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DOCUMENT RESUME Chicano Studies Bibliography
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 119 923 ric 009 066 AUTHOR Marquez, Benjamin, Ed. TITLE Chicano Studies Bibliography: A Guide to the Resources of the Library at the University of Texas at El Paso, Fourth Edition. INSTITUTION Texas Univ., El Paso. PUB DATE 75 NOTE 138p.; For related document, see ED 081 524 AVAILABLE PROM Chicano Library Services, University of Texas at El Paso, El Paso, Texas 79902 ($3.00; 25% discount on 5 or more copies) EDRS PRICE MF-$0.83 HC-$7.35 Plus Postage DESCRIPTORS Audiovisual Aids; *Bibliographies; Books; Films; *library Collections; *Mexican Americans; Periodicals; *Reference Materials; *University Libraries IDENTIFIERS Chicanos; *University of Texas El Paso ABSTRACT Intended as a guide to select items, this bibliography cites approximately 668 books and periodical articles published between 1925 and 1975. Compiled to facilitate research in the field of Chicano Studies, the entries are part of the Chicano Materials Collection at the University of Texas at El Paso. Arranged alphabetically by the author's or editor's last name or by title when no author or editor is available, the entries include general bibliographic information and the call number for books and volume number and date for periodicals. Some entries also include a short abstract. Subject and title indices are provided. The bibliography also cites 14 Chicano magazines and newspapers, 27 audiovisual materials, 56 tape holdings, 10 researc°1 aids and services, and 22 Chicano bibliographies. (NQ) ******************************************14*************************** Documents acquired by ERIC include many informal unpublished * materials not available from other sources. ERIC makes every effort * * to obtain the best copy available. -
Consortium for the National Equal Justice Library Oral History Collection Interview With
Consortium for the National Equal Justice Library Oral History Collection Interview with David Hall Conducted by Alan Houseman May 7, 2015 CNEJL: Hall oral history recorded 2015-05-07 Page 1 of 14 Alan Houseman: This is an oral history of David Hall, who's the executive director of Texas Rio Grande Legal Aid. The interviewer is Alan Houseman for the National Equal Justice Library. Today is May 7, 2015. Alan Houseman: David, tell me a little about your background: where you grew up, where you went to law school, how you got into legal aid work? David Hall: I grew up in a middle class home in Baytown, Texas. That's outside of Houston. Went to Robert E. Lee High School, which was right across the tracks from George Washington Carver High School. Perfectly segregated Southern background. My mother is from here in Travis County, and is of the first Anglo settlers in Travis County, so we go way back in Texas. I came up here to Austin, to the University of Texas undergraduate school in 1960, graduated in '64, went to law school, got married, went to the Peace Corps in Venezuela, learned some Spanish. Got out, came back and finished up law school. My last year of law school I spent pestering the old regional office of OEO that was here in Austin about when they were going to get something called Texas Rural Legal Aid (TRLA) organized. David Hall: Jim DeAnda was the principal functionary for the TRLA at the time. He was trying to get it organized under the auspices of the Texas Trial Lawyers Association, the plaintiffs bar. -
This Item Is a Finding Aid to a Proquest Research Collection in Microform
This item is a finding aid to a ProQuest Research Collection in Microform. To learn more visit: www.proquest.com or call (800) 521-0600 This product is no longer affiliated or otherwise associated with any LexisNexis® company. Please contact ProQuest® with any questions or comments related to this product. About ProQuest: ProQuest connects people with vetted, reliable information. Key to serious research, the company has forged a 70-year reputation as a gateway to the world’s knowledge – from dissertations to governmental and cultural archives to news, in all its forms. Its role is essential to libraries and other organizations whose missions depend on the delivery of complete, trustworthy information. 789 E. Eisenhower Parkway ■ P.O Box 1346 ■ Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 ■ USA ■ Tel: 734.461.4700 ■ Toll-free 800-521-0600 ■ www.proquest.com A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of Research Collections in Latino Studies Microfilms from Major Archival and Manuscript Collections Latino Civil Rights During the Carter Administration Part 1: Records of the White House Office of Hispanic Affairs, 1979–1981 Series B: Files of Gilbert Colón, Raul Robert Tapia, Miriam Cruz, Armando Rendon, and Hilda Solis A UPA Collection from Cover: Mexican President José López Portillo, Jimmy Carter, Mrs. López Portillo, and Rosalynn Carter, February 14, 1977. Photo courtesy of National Archives and Records Administration. Research Collections in Latino Studies Microfilms from Major Archival and Manuscript Collections Latino Civil Rights During the Carter Administration Part 1: Records of the White House Office of Hispanic Affairs, 1979–1981 Series B: Files of Gilbert Colón, Raul Robert Tapia, Miriam Cruz, Armando Rendon, and Hilda Solis Guide by Mark A. -
The United Colors of Low-Wage Workers
