General Assembly Security Council

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

General Assembly Security Council United Nations A/73/830–S/2019/300 General Assembly Distr.: General 9 April 2019 Security Council English Original: Spanish General Assembly Security Council Seventy-third session Seventy-fourth year Agenda item 128 (f) Cooperation between the United Nations and regional and other organizations: cooperation between the United Nations and the Organization of American States Identical letters dated 8 April 2019 from the Permanent Representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General and the President of the Security Council I have the honour to draw your attention to a dangerous development expected tomorrow, 9 April 2019, at a special meeting of the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States (OAS) being held to consider “the situation in Venezuela”. As is common knowledge, and according to reports in the media since last week, the Permanent Representative of the United States of America to the Organization of American States has been stating that a draft resolution is to be submitted for consideration by the Permanent Council within days. In flagrant violation of all international laws and the Charters of the Organization of American States and the United Nations, the draft resolution aims to accept the appointment of Venezuelan diplomatic representatives and agents other than those designated by President Nicolás Maduro Moros in full exercise of his constitutional powers. The draft (see annex) is to be considered tomorrow. I wish to stress that the prospective adoption of this draft resolution holds serious implications for international law, as it threatens to establish a negative and dangerous precedent for the legal certainty surrounding the rights and privileges attached to accreditation of member States of the Organization of American States and their national Governments, as legitimate representatives of those States, as a consequence of promoting within the Organization of American States a coup organized by a group of its members, in order to establish in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela a dictatorial government that ignores not only all the public authorities of the State, but also its constitution. It should be recalled that the International Court of Justice, in a judgment delivered in 1986, indicated “there have been in recent years a number of instances of foreign intervention in one State for the benefit of forces opposed to the 19-06038 (E) 110419 110419 *1906038* A/73/830 S/2019/300 government of that State. It concludes that the practice of States does not justify the view that any general right of intervention in support of an opposition within another State exists in contemporary international law (…)”1. This means that international law provides no right or authority whatsoever for intervention in the internal affairs of another State, and that the recognition of the political opposition within a State as the “legitimate representative” of the citizens of that State is a violation of the principle of non-intervention and constitutes an illegal act against that State. That is all the more true when the interference is accompanied by the imposition of unilateral coercive measures intended to break the will of the Government that is the target of the attack. Moreover, as a report produced by the research services of the German Bundestag in February 2019 indicates, recognition of a government and its representatives – an act which cannot in itself confer legitimacy – must not be premature, particularly if the government does not have genuine authority over the territory of the State that it is claiming to govern; it would represent “a repudiation of the legitimate state authority by the recognizing state, whereby the latter incurs tortious liability under international law”. As determined by the Charter of the Organization of American States and the Inter-American Democratic Charter, any decision to suspend the rights and privileges of a member State of the Organization must be taken by an affirmative vote of at least two thirds of the member States at a special session of the General Assembly at the level of ministers for foreign affairs. Accordingly, by virtue of those treaties, whi ch are legally binding on all their signatories, the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States has absolutely no authority or power to adopt resolutions which would lead to the de facto suspension of a member State, and still less to appoint that State’s national authorities, as such an act is an inalienable right of the sovereign people of each nation. For those reasons, no decision of this magnitude has ever been adopted in the history of the Organization of American States. The adoption of the draft resolution, should that occur, would therefore not just establish a negative and dangerous precedent with implications in the future for any other State which did not yield to foreign coercion and extortion, it would also turn the Organization of American States into a platform for pressing the interests of a State’s internal political opposition with foreign Governments in the region which were determined to displace its national authorities against the sovereign will of its people. That would mark the destruction of the rule of law on an international scale. If the draft resolution were to