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Introduction Notes Introduction 1. See R. D. Markwick (2002), ‘Stalinism at War’, Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History, 3 (3), 509–20; M. David- Fox et al. (2003), eds., The Resistance Debate in Russian and Soviet History, Kritika Historical Studies 1 (Bloomington, Indiana). 2. R. Thurston (1996), Life and Terror in Stalin’s Russia, 1934–1941 (New Haven), Chapter 7. For a critique that suggests passing this ‘acid test’ equals ‘pro-Stalinism’ see R. R. Reese (2007), ‘Motivations to Serve: The Soviet Soldier in the Second World War’, The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, 20 (2), 236–82, esp. 265. More recently, Reese has rightly argued that the mass Red Army surrenders in the first months of the war do not necessarily equate to anti- Stalinism any more than the very willingness to fight on against the odds equalled support for Stalinism. He rightly argues too that there was a multiplicity of reasons, from the political- patriotic to the personal, for soldiers fighting. R. R. Reese (2011), Why Stalin’s Soldiers Fought. The Red Army’s Military Effectiveness in World War II (Lawrence, Kansas), esp. pp. 11–4; 311–2. But in our opinion, posing the question of sustained military resistance in terms of pro or anti- Stalinism misses a fundamental factor: it was the vast socio- economic transformations imposed by Stalin – industrialization, urbanization, education – under the banner of patriotic socialism, that injected a particularly potent, popular, wartime identification with the Motherland and the Soviet state that protected it. 3. A challenge ably taken up in C. Merridale (2005), Ivan’s War: the Red Army, 1939–1945 (London). 4. See in particular, J. Fürst (2000), ‘Heroes, Lovers, Victims: Partisan Girls dur- ing the Great Fatherland War’, Minerva: Quarterly Report on Women and the Military, Fall- Winter, 38–75; R. Pennington (2001), Wings, Women and War: Soviet Airwomen in World War II Combat (Lawrence, Kansas); and A. Krylova (2004), ‘Stalinist Identity from the Viewpoint of Gender: Rearing a Generation of Professionally Violent Women- Fighters in 1930s Stalinist Russia’, Gender & History, 16 (3), 626–53. 5. J. S. Goldstein (2001), War And Gender: How Gender Shapes the War System and Vice Versa (Cambridge). 6. See M. R. Higonnet and P. L.-R. Higonnet (1987), ‘The Double Helix’ in M. R. Higonnet et al., eds., Behind the Lines: Gender and the Two World Wars (New Haven), pp. 34–5. 7. See L. Noakes (2005), ‘War’ in M. Spongberg et al., eds., Companion to Women’s Historical Writing (Houndmills, Basingstoke), pp. 575–84. 8. See A. Krylova (2010), Soviet Women in Combat. A History of Violence on the Eastern Front (New York). Where Krylova’s primarily discursive analysis focuses almost exclusively on the allegedly ‘gender-bending’ significance of elite Soviet women in the Red Army, our concerns are the reality of a much wider range of women’s experiences in a male dominated military resisting a genocidal, lethally misogy- nist, Nazi enemy. See R. D. Markwick, ‘Review of Krylova (2010), Soviet Women in Combat’, The Russian Review, 70 (1), 160–1. 249 250 Notes 9. Throughout this book we use the expression ‘young women’ to translate the original Russian ‘devushki’. However, it should be borne in mind that in the 1930s and 1940s ‘devushki’ were regarded as sexually innocent, even if they were biologically nubile. Socially, a ‘devushka’ only became a woman (‘zhenshchina’), once she was married, i.e. had lost her virginity. Politically, however, 18 was the age at which one became an adult citizen in Soviet society, with all the rights and obligations this entailed, including military service for young men and military nursing for young women. In mobilizing ‘devushki’, the Red Army was recruiting females who, although they were legally adult citizens, were still not regarded as adult women. We are grateful to Olga Kucherenko for clarification of this point. See O. Kucherenko (2011), Little Soldiers: How Soviet Children Went to War, 1941–1945 (Oxford), p. 4. 10. E. S. Senyavskaya (1995), 1941–1945: Frontovoe Pokolenie. Istoriko- psikhologicheskoe issledovanie (Moskva); Senyavskaya (1999), Psikhologiya voiny v XX veke Istoricheskii opyt Rossii (Moskva). On mentalités, see R. D. Markwick (2006), ‘Cultural his- tory under Khrushchev and Brezhnev: from social- psychology to mentalités’, The Russian Review, 65 (2), 301. 11. See S. Kotkin (1995), Magnetic Mountain. Stalinism as a Civilization (Berkeley), esp. Ch. 5. For an overview of ‘Soviet subjectivities’ see C. Chatterjee and K. Petrone (2008), ‘Models of Selfhood and Subjectivity: The Soviet Case in Historical Perspective’, Slavic Review, 67 (4), 967–86. 12. J. Hellbeck, ‘Speaking out: Languages of Affirmation and Dissent in Stalinist Russia’, in David- Fox et al. (2003), eds., The Resistance Debate, pp. 117, 121–2. 13. For a similar approach to ‘Stalinist official culture’ see Krylova (2004), ‘Stalinist Identity from the Viewpoint of Gender’, 629. 