Black and Brown: The United Colors of Low-Wage Workers By Stephen Lerner onventional wisdom holds that tensions between Black and Latino workers are on the rise as the two ethnic C groups compete for the same low-wage service sector jobs in many of our nation’s big cities. But recent success- ful efforts by both groups of workers, to form unions and organize for pay increase and health insurance, show that workers and leaders from both communities are crossing racial lines to help improve the very jobs that they are supposed to be fighting over. In high-profile strikes this year by Service behind the bleak economic outlook are not other Employees International Union (SEIU) janitors in ethnic groups, but the large corporations that are Houston and Miami, Black and “brown” national driving our nation’s service economy. leaders united to support a largely immigrant A lot of attention is given to the fact that the workforce. Dozens of African American leaders— service sector currently drives the overall American many of them veterans of the civil rights movement economy, but what is often ignored is the fact that of the 1960s and leaders in the ongoing struggle the real estate sector drives the service economy. The 33 against racism and discrimination, such as Rev. entities that own, control, and invest in office James M. Lawson and Charles Steele, Jr.—lent their buildings and shopping malls—companies like support to help mostly Latino workers win better Goldman Sachs and JP Morgan Chase—either jobs, using many of the same non-violent, civil dis- directly or indirectly control the jobs of more than obedience tactics that helped spur the civil rights nine million service workers (janitors, security movement. -
The Chicano Movement in Houston and Texas: a Personal Memory
The Chicano Movement in Houston and Texas: A Personal Memory by Carlos Calbillo c/s 116th Annual Meeting The four major themes of “Chicanismo” are generally considered to be: (1) the power of the March 1–3, 2012 creative earth and labor upon it; (2) political transformation through collective efforts; Become a TSHA (3) strong familial ties extending back into Mesoamerican pre-history; and (4) spiritually- Member and Omni Houston Hotel influenced creative artistic imagination as reflected in the visual ARTS. Receive FREE Keynote Address: Civil Rights in Texas ell, what a long and strange trip it was, or should I say, and white ministers, priests, a rabbi or two in attendance, I Whas been. Carlos Guerra is gone, Lupe Youngblood became curious to see if I could find any Latinos in the large Registration* by Darlene Clark Hine, Ph.D., Northwestern University is gone, Poncho Ruiz, El Tigre, Ernie Valdés. And Mateo crowd. To my surprise, I found only one, other than me. Vega, if not gone, is certainly missing in action or something I walked up to him after the march and introduced like that. These names are some of the brothers; there were myself to Leonel J. Castillo. He would eventually become also sisters that I worked with in the movement beginning the first Latino in Houston elected to city-wide office as city in, for me, April 1968. controller. Subsequently, he became the first Latino com- Sessions Speakers Exhibitors The Chicano movement of the 1960s and 1970s was es- missioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, sentially a grassroots community insurrection and rebellion appointed by President Jimmy Carter. -
FARMWORKER JUSTICE MOVEMENTS (4 Credits) Syllabus Winter 2019 Jan 07, 2019 - Mar 15, 2019
1 Ethnic Studies 357: FARMWORKER JUSTICE MOVEMENTS (4 credits) Syllabus Winter 2019 Jan 07, 2019 - Mar 15, 2019 Contact Information Instructors Office, Phone & Email Ronald L. Mize Office Hours: Wed 11:30-12:30, or by Associate Professor appointment School of Language, Culture and Society 541.737.6803 Office: 315 Waldo Hall Email [email protected] Class Meeting: Wednesdays, 4:00 pm - 7:50 pm, Learning Innovation Center (LINC) 360, including three off- campus service/experiential learning sessions. The course is four credits based on number of contact hours for lecture/discussion and three experiential learning sessions. Course Description: Justice movements for farmworkers have a long and storied past in the annals of US history. This course begins with the 1960s Chicano civil rights era struggles for social justice to present day. Focus on the varied strategies of five farmworker justice movements: United Farm Workers, Farm Labor Organizing Committee, Pineros y Campesinos Unidos Noroeste, Migrant Justice, and the Coalition of Immokalee Workers. This course was co-designed with a founder of PCUN, Larry Kleinman, who actively co-leads the course as his schedule allows. The course is structured around the question of the movement and its various articulations. Together, we will cover some central themes and strategies that comprise the core of farm worker movements but the course is designed to allow you, the student, to explore other articulations you find personally relevant or of interest. This course is designated as meeting Difference, Power, and Discrimination requirements. Difference, Power, and Discrimination Courses Baccalaureate Core Requirement: ES357 “Farmworker Justice Movements” fulfills the Difference, Power, and Discrimination (DPD) requirement in the Baccalaureate Core. -
The Heart of an Industry: the Role of the Bracero Program in the Growth of Viticulture in Sonoma and Napa Counties