be adopted, there would be practical implications for the legitimate Venezuelan delegation accredited to the Organization of American States and for Venezuela’s diplomatic mission to the Organization of American States, including implications for their diplomatic privileges and immunities, in the light of the hostile attitude, in practice, of the host country, which has been violating on its own territory the commitments made pursuant to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Just such an event occurred on 19 March 2019, when two buildings of the Office of the Military Attaché of the Embassy of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in the United States of America were attacked and taken by storm, along with the Consulate-General of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in New York, with the protection and support of representatives of the Department of State of the United States of America. In the light of all of these considerations, we wish to appeal to you to avoid validating an action which from any standpoint would go against the substance and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and which represents a __________________ 1 https://www.icj-cij.org/files/case-related/70/9973.pdf. 2/4 19-06038 A/73/830 S/2019/300 distortion of the genuine will of the member States of the Organization of American States. I should be grateful if you would have the present letter and its annex circulated as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 128(f), and of the Security Council. (Signed) Samuel Moncada Ambassador Permanent Representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to the United Nations 19-06038 3/4 A/73/830 S/2019/300 Annex to the identical letters dated 8 April 2019 from the Permanent Representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General and the President of the Security Council Draft resolution on the situation in Venezuela THE PERMANENT COUNCIL OF THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES, REAFFIRMING the right of the peoples of the Americas to democracy and the obligation of their Governments to promote and defend it as reflected in Article 1 of the Inter-American Democratic Charter; RECALLING that, through resolution AG/RES. 2929 (XLVIII-O/18) of June 5, 2018, the General Assembly declared that the May 20, 2018 electoral process in Venezuela lacked legitimacy for not having met the participation of all Venezuelan political actors, its failure to comply with international standards, and for being carried out without the necessary guarantees for a free, fair, transparent, and democratic process; TAKING NOTE that through resolution CP/RES. 1117 (2200/19) of January 10, 2019, the OAS underscored the constitutional authority of the democratically elected National Assembly and resolved not to recognize the legitimacy of Nicolás Maduro’s new term of office; BEARING IN MIND Article 80 of the Charter of the Organization of American States, as well as Article 3 of the Statutes of the Permanent Council; TAKING NOTE of the letter dated January 22, 2019, sent from the National Assembly of Venezuela to the Secretary General of the Organization of American States; and ACKNOWLEDGING that Nicolás Maduro’s presidential authority lacks legitimacy and that his appointees to public office consequentially lack the requisite legitimacy, RESOLVES: 1. To accept the appointment of Mr. Gustavo Tarre as Permanent Representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States. 2. To instruct the Secretary General to transmit the text of this resolution to the Secretary General of the United Nations. 4/4 19-06038 .
Recommended publications
  • Analyzing Obstacles to Venezuela's Future
    CSIS BRIEFS CSIS Analyzing Obstacles to Venezuela’s Future By Moises Rendon, Mark Schneider, & Jaime Vazquez NOVEMBER 2019 THE ISSUE Despite stiff sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and internal civil protests, Nicolas Maduro and his inner circle have resisted the pressures to negotiate an exit. Three internationally-sponsored dialogue processes and two efforts at mediated negotiations within the last five years have failed, with Maduro using the time to intensify his hold on power. Different factors are impeding a transition in Venezuela. This brief investigates challenges and opportunities to help support a transition toward democracy. It describes the possible role of a Track II diplomacy initiative to produce a feasible exit ramp for Maduro—essentially the achievement of significant progress outside of the formal negotiation process. The brief also discusses potential roles for chavistas in today’s struggle and for ‘day after’ challenges, the required elements for a transitional justice process, and the basic conditions necessary for holding free and fair elections to elect a new president. BACKGROUND undiminished support from Russia, China, and Cuba, have Amid numerous blackouts, fuel shortages impacting complicated efforts to achieve a political accord leading to a agriculture and food production, and inflation on pace democratic transition. to reach over 10 million percent by the end of 2019, Venezuela’s humanitarian, economic, and political crisis QUICK FACTS has forced more than 4 million citizens to flee their • According to the United Nations, Venezuela will homeland. That number could surge past 5 million by the have over 5.3 million refugees by the end of 2019. end of 2019.
