (↓) n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a Upper lip (Cut out) --- 42 29.3 23.5 18 Cap (L x D) 116 x 16 85 x 13.5 69 x 10 61.2 x 10 62.8 x 8.5 Stopper bored (Ø) n/a n/a 6.5 4.5 3.8
Table 4.39: Rowe St: Choir Wald Flute 4 Note: Sunken blocks end at C#²
C13 C25 C37 C49 Internal Scale (W x D) 34 x 40.5 19.5 x 23 12.2 x 14.5 8.5 x 10.4
361
External Scale (W x D) 49 x 55 31.7 x 36 23 x 24.7 17.1 x 19.5 Cut-up 11.5 - 12 6.7 4.4 3.6 Upper lip (Cut out) 43 26.3 18.5 13 Cap (L x D) 74 x 12 71.7 x 9.1 61.5 x 6 56.4 x 5.8
Table 4.40: Scales of Reeds in Imperial (See Chapter Four)
362
Appendix 4c: Tables of Case Study 2 (Chapter Four)
St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin (White 1870)
All measurements are in millimetres (mm) unless noted otherwise.
Table 4.41: St Andrew’s: Great Double Open Diapason 16’
C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 36 21 Mouth Width 27.4 16 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 ¼ Cut-up 9 (8.4) (9.1) 5.5 (3.6 / 4.6) Languid (↕) 2 1.8 Nicking (↔) 1 0.9 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.6 0.6 Flue 1 0.7
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 28/23 x 6.5 n/a Ears (↕) below Languid 6 n/a Foot Length 181 165 Tip 4.7 3.1
Table 4.42: St Andrew’s: Great Open Diapason 8’
C1 C13 B24 C25 Diameter (Ø) 140 75 50 48.2 Mouth Width 105 57 38 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 1/4 1/4 Cut-up 34 18.1 (16) 12.5 Languid (↕) 8 5 3 Nicking (↔) 3 1.7 1.5 Pipe Wall Thickness 1.5 1 0.9 Flue 1.5 0.7 1.1
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 105/66 x 27 57/38 x 12 38/28 x 7 Ears (↕) below Languid 25 14 10 Ear Width 3 2.1 1.7 Foot Length 370 240 200 Tip 9 6.8
Table 4.43: St Andrew’s: Great Principal 4’
C1 C13 C25 C49 Diameter (Ø) 72 40 23 8.5
363
Mouth Width 55 29.5 17.4 6.6 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 2/9-1/4 1/4 1/4 Cut-up 16 (14) 9.4 (7) 5.1 (4) 2.1 (1.7) Languid (↕) 5 3 1.5 1.2 Nicking (↔) 1.6 (1.8 lip) 1.2 (1.1 lip) 1.6 (1.6 lip) 0.6 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.9 1 0.8 0.5 Flue 1.2 1.1 0.7 0.5
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 55/40 x 11 30/22 x 5 n/a n/a Ears (↕) below Languid 12 8 n/a n/a Ear Width 2.2 1.6 n/a n/a Foot Length 232 199 154 154 Tip 7.8 5.3 3.1 1.5
Table 4.44.: St Andrew’s: Great Twelfth 2⅔’ = ex-Choir Dulciana Pipes
C1 C13 Diameter (Ø) 32.3 19.2 Mouth Width 19.6 12.2 Mouth : Circumference 1/5 1/5 Cut-up 6.1 3.5 Languid (↕) 2 2 Nicking (↔) 0.8 0.8 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.8 0.7 Flue 0.8 0.4
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 22/17.7 18/10 x 5 (possibly new) Ears (↕) below Languid 6 4 Ear Width 0.8 0.8 Foot Length 200 175 Tip 3.1 2.1