14. See R. D. Markwick (2012), ‘The Great Patriotic war in Soviet and Post- Soviet Collective Memory’, in D. Stone, ed., The Oxford Handbook of Postwar European History (Oxford). 15. L. N. Pushkarev (2002), ‘Istochniki po izucheniyu mentaliteta uchastnikov voiny (na primere Velikoi otechestvennoi)’, Voenno- istoricheskaya antropologiya: Ezhegodnik 2002 (Moskva), p. 332. 16. See L. Viola, ‘Popular Resistance in the Stalinist 1930s: Soliloquy of a Devil’s Advocate’, in David- Fox et al. (2003), eds., The Resistance Debate, pp. 84–7. 17. S. Hynes (1998), The Soldiers’ Tale: Bearing Witness to Modern War (New York, N.Y.), pp. 15–6, 23–5. 18. See H. Kuromiya (1990), ‘Soviet Memoirs as a Historical Source’, in S. Fitzpatrick and L. Viola, eds., A Researcher’s Guide to Sources on Soviet History in the 1930s, (Armonk, N.Y. and London), pp. 233–54. 19. R. D. Markwick (2008), ‘“A Sacred duty”: Red Army Women Veterans Remembering the Great Fatherland War, 1941–1945’, Australian Journal of Politics and History, 54 (3), 404. 20. http://www.iremember.ru/ (accessed 17 October 2010). 1 The Making of the frontovichki 1. I. V. Rakobolskaya (1995), ed., Poka stuchit serdtse: Dnevniki i pisma Geroya Sovetskovo Soyuza Yevgenii Rudnevoi (Moskva), diary entry, 31 December 1936, p. 40. Henceforth PSS; the original manuscript diary is held in the Komsomol Archive, Moscow: RGASPI- M, 7/2/1088. Notes 251 2. See E. A. Wood (1997), The Baba and the Comrade: Gender and Politics in Revolutionary Russia (Bloomington); P. Vesela (2003), ‘The Hardening of Cement: Russian Women and Modernization’, NWSA Journal, 15 (3), 104–23. 3. L. Trotsky (1972), The Revolution Betrayed. What is the Soviet Union and Where is it Going? (New York), pp. 150–1. ‘Zapreshchenie abortov …’, Pravda, 28 June 1936. 4. See W. Z. Goldman (2002), Women at the Gates: Gender and Industry in Stalin’s Russia (Cambridge). 5. ‘Despite the fact that the word rodina is gendered female in Russian and was there- fore already understood as motherland, in the late 1930s the word “mother” was sometimes appended to motherland, making it even more explicit that the Soviet land was the mother of her citizens… In 1936 the “Song of the Motherland” from the movie musical Circus became the unofficial anthem of the Soviet Union’, defining ‘the Soviet nation through its natural beauty and geographical features …’ Assuming a male defender, the song’s lines declared ‘We love the motherland as we would our bride./ We protect her as we would our affectionate mother’. K. Petrone (2000), Life Has Become More Joyous Comrades: Celebrations in the Time of Stalin (Bloomington and Indianapolis), pp. 53–5. 6. C. Chatterjee, ‘Soviet Heroines and the Language of Modernity, 1930–39’, in M. Ilicˇ (2001), ed., Women in the Stalin Era (Houndmills, Basingstoke and New York), pp. 49–51; C. Chatterjee (2002), Celebrating Women: Gender, Festival Culture, and Bolshevik Ideology 1910–1939 (Pittsburgh), pp. 135–6. 7. On ‘strong women’ see S. Fitzpatrick and Y. Slezkine (2000), eds., In the Shadow of Revolution: Life Stories of Russian Women from 1917 to the Second World War (Princeton, New Jersey), p. 9. 8. E. S. Senyavskaya (1995), 1941–1945. Frontovoe pokolenie: Istoriko- psikhologicheskoe issledovanie (Moskva), p. 36. On the ‘frontline generation’ as the first of three generations who went to the war see M. Edele (2008), Soviet Veterans of the Second World War: A Popular Movement in an Authoritarian Society 1941–1991 (Oxford), pp. 13–5. 9. Chatterjee (2001), ‘Soviet Heroines’, p. 52; S. Fitzpatrick (1979), ‘Stalin and the Making of a New Elite, 1928–1939’, Slavic Review, 38 (3), 377–402. 10. Senyavskaya (1995), 1941–1945. Frontovoe pokolenie, p. 77. 11. ‘Stalin’s 1931 speech to industrial managers’ in D. Christian (1994), Imperial Power and Soviet Russia: Power, Privilege and the Challenge of Modernity, 2nd edn. (Melbourne), p. 267. 12. A. Moll- Sawatzki (2002), ‘Dobrovolno na front? Molodye zhenschiny mezhdu motivatsiei i mobilizatsiei’, in P. Jahn (2002), ed., Mascha ϩ Nina ϩ Katjuscha: Frauen in der Roten Armee 1941–45/Zhenshchiny-voennosluzhashchie (Berlin), p. 21. 13. A. Rowley (2000), ‘Ready for Work and Defense: Visual Propaganda and Soviet Women’s Military Preparedness in the 1930s’, Minerva: Quarterly Report on Women and the Military, 3–12. 14. ‘Privet rastuyushchei sile’, Pravda, 8 March 1935. 15. ‘Sovetskaya zhenshchina’, Pravda, 4 March 1936. 16. ‘Sovetskaya zhenshchina kuet svoe schaste’, Pravda, 26 December 1936. Cf. ‘Zhenshchiny v oborone strany’, Pravda, 22 December 1936. 17. S. Fitzpatrick (1979), ‘Stalin and the Making of a New Elite, 1928–1939’, Slavic Review, 38 (3), 377–402; S. Fitzpatrick (1979), Education and Social Mobility in the Soviet Union 1921–1934 (Cambridge), pp. 235–54. 18. R. C. Allen (2005), ‘A reassessment of the Soviet industrial revolution’, Comparative Economic Studies, 47, 322; O. V. Druzhba (2000), Velikaya otechestvennaya voina v soznanii 252 Notes sovetskovo i postsovetskovo obshshesva: dynamika predstavlenii ob istoricheskom proshlom ( Rostov- na-Donu), pp.
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