    [Show full text]
  • “Political Persecution in Venezuela”
    Report to the Human Rights Committee of the United Nations on the occasion of the 4th Periodic Review Report of the Venezuelan State in the 114th session of June 2015, on the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights “POLITICAL PERSECUTION IN VENEZUELA” Systematization of patterns of persecution to Venezuelan political dissidents Geneva, june 2015 0 Presentation This report was prepared by the organization CEPAZ Justice and Peace Center, for the Human Rights Committee on the occasion of examination performed in Venezuela Fourth Report on the implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. This report is focused on patterns of persecution of individuals and groups for political reasons, corresponding to Articles 2, 9, 14, 19 and 25 of the Covenant. Center for Justice and Peace, CEPAZ: organization that since its creation, promotes citizen activism for human rights and has made systematic monitoring, analysis, reporting, dissemination and training on the situation of human rights in Venezuela, with the permanent references to the covenants and conventions that make up the International Human Rights System. www.cepaz.org.ve [email protected] 1 INDEX ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................................................... 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ......................................................................................................................... 6 POLITICAL PERSECUTION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON HUMAN RIGHTS ..............................................
    [Show full text]
  • Qecuador's Then-Chief Prosecutor, Ruth
    LATIN AMERICA ADVISOR A DAILY PUBLICATION OF THE DIALOGUE www.thedialogue.org Thursday, April 11, 2019 BOARD OF ADVISORS FEATURED Q&A TODAY’S NEWS Diego Arria Director, Columbus Group POLITICAL Devry Boughner Vorwerk Corporate VP, Global Corporate Affairs Will an Investigation Pence Calls on Cargill U.N. to Boot Joyce Chang Global Head of Research, Derail the Agenda of Venezuelan Envoy JPMorgan Chase & Co. U.S. Vice President Mike Pence Marlene Fernández called on the United Nations to Corporate Vice President for Ecuador’s Moreno? Government Relations, revoke the credentials of Venezu- Arcos Dorados elan President Nicolás Maduro’s Peter Hakim ambassador to the body and seat President Emeritus, the envoy of the opposition’s Juan Inter-American Dialogue Guaidó, who is internationally rec- Donna Hrinak ognized as the country’s interim President, Boeing Latin America president. Jon Huenemann Page 2 Retired VP, U.S. & Int’l Affairs, Philip Morris International James R. Jones BUSINESS Chairman, Monarch Global Strategies Prosecutors to Craig A. Kelly Director, Americas International Charge Brazil’s Gov’t Relations, Exxon Mobil Vale in Deadly John Maisto Ruth Palacios, who was replaced Monday as Ecuador’s chief prosecutor, last month announced Director, U.S. Education an investigation of President Lenín Moreno. // File Photo: Ecuadorean Government. Dam Collapse Finance Group The dam disaster killed approxi- Nicolás Mariscal mately 300 people in January. Chairman, Ecuador’s then-chief prosecutor, Ruth Palacios, announced Page 3 Grupo Marhnos last month that she had opened an investigation of President Thomas F. McLarty III Lenín Moreno and several others following an opposition Chairman, POLITICAL McLarty Associates Q lawmaker’s accusations regarding alleged links to offshore Carlos Paz-Soldan Julian Assange Partner, companies.