THE HEART OF AN INDUSTRY: THE ROLE OF THE BRACERO PROGRAM IN THE GROWTH OF VITICULTURE IN SONOMA AND NAPA COUNTIES by Zachary A. Lawrence A thesis submitted to Sonoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History Copyright 2005 By Zachary A. Lawrence ii AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION OF MASTER’S THESIS I grant permission for the reproduction of parts of this thesis without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorbs the cost and provide proper acknowledgement of authorship. Permission to reproduce this thesis in its entirety must be obtained from me. iii THE HEART OF AN INDUSTRY: THE ROLE OF THE BRACERO PROGRAM IN THE GROWTH OF VITICULTURE IN SONOMA AND NAPA COUNTIES Thesis by Zachary A. Lawrence ABSTRACT This study examines the role of the Bracero Program in the growth of Sonoma and Napa County viticulture in an attempt to understand how important bracero labor was to the industry. While most histories of the Bracero Program are nationwide or statewide in scope, this study explores the regional complexities of how and why the program was used in Sonoma and Napa Counties, how both the growers and laborers in the region felt about it, and how this was different from and similar to other regions. Government documents provided the statistics necessary to determine the demographic changes in the region due to the Bracero Program. Important primary source material that provided the human side of the story includes a number of oral history interviews I conducted, the collection of Wine Industry Oral Histories, and various regional newspaper articles. -
The Chicano Movement
The Chicano Movement By Fawn-Amber Montoya, Ph.D. The Chicano Movement represented Mexican Americans’ fight for equal rights after the Second World War. The rights that they desired included equality in education and housing, representation in voting, equal conditions in labor, and the recognition and celebration of their ethnic heritage. The Chicano Movement includes leaders such as Cesar Chavez, United Farm Workers (UFW) who worked to achieve better sanitation and wages for farm workers. Chavez advocated non violent action as the best method of achieving the goals of the UFW. He encouraged striking, boycotting, and marching as peaceful methods to achieve one’s goals. While the UFW was formed in California Chavez encouraged and participated in boycotts and strikes throughout the Southwestern United States. In New Mexico, Reyes Lopez Tijerina fought to regain lands that had been taken from Hispanics after the Mexican-American War. Tijerina believed that if the government and Anglo land owners failed to return lands unlawfully or unethically taken from Mexican Americans after the war in 1848, then Chicanos should use force. In Texas, Jose Angel Gutierrez assisted in the formation of La Raza Unida party which encouraged Mexican Americans to participate in voting, and to run for local, state, and national positions of leadership. La Raza Unida brought together Chicanos throughout the Southwest, but was most successful in Crystal City Texas, where the party was successful in electing local Chicanos to the school board. Rudulfo “Corky “ Gonzalez assisted in establishing the Crusade for Justice in Colorado. The Crusade aided high school and university students in gaining more representation at Colorado universities and establishing Chicano Studies courses and programs in high schools and universities. -
The United Farm Workers: a Translation of American Idealism C
The United Farm Workers: A Translation of American Idealism c.1973 John R. Moyer In 1962 a former migrant farm worker, naval veteran of World War II, and past organizer and director of California’s Community Service Organization moved his family to asmall town in the center of the San Joaquin Valley and began knocking on the doors of the run- down houses of farm workers. As people came to the door he told them that the only way farm workers could gain justice and human dignity was to unite in an organization strong enough to enable them to bargain with their employers. He asked them to help him build such an organization, requested a small contribution of money for operating expenses as a sign of their commitment, and promised them nothing except years of hard work. Many told him to “go to hell.” Many more shrugged their shoulders. But every now and then someone would join him in his effort. The town was Delano. The man was Cesar Estrada Chavez. Today, after ten years of struggle against the most incredible odds, Cesar Chavez is the leader of an organization of more than thirty thousand farm workers who, within the coming year, will hold their founding convention, elect officers, and officially become the first successful union of agricultural workers in the history of this nation. The forces arrayed against this small union are as formidable as ever. Thirty thousand members represent a strong and viable organization, but they are a small percentage of the one million farm workers throughout the country who struggle to gain a living at a time when agriculture has become big business and is steadily replacing people with machines. -
WHAT IS Mecha
