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UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ Comprehending Ellipsis A UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ Comprehending Ellipsis A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Linguistics by Margaret Kroll June 2020 The Dissertation of Margaret Kroll is approved: Associate Professor Matt Wagers, chair Professor Pranav Anand Professor Adrian Brasoveanu Assistant Professor Amanda Rysling Quentin Williams Acting Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Margaret Kroll 2020 Contents Contents iii Acknowledgments ix 1 Introduction 1 2 The pragmatics of sluicing 6 2.1 Introduction . 6 2.1.1 Polarity reversals in sluicing . 6 2.1.2 Methodological preliminaries . 8 2.2 Sluicing in the literature . 10 2.2.1 e-GIVENness . 11 2.2.2 Hybrid Theories . 13 2.2.3 Inquisitive entailment . 13 2.2.4 Scopability . 15 2.3 A modified account . 16 2.3.1 The Well-Formedness Condition . 16 2.3.2 Local Givenness . 18 2.3.2.1 Context update and dynamic interpretation systems . 18 2.3.2.2 Local Givenness . 22 2.3.2.3 Application of Local Givenness . 23 2.4 Deriving polarity reversal sluices . 27 2.4.1 Polarity reversals are not semantic entailment: Neg-raising polar- ity reversals . 28 2.4.2 Polarity reversals are not syntactic: Remember polarity reversals 33 2.4.3 Polarity reversals are not bidirectional pragmatic entailment: Disjunction polarity reversals . 37 2.4.4 Polarity reversals are not entailment at LF: More disjunction . 40 2.4.5 Non-factive negative attitude verbs . 43 2.4.6 Until .................................. 45 2.4.7 Attitude holders . 47 2.4.8 Failure to license . 48 2.5 Structural constraints on sluicing . 49 iii 2.5.1 Data motivating syntactic constraints on sluicing . 50 2.5.2 Local Givenness plus structural constraints . 51 2.5.3 Structure plus pragmatics: A full picture? . 54 2.5.4 Salience . 60 2.6 Non-isomorphic sluicing . 66 2.6.1 Types of non-isomorphic sluices . 67 2.6.2 Polarity reversals cannot be reduced to non-isomorphic sluices . 69 2.6.3 Summary . 72 2.7 Conclusion . 72 3 Violating Perspicuity 75 3.1 Processing anaphoric dependencies . 76 3.1.1 Retrieval in anaphoric processing . 77 3.1.2 Locality in anaphoric processing . 83 3.2 Choosing an empirical domain . 90 3.3 Experiment 1: Ellipsis interpretation shows a subjecthood preference . 95 3.3.1 Method . 96 3.3.1.1 Methodology . 96 3.3.1.2 Participants . 96 3.3.1.3 Materials . 96 3.3.2 Procedure . 101 3.3.3 Results . 104 3.3.3.1 All Results . 104 3.3.3.2 Subject vs. Object Responses . 105 3.3.4 Discussion . 106 3.3.4.1 Plural nouns make better antecedents . 107 3.3.4.2 Subject nouns were preferred antecedents . 109 3.3.4.3 Coordinated antecedents look like split antecedents . 111 3.4 Experiment 2: Ellipsis interpretation shows a locality preference . 112 3.4.1 Method . 113 3.4.1.1 Methodology . 113 3.4.1.2 Participants . 113 3.4.1.3 Materials . 113 3.4.2 Procedure . 115 3.4.3 Results . 116 3.4.3.1 First NP Analysis . 119 3.4.3.2 Second NP Analysis . 121 3.4.3.3 Kind & Conjoined NP Analysis . 122 3.4.4 Discussion . 125 3.4.4.1 Results show a proximity preference . 125 3.4.4.2 Results show a null effect of structure . 129 3.4.4.3 Results show overall preference for Kind interpretations130 3.5 Experiment 2 items are moderately acceptable . 133 iv 3.5.1 Method . 134 3.5.1.1 Participants . 134 3.5.1.2 Materials . 134 3.5.1.3 Procedure . 135 3.5.1.4 Results . 135 3.5.1.5 Discussion . 137 4 Online ellipsis comprehension 140 4.1 Cataphoric ellipsis shows an online plausibility effect in the Maze task . 146 4.1.1 Method . 146 4.1.1.1 Methodology . 146 4.1.1.2 Participants . 149 4.1.1.3 Materials . 149 4.1.2 Procedure . 152 4.1.3 Results . 153 4.1.4 Discussion . 158 4.1.4.1 Implausible nouns were read more slowly than plausi- ble nouns . 158 4.1.4.2 Indexing processing difficulty in the maze task . 164 4.2 Self-paced reading does not show a plausibility effect . 168 4.2.1 Method . 169 4.2.1.1 Methodology . 169 4.2.1.2 Materials . 170 4.2.1.3 Participants . 170 4.2.2 Procedure . 170 4.2.3 Results . 171 4.2.4 Discussion . 173 4.3 Semantic relatedness drives reading times: Revisiting the Maze . 175 4.3.1 Method . 176 4.3.1.1 Methodology . 176 4.3.1.2 Participants . 176 4.3.1.3 Materials . 176 4.3.2 Procedure . 179 4.3.3 Results . 179 4.3.4 Discussion . 183 4.3.4.1 Noun plausibility modulates reading times to a greater degree under postcedent search . 183 4.3.4.2 Indexing processing difficulty in the maze task . 186 4.4 General Discussion . 190 4.4.1 Theoretical implications . 190 4.4.2 Methodological considerations: SPR vs. Maze . 199 4.4.3 Further questions . 200 v 5 Implicit Causality 201 5.1 NPE shows an implicit causality and object bias in the Maze task . 204 5.1.1 Method . 204 5.1.1.1 Methodology . 204 5.1.1.2 Participants . 204 5.1.1.3 Materials . 204 5.1.2 Procedure . 208 5.1.3 Results . 209 5.2 NPE shows an implicit causality and object bias in self-paced reading . 212 5.2.1 Methods . 212 5.2.1.1 Methodology . 212 5.2.1.2 Materials . 213 5.2.1.3 Participants . 213 5.2.2 Procedure . 213 5.2.3 Results . 214 5.3 General Discussion . 216 5.3.1 Implicit causality applies across anaphora and ellipsis . 216 5.3.2 Implicit causality interacts with proximity preference . 218 5.3.2.1 Question response time analysis . 218 5.3.2.2 Origin of object response bias . 224 6 Conclusion 229 6.1 Why we should look across the aisle . 229 6.2 Truth and Beauty? . 234 A Experiment 1 items 241 B Experiment 2 items 251 C Maze/SPR experimental items 257 D Implicit causality items 268 E GloVe Cosine Measures, NPE Maze Experiments 271 Bibliography 274 vi Abstract Margaret Kroll Comprehending Ellipsis This dissertation is about ellipsis, a natural language construction in which a word or phrase is understood even though it is not pronounced. This project brings together two strands of research: formal theoretical research on the relationship between the interpretation of an ellipsis site and its surrounding linguistic context, and psycholinguistics research on the processes by which we build comprehensive meaning from the silence of an ellipsis input. I argue that only by considering these two research programs together can we fully understand ellipsis as a natural language.
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