PIER Working Paper 19-009

The Ronald O. Perelman Center for Political Science and Economics (PCPSE) 133 South 36th Street Philadelphia, PA 19104-6297 [email protected] http://economics.sas.upenn.edu/pier PIER Working Paper 19-009 Factions, Local Accountability, and Long- Term Development: Theory and Evidence HANMING FANG LINKE HOU MINGXING LIU University of Pennsylvania Shandong University Peking University & NBER LIXIN COLIN XU PENGFEI ZHANG World Bank Peking University May 29, 2019 https://ssrn.com/abstract=3399023 Factions, Local Accountability, and Long-Term Development: Theory and Evidence∗ Hanming Fang Linke Hou Mingxing Liu University of Pennsylvania & NBER Shandong University Peking University Lixin Colin Xu Pengfei Zhang World Bank Peking University May 29, 2019 ∗We would like to thank Laura Baily, Loren Brandt, Shuo Chen, Angus Deaton, Melissa Dell, Yue Hou, Ruixue Jia, Asim Khwaja, Michael Kremer, Aaditya Mattoo, Michael Zheng Song, Wuyue You, Qi Zhang and seminar/conference participants in Princeton, the Second IMF/Atlanta Fed Conference on Chinese Economy (2017), Penn-UCSD Conference on “Chinese Institutions and Economic Performance” (2018), Fudan Conference on Chinese Political Economy (2018), and World Bank Policy Research Talk for helpful discussions and suggestions. We thank Shuo Chen and Bingjing Li for sharing their data. We gratefully acknowledge the financial support from Penn China Research Engagement Fund (CREF), and from DFID through its World Bank Strategic Research Program. Part of the research was conducted when Fang was visiting the Department of Economics at Princeton University. We are responsible for all remaining errors. The views of this paper reflect the authors’ own and do not implicate the World Bank or the countries it represents. Abstract We develop a theoretical model of how factional affiliation and local accountability can shape the policy choices of local officials who are concerned about political survivals, and subsequently affect the long-term local development. We provide empirical evidence in support of the theoretical predictions using county-level variations in development performance in Fujian Province in China. When the Communist armies took over Fujian Province from the Nationalist control circa 1949, communist cadres from two different army factions were assigned as county leaders. For decades the Fujian Provincial Standing Committee of the Communist Party was dominated by members from one particular faction, which we refer to as the strong faction. Counties also differed in terms of whether a local guerrilla presence had existed prior to the Communist takeover. We argue that county leaders from the strong faction were less likely to pursue policies friendly to local development because their political survival more heavily relied on their loyalty to the provincial leader than on the grassroots support from local residents. By contrast, the political survival of county leaders from the weak faction largely depended on local grassroots support, which they could best secure if they focused on local development. In addition, a guerrilla presence in a county further improved development performance either by intensifying the local accountability of the county leader, or by better facilitating the provision of local public goods beneficial to development. We find consistent and robust evidence supporting these assumptions. Being affiliated with weak factions and having local accountability are both associated with sizable long-term benefits that are evident in terms of a county’s growth and level of private-sector development, its citizens’ education levels, and their survival rates during the Great Chinese Famine. We also find that being affiliated with the strong faction and adopting pro-local policies are associated with higher likelihood of a local leader’s political survival. Keywords: Local Accountability; Factional Politics; Political Survival; Development Performance; Famine JEL Classification Numbers: O1, O43, H70, D72 1 Introduction There is a large literature on the causes of the cross-country differences in economic growth rates, emphasizing the roles of institutions (North, 2005), human capital and capital market imperfection (Lucas, 1990), culture (Barro, 1991; Barro and Lee 1994), among others. A recent and influential literature investigates the long-run impact of history on a nation’s economic performance through its effect on the institutional development (La Porta et a.l 1998a, 1998b; Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson, 2001, 2002). La Porta et al. (1998a, 1998b) argue that history might impact current economic performance via the legal system. They show that, generally, legal protection of investors is strongest in common-law countries, weakest in French civil-law countries, and in a middle range in German and Scandinavian countries. For many developing countries, their colonial past influenced the legal system they adopted, and this history continues to cast a long shadow on current economic performance. Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson (2001, 2002) show that mortality rates among early European settlers in a colony strongly predict whether the colony ends up with “inclusive” institutions that protect property rights and share prosperity, both of which, in turn, affect whether the country prospers today.1; 2 Most of the existing literature, however, does not explain the vast differences in economic performance across smaller geographical units within the same country or within the same region.3 Banerjee and Iyer (2005) focus on the effect of a specific historical institution in India: the system for collecting land revenue. They show that the present-day economic performance of different districts of India is very much related to the land revenue systems imposed by the British colonial rulers. They find that districts where the collection of land revenues from the cultivators was assigned to the landlords have significantly worse economic performance, as measured by agricultural investments, yields, and various measures of public investments and outcomes, than districts where this type of intermediation was avoided. Acemoglu, Reed and Robinson (2014) examine the long-term consequences of political competition at the level of chiefdoms in Sierra Leone. The chiefs must come from an exogenously given number of ruling families designated by the original British colonial authority. A large number of designated ruling families thus results in stronger political competition at the chiefdom level. The authors find that such competition leads to better indicators of development, but worse social capital. In addition, Dell et al. (2018) examine the long-run impact of the historical state conditions in Vietnam. The authors compare Northern Vietnam (Dai Viet), where, historically, the village was the fundamental administrative unit, to Southern Vietnam, where the historical statecraft relied on more informal, personalized power relations rather than village intermediation. Using a regression discontinuity design, they show that areas exposed to Dai Viet administrative institutions for a longer period prior to French colonization have experienced better economic outcomes over the past 150 years. They argue that the mechanism that underpins better performance in Dai Viet 1Engerman and Sokoloff (1997, 2000) argue that the fact that Europeans considered Brazil, but not the colonies of North America, to be suitable for growing sugar contributed to the much larger slave population in Brazil, and led to a much more hierarchical society in Brazil than in the United States. This caused a divergence in the types of institutions that evolved in the two countries, and, in turn, led to a divergence in the growth rates. 2“Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty” (Acemoglu and Robinson, 2012) further develops this important thesis. 3A limited literature has examined these issues. Gennaioli et al. (2013) consider the determinants of regional development using a large dataset of sub-national regions from 110 countries, and focus on geographic, natural resources, institutional, cultural, and human capital determinants of regional development. They find that human capital measured by education is the most consistently important determinant of regional income. 1 is the institutionalized village governance, which led to more local cooperation. Our paper focuses on sub-national growth differences by examining long-term outcomes and potential un- derlying mechanisms within one country: China. We consider the within-provincial differences in a rich array of development outcomes in Fujian Province after the communists took power in 1949. Fujian is a mostly mountainous province on the southeast coast of China, separated from Taiwan by the 180 kilometers-wide Taiwan Strait. It has an area of 120 thousand square kilometers; today it is home to a population of nearly 40 million. When the reform started in 1978, Fujian ranked in the bottom 7 out of the 30 provinces then; in 2017, it ranks in top 6 among all provinces.4 In 2016, its GDP per capita is 11,247 USD (and 21,339 in PPP). Thus, within the Chinese economic growth miracle, Fujian is a superstar performer, having experienced the most complete reversal of fortunes. We investigate, both theoretically and empirically, the role of political factions and local accountability in explaining the huge variations in the development performance across counties in Fujian Province. The set of county-level development outcomes we examine in this paper includes: the economic growth rates

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