Table 4.45: St Andrew’s: Great Fifteenth 2’
C1 B12 C13 C25 C37 Diameter (Ø) 40 24 22.8 13.5 8.7 Mouth Width 29.5 18.3 18 10 6.8 Mouth : Circumference 2/9-1/4 1/4 1/4 2/9-1/4 1/4 Cut up 8.9 (6.5) 5.6 (4.6) 5.4 (3.7) 3.1 (2.5) 2.3 (1.5) Languid (↕) 3.5 1.7 1.8 1.4 1.2 Nicking (↔) 1.1 1.3/1 (lip) 1.3/1 (lip) 0.9/0.8 (lip) 0.6 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.8 0.8 1 0.6 0.6 Flue 0.9 0.7 0.8 0.7 0.5
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 30/21 x 5 20/14 x 3 n/a n/a n/a Ears (↕) below Languid 7.5 5 n/a n/a n/a Ear Width 1.8 1 n/a n/a n/a
364
Foot Length 198 173.5 162.5 150 154 Tip 5 3.7 3.8 2.2 1.9
Table 4.46: St Andrew’s: Swell Open Diapason 8’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 125 73 43.5 25.5 15.5 Mouth Width 95 55.5 33 19.9 12.2 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 1/4 1/4 1/4 1/4 Cut-up 27 16.4 (13.6) 10 6.3 (4.3) 4 (3.2) Languid (↕) 5 4 2.2 1.7 1.3 Nicking (↔) 1.8 (1.8) 2.1 (2.1 lip) 1.5 (1.5 lip) 1.3 0.7 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.9 0.8 0.7 0.6 Flue 1.5 1.2 0.9 0.7 0.5
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 90/70 x 18 55/45 x 11 34/27 x 7 n/a n/a Ear (↕) below Languid 14 10 7 n/a n/a Ear Width 2 1.5 1.2 n/a n/a Foot Length --- 228 192.5 170 162.5 Tip --- 8 5.3 3.9 2.7
Table 4.47: St Andrew’s: Swell Principal 4ft Wind pressure 3 ⅝ inches
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 70 41 24.4 14.5 8.5 Mouth Width 52.7 32 19.3 11.8 7 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 1/4 1/4 1/4 1/4 Cut-up 15.4 (13.3) 9.5 6 (4) 3.7 (2.6) 2.1 (1.9) Languid Height 3.5 2 1.5 c.1.3 1 Nicking (↔) 2 (2) 1.4 (1.4) 0.8 0.6 0.5 Pipe Wall Thickness 0.9 0.7 0.6 0.5 0.5 Flue 1.1 0.7 0.7 0.6 0.4
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) 51/43 x 10 31/26 x 7 n/a n/a n/a Ear (↕) below Languid 10 5 n/a n/a n/a Ear Width 1.4 1.2 n/a n/a n/a Foot Length 225 189 170 162 151 Tip 9.3 5.8 3.6 2.4 1.9
Table 4.48: St Andrew’s: Great Mixture III; Swell Mixture III
C13II C13III C1 I C1II Diameter (Ø) 17 14.3 30 27 Mouth Width 13.1 11 23.5 21.3 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 1/4 1/4 1/4 Cut-up 4.1 3.5 (old 6.2) 7 5.9 (5.5) Languid (↕) 1.3 1.5 1.5 1.3
365
Nicking (↔) 0.7 (0.7) 0.7 1.1 (1.1) 1.1 (1.1) Pipe Wall Thickness 0.7 0.6 0.7 0.6 Flue 0.8 0.7 0.9 0.8
Ears (↕/↕ x ↔) n/a n/a 24/18.5 x 4.5 22.3/18.5 x 4 Ear (↕) below Languid n/a n/a 4.5 4 Ear Width n/a n/a 0.9 1 Foot Length 156 154 175 171 Tip 2.9 2.5 4.3 3.8
Table 4.49: St Andrew’s: Swell Salicional 8’ Slots end at B12 , Ears end at B36
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 90 51.5 30.5 18.2 12.6 (ext) Mouth Width 70 39.3 23.8 14.1 8.7 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 1/4 1/4 1/4 1/4 Cut-up 18.5 11.5 8 4.6 3.2 Languid (↕) 7 3.5 2.5 1.8 1.8 Nicking (↔) 2.3 2.7 1.6 0.9 0.8 Pipe-wall Thickness 0.9 0.8 0.5 0.5 Flue 1 1.2 0.7 0.6 0.5