The official national symbol of MEChA is an eagle holding a machete-like weapon and a stick of dynamite. WHAT IS MEChA The acronym MEChA stands for "Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan." or "Chicano Student Movement of Aztlan." MEChA is an Hispanic separatist organization that encourages anti-American activities and civil disobedience. The radical members of MEChA who refer to themselves as "Mechistas," romanticize Mexican claims to the "lost Territories" of the Southwestern United States -- a Chicano country called Aztlan. In its national constitution, MEChA calls for self-determination by its members to liberate Aztlan. MEChA's national constitution starts out: "Chicano and Chicana students of Aztlán must take upon themselves the responsibilities to promote Chicanismo within the community, politicizing our Raza with an emphasis on indigenous consciousness to continue the struggle for the self-determination of the Chicano people for the purpose of liberating Aztlán." These anti-American "Mechistas" live with the false illusion that they are being racially discriminated against because they are Latinos while totally dismissing the idea that maybe it is their ideology that is being discriminated against. At the MEChA National Conference on March 15 - 18, 2001, the official "MEChA Philosophy" was ratified. An excerpt from the document states: "as Mechistas, we vow to work for the liberation of Aztlan." The MEChA Clubs on each of the Santa Barbara high school campuses are not the only ones. MEChA groups exist on 90 percent of the public high school, college and university campuses in the Southwestern United States. WHAT IS AZTLAN? The myth of Aztlan can best be explained by California's Santa Barbara School District's Chicano Studies textbook, "The Mexican American Heritage" by East Los Angeles high school teacher Carlos Jimenez. -
RACE and the NEWS Coverage of Martin Luther King Day and Dia De Los Muertos in Two California Dailies
RACE AND THE NEWS Coverage of Martin Luther King Day and Dia de los Muertos in two California dailies Regina M. Marchi News coverage of multicultural celebrations has been categorized as stereotypical and apolitical*portraying racial minorities in festive, non-threatening ways that appeal to Anglo audiences without challenging the political system that oppresses people of color. Analyzing 10 years of Martin Luther King Day and Day of the Dead celebration coverage in the Los Angeles Times and the San Francisco Chronicle, this paper concludes that a significant number of celebration stories discuss serious political issues affecting people of color in ways that contradict the assumptions of racial equality and peaceful coexistence generally associated with multi- cultural projects. Because of the ‘‘sphere of consensus’’ status of these ‘‘soft’’ news stories, non-elite sources and oppositional perspectives are prominent in ways that are not typical of ‘‘hard’’ political news. KEYWORDS multiculturalism; non-elite sources; public rituals; race in the news; racial stereotypes; soft news; sphere of consensus Introduction News coverage of multicultural celebrations is widely considered to be apolitical because of its focus on children, family entertainment, and ‘‘exotic’’ cultural performances that stand out from the everyday conventions of mainstream Anglo Americans. Such news falls within the journalistic realm of the ‘‘sphere of consensus,’’ which Dan Hallin defines as ‘‘the region of motherhood and apple pie: in its bounds lie those social objects not regarded by journalists and by most of the society as controversial’’ (1994, p. 53). Typically accompanied by photos, news on ethnic festivals such as Chinese New Year, Native American pow-wows, or Cinco de Mayo has evolved from relatively rare (pre-1980s)1 to routine fare at newspapers across the United States. -
Ethnic Competition for Control of Schools in Two South Texas Towns. PUB DATE Aug 74 NOTE 521P.; Ph.D
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 101 867 RC 008 282 AUTHOR Post, Donald Eugene TITLE Ethnic Competition for Control of Schools in Two South Texas Towns. PUB DATE Aug 74 NOTE 521p.; Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Texas EDRS PRICE MF-$0.92 HC-$26.02 PLUS POSTAGE DESCRIPTORS Administrative Personnel; *Anglo Americans; Boards of Education; Conflict; Doctoral Theses; *Ethnic Relations; Ethnology; Leadership; *Mexican Americans; *Power Structure; School District Autonomy; *Sociocultural Patterns; Socioeconomic Influences IDENTIP/EPS Chicanos; *Texas ABSTRACT The study examined the competition for control of schools between Anglos and Mexican Americans in 2 South Texas towns, The study's major objective was to describe the history of, and conceptually account for, the development of this new ethnic power struggle in which the control of schools played a primary role. Both towns, situtted in a region known for its year-round vegetable economy, shAred such demographic characteristics as population size, ethnic composition, and Anglo dominance of the economy. Among the 146 persons interviewed were past and present school board members, persons who had unsuccessfully competed for school Boardpositions, administrators, teachers, city and county officialsand Raza Unida Party members. Observations of such events as school board meetings, city council meetings, football games and practices, church services, and confrontations between the Better Government League, local Ciudadanos, Crystal City Anglos, and the Crystal City Raza Unida Party were conducted. Some findings were:(1) historically Anglos had dominated the Mexican American socially and culturally by controlling the agricultural economy;(2) both ethnic sectors perceived schools as a basic local energy source to be used as power in controlling the local physical and social environment; and (3) ethnic conflict resulted in a decrease of ',latitude" for subordinates' actions within the school domain.