    [Show full text]
  • S/2019/765* Security Council
    United Nations S/2019/765* Security Council Distr.: General 23 September 2019 English Original: Spanish Letter dated 20 September 2019 from the Permanent Representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council I have the honour to write to you to denounce several dangerous actions that threaten the peace and security of Venezuela and the Latin American and Caribbean region as a whole. In a previous communication, a letter dated 6 August 2019 (S/2019/641), the Security Council was informed of the threats made by the President of the United States of America, Donald Trump, to commit an act of war by imposing a naval blockade against Venezuela. We note with concern a new attempt to fabricate an excuse for aggression using the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, to which our country is not a party. On 11 September 2019, 11 countries in the Americas (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, El Salvador, United States, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Paraguay, Dominican Republic) resolved to convene a meeting of the Organ of Consultation of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, on the grounds that the current situation in Venezuela has a “destabilizing impact” and poses a “threat to peace and security in the Hemisphere”, as may be seen from the attachment (see annex). The Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, signed in 1947 and since then never activated, is an instrument associated with the cold war, the division of the world into ideological blocs and the use of military force to maintain the hegemony of the Government of the United States of America in Latin America and the Caribbean.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Constitutional and Legal Challenges Posed by the Process of Transition Towards Democracy Decreed by the National Assembly of Venezuela, Since January 2019
    SOME CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL CHALLENGES POSED BY THE PROCESS OF TRANSITION TOWARDS DEMOCRACY DECREED BY THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF VENEZUELA, SINCE JANUARY 2019 Allan R. Brewer-Carías Emeritus Professor, Central University of Venezuela Senior Partner, Baumeister & Brewer, Law Firm (Caracas, Venezuela) I. THE ORIGIN OF THE PROCESS: THE DISRUPTION OF THE DEMOCRATIC ORDER AFTER THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION OF DECEMBER 2015 After the election of new members of the National Assembly, in December 2015, in which the Government lost the absolute majority it previously had during more than one decade, Venezuela has been immerse in a grave political crisis due to the effort of the Executive Branch of government in collusion with the Judiciary, to obstruct and suffocate the Legislative branch, crushing the opposition that legitimately controls the Assembly. Such efforts have provoked a serious alteration of the constitutional order, mainly due to the actions taken by the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Tribunal, give motives to the Secretary-General of the Organization of American States, Luis Almagro, to produce two Reports in 2016 requesting Permanent Council of the Organization, the application of Article 20 of that Charter1 because Text of the Presentation made at the Event on “Perspectives on Venezuela: Present and Future Challenges,” organized for the Launching of the New York Chapter of the Inter-American Bar Association (Federación Interamericana de Abogados), New York, 17 July 2019. 1 The first Report dated June 23, 2016, was called the Report on the situation in Venezuela in relation to compliance with the Inter-American Democratic Charter of May 30, 2016 (See the communication of the Secretary-General of the OAS of May 30, 2016 with the Report on the situation in Venezuela in relation to compliance with the Inter-American Democratic Charter, in oas.org/documents/spa/press/OSG- 243.es.pdf.
    [Show full text]
  • American Enterprise Institute What Is Next for US-Venezuela Policy? a Conversation with Sen. Rick Scott (R-FL) Introduction
    American Enterprise Institute What is next for US-Venezuela policy? A conversation with Sen. Rick Scott (R-FL) Introduction: Roger F. Noriega, AEI Opening remarks: Rick Scott, US Senate (R-FL) Discussion: Roger F. Noriega, AEI Rick Scott, US Senate (R-FL) 8:30–9:30 a.m. Thursday, April 11, 2019 Event Page: https://www.aei.org/events/what-is-next-for-us-venezuela-policy-a- conversation-with-sen-rick-scott-r-fl/ Roger F. Noriega: Good morning, everyone. Welcome to AEI. Here at AEI, we’re expanding our program covering Latin American issues, looking at important challenges for US security, opportunities for our foreign policy. And we welcome you here to be part of that to welcome Sen. Scott, who is emerging as a — well, has been — a very important leader in our country on these issues, to discuss the issue of Venezuela. Venezuela is a mafia state. It is a grave threat to regional stability and US security. President Trump deserves credit for confronting the challenge that his predecessor chose to ignore. Sixty countries have joined him in supporting Venezuela’s National Assembly and declaring Nicolás Maduro an illegitimate usurper. Interim President Juan Guaidó has rallied his people to stand up to the dictatorship. Although about a thousand members of Venezuela’s military has answered that call, that does not come close to tipping the balance against a regime which imposes its will by military force. In the meantime, the country continues to fall apart. Oil production is plummeting. Nationwide blackouts complicate the people’s daily search for fresh food, safe water, medical care, and per- sonal security.