Ears (↕ x ↔) 65 x 32 38.5 x 20 23 x 12 n/a n/a Ears (↕) below languid 4.5 2 2 n/a n/a Ear Wall 0.5 0.4 0.4 n/a n/a Foot Length n/a 219 203 192 192 Tip n/a 4.7 3.6 2.3 2.2 Tuning Slot n/a 65 x 14 40 x 9 22 x 9.6 n/a Distance to Slot (↓) n/a 54 31 18 n/a
Table 4.50: St Andrew’s: Choir Viol da Gamba 8’
Flue C#2 C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 68 90 (Dul) 50 30 18.6 11.5 Mouth Width 51.5 65 39.8 25.2 14.5 8.5 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 2/9 1/4 1/4-2/7 1/4 2/9-1/4 Cut-up 15 19 12.2 7.1 (8.2) 4.8 2.8 Languid (↕) 5 7.5 3.5 2.5 1.5 1.2 Nicking (↔) 3.4 3.9 2.7 1.9 1.5 1.2 Pipe-wall Thickness 0.9 1.5 0.8 0.8 0.6 0.5 Flue 1.1 1 0.8 0.5 0.4 0.5
Ears (↕ x ↔) 54.5 x 22 55 x 20 41 x 19 24.3 x 10 17.5 x 8.2 Ears (↕) below languid 5 --- 4 4 3 none Foot Length 218 312 218 198 198 192 Tip 6.5 7.7 5.3 3.8 2.6 2.1 Tuning Slot 18.5 x 90 20 x 8 14 x 52 9 5.6 none Distance to Slot (↓) 70 --- 51.8/52 32 20.2 none
366
Table 4.51: St Andrew’s: Great Flute Harmonique 8’
C13 C25 C#26 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 76 62 63 50 31 Mouth Width 56 44.9 45.3 35.3 22.1 Mouth : Circumference 2/9 2/9 2/9 2/9 2/9 Cut-up 15.9 12.3 12.7 10.1 6.4 Languid (↕) 5 4 4.2 3.5 2.7 Nicking (↔) 3 3.5 3.5 2.7 2.5 Pipe-wall Thickness 0.8 0.9 0.8 0.7 0.6 Flue 0.8 1.1 0.8 0.8 0.7
Ears (↕ x ↔) 56/42 x 35 47 x 23 47 x 28 36 x 25 23 x 14 Ears (↕) below languid 15 11 13 10 8 Foot Length 239 209 211 198 180.5 Tip 6.9 7 6.5 6.1 4.7 Tuning Slot 77 x 19 60 x 16 80 x 18 40 x 14 20 x 11.5 Distance to Slot (↓) 63 57 65 50 31 Harmonic Hole from languid n/a n/a n/a 337 168.5 Harm Hole Diameter Ø n/a n/a n/a 1.7 1/2 Speaking Length n/a n/a n/a 609 293
Table 4.52: St Andrew’s: Great Flute Harmonique 4’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 73 52 38.5 25 16 Mouth Width 52.5 37.9 27.9 17.5 10.9 Mouth : Circumference 2/9 2/9 2/9 2/9 2/9 Cut-up 15.3 10.9 10.7 6.4 3.6 Languid (↕) 5 3.5 2.9 2 1.3 Nicking (↔) 2.2 1.5 1.2 1.1 1 Pipe-wall Thickness 0.9 0.8 0.8 0.6 0.6 Flue 1.1 0.9 0.6 0.5 0.4
Ears (↕ x ↔) 54 x 35 40 x 26 30 x 19 n/a n/a Ears (↕) below languid 13 9 8 n/a n/a Foot Length 238 208 190 172.5 166 Tip 6.8 6.1 5 4 2.8 Harmonic Hole from languid n/a n/a 298 147.5 73.5 Harm Hole Diameter Ø n/a n/a 1.6 1.2 1.8 Speaking Length n/a n/a 595 289 140
Table 4.53: St Andrew’s: Swell Flute Harmonique 8’ Harm from G32 Ears end at B48
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 125 73 56 39 26.5 Mouth Width 98 58 43.6 31.1 21.4 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 1/4 1/4 1/4 1/4 Cut-up 28 15.3 12 10.8 7.3
