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Lessons from Nigeria for Africa & Europe

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Lessons from Nigeria for Africa & Europe LESSONSFROM NIGERIAFOR AFRICA& EUROPE by Dele Oguntimoju ECONOMIC RESEARCH COUNCIL President Lord Biffen Chairman Damon de Laszlo Vice-presidents Tim Congdon Russell Lewis Brian Reading Hon. Secretary Jim Bourlet Executive Secretary Professor Peter D;ivison MEMBERSHIP IDENTITY AND DEVELOPMENT: Membership of the Economic Research Council is open to all who are in sympathy with its declared objects. The niininiuin anntwl suhscription for Lessons from Nigeria for Africa & Europe individual members is €25 for full members, €15 for Associate meinhers. and Student members €10. Corporate membership is open to all companies and other hodies, minimum annual subscription €55 (Educational institutions 540) in respect of which they may send up to six nominees to any of the Council’s discussi(in meetings end lectures. Executive Committee 1 Damon de Laszlo (Chairman) Dulcibel McKenzie Tony Baron Christopher Meakin Jim Bourlet John Mills Peter Davison Alan B. Parker Peter L. Griffiths John T. Warburton Dele Oguntimoju Roben McGarvcy 2002 This paper is published by the Economic Research Council, but menibers of the Council are not necessarily conimitted to the concIusio~is. CONTENTS Page Foreword V Introduction 1 Identity and Development 5 Forming a Settled Identity 6 Settled Identity in Nigeria and Europe 9 Settled Identity and Deiiiocracy 14 Settled Identity and the Enterprise Culture 17 A Political Solution to a Political Problem 19 The Movement for National Reformation and a New Constitution for Nigeria 22 Nigeria and its Nationalities 25 Constructive Diversity 25 Languages 26 The Structure of the Federation 26 Allowing for Changes 30 Constitutional Arrangements for the Regions 31 Union Institutions 32 Parliamentary or Presidential 32 Head of State and Chief Executive 37 ! House of Nationalities 38 Keeping Representatives Representative 39 Number of Lawmakers 39 Mineral and Natural Resources 39 The Citizen and the State 41 i National Defence 42 Policing 43 Anticipated Outcomes 44 Biographical Note 47 FOREWORD I have read ‘Identity and Development’ with the greatest interest and pleasure, for I am none other than the “one Sir Peter Smithers” referred to early on in the paper. After being an ‘umpire’ for the Ghanaian vote on independence Iwas Parliamentary Private Secretary to the Secretary of State for the Colonies throughout the negotiations which established the Nigerian Constitution. In those far off days the problems of setting tip an independent political structure of disparate elements were little understood. The administrative structure of Nigeria was functioning under the Colonial Office with admirable efficiency. There were plenty of experienced and able Nigerian civil servants. This was an achievement which HMG wished to pass intact as a functioning administrative system to the new rulers. So far as Ican remember the break-up of the system into its separate ethnic parts or groups of such was never seriously considered. In the post-war period we in Europe had much to learn about federution. Many people mistakenly thought that the model of the USA could be followed in Europe. In the passage quoted from her book, on page 7, Margaret Thatcher gives the difference between the establishment of a federation in the USA and in Europe as the existence in the former of ‘a ~oininonlanguage, culture and values’, whereas in Europe of the post war none of the three were to be found. More important in my opinion is the fact that immigrants going to the United States went there in order to discard their nationality of origin and intending to become Americans. I cannot think of any country in Europe of which, nircfarismrrrcrndis, this was true in 1949 or of which it is true now. Is it true today of the many very different ethnic communities that compose post-colonial Nigeria? I do not know but I very much doubt it. The model ofthe EU, the origins of which lie 52 years behind us, is therefore particularly relevant to the future of Nigeria, and the imponant questions to be asked are, therefore, ‘Has it worked so Far and is it likely to arrive at a These are not the attributes of a complex Federation or of a Regional fully functioning federal structure?’ To the first part ofthc question one may Organisation, in either of which many decisions are the result of prolonged answer with a clear and indisputable ‘yes’. The Treaty of Rome has brought negotiation between conflicting interests and are often deadlocked. many indisputable benefits to the member states of the EU. Dedicated federalists will answer the second part of the question by saying that the The EU and Nigeria were both established in an age when ‘big was ultimate development of a fully-fledged federation is necessary and beautiful’. The EU, it was hoped, would be even bigger than the US and inevitable. Having had experience of the process of European Unity since hence even more ‘beautiful’. Nigeria, a composite of many elements, would the foundations were laid in 1949 when the steps were taken to set up the be a big powerful and wealthy state, an element of stability in post-colonial first Regional Political Organization in Europe, I do not personally share that Africa. But on 11th September we saw that a private individual, with a opinion, I believe that the process has already been carried beyond the limits budget which was small compared to the results achieved, could oblige the of what is practicable. given the existing differences in culture, language and world’s remaining super-power to completely revise its defence policy and society of its various component parts. The EU has, in my opinion, reached scrap much of its equipment and training at a cost of many billions ofdollars. deadlock so far as completion of the federal structure is concerned. Even so the ability of the US to prevent attacks in the future remains in Committed federalists will disagree emphatically, but then. this is the kind doubt. of disagreement which politicians are called upon to resolve. We now live in a new world in which every government, business and many No direct comparisons between Europe and Africa c:ui give us an exact private individuals will be required to make radical changes to the way in answer to what will and will not work in the latter. But the circumstances of which they operate. In the new circumstances where big is not necessarily Europe and of Nigeria have so many similarities from a politic;il point of beautiful and may be quite the opposite, small begins to look rather pretty. view that a careful look at the development of the EU can tell LIS much about The assumptions under which post-colonial Nigeria was set up are no longer the problems of creating a successful Federation in Nigeria. necessarily valid. and a radical re-examination of the options which are open to Nigerians in the new circumstances is now imperative. This paper is a There is. however, a new dimension in the world of today with which the valuable basic document and an important first step upon a difficult, complex EU, Nigeria and all national governments will be obliged to come to terms. and extremely important inquiry. For many years I predicted that with the advance of technology governments would lose control of events. The vacuum thus caused would inevitably be I PETER SMITHERS filled by the evolution of a system independent of Governments and over IN DI PRADON 19 ! which they would have no control. They would be sub-systems of it and 692 I-VICO MORCOTE I I therefore dependent upon it. The new system, global and based upon SWITZERLAND advanced electronics, in due course made its appearance, :I spontaneous growth resulting from the activities of millions of businesses and individuals Tel: ++ (41) 91-996-1973 e-mail: [email protected] Fax: ++ (41) 91-996-2504 and governed only by ‘natural law’, of which the survival of the fittest is a I principal rule. Sir Peter Smithers was Secretary-General of the Council of Europe from 1964 - 1969. ‘I The secret of survival in the new system, where action is instantaneous, is 11 agility and speed in decision-making and prompt subsequent implementation. i INTRODUCTION I The starting point for Dele Oguntimoju’s paper is the connection between I economic development and political legitimacy. He argues that for a 1 national economy to function properly (or, in the case of a post-colonial state, gain lift-oft), a basic affinity must exist between the people and their political institutions. More than that, there must be a sense of identification between the citizens and the nation they belong to - and which they should consider as belonging to them, as well. That sense of identification is not, in the strictest sense, based on pure reason. It calls to mind Pascal’s admonition to his rationalist contemporaries: the heart has reason, which reason does not understand. In the context of political institutions, that means taking account of the local, the familiar, the organic, as well as the abstract and rationalised. Indeed to fail to take account of such things is itself a form of unreason. This unreasoning rationalism is a paradox at the heart of post-colonial politics, not only in Nigeria and other African states but also in many parts of Asia and the former Soviet Empire. Oguntimoju argues persuasively that the failure of many post-colonial states to reflect their people’s identities has retarded the development of political institutions, civil society and the ccononiy. If a ‘nation’ has no organic basis at all. but is merely a scries of lines on the map, then there is no reason for its politicians, business leaders or ‘ordinary’citizens to be loyal to it and make it work.
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