    [Show full text]
  • Legal Opinion: Challenge to the United Nations Credentials of The
    Legal Opinion In Re: United Nations Credentials Committee Challenge to the United Nations Credentials of the Delegation of Nicolás Maduro to Represent The Government of Venezuela By Jared Genser1 Published February 1, 2019, Updated March 23, 2020 Executive Summary 1. The world has finally taken notice of the urgent crisis in Venezuela. On January 10, 2019, Nicolás Maduro appeared to have been sworn in to a second six-year term of office as President of Venezuela, but he had been elected in a poll that was widely and accurately criticized as neither free nor fair. On January 15, 2019, Venezuela’s National Assembly adopted a Declaration that carefully and specifically explained precisely why, in full accordance with Venezuela’s Constitution and its laws, Maduro was no longer President. The historic clash in Venezuela emanates not from foreign intervention but from the courage and resilience of the Venezuelan people. After suffering for years under an authoritarian Government, living in a man-made humanitarian disaster, and sacrificing their lives to rescue their democracy, they are on the cusp of breaking free from the chains of dictatorship. In fact, as described in detail in this Legal Opinion, the National Assembly had the unequivocal and exclusive legal authority to declare that Maduro had abandoned his position by circumventing the requirement that he be democratically elected. In so doing, and until a new election is held, the Constitution explicitly says the President of the National Assembly “shall take charge of the Presidency of the Republic.” It was on this basis that on January 23, 2019, Juan Guaidó was sworn in as interim President of Venezuela among hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans, who had taken to the streets to protest Maduro’s rule.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela-Dossier-Alphabetical.Pdf
    1. Cardinal Baltazar Enrique Porras Cardozo, Archbishop of Merida As Archbishop of Merida, and a Cardinal, His Eminence Cardozo represents a significant portion of the religious institutions in Venezuela, has come out against Maduro due to the regimes unwillingness to engage with Guaido and disregard for its citizens.[1] 2. Carlos Holmes Trujillo, Colombian Foreign Minister ​ ​ In office since August 2018, Trujillo has seen the ascension of chaos in neighboring Venezuela and its effect on his own country. He is also an ambassador to the Organization of American States.[2] 3. Carlos Vecchio, Charge d’Affaires of the Government of Venezuela to the United States ​ ​ Vecchio was appointed Charge d’Affaires by Guaido, a move recognized by the United States as legitimate. In this role, Vecchio has reached out to the United States- and specifically to the military- seeking American help with the political situation in Venezuela.[3] 4. Archbishop Diego Padrón, President of the Episcopal Conference of Venezuela As President of the Episcopal Conference of Venezuela, The Most Reverend Diego Padron represents much of the formal religious opposition to the Maduro regime, with implicit support support from the Pope himself [4] 5. Edgar Zambrano, Vice President of the National Assembly ​ ​ Attending the conference via passing messages following his arrest, Zambrano is among those members of the National Assembly who was arrested for their association with Guaido. He is backed by the Organization of American States and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, who demand his release. Long before his arrest he was a prominent opposition politician for the Lara State.[5] 6.