367
Languid (↕) --- 5 3.5 2.8 2 Nicking (↔) 2.2 2.1 1.7 1.3 1.2 Pipe-wall Thickness --- 0.8 0.7 0.8 0.7 Flue 1.8 0.9 1 0.8 0.6
Ears (↕ x ↔) 92 x 40 58 x 27 42 x 20 30 x 15 n/a Ears (↕) below languid 8 5 4 4 n/a Ear Wall 0.5 0.4 0.5 0.6 n/a Foot Length --- 224 216.5 211 196 Tip --- 7.4 5.9 5.2 4.5 Harmonic Hole from languid n/a n/a n/a 286.5 140 Harm Hole Diameter Ø n/a n/a n/a 3.2 2.1 Speaking Length n/a n/a n/a 592 285
Table 4.54: St Andrew’s: Choir Gedeckt (Bourdon) 8’
C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 44 28 17.4 Mouth Width 35.4 22.2 15 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 1/4 1/4-2/7 Cut-up 13.5 8.6 5.2 Languid (↕) 2.8 2.3 2 Nicking (↔) 1.5 1.1 1 Pipe-wall Thickness 0.8 - 1 0.9 0.8 Chimney (Ø) 13 10.4 6.4 Chimney Height 126 71 29 Chimney Wall 0.8 0.6 0.6 Canister (↕) 50 30 21 Canister tuned Length (↑) 295.5 138 65 Op. Speaking Length 284 137 61.5 Flue 0.7 0.5 0.4
Ears (↕ x ↔) 35 x 20 24 x 13.5 15 x 9 Ears (↕) below languid 4 3 2 Foot Length 220 200 198 Tip 5.4 4.2 3.1
Table 4.55: St Andrew’s: Choir Flute Octaviante 4’
C1 C13 C25 C37 Diameter (Ø) 67 51 36.6 24 Mouth Width 51.7 39.8 28.6 18.7 Mouth : Circumference 1/4 1/4 1/4 1/4 Cut-up 14.5 11.1 10.9 6.3 Languid (↕) 5 4 3 2 Nicking (↔) 2 1.5 1.3 1.2
368
Pipe-wall Thickness 0.8 0.7 0.7 0.6 Flue 0.9 0.8 0.6 0.5
Ears (↕ x ↔) 50 x 23 38 x 12 29.5 x 16 n/a Ears (↕) below languid 5 5 4 n/a Foot Length 218 218 207 198 Tip 6 5.2 5.5 4.3 Harmonic Hole from languid n/a n/a 296 140 Harm Hole Diameter Ø n/a n/a 2.2 1.8 Speaking Length n/a n/a 602 295
Table 4.56: St Andrew’s: Great Bourdon 8’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Internal Scale (W x D) 80 x 106 47.5 x 62 28.3 x 36.5 17.5 x 21.5 10.4 x 13.7 External Scale (W x D) 105 x 127 70 x 83 45 x 52.2 30.1 x 35 23.3. x 25.6 Cut-up 47 28.7 15 9.2 5.2 Set-down 2 0.9 0.6 0.5 0.4 Sunken Block (↓) n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a Nicking (↔) 3.5 2.3 2 1.3 1 Up. lip (C-out) (↕ x ↔) 92 75 42 x 42.5 29 x 28 24 x 21 Flue 1.4 1.2 1 1 0.8 Cap (L x D) 87 x 15 75 x 10 53 x 8 53 x 5.5 52 x 5 Pipe Length 1301 692 373 215 139 Op. Speaking Length 1213 615 320 162 87 Stopper bored (Ø) n/a n/a 5 3 2.5 St. out of pipe (↑) 75 53 27 27 28 St. Length 110 90 62 50 52 St. Top (↕) 23 28 18 13.5 13 St. bottom (↕) 3/13/25 13 10 6 6 Foot Length 152 153 152 152 149 Foot Diameter (ext.) 42.3 29.2 21.9 17.5 14 Foot Bore\Tip (Ø) 25 15.5 11.6 7.5 5.3 Block pin 65 55 24 22 19
Table 4.54a.: St Andrew’s: Choir Gedeckt 8’
C1 C13 Internal Scale (W x D) 68 x 88.5 41.2 x 53.7 External Scale (W x D) 91 x 111 62.5 x 74 Cut-up 45 26.8 Set-down from Block 1.5 1.4 Sunken Block (↓) n/a n/a Nicking (↔) 3.8 2.7 Upper lip (Cut out) 92.5 64 Cap (L x D) 85 x 15 74 x 12 Pipe Length 1340 698 Op. Speaking Length 1255 622.5
369
Stopper bored (Ø) n/a n/a St. out of pipe (↑) 68 53 St. Length 115 83 St. Top (↕) 23 28 St. bottom (↕) 25/12 24 Flue 2 1.2 Foot Length 151 153.5 Foot Diameter (ext.) 38.5 29.5 Foot Bore\Tip (Ø) 22.5 15 Block pin 60 45
Table 4.57: St Andrew’s: Choir Piccolo 2’
C1 C#14 C25 C37 C49 Internal Scale (W x D) 27.9 x 34 16.2 x 20.4 11.9 x 15.7 7.5 x 11.3 4.8 x 7.6 External Scale (W x D) 44.7 x 50.8 29 x 33.3 22.8 x 26.9 16 x 19.8 13.9 x 15.8 Cut-up 9.1 5.4 3.5 2.5 1.8 Set-down from Block 1.6 1.5 1.1 1.2 1.3 Sunken Block (↓) n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a Nicking (↔) 1.7/1.3 cap 1.2/1 cap 1.1/0.7 cap 0.9 none Upper lip (Cut out) 27.4 x 35.8 16.3 x 22.7 11.7 x 19 7.5 x 13.6 5.1/4.9 x 11.2 Cap (L x D) 50 x 10 50 x 7.5 50 x 7 50 x 6 50 x 6 Pipe Length 344 190.5 121 86 75 Op. Speaking Length 295 141 70 36 24 Stopper bored (Ø) 7.5 6.5 3.3 none n/a St. out of pipe (↑) 36 38 22 23 n/a St. Length 64 54.5 40.8 39.5 n/a St. Top (↕) 19 16 n/a n/a n/a St. bottom (↕) 17 16 n/a n/a n/a Flue 1 0.7 0.7 0.4 0.4 Foot Length 151 151 151 151 151 Foot Diameter (ext.) 22.7 17.7 14 10.4 10 Foot Bore\Tip (Ø) 11 7.6 5.3 3.7 3.8 Block pin 30 27 20 none none
Table 4.58.: St Andrew’s: Great Trompette 8’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 124 96 80 61 46.5(cut) Length 2375 1180 602 298 150 Wall 1 0.8 - 1 0.7 0.6 - 0.8 0.65 Shallot Open. 6.6 4.2 3.3 3 2 Sh. Face (↔) 9 6.4 5 4.6 3.5 Sh. Length 120 84.2 58.7 43.6 34
370
Sh. Int Ø 10.9 8.2 6 5.3 4 Sh. end (↕) 11 9 6.6 5.4 4.5 Sh. Wall 1 1 0.7 0.6 0.6 Tongue 0.55 0.4 0.3 0.22 0.14 Block (↔) 46.5/38.1/36.2 32.4 27.4 24.7 20.4 Shoulder (↔) 35/33.6 23.8/20.2 19.6/15.6 18.2/14.9 15/12 Bl. / (+Sh.) (↕) 28/41 29.3/37.9 25/30 21.5/27.1 18/22.5 Spring → ) 5 4.5 3.8 4 3 Tongue → ) 17 12.5 11.8 10 8.9 Shoulder → ) 22 16 14 12 9.5 Shallot → Sh. 82 54 23.5 19 12 Socket/body 527/1816 n/a n/a n/a n/a
Length to Bl2 n/a 1007 463 188 n/a
Bl2 (↕) n/a 27.8 23.2 21 n/a
Bl2 (↔) n/a 38/34 31.4/29.3 28.5/26.7 n/a Boot Length 217 257 223 212 205 Tip 9.5 8.5 7.4 7.5 6.6
Table 4.59.: St Andrew’s: Gt Clarion 4’
C1 C13 C25 C37 Diameter (Ø) 98 80 62 49 (cut) Length/ (res.) 1178 598 300 154 Wall 0.8 0.7 0.8 0.7 Shallot Open. 5.3 3.2 2.9 2.5/2 Sh. Face (↔) 7.3 5 4.8 3.7 Sh. Length 84.5 58.2 44 31.1 Sh. Int Ø 8.2 6.2 5.2 4.1 Sh. end (↕) 8.6 6.8 5.4 4.5 Sh. Wall 0.9 0.8 0.6 0.6 Tongue 0.4 0.3 0.17 0.1 Block (↔) 31.9 26.8 24.6 21.5 Shoulder (↔) 25.3/ 20 20/16.8 18.5/14.5 15/12 Bl. / (+Sh.) (↕) 30/36.6 25/31 20/26.5 20/25 (5) Spring → ) 4.6 4 3.6 3.3 Tongue → ) 12 11 10 9.3 Shoulder → ) 15.4 13.3 12.5 10.3 Shallot → Sh. 55 33 20 13
Length to Bl2 996 455 189.5 n/a
Bl2 (↕) 27.5 23 13 n/a