    [Show full text]
  • International Law Or International Politics? the Guaidó V. Maduro Conundrum at the Inter-American Development Bank
    University of Miami Inter-American Law Review Volume 51 Number 1 Article 6 12-18-2019 International Law or International Politics? The Guaidó v. Maduro Conundrum at the Inter-American Development Bank Félix A. Quintero Vollmer Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/umialr Part of the Law and Politics Commons Recommended Citation Félix A. Quintero Vollmer, International Law or International Politics? The Guaidó v. Maduro Conundrum at the Inter-American Development Bank, 51 U. Miami Inter-Am. L. Rev. 117 (2019) Available at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/umialr/vol51/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Miami Inter-American Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. International law or international politics? The Guaidó v. Maduro conundrum at the Inter-American Development Bank Félix A. Quintero Vollmer1 1. INTRODUCTION .................................................................118 2. THE CHALLENGES: WHICH REPRESENTATIVE, WHO DECIDES AND ON WHAT GROUNDS? .................119 3. THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK ..............................................122 3.1. Appointment of Governors ..........................................123 3.2. Appointment of Directors ...........................................124 3.3. Representation ............................................................125
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Report 2019
    CHAPTER IV.B VENEZUELA I. INTRODUCTION 1. During 2019, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (hereinafter "the Commission" or "the IACHR") continued to monitor the overall human rights situation in Venezuela and observed that grave impacts on the human rights of Venezuelans persist. The deepening of the country's political and social crisis, in a context of widespread repression, has led to the absence of the rule of law. 2. Venezuela has seen a clear break with the principle of separation of powers. This is evident in the lack of judicial independence and the National Constituent Assembly’s overreach of powers. The absence of a functioning system of checks and balances can be observed in the fact that the executive branch continues to exercise extraordinary powers and has extended the state of emergency at least 20 times since 2016, without the approval of the National Assembly, as required by the Constitution. All of this has unfolded within a structural context of persecution of dissidence, characterized by, among other things, the militarization of public security, arbitrariness, and the excessive use of force to suppress demonstrations over food shortages, cuts to public services, and scarcity of basic goods. 3. The Commission has also observed that the deterioration of the enjoyment of civil and political rights continues—particularly as regards the exercise of freedom of expression and participation in public affairs. The following conditions have continued: violent deaths during demonstrations; arbitrary detentions and
    [Show full text]
  • This Week in the Office of Senator Marco Rubio
    This Week in the Office of Senator Marco Rubio This morning, I convened a hearing titled, “Liberty City Rising: Achieving Upward Mobility through Small Business and Community Partnerships”. Read more here. On Thursday, I was proud to name Carroll Bradford Inc., of Orlando, Florida, as the Senate Small Business of the Week. Watch my video message here. On Wednesday, I met with newly appointed Venezuelan Chargé d’affaires, Carlos Vecchio, Organization of American States (OAS) Special Representative Gustavo Tarre Briceño, Congressman and Ambassador to the Lima Group Julio Borges, the Coordinator of the OAS Working Group David Smolansky, Congressman José Manuel Olivares, and Francisco Márquez. Read more here. On Monday, the U.S. Senate voted, 74-to-19, to move forward on my legislation, the Strengthening America’s Security in the Middle East Act of 2019 (S. 1). Ahead of the vote I spoke on the Senate floor on the importance of this legislation. Watch it here. On Thursday, I spoke on the on the Senate floor on the risks of a hasty withdrawal of U.S. forces from Syria and Afghanistan. Watch my full speech here. This week, I along with Senators Kyrsten Sinema (D-AZ) and Thom Tillis (R-NC), introduced the Threat Assessment, Prevention, and Safety (TAPS) Act of 2019 (S. 265), legislation that would create a task force of experts to provide recommendations for a national strategy to keep communities safe from targeted violence through threat assessment and management. Read more here. On Monday, I praised the decision by the Trump Administration to impose sanctions against the Venezuelan oil company PDVSA.
    [Show full text]
  • White Paper on the Case of Leopoldo López Mendoza
    White Paper On the Case of Leopoldo López Mendoza Citizen of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela v. Government of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela Authored By: Jared Genser1 Perseus Strategies José Antonio Maes July 16, 2020 (updated) Original Published July 21, 2014 1 Jared Genser serves as international counsel to Leopoldo López. Jose Antonio Maes previously served as López’s domestic counsel. For further information in English, contact +1 202 466 3069 or [email protected]. For information in Spanish, contact Juan Carlos Gutierrez, López’s domestic counsel, +58 412 33 217 44 or [email protected]. Perseus Strategies would like to thank Elise Baranouski, Sara Birkenthal, Michael Cullen, Chris Fletcher, Reid Kurtz, Juan Pablo Miramontes, Asma Noray, Maddie Orcutt, Charles Orta, Samuel Ritholtz, Nicole Santiago, and Juancarlos Vargas for their support. 1 Table of Contents Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................ 4 I. Biographical Information on Leopoldo López Mendoza .......................................................... 7 II. Background Context and Current Situation in Venezuela ....................................................... 12 A. Rise of Chavismo .................................................................................................................. 12 B. Protests in 2014 ...................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]