Bl2 (↔) 38/34 31.4/29.3 28.5/26.7 n/a Boot Length 247.5 225 207 207 Tip 8.6 8.3 6.5 8.5
371
Table 4.60: St Andrew’s: Swell Trompette Harmonique 8’
C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 90 90 70 Length/ (res.) 605/540 592/542 296/261 Wall 0.8 0.8 0.8 Shallot Open. 4 3.4 2.8 Sh. Face (↔) 6 5 4 Sh. Length 60 42.6 29 Sh. Int Ø 7.6 6.5 5 Sh. end (↕) 6.2 5.3 4.1 Sh. Wall 0.8 0.8 0.5 Tongue 0.26 0.22 0.13 Block (↔) 27.1 24.3 20.4 Shoulder (↔) 20.1/15.8 18/14.3 15.3/12.5 Bl. / (+Sh.) (↕) 25/28 21.3/27 17.3/22.5 Spring → ) 5 4 3 Tongue → ) 12 11 9 Shoulder → ) 14 13 10.5 Shallot → Sh. 34.2 22.3 12.5
Length to Bl2 469 464 n/a
Bl2 (↕) 23 22 n/a Boot Length 225 212 202 Tip 8 7.3 6.8
Table 4.61: St Andrew’s: Swell Clarion 4’
C1 C13 C25 C37 Diameter (Ø) 69 54 46 (cut) 39.5 (cut?) Length/ (res.) 1153/1073.5 571 291 143 Wall 0.8 0.7 0.7 0.7 Shallot Open. 5.5 x 23.5 4.3 x 16 3.8 x 13 3.3 x 10 Sh. Face (↔) 7/1.5 7/1.5 5/1.5 4.5/1 Sh. Length 64.3 47.6 34.3 28.8 Sh. Int Ø / ext. (↔) 6.7/12.2 5/9.2 4/7.5 3.3/6.8 Sh. end (↕) 8.5/11.1 6.6/8.2 5.7/6.5 4.8/5.7 Sh. Wall 0.9 0.8 0.9 0.8 Sh. Cap 1 1 0.9 0.9 Tongue 0.33 0.22 0.14 0.09 Block (↔) 34.7/31.7/30.7 27.6/24.1/22 27.6/24.2/22.3 24.3/22.3/21.8 Shoulder (↔) 27/24.4 20.4/19.2 20.9/19.7 18.7/16.8 Bl. / (+Sh.) (↕) 21.9/33.1 17.4/25.9 17.6/24.9 14.3/20.2 Spring → ) 5 4 4 4 Tongue → ) 18 13 13.5 13.5
372
Shoulder → ) 21.5 16 15.5 15 Shallot → Sh. 41.5 28.5 19 9 Socket 87 n/a n/a n/a (-Taper)/Boot L 131/174 153 152 153.5 Tip 8.7 6.8 6.9 6.5
Table 4.62: St Andrew’s: Swell Hautbois 8’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter/ext 63 52 52/20 39/14.3 26/11.3 Res↓/↑ 1465/700 n/a n/a n/a n/a Length/ bell 2165 1096 571/136 278/8 130/40 Wall 0.8 0.9 1 0.8 0.7 Shallot Open. 8.2/3.6x51.9 6.2/2.8x32.3 4 3.2 2.8 Sh. Face (↔) 9/12 8/9 5.5 4.5 4 Sh. Length 123 74.6 62.8 45.5 32 Sh. Ø/end(↔) 11/16.5 8.6/13 5.8 4.5 3.8 Sh. end (↕) 11.8/13.8 8.7/10.5 5.8 5 4.1 Sh. Wall/face 1.1/2.1 1/1.6 0.8 0.8 0.6 Shallot Cap 2 2 n/a n/a n/a Tongue 0.4 0.33 0.26 0.18 0.1 Block (↔) 45.7/38.3/36.5 32.2 25.7 23.5 20.7 Shoulder (↔) 35.5/34.4 24.5/20 19/15.5 17.2/12.6 15/12.6 Bl./ (+Sh.) (↕) 32.7/45.6 30/38 22.7/28 21/26.3 17.8/22.5 Spring → ) 5.5 4.5 5 4.5 4 Tongue → ) 15.5 11 11 10 9.5 Shoulder → ) 22.5 15 13.4 12.5 10.5 Shallot → Sh. 83 44 33 20 15 Socket (↕) 1556 n/a n/a n/a n/a
Length to Bl2 n/a 925 435 173 47
Bl2 (↕) n/a 28 21 18.4 17. 3
Bl2 (↔) n/a 37.9/33.3 30/27.7 25.3/23.6 23.7/21.3 Boot Length 220 256 216 207 204 Tip 9.7 8.8 6.5 6 5
Table 4.63: St Andrew’s: Sw Vox Humana 8’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 37.5 31.5 27.5 25 24 Length/ 362/181 266/133.5 200/99.5 155/72 107/35 Cap Length 42 34 31.5 30 24 Wall 1 0.9 0.9 0.8 0.7
373
Shallot Open. 7 4.8 4.3 3.2 2.9 Sh. Face (↔) 9 7 5.7 4.6 4 Sh. Length 125 86 62.7 45.8 32.3 Sh. Int Ø 9.5 6.7 5.7 4.6 3.9 Sh. end (↕) 9.2 6.8 5.7 5.1 4 Sh. Wall 1.1 1 0.6 0.7 0.6 Tongue 0.4 0.33 0.24 0.16 0.12 Block (↔) 43.2/36.5/34.4 34.8/28.9/27.6 31.6/26/24.7 28.5/22.6/21.3 25.6/19.9/18.9 Shoulder (↔) 33.6/31.8 26.4/25.3 23.7/23.2 20.5/19.6 17.9/17.3 Bl. / (+Sh.) (↕) 31/43.3 26.3/36.3 22.9/32 22/30 19.5/26.8 Spring → ) 6 4.5 4 4 3.5 Tongue → ) 18 14 12 11 10 Shoulder → ) 21.5 17 15 13 12 Shallot → Sh. 80 48.5 30 15 10 Boot L 220 209 253 (cut) 197 (cut) 197 Tip hole 9.5 7.3 6.7 6.1 5.8
Table 4.64: St Andrew’s: Choir Clarinet 8’
C1 C13 C25 C37 C49 Diameter (Ø) 38.3 30.3 25 22.2 21.3 Length/ (res.) 1436/1339 760/682 396/333.5 208/163 109/74 Cap Length 123 611 285 122.5 36 Wall 1 0.9 1 1 0.7 Shallot Open. 6.1/25.5 4.6 x 22.5 3.6 x 16.6 2.9 x 2.1 2.7 x 11 Sh. Face (↔) 8 x 101 6 x 70.2 4.8 x 48.6 4 x 34.6 4 x 26 Sh. Length 101/82cut 70.2/55 48.6/37.5 34.6/27 26/19.5 Sh. Int Ø / ext. (↔) 9/15.8 7.6/12.8 6/9.1 5/7.4 4.2/6.5 Sh. end (↕) 10.8/14.6 9.1/11.1 7.4/8.4 6.4/6.8 5.4/5.6 Sh. Wall 1 0.7 0.7 0.7 0.6 Sh. Cap 1.2 1.2 0.8 0.8 0.8 Tongue 0.4 0.35 0.22 0.14 0.09 Block (↔) 45.8/41/39 35.5/31.5/29.8 31.5/28.6/27 29/25.4/24 27.3/23.4/22.7 Shoulder (↔) 34.2/32 24.7/23.7 22.7/21.8 20.7/19.7 18.3/16.9 Bl. / (+Sh.) (↕) 25/39 18.4/28.5 17.5/24.6 14.5/22.3 13.5/20 Spring → ) 5 4 3.7 3 4 Tongue → ) 20 15.5 16 13.5 13.5 Shoulder → ) 28 21.3 19.5 17.6 16.4 Boot L/ Taper 198/6 173.5 163 156 152 Tip hoe 8.8 6.6 6 6 5.1 Boot Res 87.5 x 30
374
Appendix 4d: Graph 4.24a
Graph 4.24a: Bride St: Great Twelfth scale compared to the Freiburg Normal Scale (NM)
2⅔' 1⅓' ⅔' ⅓' /6' NM0
-2
-4 Gt: Twelfth 2⅔' -6
-8
-10
-12
375
Sources
Manuscript
St Andrew’s, Westland Row, Dublin 2, Marriage Register.
Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin 9, Burial Records.
Holmes, John Archive, presented to the author.
Lincoln’s Inn Archive, London, Mr Pittman[’]s scheme for an Organ.
Magahy, Ian Archive, presented to the author.
Ss Michael & John, Dublin Diocesan Archives, Clonliffe College, Dublin 9, Baptismal Register.
Ss Michael & John, Dublin Diocesan Archives, Clonliffe College, Dublin 9, Marriage Register.
Mount Jerome Cemetery, Dublin 6, Burial Records,.
National Archives, Bishop Street, Dublin 8, 1901 and 1911 Census Returns of Ireland.
National Archives, Public Record Office, Kew, England, 1881 Census Returns of England & Wales.
St Nicholas of Myra, Francis Street, Dublin 8, Baptismal Register.
St Nicholas of Myra, Francis Street, Dublin 8, Marriage Register.
Newspapers
Anglo-Celt (1846- ).
Freemans Journal (1763-1924).
Irish Independent (1905- ).
376
The Irish Times (1858- ).
The Nation (1842-1897).
Nenagh Guardian (1838-2011).
Tuam Herald (1837-2000).
Annuals
The Irish Catholic Directory (Dublin, 1836-1920).
The Dublin Almanac and General Register of Ireland (Dublin: Pettigrew and Oulton, 1834- 1847).
Wilson's Dublin Directories (Dublin: Folds, 1751-1753; 1761-1837).
Thom's Irish Almanac and Official Directories (Dublin, 1844- ).
City of Cork Directory (Liverpool: Fulton & Co., 1871)
Guy’s Almanac, Business Directory of Cork City & County (Cork: Guy 1875-1913).
Periodicals
The Dublin Builder (Dublin: Peter Roe, 1859-1866).
The Irish Builder (Dublin: Peter Roe, 1867-1903).
Lyra Ecclessiastica , monthly bulletin of the Irish Society of St. Cecilia and official gazette of the Dublin Diocesan Commission for Ecclesiastical music, (Dublin: Pohlmann & Co., 1878-93).
377
Select Bibliography and Articles
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Unpublished Theses
Frostick, D., A Study of the Development of English Reeds and Voicing Styles in the Nineteenth Century with Specific Reference to the Work of Gray & Davison, William Hill & Son and Henry Willis & Sons Ltd, Vols. 1 & 2, PhD Thesis (University of Reading, 2005).
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Grindle, W. H., Irish Cathedral Music, PhD Thesis (University of Dublin, Trinity College, 1985).
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Matthews, R., George Maydwell Holdich, Organ-Builder of London (1816-1896): Background, Life and Work, Vol. 1, PhD Thesis (Reading University, 2004).
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McSweeney, P., The Organ and Harpsichord in Ireland before 1870, MA Thesis (University College Cork, 1979).
Annuals
Archivum Hibernicum (Dublin: Catholic Historical Society, 1912- ).
Journal of the British Institute of Organ Studies (Oxford: Positif Press, 1977- ).
The Organbuilder (Oxford: Positif Press, 1983-2000).
Organ Building: Journal of the Institute of British Organ Building (Suffolk, 2001- ).
The Organ Yearbook (Amsterdam: Frits Knuf, Regensburg: Laaber,1970- ).
Journal of the Royal College of Organists, New Series (London: RCO, 2007- ).
Periodicals
British Institute of Organ Studies Reporter (Oxford, 1976- ).
The Builder (London: Publishing Office, 1843- 1966).
Dublin Historical Record (Old Dublin Society, 1938- ).
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The Ecclesiologist, Journal of the: Cambridge Camden Society (1841-5); Ecclesiological Society (1846-68).
La Flûte Harmonique (Paris: Association Aristide Cavaillé-Coll, 1976- ).
Hermathena (University of Dublin, 1874- ).
Irish Ecclesiastic Record (Dublin: Browne & Nolan, 1865-1922).
Jubilus Review, Quaterly Publication (Jubilus Trust, Lurgan, 1984-87).
The Musical Times (London, 1844 - ).
Organists Review (Bromyard, 1919- ).
The Organ (London, 1921- ).
Journal of the Royal Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland (Dublin: RSAI, 1879- ).
The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland (Dublin, 1849- ).
Internet Sources
www. bios.org.uk: Britisih Institute of Organ Studies; the National Pipe Organ Register. www.music.ucc.ie/jsmi: Journal of the Society for Musicology in Ireland (2005- ). www.pipeorganpage.ie: Irish Pipe Organs. www.singletonsdiary.wordpress.com: Singleton Diary.
Monographs, Brochures, Reports, and Notes
Brislane, B. A., St Mary’s Cathedral, Limerick-The Organ, Monograph (Limerick: McKerns, 1971).
Callender, M. E., Newry Cathedral and the Telford Organ, Monograph (Unpublished, c.1980).
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Casson, T., Reform in Organ Building, Lecture (London: Reeves, 1888; R/Portsmouth: Bardon Enterprises, 1998).
Dublin International Organ (& Choral) Festival, Brochure (Dublin, 1980- ).
Holmes, J, History of the organ in Ireland, Notes (Unpublished, 1993).
Holmes, J, The organ in Ireland, Monograph (Unpublished, 1993).
McVicker, W., Dr Steevens’ Hospital, Dublin: A Preliminary Report on the Organ, Report (Unpublished, 2008).
The Organ Club: Ireland Tour 2005, Brochure (2005).
The Rock of Cashel Guide, undated Monograph (Office of Public Works, c.1995).
Watson, E., An Enduring Presence: An overview of the history of St Andrew’s Church from its origins to the present, Monograph (Dublin, 2007).
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